Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Bene Israel
Culture and History of the
Ancient Near East
Founding Editor
M. H. E. Weippert
Editors-in-Chief
Thomas Schneider
Editors
Eckart Frahm, W. Randall Garr, B. Halpern,
Theo P. J. van den Hout, Irene J. Winter
VOLUME 31
Bene Israel
edited by
LEIDEN • BOSTON
2008
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Bene Israel : studies in the archaeology of Israel and the Levant during the Bronze
and Iron ages in honour of Israel Finkelstein / edited by Alexander Fantalkin and
Assaf Yasur-Landau.
p. cm. — (Culture and history of the ancient Near East ; v. 31)
Includes index.
ISBN 978-90-04-15282-3 (alk. paper)
1. Bronze age—Palestine. 2. Iron age—Palestine. 3. Excavations (Archaeology)—
Palestine. 4. Palestine—Antiquities. 5. Bronze age—Middle East. 6. Iron age—Mid-
dle East. 7. Excavations (Archaeology)—Middle East. 8. Middle East—Antiquities.
I. Fantalkin, Alexander. II. Yasur-Landau, Assaf. III. Finkelstein, Israel. IV. Title.
V. Series.
GN778.32.P19B45 2008
933—dc22
2008014960
ISSN 1566-2055
ISBN 978 90 04 15282 3
A.F.
A.Y.-L.
LIST OF FIGURES
Arie
Fig. 1. The excavated area on the southeastern slope of
Tel Megiddo (after Guy and Engberg 1938: Fig. 2) ...... 249
Fig. 2. Spatial distribution of the Middle Bronze tombs on
the southeastern slope (after Guy and Engberg 1938:
Pl. 1) ................................................................................ 250
Franklin
Fig. 1. The Mason’s Masks ........................................................ 251
Fig. 2. The Megiddo—Palace 1723 .......................................... 251
Fig. 3. Samaria—the Omride Palace ........................................ 252
Gadot
Fig. 1. Map of central Coastal Plain with settlements dated to
Late Bronze and Iron Age I periods .............................. 253
Fig. 2. Reconstructed plan of Palace 4430 at Aphek ............... 254
Fig. 3. Locally made Egyptian-styled vessels found at
Aphek .............................................................................. 254
Fig. 4. Philistine finds from Aphek that were manufactured at
Ashkelon .......................................................................... 255
Fig. 5. Types of cooking-pots found at Aphek X12 and at
Tell Qasille XII–X .......................................................... 256
Fig. 6. The transformation of sociopolitical order in the
Yarkon-Ayalon basin ....................................................... 257
Fig. 7. The Late Bronze-Iron Age transformation at Israel’s
central Coastal Plain viewed as a furcative change ....... 257
Ilan
Fig. 1. The site of Tel Dan. Iron Age I remains were found in
all areas excavated .......................................................... 258
Fig. 2. A plan of Area B, Stratum VI. Note the large
numbers of pits .............................................................. 259
Fig. 3. A plan of Area B, Stratum V. Note the small
number of pits and large number of pithoi, relative
to Stratum VI (Fig. 2) ..................................................... 259
x list of figures
Sasson
Fig. 1. Sites mentioned in the text ........................................... 264
Fig. 2. Geographic regions of the Land of Israel ................... 265
Shavit
Fig. 1. The southern Coastal Plain and the boundaries of the
settlement complexes .................................................... 266
Fig. 2. The settlement complex of Tel Miqne-Ekron: the
number of settlements during the 10th century BCE
according to settlement size .......................................... 267
Fig. 3. A logarithmic graph of the settlement complex
in the Tel Miqne-Ekron region during the
10th century BCE ......................................................... 267
Fig. 4. The settlement complex of Tel Miqne-Ekron: the
number of settlements during the 9th century BCE
according to settlement size .......................................... 268
Fig. 5. The settlement complex of Tel Miqne-Ekron: the
number of settlements during the 8th century BCE
according to settlement size .......................................... 268
Fig. 6. The settlement complex of Tel Miqne-Ekron: the
number of settlements during the 7th century BCE
according to settlement size .......................................... 269
Fig. 7. A logarithmic graph of the settlement complex of
Tel Miqne-Ekron during the 7th century BCE ........... 269
list of figures xi
Sumakaxi Fink
Fig. 1. Toilets in Nuzi (after Starr 1937–1939; 163, Fig. 24).
Reprinted by permission of the publishers from
Nuzi: Report of the excavations at Yorgan Tepa
near Kirkuk, p. 163, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press, Copyright © 1939 by the
president and fellows of Harvard College ................... 279
Fig. 2. The Level IV palace at Tell Atchana, where Woolley
excavated four restrooms and three bathrooms
(after Woolley 1955: Fig. 44). Reprinted by
permission of the Society of Antiquaries of
London .......................................................................... 280
Fig. 3. The toilets in room 5 of the Level IV palace (after
Woolley 1955 Pl. XXVa). Reprinted by permission
of the Society of Antiquaries of London .................... 281
Fig. 4. The Oriental Institute University of Chicago
Expedition to Tell Atchana (Image by E. J. Struble) ... 281
Fig. 5. The west wing of Area 2: Local Phase 2 (Image by
E. J. Struble) .................................................................. 282
Fig. 6. Rooms 03-2077 and 03-2092 in Square 44.45 (Image
by E. J. Struble) ............................................................. 283
Fig. 7. Restroom 03-2092 during the excavation (photo by
N.-L. Roberts) ............................................................... 284
Fig. 8. Drain 03-2039 (photo by N.-L. Roberts) ..................... 285
Fig. 9. Plaster inside drain 03-2039 (photo by
N.-L. Roberts) ............................................................... 286
Fig. 10. Wall 03-2091 (photo by N.-L. Roberts) ....................... 286
Fig. 11. Jug R03-1542 (photo by N.-L. Roberts) ....................... 287
Fig. 12. Plate R03-1851 (photo by N.-L. Roberts) .................... 287
list of figures xiii
Thareani-Sussely
Fig. 1. Map of Iron Age II sites in the Beersheba Valley ...... 288
Fig. 2. Tel {Aroer—general plan .............................................. 289
Fig. 3. Tel {Aroer, Area D—general plan ................................ 290
Fig. 4. Tel {Aroer, Area D, L. 1003 and 1411—pottery
assemblages ................................................................... 291
Fig. 5. Tel {Aroer, Area D, L. 1417—pottery assemblage ...... 292
Fig. 6. Tel {Aroer, Area D, L. 1417—pottery assemblage ...... 293
Fig. 7. Tel {Aroer, Area D, L. 1421—pottery assemblage ...... 294
Fig. 8. Tel {Aroer, Area D, L. 1421—pottery assemblage ...... 295
Fig. 9. Tel {Aroer, Area D, L. 1443—pottery assemblage ...... 296
Fig. 10. Tel {Aroer, Area D, L. 1443—pottery assemblage ...... 297
Fig. 11. Tel {Aroer, Area A—general plan ................................ 298
Fig. 12. Tel {Aroer, Area A—selected pottery ........................... 299
Fig. 13. Tel {Aroer, Area A—selected pottery ........................... 300
Fig. 14. Æorvat {Uza—general plan .......................................... 301
Fig. 15. Tel {Aroer—southern Arabian inscription from
Area D bearing the letter ח......................................... 302
Yasur-Landau
Fig. 1.
1. The “Orpheus Jug.” After Loud 1948: Pl. 76: 1 .......... 303
2. A krater from Ashdod, Stratum XIII. After Dothan
and Zukerman 2004: Fig. 19: 3 .................................... 303
3. A krater from Ekron, Stratum VI. After Dothan and
Zukerman 2004: Fig. 19: 2 ........................................... 303
4. A jug from Azor. After Dothan 1982: Fig. 48 .............. 303
5. A strainer jug from Tell {Aitun. After Dothan 1982:
Fig. 29 ............................................................................ 303
6. A LHIIIC stirrup jar from Kalymnos. After Mountjoy
1999: Fig. 464: 19 .......................................................... 303
Fig. 2.
1. A krater from Lachish, Fosse Temple III. After
Tufnell, Inge, and Harding 1940: Pl. XLVIII: 250 ...... 304
2. A bowl from Lachish Level VI. After Aharoni 1975:
Pl. 39: 11 ........................................................................ 304
3. An inscribed jug from Lachish, Fosse Temple III.
After Keel and Uehlinger 1998: Illustration 81 ........... 304
4. A jar from Megiddo Stratum VIIB. After Loud 1948:
Pl. 64: 4 .......................................................................... 304
5. A jug from Megiddo. After Guy 1938: Pl. 134 ............ 304
xiv list of figures
The twelve articles contained within not only express a wide range
of informed opinions, but also pursue research across a broad spectrum
of interests, from subsistence economies to the symbolic realm of ico-
nography. Their geographic scope, however, is limited: they all focus on
Israel and the Levant, the region held dearest by Israel Finkelstein.
Questions concerning city boundaries and their implications for
our understanding of urban frameworks are investigated by both Arie
and Thareani-Sussely, who point out that the evidence for extramural
settlements during the Bronze and Iron Ages suggests a kind of urban
sprawl in times of relative peace and stability. A case for change in land
use is presented by Arie, who argues that during Middle Bronze Age
II–III, the southeastern slope of Tell Megiddo was no longer used as
an extramural cemetery. Traces of walls, masonry tombs, and infant
jar burials suggest that during this period there was a change in land
use, and the area became a neighborhood. Burying the deceased under
the floors of buildings and courtyards was a common practice in the
period. It is possible that the area was reused as a cemetery when the
urban area constricted during the Late Bronze Age. The discovery of
an extramural neighborhood at Megiddo increases the estimated size
of the site to 13.5–15 ha. Moreover, it calls for a reevaluation of the
total areas of other Middle Bronze Age sites, which in turn could have
a significant impact on population estimates for the period.
Thareani-Sussely discusses the multicultural and multifunctional nature
of extramural neighborhoods in the late Iron Age II in the Negev.
The complex sociopolitical reality in the area during the 8th and 7th
centuries BCE allowed the development of extramural neighborhoods
adjacent to settlements. Rather than serving squatters and the urban
poor, solidly built structures outside the walls of {Aroer are connected
with commercial activities; one structure, for example, is identified as a
caravanserai. A different function is suggested for extramural structures
at Æorvat {Uza and Arad, interpreted as houses for the family mem-
bers of the garrisons stationed at the forts. Thareani-Sussely describes
extramural neighborhoods not as the impoverished margin of the
ancient city but as “a place of interaction between various population
groups from different origins and social classes: merchants, caravaneers,
nomads, and local population—all integral parts of the ancient urban
community.”
The concentration of a large number of people in a city created
challenges of waste management, and Sumakaxi-Fink addresses the
introduction xvii
area of the Shephelah and the latter’s integration into the Kingdom
of Judah. In this scenario, the widespread appearance of bench tombs
throughout the Kingdom of Judah during the 8th and 7th centuries
BCE may be seen as a sign of state formation as lowland elite burial
practices were adopted by newly created Judahite urban elites.
Franklin investigates anew the well-known Iron Age palaces at Sama-
ria and Megiddo. According to her, both palaces share a distinctive
set of architectural characteristics, which when view together with her
re-analysis of the stratigraphy at Samaria and Megiddo, highlights
the fact that their construction may be safely dated to the 9th century
BCE. Two significant features present at both palaces are the use of
specific masons’ marks and the utilization of the short cubit as the unit
of measurement; these provide, in Franklin’s view, a clue to the identity
of the builders.
Yasur-Landau explores the iconographic message in what is arguably
the most famous ceramic find from Megiddo, the “Orpheus Jug”. Yasur-
Landau argues that the figural iconography on the jug suggests that it is
not purely Philistine in origin. Cypriot imagery may have influenced the
style of the animal and human figures on the “Orpheus Jug,” demon-
strating new contacts with Cyprus at the end of the 11th century BCE.
However, the topic of the scene is neither Cypriot nor Philistine, but
belongs to a long tradition of Canaanite representations of sacred trees
and animals, relating to Ashera or Astarte. These traditions continued
at Megiddo, unhindered, into the Iron Age, an active manifestation of
Canaanite cultural identity, while at Philistia representations of trees
and animals were suppressed by the Philistine imagery of the bird,
symbol of an Aegean Goddess.
The twelve authors included here, a symbolic metaphor, represent
in fact only a fraction of Israel’s many students. Professor Finklestein’s
ongoing commitment to the training and guiding of students will no
doubt continue to produce a steady flow of new archaeologists. More
“Bene” and “Benot” Israel indeed.
