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γ ια τη

Σ τέ λ λα Δ ρ ο ύ γ ο υ

Αθ ήνα 2016
Ε ΚΔΟΣ Η Τ ΟΥ Τ ΑΜ ΕΙ ΟΥ ΑΡΧΑΙΟ ΛΟΓΙΚΩ Ν ΠΟΡΩΝ ΚΑ Ι ΑΠ ΑΛ ΛΟΤΡΙΩΣ ΕΩΝ ἠχάδιν II
ἠχάδιν II
Επιστημονική Επιτροπή

Ακαμάτης Ιωάννης
Καθηγητής Κλασικής Αρχαιολογίας, Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης

Βουτυράς Εμμανουήλ
Καθηγητής Κλασικής Αρχαιολογίας, Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης

Θέμελης Πέτρος
Ομότιμος Καθηγητής Κλασικής Αρχαιολογίας, Πανεπιστήμιο Κρήτης.
Διευθυντής Ανασκαφών Αρχαίας Μεσσήνης

Σημαντώνη-Μπουρνιά Ευαγγελία
Ομότιμος Καθηγήτρια Κλασικής Αρχαιολογίας, Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών

Σμιτ-Δούνα Μπάρμπαρα
Καθηγήτρια Κλασικής Αρχαιολογίας, Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης

Τιβέριος Μιχάλης
Ακαδημαϊκός, Ομότιμος Καθηγητής Κλασικής Αρχαιολογίας, Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης

Τουράτσογλου Ιωάννης
Επίτιμος Διευθυντής Νομισματικού και Εθνικού Αρχαιολογικού Μουσείου

ἠχάδιν II
Επιμέλεια κειμένων: Ελένη Κώτσου

Σχεδιασμός, σελιδοποίηση, επεξεργασία εικόνων: ΣΗΜΑΕΚΔΟΤΙΚΗ

Εκτύπωση - Βιβλιοδεσία: ACCESS Γραφικές Τέχνες Α.Ε.

Η μετάφραση των κειμένων στην αγγλική, συμπεριλαμβανομένων και των περιλήψεων,

έχει γίνει με ευθύνη των συγγραφέων.

Μετάφραση περιλήψεων άρθρων Λ. Παλαιοκρασσά, Ί. Τζαχίλη: Δ. Δούμας

© 2016 Υπουργείο Πολιτισμού και Αθλητισμού

Ταμείο Αρχαιολογικών Πόρων και Απαλλοτριώσεων
Πανεπιστημίου 57, 105 64 Αθήνα, www.tap.gr

ISBN 978-960-386-290-1
Ηχάδιν Ι: 978-960-386-291-8
Ηχάδιν ΙΙ: 978-960-386-292-5
 Τιμητικός τόμος
για τη

Στέλλα Δρούγου

Επιμέλεια

Μιμίκα Γιαννοπούλου
Χρυσάνθη Καλλίνη

II

Αθήνα 2016
ΕΚΔΟΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΤΑΜΕΙΟΥ ΑΡΧΑΙΟΛΟΓΙΚΩΝ ΠΟΡΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΠΑΛΛΟΤΡΙΩΣΕΩΝ ἠχάδιν II
ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ
ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ

1-4 ΓΕΝΙΚΕΣ ΣΥΝΤΟΜΟΓΡΑΦΙΕΣ

6-26 — Μανακίδου Ελένη «Συνέφηβοι» και «παῖδες ἡλικιῶται» σε ομαδικές δραστηριότητες στις
κύλικες του Ζωγράφου της Βρισηίδος, του Ζωγράφου της Δοκιμασίας και
του Ζωγράφου του Τριπτόλεμου

28-46 — Μανακίδου Φλώρα Δεινὴ θήλεια μετ᾽ ἄρσεσι. Παρατηρήσεις πάνω στην εξύμνηση της Βερενίκης
Α΄ και της Αρσινόης Β΄ (Θεόκριτος, Ποσείδιππος και Καλλίμαχος)

48-72 — Manoledakis Manolis From Macedonia to Anatolia. Some comments on the Phrygians and their
migration

74-92 — Μαχαίρα Βασιλική Μικρά αγάλματα από την Κοινότητα του Σιδηροδρομικού Σταθμού Αγγί-
στης του νομού Σερρών. Συμβολή στην ελληνιστική εικονογραφία της πλα-
στικής από τη Βόρειο Ελλάδα

94-108 — Μιλτσακάκης Γεώργιος Βεργίνα. Χρονικό-προσέγγιση της σχεδίασης του λυχνούχου με τις ... 3.500
τρύπες

110-136 — Μισαηλίδου-Δεσποτίδου Βασιλική Ένας μνημειακός μονοθάλαμος τάφος στο νεκροταφείο της Νέας Φιλα-
δέλφειας

138-152 — Mitsopoulos-Leon Veronika Die zweihenkeligen Tassen. Überlegungen zu einer besonderen Form

154-194 — Mitsopoulou Christina Two Eleusinian Cult Vases from Alexandria, Egypt

196-210 — Μουστάκα Aλίκη Θεσσαλία - Μεγάλη Ελλάδα: σχέσεις αλληλεπίδρασης σύμφωνα με νομι-
σματικές και αρχαιολογικές μαρτυρίες

212-222 — Μπαντίνου Παναγιώτα «Ἀλεκτρυόνων ἀγὼν» σε μελανόμορφο αττικό αλάβαστρο

224-244 — Μποσνάκης Δημήτρης, Ένας κρατήρας τύπου Falaieff από την Κω

Ειρήνη Παπανικολάου

246-264 — Ξυδόπουλος Ιωάννης Τα ανατολικά σύνορα της Μακεδονίας επί Αλεξάνδρου Α΄

266-286 — Paleothodoros Dimitris Boeotian vases abroad

288-310 — Παλαιοκρασσά-Κόπιτσα Λυδία Αμφορέας από την οδό Πειραιώς στην Αθήνα

312-334 — Panagou Tania Transport amphoras and their contents

336-346 — Πίκουλας Γιάννης Η Ἀλεξάνδρου Κλῖμαξ

348-368 — Πλάντζος Δημήτρης «Ξεθάβουν τώρα τὰ ἀγάλματα»

Οι αισθητήριες αρχαιολογίες του Γιώργου Σεφέρη

370-386 — Πλιάκου Γεωργία Ανάγλυφοι σκύφοι από ελληνιστική αγροικία στην «Επισκοπή» Ιωαννίνων

388-404 — Πρέκα-Αλεξανδρή Καλλιόπη Ο σιδερένιος τρίποδας από το Πρυτανείο των Γιτάνων

406-418 — Rotroff Susan An Ancient Milk Pail in Athens

420-438 — Σαατσόγλου-Παλιαδέλη Χρυσούλα Τα μαρμάρινα από τη θόλο του ανακτόρου των Αιγών ΙΙ: τα θραύσματα
με ανάγλυφη αρχιτεκτονική διακόσμηση

440-464 — Σαββοπούλου Θωμαΐς Μετάλλινος κάνθαρος από την Ευρωπό

466-484 — Σημαντώνη-Μπουρνιά Eυαγγελία Ελληνιστική κεραμική από τη Νάξο. Η μαρτυρία των Υρίων

486-508 — Sideris Athanasios Toreutics in Macedonia: confronting Contextual Evidence, Stylistic Analysis
and Unprovenanced Objects

510-518 — Simon Erika Eine Allegorie im Zentrum des Parthenonfrieses

ἠχάδιν II
ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ

520-528 — Σμιτ-Δούνα Μπάρμπαρα Αγαλμάτιο κοριτσιού στο Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο της Θεσσαλονίκης

530-538 — Stern E. Marianne Distaff, wool, and epinetron

540-556 — Themelis Petros Messene. From the Hellenistic to the Roman City

558-578 — Τζαναβάρη Κατερίνα Χάλκινες οινοχόες ελληνιστικών χρόνων από το νεκροταφείο της αρχαίας
Λητής

580-592 — Τζανακάκη Κατερίνα Τεχνοτροπικές και εικονογραφικές παρατηρήσεις στο ερυθρόμορφο θραύ-
σμα Π 1479 του Αρχαιολογικού Μουσείου Χανίων

594-606 — Τζαχίλη Ίρις Yφάσματα και σύμβολα στην Λυκόσουρα της Αρκαδίας τον 2ο αι. π.Χ.

608-620 — Τιβέριος Μιχάλης Διονυσιακές πομπές και Κορυμβοφόροι στύλοι

622-638 — Τουράτσογλου Ιωάννης Hρακλής (Αλέξανδρος) Κυναγίδας

640-648 — Τρακατέλλη Λυδία-Αντωνία Μαρμάρινη κεφαλή γυναικείας μορφής από το οικόπεδο Τσακιρίδη στη
Βεργίνα

650-676 — Τρακοσοπούλου-Σαλακίδου Ελένη Tαφή κόρης στο Καραμπουρνάκι Θεσσαλονίκης. Αττική κύλικα τύπου Αγί-
ου Βαλεντίνου και άλλα ευρήματα

678-694 — Τριαντάφυλλος Διαμαντής, Μετάλλινα αγγεία των κλασικών και πρώιμων ελληνιστικών χρόνων από
Τερζοπούλου Δόμνα την αιγαιακή Θράκη

696-710 — Τσάκος Κωνσταντίνος Λίθινες μήτρες για μεταλλικά κοσμήματα από την αρχαία Σάμο

712-724 — Tselekas Panagiotis Philip II in Olympia. An old coin find revealed anew

726-740 — Τσιαφάκη Δέσποινα Ο Φινέας στην αττική αγγειογραφία

742-754 — Τσιγαρίδα Ελισάβετ-Μπεττίνα Οκταεδρικά αγγεία από το ιερό του Απόλλωνα-Ήλιου στα Νέα Ρόδα Χαλ-
κιδικής

756-784 — Τσιμπίδου-Αυλωνίτη Μαρία Ένα αδιατάρακτο ταφικό σύνολο του 4ου αι. π.Χ. στο Λάκκωμα Χαλκι-
δικής

786-806 — Φίλης Κώστας Εμπορικοί αμφορείς: από την παραγωγή μέχρι την κατανάλωση

808-822 — Vogeikoff-Brogan Natalia A Bes-Silenus Plastic Vase in the Ierapetra Archaeological Collection: the
Egyptian Connection

824-834 — Wehgartner Irma Antiker Schmuck aus dem nördlichen Schwarzmeergebiet im Martin von
Wagner Museum

836-854 — Χαραμή Αλεξάνδρα Παιδική ταφή ελληνιστικών χρόνων από την νεκρόπολη της αρχαίας Ακραι-
φίας στην Βοιωτία

856-862 — Χρυσανθάκη-Nagle Κατερίνα Ένα νέο τετράδραχμο του νομισματοκοπείου των Αβδήρων

864-876 — Χρυσοστόμου Αναστασία Ανάγλυφη λήκυθος από το Δυτικό Νεκροταφείο του Αρχοντικού Πέλλας

878-906 — Χρυσοστόμου Παύλος Πεζών-ανδρών και ίππων δρόμος στη Μακεδονία

ἠχάδιν II
ΓΕΝΙΚΕΣ ΣΥΝΤΟΜΟΓΡΑΦΙΕΣ
2 ΣΥΝΤΟΜΟΓΡΑΦΙΕΣ

Στον παρόν έργο εκτός των καθιερωμένων συντομογραφιών που αναφέρονται

στο Archäologischer Anzeiger 2005 ακολουθούνται και οι παρακάτω:

AArchArtHist = Institutum Romanum Norvegiae: Acta ad Archaeologiam et Artium Historiam Pertinentia

ABV = J. D. BEAZLEY, Attic black-figure vase-painters, New York 1978
Add 2 = A. D. CARPENTER et al. (eds), Addenda2. Additional references to ABV, ARV2 and
Paralipomena
AF = Archäologische Forschungen
AG = Antike Gemmen
Agora XII = B. A. SPARkES, L. TALCOTT, Black and Plain Pottery of the 6th, 5th and 4th centuries
B.C. The Athenian Agora XII, Princeton, New Jersey 1970
Agora XXIX = S. I. ROTROFF, Hellenistic Pottery. Athenian and Imported Wheelmade Table Ware and
Related Material. The Athenian Agora XXIX, Princeton, New Jersey 1997
Agora XXX = M. B. MOORE, Attic Red-figured and White-ground Pottery. The Athenian Agora XXX,
Princeton, New Jersey 1997
AJAH = American Journal of Ancient History
AntPl = Antike Plastik
ARV 2 = J. D. BEAZLEY, Attic red-figure vase-painters, Oxford 1963
BAR = British Archaeological Records, Archaeopress
BARD = Beazley Archive Pottery Database <www.beazley.ox.ac.uk>
BASP = Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists
BEFAR = Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome
BICS = Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the University of London
Brill’s, New Pauly = Brill’s New Pauly, New Pauly Online, Brill Reference, BrillOnline
<referenceworks.brillonline.com/cluster/NewPaulyOnline>
CCCA = Corpus Cultus Cybelae Attidisque
CIL = Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum
Classical Archaeology XII = Proceedings of the XII International Congress of Classical Archaeology, Athens 4-
10.9.1983, Athens 1988
Companion to Ancient Macedonia = J. ROISMAN, I. WORTHINgTON (eds), A Companion to Ancient Macedonia. Blackwell
Companions to the Ancient World 84, Wiley- Blackwell, 2011
CVA = Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum
Corinth XIII = C. W. BLEgEN, H. PALMER, R. S. YOUNg, The North Cemetery, Corinth XIII, Princeton,
New Jersey 1964
DAGR = C. DAREMBERg, E. SAgLIO, Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines, 10 vols,
Paris, 1877-1919
EAD = Exploration archéologique de Délos
ÉPRO = Études preliminaires aux religions orientales dans l’Empire romain
ÉtThas = Études Thasiennes
FdD = Fouilles de Delphes
FGrHist = Fragmente Griechischer Historiker
GDI = Sammlung der Griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften
Herom = Journal of Hellenistic and Roman Material Culture
HSCP = Harvard Studies in Classical Philology

ἠχάδιν II
ΣΥΝΤΟΜΟΓΡΑΦΙΕΣ 3

IC = Inscriptiones Creticae
ICS = Illinois Classical Studies
IG = Inscriptiones Graecae
IGCH = M. THOMPSON, O. MøRkHOLM, C. M. kRAAY, An Inventory of Greek Coin Hoards
IMT KyzKapuDağ = Inschriften Mysia and Troas [IMT], M. BARTH, J. STAUBER (eds), Leopold Wenger
Institut, Universität München, Version of 25.8.1993 (Ibycus). Packard Humanities
Institute CD 7, 1996. -Mysia, «kyzikene, kapuDağ»
IPArk = g. THÜR, H. TAEUBER (eds), Prozessrechtliche Inschriften der griechischen Poleis:
Arkadien, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische
klasse, Sitzungsberichte, 607, Wien 1994
Kadmos = Zeitschrift für vor- und frühgriechische Epigraphik
Kernos = Revue international et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique
LGPN = P. M. Fraser, E. Matthews (eds), Α Lexicon of Greek Personal Names
LIMC = Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae
LSJ = H. g. LIDDELL, R. SCOTT, H. S. JONES, A Greek-English Lexicon, 9th edition, 1987
MBAH = Marburger Beiträge zur antiken Handels-, Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte
NEA = New Eastern Archaeology
ΝΝΜ = Numismatic Notes and Monographs
OGIS/OGI = Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones
OlBer = Olympische Berichte
OlF = Olympische Forschungen
Para = D. BEAZLEY, Paralipomena: additions to Attic black-figure vase-painters and to Attic
red-figure vase-painters (second edition), Oxford 1971
PATABS = Production and Trade of Amphorae in the Black Sea
PIR = Prosopographia Imperii Romani
SEG = Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum
SIG = Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum
SNG = Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum
ThesCRA = Thesaurus Cultus e Rituum Antiquorum, The J. Paul getty Museum, Los Angeles

Α´ ΕλλΚερ = Α´ Επιστημονική Συνάντηση για την ελληνιστική κεραμική, Ιωάννινα 1986,

Ιωάννινα 1989, Ρόδος 20002
ΑΕΘΣΕ = Το Αρχαιολογικό έργο στη Θεσσαλία και τη Στερεά Ελλάδα
ΑΕΜΘ = Το Αρχαιολογικό Έργο στη Μακεδονία και Θράκη
ΑΜΘ = Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο Θεσσαλονίκης
Αρχαία Μακεδονία II = Aνακοινώσεις κατά τo δεύτερο Διεθνές Συμπóσιo, Θεσσαλoνίκη 21-25 Σεπτεμ-
βρίoυ 1977, Θεσσαλονίκη 1983
Αρχαία Μακεδονία III = Aνακοινώσεις κατά τo τρίτo Διεθνές Συμπóσιo, Θεσσαλoνίκη 21-25 Σεπτεμβρίoυ
1977, Θεσσαλονίκη 1983
Αρχαία Μακεδονία IV = Aνακοινώσεις κατά τo τέταρτο Διεθνές Συμπóσιo, Θεσσαλoνίκη 21-25 Σεπτεμ-
βρίoυ 1983, Θεσσαλονίκη 1986
Αρχαία Μακεδονία V = Aνακοινώσεις κατά τo πέμπτο Διεθνές Συμπóσιo, Θεσσαλoνίκη 21-25 Σεπτεμ-
βρίoυ 1989, Θεσσαλονίκη 1993

ἠχάδιν II
4 ΣΥΝΤΟΜΟΓΡΑΦΙΕΣ

Αρχαία Μακεδονία VI = Ανακοινώσεις κατά το έκτο Διεθνές Συμπόσιο. Θεσσαλονίκη, 15-19 Οκτωβρίου
1996, Θεσσαλονίκη 1999
Β´ ΕλλΚερ = Β´ Επιστημονική Συνάντηση για την ελληνιστική κεραμική, Ρόδος, 22-25 Μαρτίου
1989, Αθήνα 1991
Γ´ ΕλλΚερ = Γ´ Επιστημονική Συνάντηση για την ελληνιστική κεραμική, Θεσσαλονίκη, 24-
27 Σεπτεμβρίου 1991, Αθήνα 1994
Δ´ ΕλλΚερ = Δ´ Επιστημονική Συνάντηση για την ελληνιστική κεραμική, Μυτιλήνη, Μάρτιος
1994, Αθήνα 1997
Ε´ ΕλλΚερ = Ε´ Επιστημονική Συνάντηση για την ελληνιστική κεραμική, Αθήνα 2000
ΕΑΜ = Εθνικό Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο
Εγνατία = Επιστημονική Επετηρίδα της Φιλοσοφικής Σχολής του Αριστοτελείου Πανεπι-
στημίου Θεσσαλονίκης, Τμήμα Ιστορίας και Αρχαιολογίας
ΕΕΒΜ = Επετηρίς της Εταιρείας Βοιωτικών Μελετών, Εταιρεία Βοιωτικών Μελετών,
Αθήνα
ΕλλΚερ Αιγαίου = Ελληνιστική Κεραμική από το Αιγαίο / Hellenistic Pottery from the Aegean,
Μυτιλήνη 1994, Αθήνα 1997
ΕλλΚερ Ηπείρου, Αιτωλοακαρνανίας = Ελληνιστική Κεραμική από την Ήπειρο, την Αιτωλοακαρνανία και τα Ιόνια
και Ιονίων νησιών νησιά, Αθήνα 2009
ΕλλΚερ Θεσσαλίας = Ελληνιστική Κεραμική από τη Θεσσαλία, Βόλος 2000
ΕλλΚερ Κρήτης = Ελληνιστική Κεραμική από την Κρήτη, Χανιά 1997
ΕλλΚερ Πελοποννήσου = Ελληνιστική Κεραμική από την Πελοπόννησο, Αίγιο 2005
Ζ´ ΕλλΚερ = Ζ´ Επιστημονική Συνάντηση για την ελληνιστική κεραμική, Αίγιο, 4-9 Απριλίου
2005, Αθήνα 2011
Η´ ΕλλΚερ = Η´ Επιστημονική Συνάντηση για την ελληνιστική κεραμική, Ιωάννινα, 5-9 Μαΐου
2009, Αθήνα 2014
ΘΑΜ = Θησαυροί της Αρχαίας Μακεδονίας. Κατάλογος εκθέσεως, Θεσσαλονίκη 1979
Θέματα Ελληνιστικής Κεραμικής = Θέματα Ελληνιστικής Κεραμικής στην Αρχαία Μακεδονία / Topics on Hellenistic
Pottery in Ancient Macedonia, Αθήνα 2012
Θρεπτήρια = Μ. ΤΙΒΕΡΙΟΣ, Π. ΝΙΓΔΕΛΗΣ, Π. ΑΔΑΜ-ΒΕΛΕΝΗ (επιμ.), Θρεπτήρια, Μελέτες για την
αρχαία Μακεδονία, Θεσσαλονίκη 2012
ΜΕΛΕΤΗΜΑΤΑ/Μελετήματα = Έκδοση του Εθνικού Ιδρύματος Ερευνών, Τομέας Ελληνικής και Ρωμαϊκής
Αρχαιότητας, Αθήνα
Παρνασσός = Περιοδικό του Φιλολογικού Συλλόγου Παρνασσός
ΣΤ΄ ΕλλΚερ = ΣΤ΄ Επιστημονική Συνάντηση για την ελληνιστική κεραμική, Βόλος, 17-23
Απριλίου 2000, Αθήνα 2004
Τεκμήρια = Περιοδικό του Εθνικού Ιδρύματος Ερευνών - Ινστιτούτο Ιστορικών Ερευνών,
Τομέας Ελληνικής και Ρωμαϊκής Αρχαιότητας, Αθήνα
Το Μουσείον = Περιοδική έκδοση του Εθνικού Αρχαιολογικού Μουσείου