Alexander Fantalkin
Assaf Yasur-Landau
Tel Aviv 25.03.2008
URBAN LAND USE CHANGES ON THE SOUTHEASTERN
SLOPE OF TEL MEGIDDO DURING THE
MIDDLE BRONZE AGE
Eran Arie
Introduction
1
The terminology used here is: Middle Bronze I: 2,000–1,800; Middle Bronze II:
1,800–1,650; Middle Bronze III: 1,650–1,500; after Ilan 1995: 298; cf. Bietak 2002:
41, Fig. 15.
changes on the southeastern slope of tel megiddo 3
Middle Bronze strata on the tell (in Area BB) with their wealthy tombs
had not yet been explored. At this stage of the excavations, Guy and
his team were not aware of the widespread Middle Bronze Age burial
custom of interring under house floors and courtyards. I believe that this
was the reason Guy and Engberg regarded the Middle Bronze burials
of the slope as isolated tombs lacking architectural context. Since then,
the area has been regarded as part of the Middle Bronze cemetery.
2
The earliest phase at Aphek is missing in Megiddo; see Beck 1985: 193.
4 eran arie
should be combined into one group. Table 1 presents the nine pottery
groups of Middle Bronze Megiddo in their stratigraphic context, in view
of the main researches on the stratigraphy of Middle Bronze Megiddo
(Loud 1948; Kenyon 1958: 51*–60*; Epstein 1965: 204–221; Kenyon
1969: 25–60; Dunayevsky and Kempinski 1973: 161–187; Gerstenblith
1983; Ilan, Hallote, and Cline 2000: 186–222).
3
Two additional tombs (T.644 and T.645) that were also dated to the Middle Bronze
Age are not located on the southeastern slope and are therefore not examined here.
4
While the Middle Bronze Age scarabs retrieved from Megiddo were examined
several times, those from the tombs in the southeastern slope were never studied sys-
tematically. Although this examination is beyond the scope of this article, these scarabs
fit the chronological affiliation presented in Table 2 (Daphna Ben-Tor, personal com-
munication). See also Tufnell 1973: 69–82; Ward and Dever 1994.
changes on the southeastern slope of tel megiddo 5
Tables 2–3 present the division of the Middle Bronze tombs on the
southeastern slope according to ceramic groups. While in Table 2 the
tombs are arranged according to their numeric order, in Table 3 they
are organized by ceramic groups and tomb types.
Almost all of the Middle Bronze tombs that were excavated on the
summit of the mound (in Area BB) were found below floors and
courtyards of buildings. They included a wide range of tomb types
(Loud 1948: 119–132); most were of individual interments and only
some contained several skeletons. There is a resemblance between the
tomb types dated to Middle Bronze II–III in the northwestern part of
the southeastern slope (Squares Q–S 15–16) and those excavated on
the tell. In both cases masonry chamber tombs, cist tombs, simple pit
tombs, and jar burials were found. The lack of rock-cut pit tombs on
the tell is probably a result of the absence of bedrock levels on the
artificial mound and does not symbolize social or cultural diversity.
I believe that the existence of intramural mortuary practices on the
southeastern slope of Tel Megiddo is an indicator to the similarity
between land uses of this area and of the summit of the tell during
the Middle Bronze Age II–III.
Hundreds of tombs excavated in Israel shed light on the mortuary
practices of the population of Canaan during the Middle Bronze Age.
One of the most characteristic types is the jar burial; nearly all of these
burials across Israel were excavated below walls, floors, and courtyards
of buildings (Hallote 1994: 226–239; Ilan 1996: 248). Masonry chamber
tombs, on the other hand, were found only in a limited number of sites
(Gonen 1992: 153), Megiddo being the most important to date. When
stratigraphic circumstances allowed, it seems that these were always
built below floors of buildings (Ilan 1992: 122–124; Kempinski 2002:
51–54). Consequently, it looks as if the two tomb types reflect, almost
always, interments under floors and courtyards of private houses.
In the Middle Bronze II–III, mass-burial caves were the most com-
mon type of tomb in extramural cemeteries (Hallote 1995: 106). It is
therefore unlikely that the greater part of the southeastern slope of
Megiddo, had it been the extramural cemetery of the site, would have
contained only one tomb of this type (T.24). It is highly improbable
that the southeastern slope of Megiddo should demonstrate a ratio
between mass-burial caves and individual interments that is almost
opposite to that of extramural cemeteries of most other sites. This
comparison between the mortuary practices on the slope and those of
Middle Bronze Canaan provides a second clue for the domestic nature
of the slope during the Middle Bronze Age II–III.
8 eran arie
Only in three cases did the excavators of Megiddo examine the strati-
graphic connections between tombs and architectural remains retrieved
above them. In all three of them reexamination of the data may imply
that the architectural elements situated in the vicinity of the Middle
Bronze Age tombs has to be re-dated to the same period:
Tomb 247 is a jar burial of an infant. The jar was found in an
“extensive bed of rock chippings upon which Room 238 (in Stratum
ES II) was built, and part of the jar was directly under the southeast
corner of that room” (Guy and Engberg 1938: 57). Although the exca-
vators proceed to argue that Room 238 dates to the Late Bronze Age,
5
Some of which were reused during the Late Bronze Age and the Iron Age I.
changes on the southeastern slope of tel megiddo 9
it seems more reasonable that, as was the case with many other jar
burials of the Middle Bronze Age, the infant in Tomb 247 was buried
underneath the floor and walls of Room 238, which must therefore be
dated to the Middle Bronze Age as well.
Tomb 254 is a simple pit tomb of a child, found underneath the
center of a constructed room. The excavators thought that “the occu-
pation of the room and the burial of the child cannot be far in time;
perhaps the child was buried in its former home” (ibid.: 59). In my
opinion, had the excavators known about Middle Bronze burial customs
(especially of children) under the floors of houses they would have dated
the house and the tomb to the same period.
The excavators report that the roof of Room D in Tomb 911 had
been broken when a cistern or a silo was built above it. They believed
that this silo was abandoned and filled during the Middle Bronze II
(ibid.: 68). Although Tomb 911 is located in the southern part of the
excavated area, this is another example for a domestic use of the slope
during the Middle Bronze II–III.
Besides these three examples one more case should be mentioned:
Tomb 51 is a masonry chamber tomb. Although the excavators men-
tioned no stratigraphic relation to its superstructure, the plan and
photograph of the tomb (ibid.: Pl. 1; Fig. 54) suggest that it was built
alongside a wall. As aforementioned, masonry chamber tombs were
always built below floors of buildings. Thus the wall that appears on
the plan and photograph is probably a wall of the building into its
floor Tomb 51 was excavated. This may imply that both the wall and
the tomb were built at the same time.
The spatial distribution of the tombs on the southeastern slope (Fig. 2)
also implies a change in land use during the Middle Bronze Age. The
tombs are concentrated in two areas. The first is in the southern part
of the excavated area, where mass-burial caves are concentrated. These
tombs date from the Middle Bronze I until the end of the Middle
Bronze II (Kenyon Pottery Groups A–B). The second area is located
on the northwestern part of the slope, where individual interments first
appeared during the Middle Bronze II, and continued to exist until the
end of the Middle Bronze III. Middle Bronze III tombs appeared only
in the northwestern part (almost all of individual interments).
Furthermore, three significant facts concerning the architectural
elements on the northwestern part of the excavated area of the slope
should be considered:
10 eran arie
Discussing land use on the slope of Megiddo, one must mention the
expansion of the city during its one of the most conspicuous period
of urbanization. The construction of the lower city (the terrace) of
Megiddo has recently been dated to the beginning of the Middle Bronze
II (Ilan, Franklin, and Hallote 2000: 83). This process shaped the tell,
bringing it to its present form and size (the upper mound reaching
ca. 8 ha and the terrace, ca. 4 ha). These vast earthworks enabled the
expansion of the city toward tracts that had previously not existed.
Wall 220, also referred to as Wall K (Guy 1931: Fig. 14) (Fig. 2) was
excavated on the southeastern slope (Guy and Engberg 1938: Pl. 1), and
interpreted as the foundation of an outer city wall built when the city
was at its largest. Guy dated this wall to the 10th century BCE, though
on what basis is unclear. A retaining wall (Wall 94/F/15) dated to the
Middle Bronze II that was unearthed by the renewed expedition of
Tel Aviv University in Area F,6 located on the terrace, was understood
as the continuation of Wall 220 (Ilan, Franklin, and Hallote 2000: 80).
Both walls were part of the infrastructure of the terrace and were built
in order to support the considerable weight of the embankment. It
seems that Guy, excavating on the southeastern slope, was not aware
that he was digging through the Middle Bronze embankment. If so,
the borderline of the terrace must be drawn in a larger scale, and the
6
Retaining wall 94/F/15 was dated to the Middle Bronze II on the basis of the
latest pottery retrieved from the fill behind it (Loci 96/F/26 and 96/F/29) and dated
to this period (Ilan, Franklin, and Hallote 2000: 78).
changes on the southeastern slope of tel megiddo 11
connecting point between the lower city and the upper mound was
in a southern point from the excavated area on the slope (as Guy’s
reconstruction of the city during the 10th century BCE). This means
that the Middle Bronze tombs found in Squares Q-S-15–16 were west
of the retaining wall, and, thus, actually built on the terrace.
If this reconstruction is indeed true, most of the architectural remains
excavated by the Chicago Expedition in Squares Q-S-15–16 should be
interpreted as a living quarter constructed during the Middle Bronze
II–III on the southeastern edge of the newly built terrace. Following its
construction, the custom of multiple burials in caves ceased completely.
The three mass-burial caves from the Middle Bronze I–II, located on
the southern part of the slope, may indicate that in the first phase of
the Middle Bronze Age this area was used as part of the extramural
cemetery of Megiddo. After the embankment was constructed, the
cemetery was transferred to another location, and a living quarter was
erected on the upper part of the embankment; only at the beginning
of the Late Bronze Age was the area of the slope once again used as a
cemetery. It looks, therefore, as if the Middle Bronze II–III extramural
cemetery of Megiddo has not yet been found.
The urban land use of part of the slope during the Middle Bronze
II–III as a neighborhood requires a short discussion of the actual size of
Megiddo during this period. Three anchors are relevant to this estima-
tion: the retaining wall on the southeastern slope (Wall 220) (Guy and
Engberg 1938: Pl. 1); the retaining wall in Area F (Wall 94/F/15) (Ilan,
Franklin, and Hallote 2000: Fig. 4.9); and the architectural remains in
Area N of the renewed expedition (Peersmann 2006). Area N is located
at the foot of the northwestern side of the tell, approximately 100 m
to the north of the spring. Of four levels detected in the excavations,
three were dated to the Middle Bronze III. All three elements were
built to an approximate height of 137 m a.s.l. If we drew a virtual
circumferential line around Tel Megiddo at this height, we would find
that the size of Megiddo at its peak, during the Middle Bronze III,
reached approximately 13.5 ha–1.5 ha more than the accepted size
of 12 ha. This calculation affects the size of the population propor-
tionately. Furthermore, habitation on slopes of mounds was probably
a wide phenomenon, and should be taken into account when dealing
with urban rank-size hierarchy and population estimates (cf. Broshi and
Gophna 1986: 86; Finkelstein 1992: 208).
12 eran arie
It should be noted that while the examples from Dan and Lachish
illustrate a situation of earthworks covering domestic buildings under
which tombs were dug, at Megiddo, Yoqne{am, Tel Ma{amer, Beth-
Shemesh, and perhaps at Hazor, fortifications from the Middle Bronze
Age sealed isolated burials that were part of extramural cemeteries.
During the enlargements of these cities, while constructing the huge
earthworks, parts of these cemeteries were covered. In both cases,
once the earthworks had been constructed, access to the tombs was
denied and they were neglected until revealed in the archaeological
excavations.
The builders of the great Middle Bronze ramparts invested essential
resources such as time, raw material, and labor in their construction.
Bunimovitz and Finkelstein defined these earthworks as a symbol of
power and a testimony to conspicuous consumption (Bunimovitz 1992:
225–228; Finkelstein 1992: 212–214). The military role of these struc-
tures was called into question and they were interpreted as a mark of
social and political status, which can now be explained against the
background of competition between Canaanite city-states as part of
peer polity interaction. The construction of earthworks contributed to
the integration of social solidarity of the different groups in the cities,
and to the intensification of the power of social elites, which, in turn,
enabled the development of stratified urban societies (Bunimovitz
1992: 228).
In light of this context, the covering and sealing of the tombs by
the Middle Bronze ramparts must be reexamined. In my opinion, it
seems that sealing the tombs, thus keeping them from being accessed,
reinforces the assumption that the construction of these earthworks
was imposed on their builders by social elites. It seems logical that the
people who were buried in these tombs were not ancestors of these
elites. The sealing of the tombs is further evidence for the irrational-
ity of the construction of these earthworks, and it emphasizes, once
again, the existence of a central authority that controlled the gathering,
concentration, and allocation of the limited resources available.
The land use change that took place in Megiddo during the Middle
Bronze II—from a cemetery to a domestic neighborhood—testifies to
social elites competing over and aspiring to political power. This was
manifested in the form of massive constructions motivated by the desire
for control and domination, while neglecting the dead. New habitation
at the time of the recently erected rampart (during the Middle Bronze
14 eran arie
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1992–1996 Seasons (Monograph Series of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv
University No. 18). Tel Aviv: 1–13.
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Lake, IN.