ἠχάδιν II
IΙ
Αθανάσιος Σίδερης Η ΤΟΡΕΥΤΙΚΗ ΣΤΗ ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΑ:
ΣΥΝΕξΕΤΑζΟΝΤΑΣ ΚλΕΙΣΤΑ ΑΝΑΣΚΑφΙΚΑ ΣΥΝΟλΑ,

ΤΕχΝΟΤΡΟπΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΑΝΤΙΚΕΙΜΕΝΑ ΑγΝωΣΤΗΣ πΡΟΕλΕΥΣΗΣ

ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ

Η γενική εικόνα της τορευτικής στη Μακεδονία παρουσιάζει ορι-

σμένα ιδιαίτερα χαρακτηριστικά, όπως η σημαντική διάδοσή της
κατά τον 6ο και κυρίως τον 4ο αιώνα π.Χ., και το υψηλό ποσοστό
αγγείων και σκευών από άργυρο. Η προέλευσή της είναι στη συ-
ντριπτική πλειονότητα ταφική, ένα μικρό ποσοστό οικιστική ή λα-
τρευτική, ενώ λίγα αλλά πολύ αξιόλογα αγγεία βρίσκονται σε διά-
φορα μουσεία και συλλογές χωρίς τεκμηρίωση, καθώς αποτελούν
προϊόντα παλαιότερης ή σύγχρονης αρχαιοκαπηλίας. Εξετάζονται
ορισμένα από αυτά είτε γιατί έχουν ως υποτιθέμενο τόπο προ-
έλευσης τη Μακεδονία, είτε γιατί συνδέονται άμεσα με καλά γνω-
στούς τύπους της μακεδονικής τορευτικής παραγωγής που εξα-
γόταν σε πολλές γειτονικές ή και πιο μακρινές περιοχές. Μια υδρία
με ανθρώπινες παλάμες στις λαβές εκτιμάται ως έργο λακωνικής
παράδοσης με φοινικική επιρροή για το συγκεκριμένο μοτίβο. Ένα
αργυρό κέρας συνδέεται με άλλα από το Τρεμπένιστε. Μια συ-
γκεκριμένη εξελικτική φάση του μοτίβου του ανθεμίου με βλαστό-
σπειρες και φύλλα άκανθας, που κοσμεί κυρίως κάδους και φια-
λοειδή πινάκια, αποδίδεται στη Μακεδονία, όπως και ένας αργυρός
κάδος με φύλλο κισσού στην πρόσφυση της λαβής. Μακεδονικά
έργα φαίνεται να είναι επίσης ορισμένοι κάδοι (χαλκοί κι ένας αρ-
γυρός) με προσωπεία Πανός ή Σιληνού κάτω από τις λαβές. Τέλος,
παρουσιάζονται ορισμένες προσθήκες στον ήδη μακρύ κατάλογο
των μακεδονικών αργυρών καλύκων με ομφάλιο.

ἠχάδιν II
 ToreuTics in Macedonia: Athanasios Sideris
confronTing conTexTual evidence,

sTylisTic analysis and unprovenanced objecTs

Framework 1. This is the most widespread usage of the term,

but toreutics in an extended sense may also
include decorated weaponry and horse
under the term “toreutics” here are understood only the metal
trapping, mirrors and other cosmetic instru-
vases and utensils related mostly to food and drink consump- ments, and furniture or architectural decora-
tion, which were used in banquets and festivals, but the simplest tive elements, which were in most cases issued
from the same workshops with the metal
among them possibly also on an every day base1. These vases
vases. See, Milne 1941; SiMon 1966; CoArelli
and utensils were very frequently in Macedonia, more 1977; TreiSTer, HArgrAve 2001, p. vii-XiX.
frequently than anywhere else in greece, placed in graves and 2. viCkerS, gill 1994, p. 70-73; ΤουλουΜΤζιδου
2011, p. 59-66.
tombs, where they have been excavated2.
3. HAMMonD, griFFiTH 1979, p. 11, 64-65;
Macedonia is also a changing entity. The extent of its territories HATzopouloS 1996, p. 169-171; SCHMiDT-
varies through time3. Some discrepancies are already noticed DounA 2011, p. 183-186; SAATSoglou-
pAliADeli 2011, p. 250-253; Delev 2014, p. 57-
60, 72-79.

– Milne [M. J.] 1941 = “The use of τορεύω and related words”, AJA 45, p. 390-
398
– SiMon [e.] 1966 = “Toreutica” in Encyclopedia dell’Arte Antica 7, p. 919-948
– CoArelli [F.] 1977 = “Toreutica” in, La cultura ellenistica. Le arti figurativi. Storia
e civilita dei Greci, vol. 10, Milan, p. 514-532
– TreiSTer [M.], HArgrAve [J.] 2001 = Hammering Techniques in Greek and Roman
Jewellery and Toreutics, leiden
– viCkerS [M.], gill [D. W. J.] 1994 = Artful Crafts. Ancient Greek Silverware and
Pottery, oxford
– ΤουλουΜΤζιδου [A.] 2011 = Μετάλλινα αγγεία του 4ου-2ου αι. π.Χ. από
τον ελλαδικό χώρο, Θεσσαλονίκη
– HAMMonD [n. g. l.], griFFiTH [g. T.] 1979 = A History of Macedonia, vol. 2,
oxford
– HATzopouloS [M. B.] 1996 = Macedonian Institutions under the Kings, vol. 1: A
Historical and Epigraphical Study, Athens, ΜΕΛΕΤΗΜΑΤΑ 22

ἠχάδιν II
 488 a. sideris

4. FiloW 1927; vulić 1932; STiBBe, vASić 2003.
5. All dates mentioned in the paper are BC.
6. ΒοκοΤοΠουλου κ.ά. 1985; ΣιΣΜΑνιδΗΣ 1987;
ΣκΑρλΑΤιδου 2007; CHrySoSToMou 2011.
7 peresadyes and encheleis are among the
plausible name suggestions and a Thracian
origin seems more probable: BoArDMAn,
HAMMonD 1982, p. 284; HAMMonD 1994, p. 427;
SokolovSkA 1997, p. 25; THeoDoSiev 2000, p.
178; proevA 2006, p. 561-563; Delev, op. cit.
(supra, n. 3), p. 75-81; Bouzek, grAninger
2015, p. 12-15.
between the historical sources and the archaeological record,
the most remarkable of which is the Trebenishte necropolis4.
Trebenishte is close to the eastern shore of the ochrid lake,
dates from the second half of the 6th century5, and presents
some very characteristic features, almost identical to those
registered also in the necropolis of Sindos, Archontiko and
elsewhere6. its location however, at the extreme borders of the
ancient lynkestis and pelagonia, raised a still animated discus-
sion concerning both the name and the origin of the tribe, to
which it belonged7.
Sites in the same area may be included or not according to their
allegiance to the Macedonian kingdom in various periods. Thus

– SCHMiDT-DounA [B.] 2011 = “l’époque archaïque” in S. DeSCAMpS-lequiMe,

k. CHArATzopoulou (eds), Au royaume d’Alexandre le Grand. La Macédoine
antique, paris, p. 183-186
– SAATSoglou-pAliADeli [Ch.] 2011 = “l’expansion du royaume de
Macédoine”, in S. DeSCAMpS-lequiMe, k. CHArATzopoulou (eds), Au royaume
d’Alexandre le Grand. La Macédoine antique, paris, p. 250-253
– Delev [p.] 2014 = A History of the Tribes of South-Western Thrace in the First
Millennium B.C., Sofia
– FiloW [B.] 1927 = Die archaische Nekropole von Trebenischte am Ochrida-See,
Berlin/leipzig (unter Mitwirkung k. Schkorpil)
– vulić [n.] 1932 = “ein neues grab bei Trebenischte”, ÖJh 27, p. 1-42
– STiBBe [C. M.], vASić [r.] 2003: Trebenischte. The Fortunes of an unusual excava-
tion, rome, Studia Archaeologica 121
– ΒοκοΤοΠουλου κ.ά. 1985 = i. ΒοκοΤοΠουλου, Aικ. δΕΣΠοινΗ, Β. ΜιΣΑΗλιδου,
M. ΤιΒΕριοΣ, Σίνδος. Κατάλογος της έκθεσης, Αθήνα
– ΣιΣΜΑνιδΗΣ [k.] 1987 = “Το αρχαϊκό νεκροταφείο της Αγίας Παρασκευής
Θεσσαλονίκης” in Μ. ΤιΒΕριοΣ, Στ. δρουγου, Χρ. ΣΑΑΤΣογλου-ΠΑλιΑδΕλΗ
(επιμ.), Αμητός. Τιμητικός τόμος για τον καθηγητή Μ. Ανδρόνικο, ιι,
Θεσσαλονίκη, p. 787-803
– ΣκΑρλΑΤιδου [e.] 2007 = “Αρχαϊκή χάλκινη υδρία από το νεκροταφείο της
Θέρμης (Σέδες) Θεσσαλονίκης”, Αρχαία Μακεδονία vii, p. 499-513
– CHrySoSToMou [p.] 2011 = “The ancient settlement of Archontiko”, in M.
liliMpAki-AkAMATi, i. M. AkAMATiS, A. CHrySoSToMou, p. CHrySoSToMou, The
Archaeological Museum of Pella, Athens, p. 299-389
– BoArDMAn [J.], HAMMonD [n. g. l.] 1982 = The Cambridge Ancient History, vol.
3, part 3: The Expansion of the Greek World, Eighth to Sixth Centuries BC,
Cambridge
– HAMMonD [n. g. l.] 1994 = “illyrians and north-West greeks”, in Cambridge
Ancient History, vol. 62, Cambridge, p. 422-443
– SokolovSkA [v.] 1997 = Etnickite nositeli na Trebeniskata nekropola [Who was
buried in the Trebeništa cemetery], ohrid
– THeoDoSiev [n.] 2000 = “The dead with the golden faces. ii: other evidence
and connections”, OxfJA 19.2, p. 175-209
– proevA [n.] 2006 = “The engelanes/encheleis and the golden mask from the
Trebenište culture”, in n. TASić, C. grozDAnov (eds), Hommage to Milutin
Garašanin, Belgrade, p. 561-570
– Bouzek [J.], grAninger [D.] 2015 = “geography”, in J. vAlevA, e. nAnkov, D.
grAninger (eds), A Companion to Ancient Thrace, Molden/oxford, p. 12-21

ἠχάδιν II
 ToreuTics in Macedonia:confronTing conTexTual evidence, sTylisTic analysis and unprovenanced objecTs 489

finds from Amphipolis, nikesiani and kavala dating from the
end of the 4th and the beginning of the 3rd centuries are
included, while finds from Thasos are not, since they belong to
the 5th and mid 4th centuries, when the insular city-state was
still independent8. An exceptional case is pydna, which even
thought to be a colony it was considered part of the Macedonian
kingdom already by the early 5th century and the archaeolog-
ical record documents toreuctic imports already from the 6th
8. ninou 1979, p. 91, 96, no 362, 396; λΑζΑριδΗΣ
κ.ά. 1992; ΤουλουΜΤζιδου, op. cit. (supra, n. 2),
p. 714.
9. Thuc. i.137.1; ΒοκοΤοΠουλου 1997, p. 246-247,
nos 105-108.
10. roBinSon 1941, p. 47-50, 185-191, 205-207, 245.
11. For example, Macedonian products are
considered finds from naupactus, Acarnania,
Asia Minor: BoTHMer 1984, p. 46-48; κολιΑ,
2004, p. 535-546.

century9. olynthus is also an exceptional case, though for

different reasons, related to its destruction by philip in 348,
which gives a terminus ante quem for the vase shapes found in
the residential area10. in the late Classical and the early
Hellenistic period the Macedonian toreutic “footprint” is to be
found again far beyond what is considered as “proper
Macedonia”11.
The time span considered in this study encompasses four
centuries, starting in the second quarter of the 6th century and
going down to the second quarter of the 2nd century, when
Macedonia came under the romans.

Observations on the toreutic corpus

The observations and statistics presented here below are based
on a corpus of approximately 1315 items (entire or fragmen-
tary) compiled from the published material excavated in 79 sites
(66 in greece, 11 in FyroM and 2 in Bulgaria), provided that
in a few cases the material is only summarily known or not yet

– ninou [κ.] (ed.) 1979 = Treasures of Ancient Macedonia, Exhibition’s Catalogue,

Athens
– λΑζΑριδΗΣ κ.ά. 1992 = δ. λΑζΑριδΗΣ, k. ρωΜιοΠουλου, i. ΤουρΑΤΣογλου,
Ο τύμβος της Νικήσιανης, Αθήνα
– ΒοκοΤοΠουλου [i.] 1997 = Ελληνική τέχνη. Αργυρά και χάλκινα έργα τέχνης
στην αρχαιότητα, Αθήνα
– roBinSon [D. M.] 1941 = Metal and Minor Miscellaneous Finds. Excavations at
Olynthus X, Baltimore
– BoTHMer [D. von] 1984 = A Greek and Roman Treasury in the Metropolitan
Museum of Art, BMetrMus 42
– κολιΑ [Ε.-ι.] 2004 = “Ταφικά σύνολα από τη ναύπακτο”, ΣΤ΄ ΕλλΚερ.,
p. 535-546

ἠχάδιν II
 490 a. sideris

12. The results of the Archontiko excavations are
presented yearly in the ΑΕΜΘ volume, the
last one to this date being the volume 24 (2010)
[2014].
13. kArAMiTrou-MenTeSiDi 2011, p. 552.
14. MerTenS 1976; MerTenS 1985, p. 33;
CoMTSToCk, verMeule 1971, nos 21, 412, 426;
orTiz 1996, nos 108, 111; SiDeriS 2008, p. 342;
ΣιδΕρΗΣ 2011, p. 293. Several bronze vases in
the Canellopoulos Museum come from the
antiquarian Martinos, who supplied also
Benakis, and who allegedly, according to both
museums inventories, purchased them in
Macedonia.
15. DeSCAMpS-lequiMe, CHArATzopoulou 2011, p.
109, 126-127 [S. Descamps-lequime]; BAiley
1969, p. 27, no C2; SiDeriS 2002, p. 173.
published, especially when the excavation is still ongoing, like
in the Archontiko case12. it is not sure that all diagnostic
fragmentary exemplars from these sites are included, since
quite often they may elude publication (unrecognized
fragments, considered unattractive, not included in prelimi-
nary reports or not depicted, etc.). Sometimes vases are collec-
tively reported without precise numbers: “More than one
hundred phialae (cups) come from the Aiani royal necrop-
olis”13. A small number of vases in european and American
museums and collections are also included, on the base of
alleged provenance from Macedonia (Museum of Fine Arts in
Boston, Shelby White Collection in new york, British Museum,
louvre, Antikensammlung Berlin, Museum für kunst und
gewerbe in Hamburg, Collection ortiz in geneva, Benaki and
Canellopoulos Museums in Athens)14. in only two cases metal
vases from Macedonia, now in the louvre and the British
Museum respectively, come from documented excavations just
after the World War i15.
The main publication sources are the volumes of the Αρχαιο-
λογικό Έργο στη Μακεδονία και Θράκη, and before its
establishment the Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον and other local

– kArAMiTrou-MenTeSiDi [g.] 2011 = “la nécropole d’Aiané” in S. DeSCAMpS-

lequiMe, k. CHArATzopoulou (eds), Au royaume d’Alexandre le Grand. La
Macédoine antique, paris, p. 189-194
– MerTenS [J.] 1976 = “A Hellenistic Find in new york”, MetMusJ 11, p. 71-84
– MerTenS [J.] 1985 = Greek Bronzes in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, BMetrMus
43
– CoMSToCk [M.], verMeule [C.] 1971 = Greek, Roman and Etruscan Bronzes in
the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
– orTiz [g.] 1996 = In Pursuit of the Absolute. Art of the Ancient World. The George
Ortiz Collection, Bern
– SiDeriS [A.] 2008 = “Achaemenid Toreutics in the greek periphery”, in M. r.
DArBAnDi, A. zournATzi (eds), Greece and Ancient Iran: Cross-Cultural Encoun-
ters. First international Conference, Athens 11-13 November 2006, Athens, p. 339-
353
– ΣιδΕρΗΣ [A.] 2011 = “Προσωπεία της τορευτικής στη Μακεδονία”, in Π.
ΒΑλΑΒΑνΗΣ (ed.), Ταξιδεύοντας στην κλασική Ελλάδα. Τόμος προς τιμήν
του καθηγητή Πέτρου Θέμελη, Αθήνα, p. 283-313
– DeSCAMpS-lequiMe [S.], CHArATzopoulou [k.] (eds) 2011 = Au royaume
d’Alexandre le Grand. La Macédoine antique, paris
– BAiley [D. M.] 1969 = “Some grave groups from Chauchitza in Macedonia”,
Opuscula Atheniensia 9, p. 21-40
– SiDeriS [A.] 2002 = “Bronze Drinking vases Bearing Dedicatory inscriptions”,
Eirene 38, p. 167-201

ἠχάδιν II
 ToreuTics in Macedonia:confronTing conTexTual evidence, sTylisTic analysis and unprovenanced objecTs 491

periodicals16, as well as the numerous exhibition catalogues17, 16. Such as Egnatia and the conference series
Ancient Macedonia and Hellenistic Pottery.
and some systematic or preliminary publications18. early
17. ninou, op. cit. (supra, n. 8); yAlouriS et al. 1980;
over-views of the Macedonian toreutics are due to B. Barr- ΒοκοΤοΠουλου κ.ά. 1985, op. cit. (supra, n. 6);
Sharrar, p. Themelis, S. Drougou and i. Touratsoglou19. of ΤΣιγΑριδΑ, ιγνΑΤιΑδου 2000; koTTAriDi,
WAlker 2011; DeSCAMpS-lequiMe, CHArAT-
special interest are two doctoral theses, one on Macedonian
zopoulou, op. cit. (supra, n. 15).
silver vases by e. zymi, and the other on the 4th-2nd centuries 18. AnDronikoS 1984; λΑζΑριδΗΣ κ.ά., op. cit.
metal vases in Macedonia and greek mainland by A. Tou- (supra, n. 8); ΘΕΜΕλΗΣ, ΤουρΑΤΣογλου 1997.
loumtzidou, to which may be added also the older thesis of 19. BArr-SHArrAr 1982; BArr-SHArrAr 1999;
δρουγου, ΤουρΑΤΣογλου 1997; ΘΕΜΕλΗΣ 2000.
the author on Archaic and Classical drinking metal vases in
20. SiDeriS 1995; ΤουλουΜΤζιδου, op. cit. (supra, n.
the greek world20. For good pictures one can still use the 2); zyMi 2011.
volume by J. vocotopoulou, which is however somewhat da- 21. ΒοκοΤοΠουλου, op. cit. (supra, n. 9); grAM-
MenoS 2004; ΜΠΕΣιοΣ 2010; liliMpAki-AkA-
ted now, but it is largely and lavishly completed by the volu-
MATi et al. 2011; koTTAriDi 2013.
me Πιερίδων στέφανος and the J. S. latsis Foundation
volumes dedicated to the museums of Thessaloniki, pella
and vergina21.

– yAlouriS et al. 1980 = n. yAlouriS, M. AnDronikoS, k. roMiopoulou, The Search

for Alexander, new york
– ΤΣιγΑριδΑ [B.], ιγνΑΤιΑδου [δ.] 2000 = Ο χρυσός των Μακεδόνων, Αθήνα
– koTTAriDi [A.], WAlker [S.] 2011 = Heracles to Alexander the Great. Treasures
from the Royal Capital of Macedon, a Hellenic Kingdom in the Age of Democracy.
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford 7 April-29 August 2011, oxford
– AnDronikoS [M.] 1984 = Vergina. The Royal Tombs, and the Ancient City, Athens
– ΘΕΜΕλΗΣ [Π.], ΤουρΑΤΣογλου [i.] 1997 = Οι τάφοι του Δερβενίου, Αθήνα
– BArr-SHArrAr [B.] 1982 = “Macedonian Metal vases in perspective: Some
observations on Context and Tradition”, in B. BArr-SHArrAr, e. BorzA (eds),
Macedonia and Greece in Late Classical and Early Hellenistic Time, Washington,
Studies in History of Art 10, p. 123-139
– BArr-SHArrAr [B.] 1999 = “Macedonian Metal Ware: An update”, in Π.
κΑλογΕρΑκου (επιμ.), Αλέξανδρος ο Μέγας: Από τη Μακεδονία στην
Οικουμένη. Πρακτικά Διεθνούς Συνεδρίου, Βέροια 27-31/5/1998, Βέροια,
p. 97-112
– δρουγου [Στ.], ΤουρΑΤΣογλου [i.] 1997 = “Πρώιμη ελληνιστική κεραμική από
τη Μακεδονία. ο πηλός και το μέταλλο”, in Επιστημονική συνάντηση για
την ελληνιστική κεραμική, Μυτιλήνη, Μάρτιος 1994, Αθήνα, p. 155-163
– ΘΕΜΕλΗΣ [Π.] 2000 = “Μεταλλοτεχνία Μακεδονική”, in Π. ΑδΑΜ-ΒΕλΕνΗ
(επιμ.), Μύρτος. Μνήμη Ιουλίας Βοκοτοπούλου, Θεσσαλονίκη, p. 495-517
– SiDeriS [A.] 1995 = Les vases à boir en métal dans le monde grec aux 6e, 5e et 4e
siècles avant J.-C., Dijon
– zyMi [e.] 2011 = Late Classical and Hellenistic Silver Plate from Macedonia, oxford
– grAMMenoS [D. v.], 2004 = The Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki, Athens
– ΜΠΕΣιοΣ [M.] 2010 = Πιερίδων Στέφανος. Πύδνα, Μεθώνη και οι αρχαι-
ότητες της βόρειας Πιερίας, κατερίνη
– liliMpAki-AkAMATi et al. 2011 = M. liliMpAki-AkAMATi, i. M. AkAMATiS, A.
CHrySoSToMou, p. CHrySoSToMou, The Archaeological Museum of Pella, Athens
– koTTAriDi [A.] 2013 = Aigai. The Royal Metropolis of the Macedonians, Athens