——. 1992b. Structural Tombs in the Second Millenium BC. In: Kempinski, A. and
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Middle Bronze Southern Levant (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago). Chicago.
——. 1995. Mortuary Archaeology and the Middle Bronze Age Southern Levant.
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——. 2001. Tombs, Cult, and Chronology: A Reexamination of the Middle Bronze
Age Strata of Megiddo. In: Wolff, S. R., ed. Studies in the Archaeology of Israel and
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Neighboring Lands. In Memory of Douglas L. Esse (SAOC 59; ASOR Books 5). Chicago
and Atlanta: 199–214.
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——. 1995. The Dawn of Internationalism: The Middle Bronze Age. In: Levy, T. E.,
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——. 1996. The Middle Bronze Age Tombs. In: Biran, A., ed. Dan I: A Chronicle of
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Jerusalem: 161–267.
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D., and Halpern, B., eds. Megiddo III: The 1992–1996 Seasons (Monograph Series of
the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University No. 18). Tel Aviv: 75–103.
Ilan, D., Hallote, R. S., and Cline, E. H. 2000. The Middle and Late Bronze Age
Pottery from Area F. In: Finkelstein, I., Ussishkin, D., and Halpern, B., eds. Megiddo
III: The 1992–1996 Seasons (Monograph Series of the Institute of Archaeology of
Tel Aviv University No. 18). Tel Aviv: 186–222.
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Excavation Seasons (Monograph Series of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv
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Megiddo. EI 5: 51*–60*.
——. 1969. The Middle and Late Bronze Age Strata at Megiddo. Levant 1: 25–60.
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Tel Aphek According to Its Stratigraphic Provenance. In: Bietak, M., ed. The Middle
Bronze Age in the Levant: Proceedings of an International Conference on MBIIA Ceramic Material.
Vienna, 24th of January –28th of January 2001. Vienna: 189–225.
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Middle and Late Bronze Ages. Final Report of the Archaeological Excavations (1977–1988)
(Qedem Reports 7). Jerusalem: 11–39.
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of the Fifth Season of Excavation, 1968. Jerusalem: 295–340.
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London.
THE APPEARANCE OF ROCK-CUT BENCH TOMBS
IN IRON AGE JUDAH AS A REFLECTION OF
STATE FORMATION
Alexander Fantalkin
Introduction
1
References regarding the emergence of statehood in Judah are numerous; for
collections of essays addressing the subject, see, e.g., Lipi…ski 1991; Finkelstein and
Na aman 1994; Levy 1995; Fritz and Davies 1996; Handy 1997; Gitin et al. 1998;
Vaughn and Killebrew 2003; see, also Finkelstein and Silberman 2001; 2006; Halpern
2001; Na aman 2002; Routledge 2004: 114–132; Herzog and Singer-Avitz 2004;
Fantalkin and Finkelstein 2006.
2
For a number of alternatives and different perspectives, cf. Jameson-Drake 1991;
Finkelstein 1999; Cahill 2003; Herzog and Singer-Avitz 2004; Mazar 2005; Fantalkin
and Finkelstein 2006; Na aman 2007.
18 alexander fantalkin
bench tombs throughout the Kingdom of Judah during the Iron Age
IIB is a reflection of state formation, accompanied by the creation of
new elites, who apparently adopted this burial practice. But first a few
introductory notes are necessary.
The intensive research of rock-cut bench tombs in Iron Age Judah,
as well as of relevant biblical sources, has resulted in numerous sum-
maries, which offer a wide range of chronological, architectural and
sociological viewpoints (e.g., Loffreda 1968; Brichto 1973; Ribar 1973;
Abercrombie 1979; Spronk 1986; Lewis 1989; Bloch-Smith 1992a;
Ussishkin 1993; Barkay 1994; Burkes 1999: 9–33; Yezerski 1999; Fried-
man and Overton 2000; Schmidt 2000; Wenning 2005). This extensive
database, developed since the undertaking of the Survey of Western
Palestine in the 1870s, provides considerable information regarding
burial customs of the inhabitants of Judah during the monarchic period.
Recent summaries include nearly 300 rock-cut bench tombs dated to
that period (Barkay 1994; Yezerski 1995), and archaeology is likely to
increase this number.
From a typological perspective, bench tombs may be divided into
several main groups (for the most up-to-date summary, see Yezerski
1999). The first attempt to demonstrate continuity in development
between the different types of bench tombs was made by Loffreda who
discerned five basic types and three sub-types, arranged typologically
and chronologically from the simplest to the most complex (Loffreda
1968: 265–287). However, Loffreda’s evolutionary scheme is misleading
since it has been shown that some types existed simultaneously (e.g.,
Borowski 1994: 46). According to Barkay (1994: 162; 1999), the typo-
logical differences between rock-cut bench tombs may reflect various
dwelling types in Judah, as well as the social status of those interred. In
addition, the simultaneous existence of several typological-architectural
groups probably attests to regional differences as well (Yezerski 1999).
But despite architectural differences, rock-cut bench tombs most prob-
ably reflect an identical conceptualization of the afterlife (cf. Osborne
2007; Suriano 2007).3
The absolute dates of the bench tombs are based on limited ceramic
finds; those discovered looted are dated by stylistic comparison with
3
For the purpose of the present article, the typological differences between bench
tombs are insignificant, since all cases (including so-called arcosolium type) share a com-
mon concept of a bench on which the deceased was laid.
appearance of rock-cut bench tombs in iron age judah 19
Discussion
Can Bench Tombs in Iron Age Judah Serve as an Indicator of Social Rank?
Any scientific investigation of the burial customs of ancient societ-
ies should first consider the finds themselves (the tombs and their
contexts) as well as historical sources, if such exist. Such evidence is
obviously not sufficient to create a complete picture of the significance
and implications of an ancient society’s burial customs. It is a difficult
task to analyze funeral finds in an attempt to uncover what light they
may shed on societies with complex social and economic hierarchies
4
Parker’s (2003) recent suggestion that it is possible to interpret a considerable part
of Iron Age graffiti found in caves in Judah as expressions of refugees hiding away from
enemies does not diminish the chronological value of these inscriptions in establishing
the absolute chronology of the bench tombs.
5
The presence of bench tombs in Transjordan (e.g., Meqabelein, Sahab, and
Dhiban) is of minor significance compared to that in the Cisjordan and does not
weaken Yezerski’s main argument.
20 alexander fantalkin
(cf. Binford 1971; Chapman and Randsborg 1981; Morris 1987; 1992;
and see in general Pearson 1999).
When dealing with burial practices in complex societies, particularly
in cases such as Iron Age Judah, where the number of known burials is
impressive, one should always keep in mind that despite their visibility
in the archaeological record, these remains might represent only a
small portion of an ancient population. It is very likely that the major-
ity of the population of Iron Age Judah used simple pit graves, which
left no trace in the archaeological record (De Vaux 1965: 58; Spronk
1986: 239; Bloch-Smith 1992a: 149–150; Hopkins 1996: 129–132;
Barkay 1999: 100). Thus, rock-cut bench tombs discovered in Jerusalem
represent, according to Barkay (1990: 103), only about 1.5% of all
the deceased in the city during the Monarchic period.6 It seems that
most of Jerusalem’s population (most probably consisting of the lower
classes), as in other parts of the Land of Israel, were buried in simple
pit graves. The existence of this custom is firmly attested in the Bible
(e.g., 2 Kings 23: 6; Jer. 26: 23; 31: 39–40).7 From an archaeological
perspective, on the other hand, the evidence for this practice is scarce,
and so far it has been found only at Lachish (Tufnell 1953: 171–249).
The limited survival of such practices in the archaeological record
should not come as a surprise, however, since a similar pattern is attested
toward the end of the Second Temple period. So far, only four sites in
Jerusalem from this period have yielded a limited number of simple pit
graves, consisting of a shallow pit ca. 0.5 m deep (Kloner 1980: 244).8
6
This is based upon Broshi’s estimates (1974; 1977; 1990; see also Broshi and Fin-
kelstein 1992). It is beyond the scope of this paper to discuss the reliability of methods
for estimating population size based on archaeological finds (cf. Lipschits 2003); but in
fact, even if Broshi’s estimates, especially for Jerusalem, are exaggerated (cf. Na aman
2007 with earlier references), there is still an enormous gap between the number of
preserved caves and the estimated number of inhabitants.
7
It should be noted that some of these biblical references may also point to the
existence of mass burials in the vicinity of Jerusalem. These may have been used at
times of exceptional mortality brought on by epidemics, earthquakes, or significant
military conflicts. From an archaeological perspective this practice may be observed in
the case of Lachish (Tufnell 1953: 193–194). An additional example of mass burials
attested at Area D in Ashdod, where the communal burial pits were located within the
dwelling units, remains unclear; although, most probably, these mass burials should be
connected to the assault of Sargon II (Bachi and Ben-Dov 1971: 92–94; Bloch-Smith
1992a: 29; Finkelstein and Singer-Avitz 2001: 250, n. 18). The existence of collective
burial pits outside the city of Rome (so-called puticuli), confirmed by literary sources and
archaeology (Hopkins 1983: 207–210; Morris 1992: 42), may provide a good parallel
for communal burial pits that presumably existed in the vicinity of Jerusalem.
8
These simple pit graves should not be confused with the so-called Qumran-type
graves (Schultz 2006 with further references), recently discovered at Beth Zafafa (Zissu
and Moyal 1998; cf. also Puech 1998; Hachlili 2000).
appearance of rock-cut bench tombs in iron age judah 21
9
For additional discussion, see Regev 2000; Peleg 2002.
22 alexander fantalkin
10
For a wide range of material and social issues, such as access to natural resources,
management of waste, and proximity to kin and social equals, which might have
appeared because of the population’s agglomeration within the cities, see, e.g., Fletcher
1995; Morgan and Coulton 1997.
11
According to Tubul (2007: 195–196), there may be even a deliberate semantic
distinction between the use of the two plural forms for the word “grave” in the Bible.
appearance of rock-cut bench tombs in iron age judah 23
31, 74–5). To sum up, the numerous rock-cut bench tomb cemeteries
attested near Judahite cities during the Late Iron Age may reflect the
high “vertical” position of the deceased, united by belonging to elite
status “corporate” groups, which in turn reveals their “horizontal”
social position (cf. Carr 1995).
Can Bench Tombs in Iron Age Judah Serve as an Indicator of State Formation?
The affiliation of 8th–7th-century Judahite bench tombs (at least those
near the cities) with urban elites is of particular significance, though
the importance of this fact is not always clearly acknowledged.12 The
transformation of traditional Judahite culture of the 10th–9th centuries
BCE, characterized by patrilineal and individual kinship, to an elite one
near the end of the 8th and during the 7th centuries BCE was demon-
strated in two extensive studies (Halpern 1991; 1996; see also Simkins
2004).13 According to Halpern, the emergence of the monotheistic
urban elite, which gained ascendancy in Judah under Kings Hezekiah,
Manasseh, and Josiah, is reflected inter alia in Israelite burial customs.
Halpern notes that Israelite rock-cut tombs prior to the 7th century
BCE were multichambered, with space for at least four generations,
and as such, may reflect what he calls “clan section.” In the 7th century
BCE this type was replaced by a single-chambered type, where “the
old clan sections were breaking down as tomb groups; the extended
family now cared individually for its own dead” (Halpern 1996: 326).14
I agree with Halpern’s suggestion that 8th–7th-century Judahite bench
tombs mainly reflect newly created urban elites; however, his suggestion
regarding the change in burial practices in the 7th century BCE lacks
evidence in the archaeological record. Firstly, it is virtually impossible
to differentiate typologically between Iron Age burial caves of the 8th
12
For the general acceptance that rock-cut tombs probably reflect the higher
classes, see De Vaux 1965: 58; Spronk 1986: 239; Bloch-Smith 1992a: 149; Kletter
2002: 38.
13
In fact, quite a similar approach may be detected already in Causse’s works (1934;
1937). According to him, the establishment of the monarchy led to increased social
differentiation, and as a result of it a “group” collective mentality of the tribal and
early Monarchic period was replaced by a more individualistic way of thinking toward
the end of the monarchy and thereafter.
14
For a view that in both the urban and rural environments these tombs might
have represented extended families, see Barkay 1999. According to him, it is hard to
accept Faust’s reconstruction regarding the differences in family structure between cities
and villages during the Iron Age II. Faust (1999a) suggested that extended families
are represented in the rural sector, while nuclear families dwelt in most of the small
four-room houses in the urban sector.
24 alexander fantalkin
15
Bloch-Smith’s critique of Kletter’s suggestion is not convincing since the number
of Iron Age I burials attested in the central highlands and gathered by her is extremely
small (Bloch-Smith 2003: 424; 2004). Faust (2004), on the other hand, suggests that the
lack of Iron Age I burials in the central highlands points to an ideology of simplicity
and egalitarianism among the “proto-Israelites.”
16
For suggested chronology, see Herzog and Singer-Avitz 2004; Fantalkin and
Finkelstein 2006.
appearance of rock-cut bench tombs in iron age judah 25
17
It seems that a similar situation may have existed at Tel alif, which was occupied
continuously from the Late Bronze Age until the Late Iron Age (Seger 1993: 557–559).