ἠχάδιν II
 492
22. AnDronikoS , op. cit. (supra, n. 18), p. 166-171,
191, figs 135-136, 155; koTTAriDi, op. cit. (supra,
n. 21), p. 151-152; ΣΑΑΤΣογλου-ΠΑλιΑδΕλΗ
κ.ά. 2009, p. 117-122.
Fig. 1. – The share of metal
vases in Macedonia per period.
Fig. 2. – The share of various
metals within the Macedonian
toreutic corpus.
ἠχάδιν II
a. sideris
keeping in mind the inherent limits of the archaeological record
to reflect past reality, as well as fortuity and the obvious subjec-
tive limitation in accessing this record, there are still some inter-
esting observations to be done when looking at the Macedonian
toreutic corpus. The chronological distribution of the finds
shows a relative abundance of toreutics during the 6th century,
represented by one quarter of the total and a relative scarcity
during the 5th century with only few more than one tenth of
the total (Fig. 1). The real blossom however for the toreutic
products takes place in the 4th century, to which belong approx-
imately 60% of the finds. This figure includes some series,
which may have a continuous presence still during the early 3rd
century, but this detail does not really change the dispropor-
tional distribution, neither affects the fact that luxurious trends
of life, especially during the second half of the 4th century, are
expressed through the toreutic record. The 3rd and 2nd
centuries seem to be rather poor totalizing together less than 5%
of the finds.
Another interesting observation is the extreme rarity of gold
containers: there are only three of them, two larnakes and one
pyxis, all from vergina and all used as (if not originally intended
for) funerary urns22. gold vases and utensils are always and
– ΣΑΑΤΣογλου-ΠΑλιΑδΕλΗ κ.ά. 2009 = Χρ. ΣΑΑΤΣογλου-ΠΑλιΑδΕλΗ, Α.
κυριΑκου, Ε. ΜΗΤΣοΠουλου, Α. ΤουρΤΑ, “Πολύτιμα ταφικά σύνολα από την
αγορά των Αιγών i: η αρχαιολογική εικόνα και η ιστορική ερμηνεία της”,
AEMΘ 23, p. 117-122
1
2
 ToreuTics in Macedonia:confronTing conTexTual evidence, sTylisTic analysis and unprovenanced objecTs 493

everywhere rare. nevertheless a comparison with the contem-
porary neighboring Thrace or the Scythian lands, where much
larger numbers and more numerous shape varieties of gold
vases are encountered, shows a noticeably different pattern23.
The bulk of metal vases in Macedonia, attaining almost three
23. SiDeriS (forthcoming).
24. ΤουλουΜΤζιδου, op. cit. (supra, n. 2), p. 593-594,
599-603; koTTAriDi, op. cit. (supra, n. 21), p.
138.
25. Such as perachora Heraion, Argive Heraion,
Artemis orthia, olympia and elsewhere.

quarters of the total, are made of bronze, while the silver vases
represent a remarkable one fifth of the toreutic assemblage (Fig.
2). Some iron and lead items represent mostly tripods for
bronze cauldrons, mouthpieces of leather aryballoi and various
shapes of small boxes and pyxides24.
The shape distribution reserves no real surprise, besides the
already noticed but still inexplicable absence of rhyta (Fig. 3).
phialae are by far the most numerous vases, appearing in
funerary context in quantities, which in southern greece are
equaled only by sanctuary discoveries25. The next most
numerous classes are the drinking vases, the various shapes of
which (kantharoi, kylikes etc.) totalize some 13%, followed by
the oenochoae and jugs, which represent one tenth of the finds.
ladles are almost one to one to situlae, and craters together with
amphorae are as many as hydriae.
The vast majority of metal vases in Macedonia come from
funerary context (Fig. 4). This is a predictable 93% of the finds,

– SiDeriS [A.] (forthcoming) = “Metal vases in Thrace. An overview”, in Pro-

ceedings of the International Conference for the 30th anniversary of the Thracian
Archaeology Department in the NAIM-BAS, 2013, Sofia

3 Fig. 3. – The share of vari-

4 ous vase shapes in Macedon-
ian toreutics.
Fig. 4. – The share between
varying documented and
undocumented provenance
for metal vases in Macedonia.

ἠχάδιν II
 494
26. MerTenS 1985, op. cit. (supra, n. 14), p. 33;
κουΤΣουΜΠου 2008, p. 208-209; ADAM-veleni
2012, figs on p. 15, 20.
27. vulić 1933, p. 175, no. 22, figs 85, 74 no. 35;
rolley 1982, p. 83, figs 21, 77, 89, 100, 104, 109;
STiBBe, vASić 2003, op. cit. (supra, n. 4), p. 41,
72, fig. 12.
28. vulić 1933, op. cit. (supra, n. 27), p. 175-176,
figs 86, 89; rolley 1982, op. cit. (supra, n. 27),
p. 83, figs 22, 78, 96, 98, 106, 110. For a hydria
of a related shape from the same necropolis,
but undoubtedly of laconian workmanship,
see FiloW, op. cit. (supra, n. 4), tomb iii, pl. 9.2.
– κουΤΣουΜΠου [M.] (επιμ.) 2008 = Nostoi, Επαναπατρισθέντα Αριστουργή-
– ADAM-veleni [p.] 2012 = Trafficking of Antiquities: Stop it, Thessaloniki
– vulić [n.] 1933 = “neue gräber bei Trebenishte”, ArchAnz, p. 459-482
– rolley [Cl.] 1982 = Les vases de bronze en archaïsme récent en Grande Grèce,
ἠχάδιν II
a. sideris
with only 2% excavated in public buildings and 1% in private
houses. The small figure of non-funerary origin vases is susce-
ptible to be biased by the limited extend of cities’ excavations
compared to those of their cemeteries. There is also a small
percentage (4%) of vases without documented provenance in
various world museums and private collections, or confiscated
from illicit excavations. This group comprises some vases of
exceptional workmanship, such as the Metropolitan Museum
Archaic amphora, the ex-Shelby White calyx crater now
returned to greece, or the recently confiscated silver kantharos
and phiale in Thessaloniki26. However, as long as the corpus of
metal vases coming from documented excavations increases, we
are in measure to better understand, date and attribute to
various workshops these exceptional pieces without prove-
nance. They still remain very useful for comparative purposes
when we are trying to define particular workshops and artistic
trends, or import and distribution patterns, based on stylistic
or/and technical similarities. A few such cases are discussed
herein below.
Hydria with palm-shaped handle attachments
When nikola vulić excavated the grave iX (cenotaph) in the
necropolis of Trebenishte, near the ohrid lake in 1931, he
found a bronze hydria of a – until then – unattested shape
and decoration. its ovoid body has a pronounced shoulder,
on which a cylindrical neck is set terminating on a molded
rim. The vertical handle has small lion heads on both sides
of its upper attachment and a palmette with volutes evolving
to snakes on the lower attachment. The lateral handles ter-
minate in human palms27. The rim and part of the vertical
handle of a similar hydria was found in the grave X of the
same necropolis28. More fragments come from Beranci and
ματα. Κατάλογος της έκθεσης στο Νέο Μουσείο Ακροπόλεως 24-9 έως
31-12-2008, Αθήνα
naples
 ToreuTics in Macedonia:confronTing conTexTual evidence, sTylisTic analysis and unprovenanced objecTs 495

Donja Belica in the same region, and from Delphi and Athens
in southern greece. Two more almost entirely preserved ex-
emplars come from paestum, in South italy and from Thermi
29. De riDDer 1896, nos 153-154; rolley 1982, op.
cit. (supra, n. 27), p. 21, no. 7, figs 9, 18, 76, 79,
103, 108; STiBBe 2000, p. 163-165; ΣκΑρλΑ-
Τιδου, op. cit. (supra, n. 6), p. 504-509; STiBBe

near Thessaloniki29. 2009, p. 27-28, fig. 9.

To these exemplars, which are usually dated to the second
quarter of the 6th century, we add a new one (Pl. 1), unpub-
lished to this date30. This piece, which is of unknown find spot,
represents a variation, since the lion heads on the vertical
handle are here replaced by monkey heads, with incised details
such as eyes, nostrils, mouth line and hair. The monkey heads
appear quite often on a related class of amphorae with vertical
neck, and on oinochoae ascribed to the laconian production31.
30. vassil Bojkov Collection, inv. no. 2414, h. 43
cm.
31. rolley 1982, op. cit. (supra, n. 27), figs 78-83;
STiBBe 1997, p. 44-45, 60; STiBBe 2000, op. cit.
(supra, n. 29), p. 163-167; WeBer 1983, p. 46-
50 (i.A.5); ζυΜΗ, ΣιδΕρΗΣ 2003, p. 46, pl. 17c.

– De riDDer [Α.] 1896 = Catalogue des bronzes trouvés sur l'Acropole d'Athènes,
BEFAR 74
– STiBBe [C. M.] 2000 = The Sons of Hephaistos, rome
– STiBBe [C. M.] 2009 = “raritäten aus dem Bereich der archaisch-griechischen
Bronzen”, BABesch 84, p. 23-31
– STiBBe [C. M.] 1997 = “Archaic greek Bronze palmettes”, BABesch 72, p. 36-
64
– WeBer [T.] 1983 = Bronzekannen. Studien zu ausgewählten archaischen und klassi-
schen Oinochoenformen aus Metall in Griechenland und Etrurien, Frankfurt am
Main/Bern
– ζυΜΗ [e.], ΣιδΕρΗΣ [A.], 2003 = “Χάλκινα σκεύη από το γαλαξείδι. Πρώτη
προσέγγιση”, in Π. ΘΕΜΕλΗΣ, ρ. κουΜΑρΗ-ΣΤΑΘΑκΗ (eds), Το Γαλαξείδι από
την αρχαιότητα έως σήμερα. Πρακτικά του Πρώτου Επιστημονικού
Συνεδρίου, 29-30 Σεπτεμβρίου 2000, Αθήνα, p. 35-60

1 Pl. 1. – Bronze hydria, Bojkov Collection, inv.

no. 2414 (photo A. Sideris).

ἠχάδιν II
 496 a. sideris

32. rolley 1982, op. cit. (supra, n. 27), figs 73, 181;
STiBBe, vASić, op. cit. (supra, n. 4), fig. 47.
33. rolley 1982, op. cit. (supra, n. 27), figs 108-111;
SoWDer 2009, pls 4.33-4.41.
34. Because of similar handle attachments on
etruscan stamnoi and strainers, which,
however, seem to start a little later than the
laconian hydriae series. DieHl 1964, p. 17;
Hill 1967, p. 42; rolley 1982, op. cit. (supra, n.
27), p. 86; SoWDer, op. cit. (supra, n. 33), p. 63;
STiBBe 2009, op. cit. (supra, n. 29), p. 28. For
possibly intentional semantic ambiguities
with handles in the form of human hands, see
HiTzl 1982, p. 243-286; MerTenS 1990, p. 96-
98.
35. Cuardaro Díaz 1966 with additions by De
prADA JunquerA 1986, CAlDenTey roDríguez
et al. 1996, p. 192 for chronology, 196-197 for
origin, and JiMénez ÁvilA 2013, p. 74-75 for
date and function.
on the Trebenishte iii (Sofia) hydria the lower attachment is a
gorgoneion and those of the lateral handles represent horse
foreparts32. The lateral handle attachments though, as a rule,
are shaped as human palms (Trebenishte iX, Thermi, paestum,
Bojkov Collection, all fragmentary handles)33.
The group, to which belongs our hydria, stimulated an
animated debate concerning its origin. All scholars recognize on
it strong laconian elements blended with some more hard-to-
define elements. Many believe this idiosyncratic laconizing
style originates from a colonial workshop in South italy, and see
on the human palm handle attachments an etruscan influ-
ence34. The attribution is not impossible, but the argument is
not valid since the human palm motif was already in use by the
early 7th century BC on iberian orientalizing metalwork,
especially on platters with swivelling handles, inspired by
phoenician prototypes35. phoenicians should be seen as the
blenders and transmitters of various influences from all around
the Mediterranean, towards both, the etruscans and the greeks.
The hand motif on handle attachments, thus, became familiar

– SoWDer [A.A.] 2009 = Greek bronze hydriai, phD thesis, emory university,
Atlanta
– DieHl [e.] 1964 = Die Hydria. Formgeschichte und Verwendung im Kult des Alter-
tums, Mainz am rhein
– Hill [D.k.] 1967 = “palmette with snakes: a handle ornament on early metal-
ware”, AntK 10, p. 39-47
– HiTzl [k.] 1982 = Die Entstehung und Entwicklung des Volutenkraters von den
frühesten Anfängen bis zur Ausprägung des kanonischen Stils in der attisch schwarz-
figurigen Vasenmalerei, Frankfurt
– MerTenS [J.] 1990 = “The human figure in Classical bronze-working: some
perspectives”, in M. True, J. poDAny (eds.), Small bronze sculptures from the
ancient world. Papers delivered at a symposium held at the J. Paul Getty Museum,
March 16-19, 1989, Malibou, p. 85-102
– De prADA JunquerA [M.] 1986 = “nuevas aportaciones al repertorio de los
recipientes rituales metálicos con «asas de manos» en la península ibérica”,
Trabajos de Prehistoria 43, p. 99-142
– CAlDenTey roDríguez et al. 1996 = p. CAlDenTey roDríguez, J. lópez CACHero,
l. r. MenénDez BueyeS, “nuevos recipientes rituales metálicos: la problemá-
tica de su distributión peninsular”, Zephyrus 49, p. 191-209
– JiMénez ÁvilA [J.] 2013 = “«Braseros» de bronce protohistóricos en extrema-
dura. viejos y nuevos hallazgos; nuevas y viejas ideas”, Revista Onoba 1, p. 55-
78

ἠχάδιν II
 ToreuTics in Macedonia:confronTing conTexTual evidence, sTylisTic analysis and unprovenanced objecTs 497

to laconian toreuts too, and it even found imitations in Milesian
pottery36. The case for a phoenician mediation is furthermore
strengthened by the presence of the vertical neck with a thick
profiled rim, which finds its best analogies again on a class of
egyptianizing phoenician oinochoae37. under such light the
proposal attributing this hydriae group to a workshop located
in the sanctuary of Dodona becomes less credible38. We should
rather opt for an area where laconian toreuts could be in
contact with phoenicians during the early 6th century BC. Such
candidates are either an important ionian centres, like Samos,
or a western centre, like Tarentum. The Bojkov collection
exemplar should be dated ca. 560 BC.
36. STiBBe 2000, op. cit. (supra, n. 29), p. 111, fig.
15; HATzi 2008, p. 122 with ill.; SCHloTzHAuer
2014, p. 606, no. 613, pl. 203 (pottery 570-530
BC).
37. DunAnD 1926, pl. 32; JiMénez ÁvilA 2002, p. 52-
53, 58, fig. 28.1 (from Sidon, lebanon).
38. STiBBe, vASić, op. cit. (supra, n. 4), p. 73.
39. FiloW, op. cit. (supra, n. 4), p. 30, no 35, fig. 26,
pl. vi 1 (tomb i 27); vulić 1932, op. cit. (supra,
n. 4), p. 14, fig. 14; popović 1956, p. 87, 109-110,
no 52, pls 16-16a; STiBBe, vASić, op. cit. (supra,
n. 4), p. 23, 37
40. Athen., Deipnosophists, Xi.476 b and 497 e. For
a discussion of the horns and the rhyta, see
MAnASSero 2008, p. 7-17, with earlier bibliog-
raphy.
41. pAyne 1931, p. 216-218; STiBBe, vASić, op. cit.
(supra, n. 4), figs 38, 40.

Silver horn
From Trebenishte come also two exceptional silver horns39.
Horns are related to rhyta, but despite some literary allusions
(“ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ τὸ ῥυτὸν πρότερον κέρας”), they are not always
true rhyta, in the sense that they are not always provided with
a secondary orifice: “τὰ ῥυτὰ κέρασιν ὅμοια εἶναι, διατετρη-
μένα δ’εἶναι, ἐξ ὧν κρουνιζόντων λεπτῶς κάτωθεν πίνουσν,
ὠνομάσθαι τε ἀπὸ τῆς ῥύσεως”40. The Trebenishte horns have
the lower part of the body fluted, the rim, the mid-body and the
tip decorated with gold foil, and a ring attached at the tip. one
of them is twisted in its longitudinal axis, while the other forms
just a simple curve. The rim gold bands are decorated with a
leaf motif, similar to the one decorating the bases of various
bronze vases from Trebenishte and elsewhere41.

– HATzi [g. e.] 2008 = The Archaeological Museum of Olympia, Athens

– SCHloTzHAuer [u.] 2014 = Die südionischen Knickbrandschalen. Eine chronologi-
sche Untersuchung zu de sog. Ionischen Schalen aus Milet, phD thesis, ruhr-
universität, Bochum
– DunAnD [M.] 1926 = “recherches archéologiques à Bostan ech-Cheikh, près
de Saide”, Syria 7, p. 1-7
– JiMénez ÁvilA [J.] 2002 = La toreútica orientalizante en la península Ibérica,
Madrid
– popović [l.] 1956 = Catalogue des objets découverts près de Trebeništé, Beograd
– MAnASSero [n.] 2008 = Rhyta e corni potori dall’Età del Ferro all’epoca sasanide.
Libagioni pure e misticismo tra la Grecia e il mondo iranico, oxford
– pAyne [H.] 1931 = Necrocorinthia: a study of Corinthian art in the Archaic period,
oxford

ἠχάδιν II
 498
42. vassil Bojkov Collection, inv. no. 2229, length
with ring 26.5 cm, rim diam. 7.5 cm. MArAzov
2011, p. 46, no. 37; MArAzov 2013, p. 81, no. 13.
43. For snake heads on Archaic jewelry see, vulić
1934, p. 27, fig. 8; ΒοκοΤοΠουλου κ.ά. 1985, op.
cit. (supra, n. 6), p. 102-103, no. 156; koTTAriDi,
op. cit. (supra, n. 21), p. 111.
44. Aesch., Fr. 185 (nauk2).
45. Theop., Fr. 2 B 543 [Jacoby]; Xen., Anabasis
vii.2.23.
Pl. 2. – Silver horn, Bojkov Collection, inv.
no. 2229 (photo A. Sideris).
Pl. 3. – Bronze bell situla with palmette,
Antikensammlung Berlin, inv. no. 31573 v
57 (photo n. Franken).
Pl. 4. – Bronze dish with relief palmette,
Bojkov Collection, inv. no. 1539 (photo A.
Sideris).
ἠχάδιν II
a. sideris
A new silver horn of the same shape but not twisted, belongs to
a private collection in Sofia, Bulgaria42 (Pl. 2). The gold band
on its rim is undecorated, the lower body fluted, and the gold
part of the tip terminates in a snake head with chiselled scales.
on the snake’s mouth a ring is fixed. All three silver horns show
in their decorative details common traits with gold and silver
jewelry found in Macedonia, and they are most probably
products of a Macedonian workshop43. Besides, according to
Aeschylus perrhaebians used to drink from silver raised horns
with gold rims, exactly like these discussed above: “ἀργυρηλά-
τοις κέρασι χρυσᾶ στόμια προσβεβλημένοις”44. paeonians also
used real animal horns with gold rims, but starting drinking
with horns was, according to Xenophon, a “Thracian law”:
“κατὰ τὸν Θρᾴκιον νόμον κέρατα οἴνου προὔπινον”45. The
Trebenishte exemplars are earlier and date from the third
quarter of the 6th century, while the Bojkov exemplar is later
and dates to the end of the 6th or the beginning of the 5th
century.
– MArAzov [ι.] 2011 = Thrace and the Ancient World. Vassil Bojkov Collection, Sofia
– MArAzov [i.] 2013 = “Catalogue entries”, in D. v. zHurAvliev, k. B. FirSov
(eds), Frakiiskoe Zoloto iz Bolgarii. Ozhivshie Legendi [Thracian Gold from
Bulgaria. The Legends Become Alive], Moscow
– vulić [n.] 1934 = “la nécropole archaïque de Trebenishte”, RA, p. 26-38
2
 ToreuTics in Macedonia:confronTing conTexTual evidence, sTylisTic analysis and unprovenanced objecTs 499