So far, all excavated and published tombs from Tel alif are dated exclusively to the
Iron Age IIA–IIB. Unlike the Judean core area, however, their initial appearance in
26 alexander fantalkin
accords well with the first appearance of bench tombs during the Late
Bronze Age (14th–13th centuries BCE) in the region discussed, given
their limited distribution in areas of the southern Coastal Plain (Tell
el- Ajjul) and the Shephelah (Gezer, Lachish, Tell Eitun, and Tell
el-Far ah [S]) (Gonen 1992: 22–3, 124–130).18 In Barkay’s opinion it
is impossible to find a direct and continuous link between these Late
Bronze rock-cut bench tombs and those that begin to appear in Judah
from the 10th century BCE, since this burial custom developed in Judah
independently (1994: 163). Conversely, Bloch-Smith suggests that all the
elements of the standard Iron Age IIB bench-tomb type were already
present in the region toward the end of the Late Bronze Age (1992a:
41–52, 137; 1992b: 217). Though acknowledging the fact that there is
a clear continuity in burial practices from the Late Bronze Age through
the Iron Age I and II, at least in the regions of the Shephelah and the
southern coast, Bloch-Smith apparently considers the 10th–9th BCE
Shephelah within the boundaries of the United Monarchy (1992a:
15; 1992b; 2002: 123).19 Both Barkay and Bloch-Smith, despite the
differences in their approaches, fail to explain why bench tombs began
to appear in the Judean Highlands during the 8th century BCE and
not sooner. The available data, however, suggests that there is a link
between the adoption of this custom by newly emerged 8th-century-
BCE Judahite elites and the conversion of Judah from a dimorphic
chiefdom to a fully developed state (cf. Finkelstein 1999).
Tel alif is attested from at least the 9th century BCE (Biran and Gophna 1970;
Borowski 1992; 1994). The presence of possible 9th century BCE bench tombs at
Tel Ira (Beit-Arieh et al. 1999: 129–169), orbat Anim (Yezerski and Lender 2002),
Zahiriyye (Yezerski 1999: 258 with earlier references), and Khirbet Za aq (ibid.: 257–258)
is in line with the assumption that during the Iron Age IIA this burial practice was
concentrated outside the proper Judean core area; and see below.
18
It should not be forgotten that there is disagreement over the appearance of rock-
cut bench tombs within the context of the Palestinian Late Bronze Age. According to
Waldbaum (1966), trapeze-shaped bench tombs with dromoi, which were exposed at
Cemetery 500 at Tell el-Far ah (S), were inspired by Aegean (Mycenaen) prototypes.
Stiebing (1970) and Gonen (1992: 22–23, 124–130), however, have suggested that the
rock-cut bench tomb, as a type, originated in Cyprus and its appearance in Late Bronze
Palestine shows Cypriot influence (see also Gilmour 1995).
19
Bloch-Smith’s views should not be confused with those of Spronk (1986). Accord-
ing to Spronk, there are no typical Israelite graves even in the Iron Age II. Spronk’s
theory, however, appears to be unacceptable. Despite the continuity between the Late
Bronze and Iron Age burial practices, at least in the southern coast and the Shephelah
there is no other alternative but to see the vast majority of 8th–7th centuries BCE
bench-tombs as the clear Judahite type (cf. Yezerski 1999).
appearance of rock-cut bench tombs in iron age judah 27
20
Perhaps the most suitable parallel that could bridge the gap between the idea of
a great United Monarchy and the lack of archaeological evidence in Jerusalem may
come from the Carolingian Empire. The administration of this early medieval empire
was focused on a series of palaces (such as Aachen, Paderborn, and Ingelheim), which
the emperors, who stood at the heart of a system of patronage, visited as part of their
peripatetic routine (Moreland 2001: 396). But even in this case, already during the
reign of Charlemagne (768–814 CE), the royal government was increasingly based at
Aachen (ibid. with earlier references), implying the necessity of establishing a perma-
nent core-base. This parallel, however, should not be examined cautiously with regard
to the historicity of the United Monarchy, due to the fact that, inter alia, the biblical
narrative describes Jerusalem as being a capital of the kingdom already during the
reign of King David, and as a large and rich city, especially during the glorious reign
of King Solomon.
21
It should be noted that based on various interpretations of the same archaeologi-
cal data, different scholars have reached opposite conclusions concerning the status of
Jerusalem (for a rather minimalist, middle-way approach, see Jameson-Drake 1991;
Knauf 1991; Niemann 1993; Na aman 1996a; 2007; Steiner 1998; 2003; Finkelstein
1999; 2001; Ussishkin 2003a; Finkelstein and Silberman 2001; 2006; for the opposite
view, see Cahill 2003; Kletter 2004; Faust 2005; Mazar 2005).
22
The reference to the “House of David” in the Tel Dan inscription (Biran and
Naveh 1993; 1995), as well as possibly on the Mesha Stele (Lemaire 1994), definitely
point to the existence of a political entity of some sort in the Judean Highlands already
during the 10th–9th centuries BCE. The suspicions raised by some that the Tel Dan
inscription is fabricated are not convincing (for the latest attempt, see Gmirkin 2002
with earlier references).
appearance of rock-cut bench tombs in iron age judah 29
23
It is worth noting that unlike in the Judean Highlands a modest number of Iron
Age IIA rock-cut caves are attested to the north of Jerusalem in the Benjamin Pla-
teau. A few examples were reported from Gibeon (Dajani 1953; Bloch-Smith 1992a:
168–169) and Tell en-Na be (Badé 1931; McCown 1947: 77–100; Bloch-Smith 1992a:
195–196, 207). It is tempting to explain such an “early” appearance of these tombs in
this particular area with the rise of the early Israelite polity which was concentrated
around Gibeon (Finkelstein 2002b). According to Finkelstein (ibid.), this presumably
Saulide polity was assaulted by Shoshenq I in the late 10th century BCE.
24
Bloch-Smith (1992a: 51–52): “It is unclear how early the bench tomb was adopted
by the Judahites or when the bench burying population in the southern highlands first
identified itself as Judahite. Therefore, for the twelfth and eleventh centuries BCE,
the burial evidence illustrates only that the cultural group burying in bench tombs
was concentrated in the Tell Aitun to Tell Halif region of the Shephelah.” It seems,
however, that on the whole this observation appears to be correct during the Iron Age
IIA as well, with possible extension to the northern Negev.
25
The term “New Canaan” here is in accordance with a reference to the “New
Canaan” that lasted in the northern valleys until Shoshenq’s campaign (Finkelstein
2001: 108; 2002b; 2003).
30 alexander fantalkin
26
Using the Low Chronology perspective (Finkelstein 1999; 2002a, both with earlier
references), one may attribute Jerusalem’s stepped stone structure, a small part of a
casemate wall, and a few other occupational remains to the 9th century BCE (cf. Reich
et al. 2007); nevertheless, these elements are insufficient evidence for the existence of
a capital of a large state (Steiner 2001: 42–53, 113–116). Moreover, Finkelstein states
that even an (early?) 8th-century-BCE date for the stepped stone structure is plausible
(2001: 106).
appearance of rock-cut bench tombs in iron age judah 31
transformation was achieved not at some time during the first half
of the 9th century BCE but rather near the end of that century. Two
major factors seem to contribute to this significant event, which cre-
ated a new paradigm shortly thereafter. The first is the short period of
decline for the Northern Kingdom, throughout the days of Jehu and
Jehoahaz, when Israel was pressed by Aram-Damascus. The second is
new developments in the region of the Shephelah. During the 10th
century BCE, this area seems to have been dominated by Ekron, at
least until its destruction, perhaps in the course of Shoshenq’s campaign
(Finkelstein 2001: 111; 2002b: 116). Thereafter, it is most plausible
that Gath controlled the area of the Shephelah and maybe the Beer-
sheba Valley as well,27 at least until the decline of Gath in the course
of Hazael’s campaign.28 If the historicity of this event is accepted,29
the Judahite expansion into the area of the Shephelah might be seen
not as the outcome of Omride policy, but as an independent Judahite
move, fully exploiting a new opportunity, apparently in the days of
Jehoash. The assumed growth in the number of settlements in the hill
country to the south of Jerusalem in the 9th century BCE (Ofer 1994:
102–104) provides additional corroboration for this suggestion. In this
regard one should also reconsider the historical role of Amaziah and
Uzziah in the establishment of Jerusalem’s rule over the territories of
the Shephelah and the Beersheba Valley. It seems that the aggressive
expansionist policy of Aram-Damascus, resulting in the decline of
Gath and the temporary weakening of the Northern Kingdom, may
have paved the way for Judah’s expansion and transformation into
27
In both cases it is plausible that their power spread in the north up to the Yar-
kon area. If one looks for the core—periphery relationships in the southern part of
the Land of Israel, the core, at least during the 10th and perhaps most of the 9th
centuries BCE, should be placed in Philistia (Knauf 2000: Fig. 4). I cannot accept,
however, Knauf ’s suggestion (ibid.: 85) that during the early Iron Age II “Jerusalem
should have prospered under the conditions of the Rift Valley trade system together
with Philistia.”
28
A major destruction layer recently uncovered at Gath (final Stratum A3) points to
the late-9th- century-BCE horizon and was reasonably assigned to Hazael’s campaign
(Shai and Maeir 2003; Maeir 2004; Ackermann et al. 2005).
29
The historicity of the conquest of Gath by Hazael king of Aram Damascus
(2 Kings 12: 17) is accepted by many scholars (Na aman 1996b: 176–177; 1997: 127;
Finkelstein and Singer-Avitz 2001: 242 with earlier references; see also Schniedewind
1998). However, as rightly pointed out by Finkelstein and Singer-Avitz (2001: 242): “A
reconstruction of a wide-scale Hazael campaign in the south should await additional
support; historical and/or archaeological.”
32 alexander fantalkin
30
If there is any validity to the story portrayed in 2 Chron. 26:6 (Finkelstein 2002c:
139 with earlier references) it would corroborate the assumed confrontation with the
Philistines for control over the southern trade network in the days of Uzziah, in the
early 8th century BCE.
31
Such a scenario would make it impossible to accept Faust’s suggestion to connect
the massive appearance of slip and burnish on pottery vessels used for food consump-
tion with the formation of the United Monarchy (2002). According to him, the level
of social complexity peaked around 1000 BCE with the formation of the United
Monarchy. This process deepened the gender inequalities, and required a new elabo-
rate treatment of vessels used for “masculine” activities (see also Joffe 2002: 442–443
with earlier references, who attributes the appearance of the red burnished pottery
to the emergent “royal” culture in the 10th century BCE). It seems, however, that
even using the conventional chronology, there is no basis for Faust’s main claim that
the use of slipped and burnished pottery reached its peak at some point during the
10th century BCE. Moreover, the wide distribution of slipped and burnished pottery
all over the southern Levant, including the Phoenician (Bikai 1978; Lehmann 1996)
and Philistine milieu (Bunimovitz and Lederman 2001: 146, n. 59), would undermine
Faust’s reconstruction as well.
appearance of rock-cut bench tombs in iron age judah 33
part of the Kingdom of Judah not before the foundation of Level IV.
A new architectural plan, beginning at Lachish IV and continuing
through Level III, may reflect a system of higher-level administrative
control, i.e. the Kingdom of Judah (Ussishkin 2004: 82).32
The same scenario most likely accounts for the foundation of the
fort of Arad XI.33 It seems that the establishment of the administrative
centers at Lachish IV, the fortification system at Beth-shemesh, and the
fortress of Arad XI and their affiliation with the Kingdom of Judah, may
be placed sometime within the last third of the 9th century BCE.34
Keeping in mind the proposed reconstruction, let us return to the
starting point, i.e. the sudden appearance of rock-cut bench tombs
in the Judean core-area. Now, it appears that the integration of the
southern Shephelah into the Kingdom of Judah near the end of the 9th
century BCE led to the dispersion of rock-cut bench tombs throughout
the kingdom and their rapid adoption as the accepted Judahite custom,
and that these tombs characterized mainly a wealthy (elite) Judahite
population from the 8th to the beginning of the 6th centuries BCE.
Such an observation appears to be in line with some of Portugali’s
theoretical speculations on the emergence of statehood in Judah (1994).
Using the “evolutionary” approach of Cavalli-Sforza and Feldman
(1981), as well as Haken’s “synergetics” approach (1985),35 he suggests
32
Such a reconstruction agrees with the suggestion that the Lachish palace (on
Podia A and B) was first built in Level IV (Aharoni 1975: 41; Ussishkin 1996: 35, n.
4; 1997: 319). It should be noted, however, that even if Podium A was built in Level
V (Tufnell 1953: 52–53), the new architectural plan that continued to Level III, started
only in Level IV. However, a certain similarity between the pottery of Lachish V and
IV (Zimhoni 1997: 171) may suggest that, except for the new masters, the local popu-
lation around Lachish did not change.
33
It should be emphasized that though the fort of Arad X is similar in size to Arad
XI, it differs in numerous details: the architectural layout; the type of fortifications;
the erection of the temple; and the construction of a water system (Herzog 2002).
Moreover, the pottery of Stratum X is remarkably different from that of Stratum XI
(ibid.; Singer-Avitz 2002). It seems that unlike Arad X, whose attribution to the King-
dom of Judah must be certain, the suggested status of Arad XI should be examined
with caution.
34
If the fortified administrative center of Beer-sheba V was founded earlier than
Lachish IV and Arad XI (Zimhoni 1997: 206–207; Finkelstein 2001: 112, n. 16), it
could have been dominated by Gath, at least until Gath’s decline toward the end of
the 9th century BCE.
35
For definition and theoretical framework of the “self-organization” paradigm,
which is the core of the “synergetics” approach, see Nicolis and Prigogine 1977;
Prigogine and Stengers 1984; McGlade and van der Leeuw 1997. For the implica-
tions of applying this method to archaeology, see Allen 1982; 1997; Weidlich 1988;
Schloen 2001: 57–58.
34 alexander fantalkin
36
It should be noted that Faust’s (1999b) analysis of the abandonment of the Iron
Age I rural sites in the hill country north of Jerusalem may apply to the rise of the
Kingdom of Israel rather than to the establishment of the United Monarchy. It becomes
particularly clear if one employs the Low Chronology (cf. ibid.: 25, n. 59).
37
In Israel, i.e. the Northern Kingdom, the situation appears to have been different,
because the major urban centers emerged during the 9th century BCE. It is hard to
explain, however, why the urbanization of the Kingdom of Israel was not accompanied
by the emergence of rock-cut tomb cemeteries, as occurred in the Kingdom of Judah
in the 8th century. The known Iron Age II burials from the area of the Kingdom of
Israel, despite their modest numbers (Kletter 2002: 30, n. 7 with earlier references;
Vitto 2001; Braun 2001), may reflect a multi-ethnic society with a variety of burial
practices (Faust 2000; Finkelstein 2000; Finkelstein and Silberman 2001: 191–194).
Perhaps the Assyrian destructions of the late 8th century BCE halted the crystallization
of standard burial practice in the Kingdom of Israel (Bloch-Smith 1992a: 143–144;
Kletter 2002: 30). On the other hand, following the conquest of the Shephelah, the
homogenous Judahite elite quickly adopted the bench tomb burial practice, of course
modifying and standardizing it.
38
Interestingly, the emergence of statehood in Urartu, during the 9th century BCE,
is accompanied by the appearance of elaborate rock-cut funerary caves, which, appar-
ently, served high-level officials (Burney 1995).
appearance of rock-cut bench tombs in iron age judah 35
Conclusions
It has been emphasized that bench tombs can serve as a reliable indi-
cator in attempting to reconstruct the boundaries of the Kingdom of
Judah near the end of the Iron Age (Yezerski 1999). Their distribution
throughout the kingdom near the end of the Iron Age matches, on the
whole, the spatial distribution of the material finds clearly identified as
Judahite (cf. Kletter 1999). In this paper I have tried to point out several
features that allow us to make a connection between the widespread
appearance of rock-cut bench tombs throughout the Kingdom of Judah
from the 8th century BCE until the Babylonian conquest and Judah’s
emergence as a fully developed state with a material culture of its own.
I suggested that Judah’s expansion into the area of the Shephelah and
the latter’s integration into the Kingdom of Judah near the end of the
9th century BCE might be seen as a major event in Judah’s transforma-
tion into a fully developed state. It should be clearly stated, however,
that the appearance of rock-cut bench tombs in Iron Age Judah does
not itself indicate state formation. It should be considered rather as
39
In addition to the widespread adoption of this burial practice, a parallel trend,
including imitation of certain architectural elements in funerary architecture at the end
of the Iron Age, may be attested as well. Thus, the style of the “Pharaoh’s Daughter”
tomb includes Egyptian elements such as an Egyptian cornice and pyramid. This
tomb appears to have been a result of pure Egyptian inspiration (Ussishkin 1993: 319).
Further examples illustrating Egyptian inspiration are the headrests in Cave No. 2 at
St. Ètienne Monastery in Jerusalem. In Barkay’s opinion, these headrests were shaped
like the hairstyle of the Egyptian goddess Hathor (1994: 150–151). It can be reasonably
assumed that in both cases the imitation of Egyptian elements by the local elite was
the source for inspiration (so-called elite emulation, and see Higginbotham 2000: 6–16
for a general explanation of this phenomenon). Accepting this explanation, perhaps
we are able to date the above examples more precisely to the last quarter of the 7th
century BCE, bearing in mind that during that period Judah became an Egyptian
vassal following Assyrian withdrawal from the region (Freedy and Redford 1970: 478,
n. 79; Miller and Hayes 1986: 38; Na aman 1991; Fantalkin 2001: 128–147). Although
the uncertainty of this reconstruction should be definitely emphasized, I see no basis
whatsoever for Bloch-Smith’s (2002: 129) suggestion to attribute the tomb of “Pharaoh’s
Daughter” to the 9th century BCE.
36 alexander fantalkin
Acknowledgments
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TRADEMARKS OF THE OMRIDE BUILDERS?
Norma Franklin
Samaria
Samaria, a rocky hill-top site, first developed in the Early Iron Age as a
lucrative oil and wine production center (Stager 1990: 93–107; Franklin
2004a: 189–202). Its earliest monumental buildings were erected by
Omri in ca. 880 BCE, when he chose this economic hub as the capital
of the Northern Kingdom of Israel (1 Kings 16: 23–24).
The Harvard Expedition (1908–1910) first excavated the site; G. Schu-
macher, who had just terminated his excavation at Megiddo, initially
served as the temporary director until G. Reisner assumed the position in
1909. C. Fisher, who later became the first director of the Oriental Insti-
tute’s expedition to Megiddo, was appointed excavation architect. The
Harvard Expedition was intent on revealing the city founded by Omri
and so they concentrated their excavation on the summit. There they
revealed a monumental building, which they immediately identified as
the 9th-century “Palace of Omri” on the basis of the passage in 1 Kings
16: 23–24 (Reisner et al. 1924: 35, 60–61).
The second expedition to Samaria, the Joint Expedition (1931–1935),
was directed by J. W. Crowfoot, but it was K. Kenyon who continued
excavations on the summit (Crowfoot et al. 1942). The Joint Expedition
accepted the overall stratigraphic interpretation offered by the Har-
vard Expedition agreeing that there was no monumental architecture
prior to the “Palace of Omri,” which they renamed Building Period I
(ibid.: 7).
46 norma franklin
Megiddo
1
Only one ashlar inscribed with a masons’ mark has marginal drafting. It is an
ashlar used as a “strengthening corner” on the western foundation pier of Gate 1576.
The ashlar is in secondary use and acquired its marginal drafting as an aid in aligning
the structure correctly.
48 norma franklin
marks been derived from an early form of the Carian alphabet they
would have also exhibited chronological or regional variation. However,
the use of “Carian-related alphabetic marks” as masons’ marks may
suggest an ongoing vocational link rather than an ethnic link, for some
of the masons’ marks reappear over a long period of time and are found
in southwest Anatolian, Egyptian, and Persian contexts (Franklin 2001:
107–116). The function of these unique marks is unknown; they may
have served an atropaic purpose or echoed the practices and origin of
foreign construction workers. Furthermore, their apparent concurrent
use, at both Samaria and Megiddo, implies a brief time period.
2
There is a greater discrepancy regarding the application of the short-cubit to
the palace at Megiddo in contrast to Samaria. This may be due to the settlement of
Palace 1723, which was built on accumulated Tel debris, as opposed to the Omride
Palace which was built on bedrock. In any event the short-cubit is the measurement
that produces the least discrepancy when applied to these buildings.
50 norma franklin
and Nicholson 1995: 174). It should be noted that the second dynasty
belonging to that period is the 22nd “Libyan” Dynasty (Kitchen 1986:
334–337), which partially coincides with the Israelite Omride dynasty
that is credited with inaugurating Building Period I at Samaria.
Addendum
Telalio pattern for added strength (Franklin 2006). All these techniques:
the Assyrian cubit, the marginally drafted ashlars, the red guide lines,
and the Telalio wall construction are peculiar to Building Period II at
Samaria and Stratum IV at Megiddo, and noticeably different from
the techniques used in the previous strata at both sites.
Conclusion
The use of the Egyptian short cubit as the unit of measurement is not
unique, but its use on two palatial buildings that also have a unique set
of masons’ marks must alert us to the fact that we have tangible evidence
for the existence of a group of skilled foreign craftsmen working in the
Northern Kingdom of Israel in the 9th century BCE. This hypothesis is
strengthened when the monumental buildings in the subsequent strata
at both sites are seen to exhibit very different structural techniques and
are built using a different unit of measurement.
The question must be raised: Is the simultaneous use of masons’
marks and the Egyptian short cubit the trademark of a foreign work-
force?
The Mesha Stele records that Israelite prisoners of war were employed
as construction workers in Moab (Ahlström 1982: 15; Naxaman 1997:
123). The Assyrians routinely subjugated to servitude their prisoners of
war (Zaccagnini 1983: 260), and the Omride dynasty is also recorded as
having used prisoners of war to further their building projects (Naxaman
1997: 123). Is it possible that this unique set of trademarks was left by
prisoners of war who were used as a labor force by the Omride dynasty,
or were the builders a group of skilled craftsmen commissioned by the
Omride dynasty to build these two palatial buildings?
trademarks of the omride builders? 53
References
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Shiloh, Y. 1979. The Proto-Aeolic Capital and Israelite Ashlar Masonry (Qedem 11). Jeru-
salem.
Stager, L. 1990. Shemer’s Estate. BASOR 277–278: 93–107.
Sukenik, E. L. 1957. In: Crowfoot, J. W., Crowfoot, G. M., and Kenyon, K. M. The
Objects from Samaria (Samaria-Sebaste No. 3). London: 34.
Yadin, Y. 1960. New Light on Solomon’s Megiddo. BA 23: 62–68.
——. 1970. Megiddo and the Kings of Israel. BA 33: 66–96.
——. 1972. Hazor: The Head of All Those Kingdoms (The Schweich Lectures of the
British Academy, 1970). London.
Zaccagnini, C. 1983. Patterns of Mobility among Ancient Near Eastern Craftsmen.
JNES 42: 245–264.
CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN THE LATE BRONZE TO
IRON AGE TRANSITION IN ISRAEL’S COASTAL PLAIN:
A LONG TERM PERSPECTIVE
Yuval Gadot
Introduction
More then eighty years of intense research have passed since the
founders of modern Near Eastern archaeology gathered in Jerusalem
to crystallize the periodization of ancient Israel (Palestine Exploration
Fund 1923). The accumulated mass of unsynthesized archaeological
evidence convinced scholars like Albright that it was time to offer a
broad and unified periodization for the country such that would avoid
“confusion that could lead only to chaos unless the use of centuries was
substituted for that period [Iron Age, Y.G.]” (Albright 1949: 112).
The scores of papers discussing the transition between the Late
Bronze and the Iron Ages that have been published in the elapsed time
(e.g., Albright 1931: 120–121; 1939: 11–23; Wright 1961: 114; Oren
1985: 37–56; Kempinski 1985: 399–407; Ussishkin 1985: 213–230;
Dever 1992: 99–110; 1993a: 706–724; 1993b: 25–35; Finkelstein 1995:
213–239; 2003: 189–195) demonstrate how far we are from a broadly
accepted scheme so optimistically envisioned by Albright and his col-
leagues. There is still dispute over the date for the end of one period
and the beginning of the next,1 and there is no agreement on the
1
See, for example, Ussishkin (1985) who claims that the end of the Late Bronze
Age should be dated to the collapse of the Egyptian control over the land at 1150
BCE, as opposed to Mazar (1990: 290) who ends the Late Bronze Age in the more
traditional date of 1200 BCE, although he acknowledges the continuation of the
Egyptian hegemony over the land for another fifty years.
56 yuval gadot
2
The state of art in the debate over the transition between the Late Bronze Age and
the Iron Age I is not unique. See, for example, the discussion over the Middle Bronze
Age-Late Bronze Age transition: Seger 1975; Dever 1987; 1990; Bunimovitz 1992.
continuity and change in the late bronze to iron age 57
3
For a description of the hazards of the Yarkon, see Avitsur 1957: 184–197. For a
large swamp located east of Jaffa, see Raban 1990–1993: 100.
58 yuval gadot
4
The first to emphasize the connection between social order and the natural condi-
tions in the Levant was Marfoe in his integrative model (1979). Bunimovitz (1994) has
used the longue durée approach when analyzing changes that took place during the Late
Bronze–Iron Age transition and suggested that understanding changes that took place
in Israel’s lowlands should be done against the background of the ‘shifting boundaries’
model. See also Greenberg 2002.