Palmette and sprouts motif under handle attachment 46. For oenochoae versions see, DeleMen 2004, p.
81-84, figs 75, 77-78; ΧρυΣοΣΤοΜου 2013, p.
129, no. 114, pl. 30.
one of the recurrent decorative motifs under the handle attach-
47. A49 and B28: ΘΕΜΕλΗΣ, ΤουρΑΤΣογλου, op.
ments of various metal vases during the 4th century is a reversed cit. (supra, n. 18), p. 34, 73, pls 18, 36, 78.
palmette in varying combinations with sprouts, buds and flowers. 48. ρωΜιοΠουλου 1989, p. 195-198, fig. 1, pl. 45;
The motif is known on various oenochoe shapes46, but its fully MArAngou 1985, p. 168, no. 264; FiloW 1937,
p. 59, figs 60-61; SHeFTon 1994, figs 4-5; riiS
developed and richer versions appear on kalathos and bell-shaped 1959, p. 21, fig. 15; ΤουλουΜΤζιδου, op. cit.
situlae, as well as on some large plates with swinging handles (supra, n. 2), p. 348-354, pl. 26.
(usually with a single handle).
There are two kalathos situlae from Derveni graves A and B with
this motif47 and several bell-shaped from kalamaria in Thessa-
loniki, pelasgia in phthiotis, Mezek in Bulgaria, Waldalgesheim in
germany, keldby in Denmark, and many other sites48. Two
exemplars of this type of unknown provenance are kept respec-
tively in newcastle upon Tyne and Berlin (Pl. 3), and a third one,
recently found in an unplundered cist grave in Aigai/vergina, is not

– DeleMen [i.] 2004 = Tekirdağ Naip Tümülüsü, istanbul

– ΧρυΣοΣΤοΜου [A.] 2013 = Αρχαία Έδεσσα. Τα Νεκροταφεία, Βόλος
– ρωΜιοΠουλου [κ.] 1989 = “κλειστά ταφικά σύνολα υστεροκλασικών χρόνων από
τη Θεσσαλονίκη”, in Φίλια Έπη εις Γεώργιον Μυλωνάν 3, Athens, p. 194-218
– MArAngou [l.] 1985 = Ancient Greek Art. The N. P. Goulandris Collection, Athens
– FiloW [B.] 1937 = “les tombes à coupole de Mezek”, BIBulg iX, p. 1-11648. 3
– SHeFTon [B.] 1994 = “The Wadalgesheim Situla: Where was it made?”, in
Festschrift für Otto Frey, Marburger Studien zur vor- und Frühgeschichte 16, p.
583-593
– riiS [p. J.] 1959 = “The Danish Bronze vessels of greek, early Campanian and
etruscan Manufacture”, ActaArch 30/31, p. 1-50

ἠχάδιν II
 500 a. sideris

49. SHeFTon 1985, p. 404, nt. 9; BArr-SHArrAr
2000, p. 289, fig. 14 a-b. i thank the excavator
Angeliki kottaridi for showing to me the
Aigai exemplar before restoration. For a
picture see, newspaper «Το Βήμα», 12
november 2014, http://www.tovima.gr/cultu
re/article/?aid=649816.
50. BolTyrk et al. 2009, p. 47, fig. 7.4-5; gorini
2003, p. 984-985, nos X 501, 3442, pls 24 f, 27a;
Miller 2005, p. 61, fig.
51. vassil Bojkov Collection, inv. no. 1539, diam.
38.8 cm. MArAzov 2011, op. cit. (supra, n. 42),
p. 176, no. 132
yet published49. Some of them bear silver and/or copper nails
in the eyes of the volutes and in the center of flowers, as well as
some silvered details. in some situlae the entire composition
emerges from a calyx of acanthus leaves, as it is always the case
on a few bronze plates with the same motif from the tumulus
gaimanova in ukraine, from Hephaisteia in lemnos and from
the sanctuary of zeus in nemea50. one more such plate, of
undocumented origin and not preserving its ring handle, is kept
in a private collection in Sofia51 (Pl. 4). its decoration in relief
consists of two “S” volutes emerging from a calyx of acanthus
leaves and supporting an eleven-petalled palmette, which is
flanked on each side by a sprout of antithetical spirals, lotus
flowers and buds.
From a technical point of view on some of these vases the
palmette-sprouts motif is worked separately and then soldered
on the vase wall (Mezek, gaimanova, Hephaisteia, nemea),
while on some others the motif was already present on the
mould and it was cast in one piece with the vase (Derveni,
pelasgia, Aigai/vergina, Sofia).
The palmette under handle attachments is a very common
motif on laconian and Corinthian bronze vases already by the
6th century, but this elaborate version with sprouts, spirals,
flowers, buds and sometimes even an acanthus leaves calyx,
seems to develop from the middle of the 4th century onwards,
most probably in the royal Macedonian workshops of Aigai and
pella, from where toreutic artifacts spread everywhere, and
mostly towards the Thracian, Scythian and Celtic neighbors.

– SHeFTon [B.] 1985 = “Magna grecia, Macedonia or neither? Some problems

in 4th Century BC Metalwork”, in Magna Grecia, Epiro e Macedonia. Atti del
XXIV Convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia, Taranto, p. 399-410
– BArr-SHArrAr [B.] 2000 = “Some observations on the cast bronze ovoid
situla”, in Akten des 14. Internationalen Kongress für antiken Bronzen, Köln 1999·
Kölner Jahrbuch 33, p. 277-290
– BolTyrk et al. 2009 = yu. v. BolTyrk, e. F. FiAlko, M. TreiSTer, “importnii
bronzovii posud iz skhidnoi mogili Berdyanskogo kurganu [imported
bronze vessels from the eastern grave of Beryansk Mound]”, Kiev, Arkheologiya
fasc.1, p. 40-51
– gorini g., 2003 = “il primitivo Telesterio del Cabirio di lemno”, ASAtene 81,
p. 963-1022
– Miller [S. g.] 2005 = Νεμέα. Μουσείο και αρχαιολογικός χώρος, Αθήνα

ἠχάδιν II
 ToreuTics in Macedonia:confronTing conTexTual evidence, sTylisTic analysis and unprovenanced objecTs 501

Bell situla with ivy leaf
Another type of bell situla, attested in Macedonia, bears ivy leaf
shaped attachments. A bronze exemplar from Aigai is tinned52.
More bronze exemplars are known from karaburma in Serbia,
gotche Delchev in Bulgaria, pistiana near Arta and Delphi in
central greece, Mazi in peloponnese and kaminion near
Caulonia in south italy53. isolated attachments come from
olympia, olynthus and the Artemision of Thasos54. A unique
silver exemplar of undocumented origin (Pl. 5) has the ivy leaf
52. koTTAriDi, op. cit. (supra, n. 21), p. 345.
53. ToDorović 1972, p. 17, pls 8, 46-47; ArCHiBAlD
1998, pl. 39; rolley 2002, p. 45-50, figs 5-10;
ΠροΣκυνΗΤοΠουλου 1979, p. 110-111, pls 46 a-
b, 48 a-b, d; lATAnzi 1987, p. 145. general
discussion of the shape in ΤουλουΜΤζιδου, op.
cit. (supra, n. 2), p. 343-346, pls 25-26.
54. roBinSon, op. cit. (supra, n. 10), p. 245, pl. 64,
no 974-975; gAuer 1991, p. 273, no e 58, pl.
99.5; Thasos Museum inv. no. 80037.

– ToDorović [J.] 1972 = Praistorijska Karaburma i, Belgrade

– ArCHiBAlD [z. H.] 1998 = The Odrysian Kingdom. Orpheus Unmasked, oxford
– rolley [Cl.] 2002 = “le travail du bronze à Delphes”, BCH 126.1, p. 41-54
– ΠροΣκυνΗΤοΠουλου [ρ.] 1979 = “δύο χάλκινοι κάδοι από τη Σκιλλουντία
Ηλείας”, ΑΔ 34, Α´ Μελέται, p.110-126
– lATAnzi [i.] 1987 = Il Museo Nazionale di Reggio Calabria, rome/reggio Calabria
– gAuer W., 1991 = Die Bronzegefässe von Olympia. Olympishe Forschungen XX,
Berlin

5 Pl. 5. – Silver bell situla with ivy leaf, Bojkov

Collection, inv. no. 2204 (photo A. Sideris).

ἠχάδιν II
 502 a. sideris

55. vassil Bojkov Collection, inv. no. 2204, h. 28.5
cm, rim diam. 26.6×27.6 cm. MArAzov 2011,
op. cit. (supra, n. 42), p. 165-166, no. 125;
MArAzov 2013, op. cit. (supra, n. 42), p. 118, no.
34.
56. rolley 1963, p. 467-470, figs 14, 16-17.
57. rolley 2002, op. cit. (supra, n. 53), p. 53-54.
cut out of a separate silver sheet and then soldered to the vase
wall55. The top of the added sheet is adorned with a chiselled
palmette. The motif traces its origin in the creations of Achaean
or elian toreutic workshops, where other shapes bear the same
or related ivy leaf attachments56. The Delphi situla is a miscast
waste piece proving thus that this shape was also produced in
the sanctuary’s toreutic workshop57. The silver exemplar
however, may be an imitation of the peloponnesian or central
greek originals, produced towards the end of the 4th century
in Macedonia, where the luxury taste dictated such silver surro-
gates as the Aigai tinned bronze situla.

– rolley [Cl.] 1963 = “Hydries de bronze dans le péloponnèse du nord”, BCH

87, p. 459-484

Pl. 6. – Bronze stamnoid situla, 6

Benaki Museum, inv. no. 32536. 7
(photo A. Sideris).
Pl. 7. – The pan mask under the
handle attachment of the Bena-
ki stamnoid situla, inv. no.
32536 (photo A. Sideris).
Pl. 8. – Bronze stamnoid situla,
Bojkov Collection, inv. no. 2420
(photo A. Sideris).
Pl. 9. – The pan mask under the
handle attachment of the
Bojkov stamnoid situla, inv. no.
2420 (photo A. Sideris).
Pl. 10. – A pan or silenus mask,
probably from a situla, Ameri-
can art market (photo Christies’
2006).

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 ToreuTics in Macedonia:confronTing conTexTual evidence, sTylisTic analysis and unprovenanced objecTs 503

Stamnoid situlae with Pan masks
Another shape of situla, very frequent in Macedonia and the
neighboring regions, is the stamnoid type, which often bears
under the handle attachments a mask of silenus, maenad or
pan58. one such vase said to be found in Macedonia is kept in
58. ΣιδΕρΗΣ 2011, op. cit. (supra, n. 14), p. 299, figs
10-13.
59. AnDronikoS, op. cit. (supra, n. 18), p. 162-163,
figs 130-131; ΣιδΕρΗΣ 2011, op. cit. (supra, n.
14), p. 292-294, figs 20-21.
60. vassil Bojkov Collection, inv. no. 2420, h. 29.5
cm, rim diam. 16.5 cm, unpublished.

the Benaki museum (Pls 6, 7) and we have argued elsewhere

that the pan mask adorning it was issued from the same matrix
as the pan adorning the lychnouchos of the Macedonian tomb
ii in Aigai59. one more situla is kept in a private collection in
Sofia60 (Pls 8, 9). it has a lion head spout on one side and a pan
mask on the other. This pan reproduces the same type known
from the Aigai and Benaki exemplars, although one may
observe several slight differences in the design and the execu-
tion. The eyes of the Sofia pan are more wide open, the cheeks
less fleshy, the pointed ears smaller, the lines denoting the beard
hairs are more fine, while the ivy wreath on the head is richer
and with more details. no doubt, this is the work of a different

10

ἠχάδιν II
 504 a. sideris

61. Christie’s Antiquities, June 16, 2006, Sale 1679,
lot 138; h. 6.7 cm.
62. Museum Caloust gulbenkian, inv. no. 134,
unpublished.
63. There are four more known stamnoid silver
situlae, including one of the early type:
greBennikov 1987, p. 155-156, no. 20, fig. 5, 3;
AnDronikoS, op. cit. (supra, n. 18), p. 146-147,
figs 104-105; ziMMerMAnn 1998, p. 165, no.
STM 15, fig. 13, pl. 23.2-3; Christie’s New York,
December 5-6, 2001, Sale 9796, lot 486.
toreut, but still within the eclectic frame of the Macedonian royal
workshops. An isolated bronze head, which has preserved its
lead filling but it is damaged on its periphery, once in the
American market of antiquities, it shows the same traits with
the pan heads discussed above, and in all probability it also
comes from a Macedonian workshop61 (Pl. 10).
in connection to these stamnoid situlae we will present one
more made of silver and kept in the gulbenkian Museum, in
lisbon62 (Pls 11-14). Besides being one of the rare silver
stamnoid situlae63, this piece shows an entirely unusual decora-
tive scheme: on one side under the double handle attachment
(side A) there is a lion head spout, and on the opposite side a
pan mask (side B). The pan mask, however, is repeated two
more times, without the handle attachment rings, in mid

– greBennikov [yu. S.] 1987 = “kurgany skifskoi znati v poingul’e”, in o. g.

SHApoSHnikovA (ed.), Drevneishie skotovody stepei yuga Ukrainy, kiev, p. 148-158
– ziMMerMAnn [n.] 1998 = Beziehungen zwischen Ton- und Metallgefässen spätklas-
sischer und frühhellenistischer Zeit, rahden, Westphalia

11

12

13

14

ἠχάδιν II
 ToreuTics in Macedonia:confronTing conTexTual evidence, sTylisTic analysis and unprovenanced objecTs 505

distance between A and B (sides C and D). All three masks are 64. We have not examined this vase and cannot
tell if the masks are cast or hammered. From
made from the same matrix64. Stylistically these pan masks are
the pictures we assume they are cast and
of a plainer and less expressive modeling, than those on the reworked à froid.
Aigai and Benaki exemplars. Their design is less plastic and 65. koTTAriDi, op. cit. (supra, n. 21), p. 326-334.
drier. They do not wear ivy wreath, the volumes are less struc-
tured and the light effects sharper, without the softness
observed on the bronze exemplars. But then again one should
consider the fact that many of the silver vases found in Aigai
are of a lesser modeling and execution quality than their bronze
counterparts, especially those found in the prince’s tomb65.
Thus the gulbenkian situla may also have been produced either
in Macedonia itself, or under Macedonian influence in some
regional workshop, and it should be dated in the last quarter of
the 4th century.

Pl. 11. – Silver stamnoid situla, Caloust

13 gulbenkian Museum, inv. no. 134 (photo
14 gulbenkian Museum).
Pl. 12. – lateral pan mask of the gulbenkian
stamnoid silver situla, inv. no. 134 (photo
gulbenkian Museum).
Pl. 13. – lion spout of the gulbenkian
stamnoid silver situla, inv. no. 134 (photo
gulbenkian Museum).
Pl. 14. – pan mask under the handle attach-
ment of the gulbenkian stamnoid silver
situla, inv. no. 134 (photo gulbenkian
Museum).

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 506 a. sideris

66. For the shape δρουγου 1992 and zyMi, op. cit.
(supra, n. 20), p. 70-84, 214-240; for some direct
Achaemenid antecedents of the Macedonian
calyx cup, see SiDeriS 2008, op. cit. (supra, n.
14), p. 344-346, figs 10, 12.
67. vassil Bojkov Colleciton, inv. no. 2151, h. 9.1
cm, rim diam. 13.7 cm. MArAzov 2011, op. cit.
(supra, n. 42), p. 217-218, no. 164; SToiCHev
2012, p. 769-771, 776-777, fig. 2; MArAzov 2013,
op. cit. (supra, n. 42), p. 308-309, no. 122.
68. koTTAriDi, op. cit. (supra, n. 21), p. 249-250.
Calyx with young satyr
A typically Macedonian toreutic creation, the silver calyx cup,
is inspired by Achaemenid prototypes, but it may be easily
distinguished from any related shape by the central figurative
omphalion66. one such Macedonian silver calyx is kept in a
private collection in Sofia67 (Pls 15, 16). The body is partly gilt
and shows the regular decorative scheme: lesbian kymation on
the shoulder, tongues on the belly and a double rosette under-
neath the bottom (consisting of 8 and 18 petals). inside the cup
there is an omphalion partly gilt with a three quarter represen-
tation of the head of a young satyr wearing an animal skin
around the neck and an ivy wreath on his head. The periphery
of the omphalion is decorated with an ionic kymation. The style
of the satyr figure is reminiscent of the young pan on the smaller
silver bottle from the Macedonian tomb ii in Aigai (Pl. 17),
despite the fact that the pan is rendered in full front68.

– δρουγου [Στ.] 1992 = “ Ένας ασημένιος κάλυκας από τη Βεργίνα. Μικρή

συμβολή στην ελληνιστική κεραμική”, Θρακική Επετηρίς 7 (1987-1990), p.
57-64
– SToiCHev [r.] 2012 = “φιΑλΑι ΕκΤυΠωΤΑι or two silver cups of Macedonian
type”, in Art and Ideology, 1. honorary volume to I. Marazov, Sofia, p. 768-779

Pl. 15. – Silver calyx with gilt 15

details, Bojkov Collection, inv. 16
no. 2151 (photo A. Sideris).
Pl. 16. – omphalion with the
head of a young satyr from
the interior of the Bojkov sil-
ver calyx, inv. no. 2151 (photo
A. Sideris).

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 ToreuTics in Macedonia:confronTing conTexTual evidence, sTylisTic analysis and unprovenanced objecTs 507

The similarities are even more striking with the three quarter 69. SegAl 1965, p. 568, fig. 11; SiDeriS 2000, p. 17-
20, figs 24-25; ΣιδΕρΗΣ 2011, op. cit. (supra, n.
heads on omphalia and calyces from Mumdzilar in Thrace,
14), p. 287, nt. 27; gorny and Mosch, Kunst der
karagodeuashkh in Scythia, Mesembria-zone and an ompha- Antike, Munich Auction 214, June 19, 2013, p.
lion with a maenad head in the european art market69 (Pl. 18). 64, no. 44 (diam. 3.2 cm).
70. ΘΕΜΕλΗΣ, ΤουρΑΤΣογλου, op. cit. (supra, n. 18),
one more calyx, said to be from Thrace and kept in the Bojkov
p. 174-182; ΣιδΕρΗΣ 2011, op. cit. (supra, n. 14),
collection, bears an omphalion with a maenad showing the p. 287-288, fig. 5.
same characteristics. These are, besides the three quarter view,
the fleshy ovoid face, the finely chiselled lines for the hair
rendering, the double line for the eyelids, and the relatively
small lips. All of the above vases are attributed to a court
workshop, which we have proposed to call “e” in sequence to
the A-D workshops proposed by Themelis, and which should
be active during the last third of the 4th century70.

– SegAl [Β.] 1965 = “Alexandria und Tarent”, ArchAnz, p. 554-588

– SiDeriS [Α.] 2000 = “ les tombes de Derveni : quelques remarques sur la toreu-
tique”, RA, p. 3-36

17 Pl. 17. – young pan mask from

18 under the handle attachment of
the smaller silver amphora of
the tomb ii in Aigai. Aigai Mu-
seum, inv. Βε 52 (photo S.
Mavrommatis).
Pl. 18. – Maenad on silver om-
phalion from a lost calyx, euro-
pean art market (photo gorny
and Mosch 2013).

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508 a. sideris

Conclusions
The study of the toreutic corpus of Macedonia shows some
expected and some less expected features. As in many cases of
the archaeological record, we have to judge about trends, social
habits and value management of the living through the rituals
and customs related to the dead, since the overwhelming
majority of the finds are of funeral origin. it seems that from
the late Archaic through the early Classical period, as well as
during the end of the Classical and the early Hellenistic period
Macedonian society enjoyed a particular economic and artistic
bloom, which is expressed mainly in the toreutic domain (along
with jewelry), both with imports and local products. The share
of luxury ware (mostly silver ware, but also exceptionally high
quality bronze ware) within the metal vases’ ensemble in
Macedonia is larger than in any other place where greeks lived,
and in any other time from the Mycenaean period onwards and
through the end of the Antiquity. The only comparable and
even surpassing figures in luxury ware are to be met in the
neighboring Thrace, as well as in Scythia, but in both these cases
the greek toreutic output is combined with significant local
production and Achaemenid imports. one, however, should
not forget that comparable toreutic wealth, which has not
survived to our days, was kept in the treasuries of many greek
sanctuaries and was even recorded in their archives.
The variety of shapes seems to be more restricted in the Archaic
period and more prolific in the Classical and Hellenistic periods,
at least according to the preliminarily published finds from the
Archontiko and pydna necropolises. our random study of a
few vases of undocumented origin seems, thanks to their
comparison with similar vases issued from documented
excavations, to make longer the catalogue of shapes susceptible
to be produced locally already by the Archaic period. Some
shapes of the second half of the 4th century, like the bell-shaped
palmette decorated situlae, the stamnoid situlae and the calyx
cups, emerge like emblematic creations or adaptations of the
Macedonian workshops. The same is valid for some decorative
motifs, such as the palmette with shoots and flowers, or the pan
face in the younger or older variety, which seems to incorporate
modeling qualities achieved already in the large scale Attic
sculpture of that time.

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