5
For the settlement pattern of the area during the Early Bronze Ib, see Gophna
1996: Fig. 74; Getzov et al. 2001: Fig. 11.
6
During the Early Bronze II, the only settlements to exist in the area were sites like
Tel Dalit—located at the low hills to the east of the plain—while the plains were left
uninhabited. It seems that these settlements should be viewed as the western edge of
the settlement system that existed in the highlands at that time (Gophna 1974: 159; cf.
Broshi and Gophna 1984; Gophna and Portugali 1988; Finkelstein 1995c).
7
For Aphek and its hinterland during the Middle Bronze IIa, see Kochavi 1989:
54; for the rural settlements found around Aphek, see Gophna and Beck 1981. See
also Kletter and Gorzalczany 2001 for a description of pottery workshops that were
located outside the main settlements.
continuity and change in the late bronze to iron age 59
8
Following Wente and Van Siclen’s chronology 1977; for Thutmose III’s campaigns,
see Redford 2003 and earlier references there.
9
For Tel Michal, see Negbi 1989a: Fig. 5.7: 14. For Aphek, see Martin et al. forth-
coming. Petrographic examinations conducted on the vessel from Aphek proved that
though stylistically the vessel is Egyptian, the clay that was used is local.
60 yuval gadot
Jaffa
Letters EA294, EA296, and maybe EA138 and EA365, found in the
Amarna archive, describe Jaffa as an Egyptian administrative center
(Moran 1992; Goren et al. 2004: 320–25). This center included a large
granary (EA294) in which corveè workers, sent from neighboring city-
states, were employed. The city-states were also obliged to send guards
to serve at the gate of the fort (EA296). Literary evidence from the
days of Ramesses II, namely Papyrus Anastasi I, show that during this
era, Jaffa continued to serve as an Egyptian political and administrative
stronghold (Ahituv 1984: 121).
Excavations conducted at the site of ancient Jaffa, first by J. Kaplan
and recently by Z. Herzog, unearthed ample finds that support the
historical evidence. The earliest structure found in the excavation is
the so-called Lion Temple dated by Kaplan to the beginning of the
Iron I period (Kaplan and Riter-Kaplan 1993: 658). According to
Z. Herzog (personal communication), his renewed excavations at the
site have proven that the Lion Temple should in fact be redated to the
14th century BCE. Inside the temple Kaplan found a lion skull with
a scarab bearing the name of Queen Tiy, the wife of Amenhotep III.
Above the Lion Temple he unearthed the remains of a gate and a
fortification wall; both were parts of two fortresses that existed in suc-
cession (Kaplan and Riter-Kaplan 1993: 656–657). On a fragment of
the jamb of the earlier gate (Stratum IVb), an inscription mentioning
the name of Ramesses II was found. This fortress was heavily burnt
and a new fortress was then built on top of its ruins.
Aphek
Substantial evidence for Egyptian presence at Aphek was found in Strata
X13 and X12. In both strata the acropolis of the site was occupied
by an edifice,10 while the rest of the site was uninhabited. Palace 4430
of Stratum X13, the larger but less preserved of the two buildings,
included a large paved courtyard, which extended in front of a room
complex (Fig. 2). Two rows of pillar bases were found to the north of
the courtyard, and are probably the remains of a colonnade decorating
its entrance. Palaces similar in plan are rare in second-millennium-BCE
10
For Area X, see Kochavi et al. 2000: Fig. 1.5.
continuity and change in the late bronze to iron age 61
Canaan, where most of the palaces were built around an inner court
(Oren 1992: 105–120). The only palace built in a manner similar to
the one at Aphek was found at neighboring Tel Gerisa. The use of
a colonnade is also rare. It seems then that the palace was built in a
foreign tradition, possibly Egyptian.11
When palace 4430 went out of use, a new public structure was built
on top of it: Palace 1104—better known as the Egyptian Governor’s
residency.12 A detailed analysis of the finds from within the building
and from the open spaces next to it has shown that the building served
political, military, bureaucratic, and economical purposes simultane-
ously.13 The building must have housed a scribe who was responsible
mainly for recording agricultural surpluses stored at the place and
maybe even for international correspondence; a vintner in charge of
the production of white wine, and perhaps other kinds as well, at the
two large winepresses located northwest of the building (Frankel and
Gadot forthcoming); a small garrison; and laborers executing the hard
work that was required (Gadot 2003: 217). The ethnic affiliation of
the building’s owner can be inferred from the many Egyptian features
evident in the material culture yielded from it: the overall architectural
plan; the use of blue plaster to decorate the upper floor mudbricks;
the numerous locally made Egyptian-style pottery vessels (Fig. 3); and
the unique faience tablet that must have originated from a foundation
deposit of the building (Giveon 1978b; Kochavi 1990).
Tel Gerisa
Tel Gerisa is located near the southern bank of the Yarkon River.
Excavations at the tell, directed by Z. Herzog, exposed a Late Bronze
II–III edifice located at the center of the site (Herzog 1993: 482–483;
1997: 183), which resembles Aphek Palace 4430, as they both consist
of a courtyard extending in front of the room complex. It can be
speculated on the basis of similarities of the ground floor that the
11
Both the use of a colonnade and the location of the court at the front of the
edifice are known in Egyptian New Kingdom architecture. See, for example, Badawy
1968; Leick 1988; Lacovava 1997.
12
For previous publications of the palace, see Kochavi 1978: 1–7; 1990; Gadot
forthcoming a; for a discussion of its architectural layout and its Egyptian features, see
Oren 1984: 49–50; Daviau 1993: 421–422; Higginbotham 2000: 289–290.
13
For a detailed discussion of the finds from Building 1104 and its roll, see Gadot
2003: 203–214.
62 yuval gadot
14
For similar royal estates located at the Jezreel Valley, see Naxaman 1981.
15
This does not necessarily mean that they were born in Egypt; they could also have
been locals who had emulated Egyptian culture (Higginbotham 2000).
16
A single scarab of Ramesses IV was found at Aphek (Giveon 1978a). As the
scarab was found in a later pit, it can only prove that Aphek existed during the time
of Ramesses IV or later. The view of the present author is that scarabs should be used
in dating Stratum X11, which post-dates the Egyptian center of Stratum X12.
17
For {Izbet Âartah, see Finkelstein 1986. For Aphek, see Gadot forthcoming b.
continuity and change in the late bronze to iron age 63
were modest villages lacking public architecture. There are clues that
Azor was also settled,18 but here too, no public architecture or wealth
accumulation can be discerned.
The disappearance of Egyptian hegemony left a political void in the
region. The nearest political entity at that time was probably at Gezer,
which became an Egyptian stronghold during the days of the 20th
Dynasty (Singer 1985: 116–117; 1986–1987; Bunimovitz 1988–1989;
Maeir 1988–1989; Finkelstein 2002: 281). Even so, there are no signs
to suggest that Gezer actually exercised political power over the region.
The lack of central authority led to the deterioration of environmental
conditions as the overflow of water from the natural springs was not
drained. Swamps and seasonal pools spread and brought with them
diseases. The harsh natural conditions, in their turn, escalated social
disintegration. Nomads and other marginal elements of society moved
into the region, exploiting it for their needs and pushing the more
stabilized groups out.
Not all components of material culture changed with the collapse of
Egyptian hegemony. Continuation can be seen mainly in the ceramic
tradition. While the Egyptianized pottery vessels disappeared from the
assemblages altogether, other clay vessels styled in local tradition, like
simple open bowls, cooking-pots, flasks, and storage jars, continued
to be manufactured with minimal stylistic changes (Finkelstein 1986:
198, pottery types 1, 2, and 20; Gadot 2003: 144). Apparently, changes
in the sociopolitical order affected only some aspects of material cul-
ture—mainly those reflecting Egyptian presence or influence. Other
parts, reflecting daily activities of the local population, continued to
evolve uninterrupted.
The sociopolitical order within the area and the ethnic make-up of
the population changed once again with the arrival of the Philistines.
These changes are indicated mainly by the shift seen in the settlement
pattern (Fig. 1), and by the appearance of Philistine-related Bichrome
pottery at all sites dated to this phase. Based on material culture, we
know today that the Philistines initially immigrated only to the southern
18
For Late Bronze/Iron Age finds at Azor, see Gophna and Busheri 1967.
64 yuval gadot
Cooking-Pots
Fig. 5 compares Late Bronze cooking-pots found at Aphek and Iron I
cooking-pots found at Tell Qasile. Apparently, the vessels stayed mor-
phologically similar over the years, and the only differences are stylistic
changes in the shape of the rim. These changes should be viewed as
19
For a detailed description of the finds at Philistine Aphek, see Gadot 2003:
224–230; 2006; Mahler-Slasky and Kislev forthcoming.
20
See Yasur-Landau 2002: 413; for similar results of examinations of finds from
Tell Qasile, see Yellin and Gunneweg 1985.
continuity and change in the late bronze to iron age 65
Temples
The Tell Qasile temples of Strata XII–X have always attracted scholarly
attention, being the first supposedly Philistine temples to be unearthed.
A. Mazar’s in-depth study of the temples and their cultural origins has
shown that the origins of the architectural plan of these temples and
of the cult vessels found in them are not rooted in any specific culture
21
For a comprehensive study, see Killebrew 1999.
22
Killeberw (above n. 54); For philistine cooking-pots found at Tell Qasile, see Mazar
1985a: Type CP2 and CP3; for cooking-pots from Aphek, see Gadot 2003: 123.
23
See Ellenblum 1998: 277 for a similar reconstruction of the Christian popula-
tion in the country during the Crusader period and the differences between foreign
“crusaders” and local “Franks”.
66 yuval gadot
Discussion
24
An open system is one that is “in constant interaction with its environment.”
Complex systems are systems in which their “parts are so numerous that there is no
way to establish casual relations among them” (Portugali 1994: 209).
68 yuval gadot
Conclusion
25
For a similar approach for understanding the birth of urbanism, see Greenberg
2002.
70 yuval gadot
References
——. 1995b. The Great Transformation: The ‘Conquest’ of the Highlands Frontiers
and the Rise of the Territorial States. In: Levy, T. E., ed. The Archaeology of Society
in the Holy Land. London: 349–365.
——. 1995c. Two Notes on Early Bronze Age Urbanization and Urbanism. Tel Aviv
22: 47–69.
——. 2002. Gezer Revisited and Revised. Tel Aviv 29: 262–296.
——. 2003. New Canaan. EI 27 (Hayim and Miriam Tadmor Volume): 189–195
(Hebrew with English summary).
Frankel, R. and Kochavi, M. 2000. History of Aphek-Antipatris. In: Kochavi, M.,
Beck, P., and Yadin, E., eds. Aphek Antipatris I: Excavation of Areas A and B: The
1972–1976 Seasons (Monograph Series of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv
University No. 19). Tel Aviv: 16–38.
Frankel, R. and Gadot, Y. Forthcoming. The Winepresses in Area A. In: Kochavi,
M., Gadot, Y., and Yadin, E., eds. Aphek II: The Acropolis (Monograph Series of the
Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University). Tel Aviv.
Gadot, Y. 2003. Continuity and Change: Cultural Processes in the Late Bronze and Early Iron
Ages in Israel’s Central Coastal Plain (Ph.D. dissertation, Tel Aviv University). Tel Aviv
(Hebrew).
——. 2006. Aphek in the Sharon and the Philistine Northern Frontier. BASOR 341:
21–36.
——. Forthcoming a. Stratigraphy of the Late Bronze Strata X14–X12. In: Kochavi, M.,
Gadot, Y., and Yadin, E., eds. Aphek II: The Acropolis (Monograph Series of the
Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University). Tel Aviv.
——. Forthcoming b. Iron Age Stratigraphy Strata X11–X6 In: Kochavi, M., Gadot, Y.,
and Yadin, E., eds. Aphek II: The Acropolis (Monograph Series of the Institute of
Archaeology of Tel Aviv University). Tel Aviv.
Getzov, N., Pazz, Y., and Gophna, R. 2001. Shifting Urban Landscapes during the Early
Bronze Age in the Land of Israel. Tel Aviv.
Giveon, S. 1978a. Fouilles et travaux de l’Université de Tel-Aviv: découvertes égypti-
ennes récentes. Bulletin de la Societé Francaise d`Égyptologie 81: 6–17.
——. 1978b. Two Unique Egyptian Inscriptions from Tel Aphek. Tel Aviv 5: 188–
191.
Gophna, R. 1974. The Settlement of the Coastal Plain of Eretz Israel during the Early Bronze
Age (Ph.D. dissertation, Tel Aviv University). Tel Aviv (Hebrew).
——. 1996. Excavations at Tel Dalit: An Early Bronze Age Walled Town in Central Israel. Tel
Aviv.
Gophna, R. and Beck, P. 1981. The Rural Aspect of the Settlement Pattern of the
Coastal Plain in the Middle Bronze Age II. Tel Aviv 8: 45–80.
Gophna, R. and Busheri, M. 1967. Azor. Hadashot Arkheologiyot 21: 7–8.
Gophna, R. and Portugali, Y. 1988. Settlement and Demographic Processes in
Israel’s Coastal Plain from the Chalcolithic to the Middle Bronze Age. BASOR 269:
11–28.
Goren, Y., Finkelstein, I., and Naxaman, N. 2004. Inscribed in Clay: Provenance Study of the
Amarna Tablets and other Ancient Near Eastern Texts (Monograph Series of the Institute
of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University No. 23). Tel Aviv.
Greenberg, R. 2002. Early Urbanizations in the Levant: A Regional Perspective. London and
New York.
Grober, Y. 1969. The Drainage System and the Exploitation of Water Resources. In:
Morton, S., ed. The Western Ayalon Basin. Tel Aviv: 32–48 (Hebrew).
Grossman, D. 1994. Expansion and Desertion: The Arab Village and Its Offshoots in Ottoman
Palestine. Jerusalem (Hebrew).
Herzog, Z. 1993. Gerisa, Tel. NEAEHL 2: 480–484.
——. 1997. The Archaeology of the City: Architectural and Social Aspects of Urbanization
(Monograph Series of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University No. 13).
Tel Aviv.
72 yuval gadot
Dan Gazit
. . . and what cities they be that they dwell in, whether in tents,
or in strongholds . . . Num. 13: 19
Introduction
The south of the Lower Besor region is located in the semi-arid climatic
zone of southern Israel (Shachar et al. 1995: 27). The rainfed agri-
culture borderline—the 250 mm annual average isohyet2—cuts across
its center from east to west (Gazit 1986: 39–49). The natural climatic
circumstances of the region and its soils form conditions suitable for
the growth of dense annual shrubbery, and set the anthropological
background for the southern population of the region, characterized
throughout the ages by its pastoralist lifestyle. It was in these territories
of semi-nomadic populations that four fortified settlements (Tel Sera{,
Tel Haror, Tell Jemme and Sharuhen) emerged in the beginning of
the Middle Bronze II, near permanent water sources, followed by
clusters of settlements founded along strategically located roads and
trade routes (Gihon 1975; Meshel 1977; Cohen 1991). Arrays of per-
manent settlements were established in the heart of the Besor region
plains during three distinct periods: The Iron Age IB (Gazit 1995);
The Byzantine period (Gazit 1994); and the turn of the 19th century
BCE (Gazit 2000).
1
The spatial approach to the phenomena presented here was formulated during a
series of discussions with Ram Gophna in which an attempt was made to delineate
the borderline between cultivated land and wilderness in the Besor region from the
protohistoric periods to the Late Bronze Age.
2
The isohyet is a line on a map connecting points that receive equal amounts of
annual rainfall.
76 dan gazit
Survey Maps
to its north and the temporary sites to its south, can serve as an effec-
tive paradigm for examining the conduct of a population in relation
to the nature of its settlements—from campsites to urban settlements.
In order to do so, we will test two settlement arrays that existed within
this zone during two periods: the Iron Age IB and the end of the
Byzantine period.
Iron Age IB
There are 36 large Iron Age IB sites3 known in the Besor region: 27 in
its south, near Naal Besor and on the plains (five of which are in the
north of the Æalutza sand dunes); eight sites on Bronze Age tells in the
heart of the region; and one site in its north. Approximately one third
of the sites is situated in the examined strip of land. These sites are all
unfortified. Several points in the badland area of the stream and some
close to campfire remains in the south of the region yielded a small
number of Iron Age IB sherds.4 The appearance of a dense array of
sites is notable in comparison to the sparse settlement pattern of the
previous period: Only two small Late Bronze Age unfortified sites have
been identified in this area. Gophna was the first to recognize this new
settlement wave (Gophna 1961), offering the term aØerim to describe
its sites based on the biblical terminology for settlement hierarchy: City,
towns (banot), and villages (aØerim) (e.g., Josh. 15: 47: “Gaza, with her
towns and her villages.”). Gophna, as well as others, believes that the
biblical aØerim refers to the lowest ranking settlement in this hierar-
chy: a small, possibly seasonal, unwalled site. Thorough archaeological
excavations have not yet been undertaken in such aØerim, and small-
scale probing was conducted only at a small number of sites; thus, the
assessment of the nature of these settlements is based chiefly on survey
results (Gazit 1986: 111). The results of probing, surveys, and analyses
of pottery and settlement distribution lead to the following conclusions
(Gazit 1995: 82–88):
3
A large site is defined as one in which remains are spread consecutively over an
area of at least 2500 m².
4
For a summary of finds known until 1995, see Gazit 1995. The sites in the Map
of Zexelim area will be introduced in the Map of Zexelim survey publication. One of
the sites is to be published as part of the Map of Mivtaim (114), conducted under the
supervision of Lehmann (Lehmann forthcoming). Two additional sites were recently
discovered as a result of archaeological inspection.
78 dan gazit
5
There is need for further inquiry in order to assess whether or not Haiman’s
definition is valid for areas outside the Negev Highlands. Recently, excavations began
at an Iron Age IB site near Gilat (directed by P. Nahshoni on behalf of the Israel
Antiquities Authority). Until now, densely built stone structures have been unearthed
and two cultic vessels found underneath one of the floors.
permanent and temporary settlements 79
tent compounds. Four of the five sites are positioned along an axis that
diagonally crosses the map from southeast to northwest; additional sites
are located further along the axis, outside the extents of the examined
strip. The pottery assemblages of the Map of Zexelim area sites resemble
those of the sites of the Map of Urim area, with two variations: In the
southern sites there are mostly sherds of cooking-pots and containers
( jars and pithoi); sherds of fine decorated ware are rare. In addition,
the assemblages of the Map of Zexelim area sites exhibit handmade
Negev Ware, attributed to nomads (Cohen 1979: 47–49); these are
nearly absent from the Map of Urim area sites.
Three vast settlements of urban nature are located in the area of the
examined strip—aligned on a north–south axis, in intervals of ca. 5.5
km (30 stadia?).6 The northern border of the strip abuts Æorvat Malta{a,
where there are remains of a church, dressed-stone buildings, an arti-
ficially depressed open space designed for public gathering, a complex
of water-holes, an aqueduct, a water well, remnants of mosaic floors,
and a winepress.7 Remains of a cemetery were detected south from
Æorvat Maltaxa (Gazit 1996: Sites 18, 22). At the center of the Map
of Urim area lies Æorvat Bexer Shema{ (Khirbet el-Far), where remains
were found of two churches, a monastery, a fortress, large structures,
a theatre (?), water wells, cisterns, and a large winepress.8 South of
the site are remains of a cemetery (Gazit and Lender 1993). In the
south of the Map of Zexelim area lie the remains of a vast settlement,
which are spread over three levels of the naturally terraced banks of
Naal Besor.9 Remains of impressive stone structures were discovered
on the uppermost terrace and burials were detected south of them.
Densely constructed stone structures were found on the middle terrace
and west of them the remains of a church with a water well next to
6
These settlements include facilities, public buildings, and high-standard water
systems, indicating the existence of a tight municipal governing system that is beyond
spontaneous development.
7
The site was surveyed a second time by A. Gat during the Map of Patish
survey.
8
Further excavations were conducted during summer 2006 by T. Erikson-Gini.
9
On the Map of Zexelim the serial number of the site is 122+129. It is not clear
whether the ruins had an Arabic name.
80 dan gazit
it. East of the structures are graves and leveled flowerbeds surrounded
by constructed water cannels, and east of the cannels are furnaces. On
the bottommost terrace are the remains of a sophisticated water system
designed to capture floodwater from the stream.
Several farm complexes are scattered in the areas between the three
settlements, as well as structures, furnaces, installations, and deposits
of pottery sherds dating to the Byzantine period found in connection
with capacious campsites and agricultural plots.
The settlement in the north of the Map of Zexelim area is located at
the edges of the Æalutza sand dunes. During the Byzantine period, there
was attested human activity in approximately one third of 400 recorded
sites in the part of the Æalutza sand dunes region that lies within the
area of the map (Gazit 1999).10 Apart from two stone structures, all of
the above-mentioned sites are remains of short-term campsites, located
next to campfire remains,11 and containing burnt stone, some flint tools,
pottery sherds (mainly body sherds of containers and cooking vessels),
and a small amount of stone implements (mallets, grinding stones, and
baking stones [tabune]). In most campsites finds point to more than a
single period of occupation, and in almost all sites there is indication
of Bedouin presence over the last generations (contra Finkelstein and
Perevolotsky 1990).
Discussion
10
I am aware of the problems associated with dating the small amount of pottery
collected in 7th-century campsites to the end of the Byzantine period or to the begin-
ning of the Islamic period. But in many cases the situation is no different in sites rich
in pottery finds, such as the large sites.
11
Clusters of campfire remains attesting to large-community campsites are known
during three periods only: the Epipaleolithic period, the Chalcolithic period and the
Iron Age IB (as described in the paper).
permanent and temporary settlements 81
structures were detected. The size of both types of sites is similar, and
each comprises no more than 25 dwelling units. The pottery that was
in use at the sites is neither typically Judean, nor typically Philistine;
rather, it demonstrates a synthesis of both influences, and was created
at a nearby center of workshops,12 from which the local population
purchased it (Gazit 1995). Comparisons between pottery assemblages
of the two site types indicate that their inhabitants belonged to the
same population; the variances in quantities of different forms of ves-
sels derive strictly from matters of functionality. Rosen’s words can be
applied to these differences: “Pottery too can be a characteristic of a
temporary settlement, or a nomad site. Pottery assemblages from nomad
sites may demonstrate a range of types more limited than assemblages
of a rural origin” (Rosen 1998: 34).
The sudden appearance of this system of sites in the Besor region,
during the second half of the 11th century BCE, and its disappear-
ance after a period of three generations fit well into the political and
economic gap that was formed in south Canaan between the final
breakdown of the Egyptian administration in the last days of the 20th
Dynasty, and the formation of the new ethnic state in the northeast, in
the days of Saul and David (Finkelstein 1985: 375). With the retreat of
the Egyptian Empire the autochthonic nomadic population assumed its
position in the desert trade routes system (Finkelstein 1988), making use
of the great innovation of the period—the domestication of the camel.
In the southern area of the examined strip, campsites were set up along
the trade routes;13 seasonal and permanent settlements founded in its
north, which receives more precipitation, specialized in supplying food
for the merchant caravans. The system collapsed—perhaps violently
(1 Sam. 14: 47–48)—when a new polity with aspirations to control the
desert routes entered the arena and closed the existing political gap.
The collapse of the Iron Age IB settlement system is clearly apparent
from the archaeological evidence: Iron Age II pottery was found in mea-
ger quantities in a handful of sites located in the north of the examined
strip; its paucity is evident in the southern area of the strip as well. The
traditional pastoralist balance seems to have been regained.
12
This center was probably located at Tel Haror (Oren et al. 1991).
13
This axis originates in the southeast, along Upper Naal Shunra, in a path that
bypasses Æalutza.
82 dan gazit
14
Æalutza is the most northwestern of seven large Byzantine period settlements
located in the northern Negev Highlands, and also the largest. During part of the
period, Æalutza functioned as the capital of the provincia.
15
I wish to express my gratitude to Amnon Gat for granting permission to his
make note of his discovery here. During renewed excavations at Æorvat Bexer Shema{,
directed by T. Erikson-Gini, on behalf of the Israel Antiquities Authority, another
winepress was discovered. Its architectural elements are identical to those of the press
found near Æalutza.
permanent and temporary settlements 83
Summary
References
Mazor, G. 1981. The Wine-Presses of the Negev. Qadmoniot 53–54: 51–60 (Hebrew).
Meshel, Z. 1977. The Negev during the Persian Period. Cathedra 4: 43–50 (Hebrew).
Oren, E., Yekutieli, Y., Nahshoni, P., and Feinstein, R. 1991. Tel Haror—After Six
Seasons. Qadmoniot 93–94: 2–19 (Hebrew).
Rosen, S. A. 1998. The Archaeology of Pastoral Nomadism, Aspects of the Archaeo-
logical Finds. In: Ahituv, S., ed. Studies in Nomadic Archaeology in the Negev and in Sinai.
Beer Sheva: 27–41 (Hebrew).
Rosnen, N. 1953. Directions of the Sief Sands and the Wind Direction in Sinai and
in the Negev. EI 2: 78–81 (Hebrew).
Rubin, R. 1990. The Negev as Settled Land, Urbanization and Settlement in the Desert in the
Byzantine Period. Jerusalem (Hebrew).
Shachar, A. et al., eds. 1995. The New Atlas of Israel. Tel Aviv (Hebrew).
Tubb, J. N. 1986. The Pottery from a Byzantine Well near Tell Fara. PEQ 118:
51–65.
THE SOCIOECONOMIC IMPLICATIONS OF GRAIN
STORAGE IN EARLY IRON AGE CANAAN:
THE CASE OF TEL DAN
David Ilan
The way people store their yields in traditional agricultural societies can
be an important indicator of social and economic organization. The
starting point for the following study was Israel Finkelstein’s discussion
of pits and grain storage in his classic work The Archaeology of the Israelite
Settlement (Finkelstein 1988: 264–269). Having additionally benefited
from Israel’s careful guidance as my dissertation advisor, it is with great
pleasure that I contribute this study to a festschrift in his honour.
Concerning Pits
Iron Age I remains were found in all excavation areas at Tel Dan
(Fig. 1). All the Iron Age I levels contained pits—more in Stratum VI
(Fig. 2), less in Stratum V (Fig. 3) and even less in Stratum IVB (Ilan
1999: Plan 6). The pits of Iron Age I Tel Dan—their construction,
distribution, and their contents—allow us to arrive at a number of
historical and socioeconomic inferences. The first step is to establish a
hypothetical framework that will enable us to invalidate or substantiate
various interpretive options. People dig pits for a number of reasons and
several hypotheses can be forwarded for the function of pits in the Iron
Age I context (Currid and Navon 1989 and further literature there).
Of course, a given pit may have been subject to more than one use.
Below are several possible pit functions and expectations for evidence
that might support each interpretation:
Grain storage: For the most part pits are considered grain-storage facili-
ties. In Borowski’s typology of grain-storage facilities those most com-
monly found in Iron Age I contexts are “grain pits,” while only the
much larger (and by inference, public) storage facilities like the famous
88 david ilan
Rubbish Disposal: This was certainly the final use of some of the Iron
Age I pits at Tel Dan, and a few at Shechem, Aphek, and Sasa (see
1
These are just some examples; for others, see Finkelstein 1986: 79; Currid and
Navon 1989: 70–71.
the case of tel dan 89
Ritual Use ( favissa, bothros, or biblical xob): In this case one might expect
a standardized repertoire of objects and materials left as offerings. This
may take the form of organic materials that leave little or no discernible
traces.3 One would also expect them to be concentrated in places imbued
with cultic or spiritual meaning, rather than being widely distributed.
Such places may have some surface manifestation of ritual activity as
well. The archaeological and textual evidence for cultic pits associated
with such phenomena is prodigious.4
I concur with the opinion that most of the pits in the Iron Age
I levels at Tel Dan are grain pits (Finkelstein 1988: 102, 266–267).
Though instances where such constructions actually contain grain are
confined to the few examples cited above, the construction technique,
the ethnographic record, and the fact that they are often empty but
sometimes contain a secondary deposit of rubbish, all point to their
probable first use as grain pits. The discussion below proceeds under
this assumption.
Synthetic treatments of Iron Age I archaeology unanimously consider
the plethora of pits that agglomerate in excavated sites a hallmark of
2
Cf. Finkelstein 1996: 127.
3
Indeed, this would most often be the case, if the ancient texts are any indication;
see Hoffner 1967.
4
For archaeological manifestations see, for example, Ilan 1991 and references there.
For textual references, including the Hebrew Bible, see Hoffner 1967 and references
there.
90 david ilan
Pit Construction
The great majority of pits at Tel Dan are cylinder shaped (Figs. 2, 4, 5)
while a very few are beehive shaped (Fig. 6); sometimes, when the top
has been lopped off, it is hard to know which is which. Some pits are
stone lined but most are not. None showed unequivocal evidence of
firing (a means of fumigation); though many contained ash that could
be interpreted as such (Currid and Navon 1989: 75). Those that are
not stone lined are usually inserted down into the hard-packed pebble
fill of the Late Bronze Age (Fig. 5), which must have served the same
purpose as the stone lining. When this fill was missing, a stone lining
was provided—a sort of patch, as it were (Fig. 4). The stone lining is
generally considered a means of isolating the contents of the pit or silo
from the soil beyond, particularly in defense of rodents and insects. If
not of stone, the lining may originally have been of basketry or mud
plaster, sometimes fired hard, but these may not be detected by the
excavator (Currid and Navon 1989: 70; Reynolds 1979: 72–76).
When stone-lined and intact, pits are fairly easy to detect. At Tel Dan
the lower sections of most pits in Area B-west were easily discerned
because they were inserted into the hard-packed Late Bronze pebble
layer (Fig. 5). Often, however, the upper sections were not so easy to
make out and it is now clear that in several cases material from a pit
was excavated together with material from an earlier floor or debris
level. Particularly when empty, or if their contents have burned away
in conflagration, the upper sections tend to collapse inward, mixing
pottery from different contexts.
5
The Iron Age I context with the greatest number of pits uncovered thus far (a
total of 198) is Tell en-Nabeh Stratum IV. However, the diachronic aspect is less clear
(Zorn 1993: 103–113).
the case of tel dan 91
It is not clear how the pits were sealed in the period of their initial
use. Ethnographic and other archaeological data indicate that a variety
of capping techniques could be used: animal dung, clay and stones, or a
combination of these (Currid and Navon 1989: 70, 72). But since all of
the pits seem to have been emptied of their original contents, either by
natural or human agents, we would not expect to find the sealing intact
unless it is a feature, often a surface, of the following occupation.
Many pits contain almost nothing aside from fill, and some of that
comes from the penetrated earlier layers. At least nine Stratum VI pits
contained no Iron Age I pottery whatsoever, only sherds dating to the
Late Bronze Age or earlier from the sides and bases of the pits. The
few pits of Strata V and IVB always contained at least some Iron Age
I pottery, though Late Bronze ceramics can make up the majority, since
here too, Late Bronze levels were penetrated.
Some pits however, did contain complete, restorable pottery ves-
sels, and large quantities of animal bones and destruction debris. Tel
Dan is one of only a few Iron Age I sites where this is so (Fig. 4). The
others that I have located are Hazor, Aphek (Stratum X8), Shechem,
and Sasa (L5) (Ben-Ami 2001; Gadot 2003; Currid and Navon 1989:
69–70; Golani and Yogev 1996; respectively). It has been suggested
that such finds represent rubbish rather than the original intended use
of the pits (Finkelstein 1988: 267; Currid and Navon 1989: 71). As it
turns out, this hunch is correct, but it must be proven and explained,
as I do below for Tel Dan.
In many cases at Tel Dan, pottery from pits could be restored with
pottery from surfaces.6 While most of the debris was discarded into
the pits, some fragments were missed and ended up on floors, benches,
and other features of the subsequent occupation. This implies that the
material in the pits is refuse from cleared floors. Why were the floors
cleared rather than the debris being simply leveled down and built upon?
The answer is probably twofold: The inhabitants wished to reuse their
old architecture as much as possible, so they cleared the destruction
debris out. They also wished to build over areas that had once been
6
For detailed contexts, see Ilan 1999.
92 david ilan
densely arrayed with grain pits (Area B-west [Fig. 2] and Area M). For
both these reasons the builders cleared the debris from the destroyed
houses and filled in the troublesome pits, which must have been empty
and visible, to provide a level surface for planned construction.7 The
fact that so few pits contained household rubbish can be correlated to
the sparseness of Stratum VI architecture; most of the pits were simply
filled with soil and outdoor rubbish. It is also conceivable, though dif-
ficult to demonstrate at this point, that the open, pit-bearing areas were
left neglected for some period of time. In this case, the “primary” and
“secondary” infilling mechanisms described by Schiffer (1987: 218–220)
would apply. In any event, a major implication is that the inhabitants
no longer wished to make use of the pits—at least not these.
How did the grain pits get empty enough (down to their bases) until it
was possible to fill them with what are clearly the fractured contents of
living floors? Were their contents first emptied en masse and the erstwhile
pits left open? One possible explanation is that the grain had already
been consumed entirely, perhaps in time of famine. It does not seem
likely that the grain contents burned in conflagration since no recogniz-
able quantities of carbonized grain were discerned (when the contents
of a full grain pit burn, a certain portion at the core will be preserved
in carbonized form [Zohary and Hopf 1994: 3–4]). Moreover, would
not at least several pits have been forgotten or otherwise preserved with
their contents intact? It is only fair at this juncture to remark that the
excavation techniques used at Tel Dan were not as precise as one might
desire, especially in the retrospective light of the questions raised here.
Flotation was carried out in only a few cases and sealing materials,
wall linings, and basal matter were not sampled for phytolithic or other
microanalysis. This remains a project for the future.
The ratio of pits to excavated area in Stratum VI (45: 975 m2, Fig. 2)
is similar to that encountered at {Izbet Âartah Stratum II (43: 1275 m2)
and Hazor Strata XI–XII (ca. 70 pits in an area of ca. 1000 m2), the
7
Another factor to keep in mind is that a series of terraces was constructed on the
inner slopes of Tel Dan (which has a crater-like shape) in what appears to have been
a unified preparation for house construction.
the case of tel dan 93
sites and horizons with the densest array of pits reported until now
(Finkelstein 1986; Ben-Ami 2001: 151–156). The Tel Dan ratios break
down by area as follows:
In Areas B-west and M there are many more pits relative to their exca-
vated areas than there are in the other areas. Unlike Areas Y, B-east,
and perhaps T, the former areas also display little or no architecture in
Stratum VI. It therefore seems likely that Finkelstein is correct in assert-
ing that Area B-west was a sector devoted to grain storage in Stratum
VI—a sort of subsurface granary (Finkelstein 1988: 266)—much like
the grain-pit fields of {Izbet Âartah, Hazor, and Tel Zeror. Plainly, these
underground granaries were all outdoors.
Very few of the pits at Dan overlap or disturb each other. In fact, a
number are placed abutting each other, almost in rows (this is mainly
true of Area B-west [Fig. 2]; cf. Shiloh Stratum V [Lederman and
Finkelstein 1993: 46–48]). The implication is that they were largely
contemporaneous and were somehow marked.8 Because there are so
many pits that appear to be at least partly contemporaneous, logic
also dictates that they may have been labeled with additional informa-
tion—date of harvest, which commodity is contained (wheat, barely,
or other), which is reserved for seed, and perhaps the family to which
the pit belonged.
8
Currid and Navon (1989: 68) note that the Bedouin of the southern Shephelah
identified their grain pits by stone markers.
94 david ilan
The analysis of Iron Age I social structure and the architectural layout
at Tel Dan lead us to expect that certain grain pits belonged to certain
families (batei av in the biblical parlance [Stager 1985]). By “families”
do we mean multiple-family, extended, or nuclear households, and on
what level within the family was storage organized? The dense agglom-
erations of pits in Area B-west (and those from {Izbet Âartah Stratum
II, for example), suggest that storage was organized by multiple-family
households, and perhaps even by patrilineal clans that occupied a seg-
ment or neighborhood of the settlement (Gottwald 1979: 316). One
would also expect that a given family’s holdings would be well-defined
and recognized by the inhabitants of the settlement. The question is
how these holdings were defined and whether it is possible to identify
them in the archaeological record. When primordial Iron Age I levels
are excavated and their layouts distinguished, the hypothetical holdings
of compounds can be inferred because household units are individuated.
Such might be the case at Giloh or {Izbet Âartah, for example (Mazar
1981; Finkelstein 1986). With regard to the Tel Dan pits, however, the
difficulty in isolating Stratum VI dwelling units from within the Stratum
V agglomeration makes it hard to assign a particular array of grain
pits to a particular structure or complex.
Finkelstein attempted to estimate the number of grain pits per
dunam, the total number of grain pits, and the total tonnage of
grain harvested by the inhabitants of {Izbet Âartah (Finkelstein 1986:
127–128). Such calculations presuppose:
(a) an average distribution of pits throughout the site, similar to that
of the excavated areas. However, as noted above, Finkelstein
himself has suggested that many sites may have specific areas
designated for grain storage;
(b) a fixed measure of the pits’ contemporaneity, ignoring the prob-
ability that at a given point in time only a portion of the pits
were in use;
(c) that all the pits were used to store grain.
While Rosen (1986: 172–173) did try to establish statistical limits to
reduce the element of uncertainty in the above {Izbet Âartah calcula-
tions, there remain many unknown values. Such calculations may be
useful as a heuristic device, but their accuracy is questionable.
the case of tel dan 95
Most of the few detailed studies of Iron Age I pits have focused on
determining their use and on their storage efficacy. The question of
why pits, rather than other means, were chosen to store grain in this
period has been touched upon, but not sufficiently.
There can be no doubt that stone-lined, plastered, and sealed pits
are an efficient means of storing grain and other perishable produce
(e.g., Reynolds 1979: 71–82; Currid and Navon 1989; Rosen 1994:
344; and references in these).
In Finkelstein’s view pit-digging is a “characteristic feature of popu-
lations in the process of sedentarization or of rural communities [my ital-
ics]” (Finkelstein 1986: 126 and see references there). In the context
of his hypothesis that the settlement process was primarily an outcome
of sedentarizing nomads,10 his emphasis was on the first part of the
statement—that concerning settling nomads. While there is logic in
this, the second part of the hypothesis deserves equal attention. Pit
construction has been equally prevalent amongst farmers with long
9
These numbers assume that Finkelstein’s stratigraphic attributions for the grain
pits are correct. The great majority are sited in an open area between the large central
structure and the outer band of buildings (Finkelstein 1986: Figs. 3–5). Finkelstein’s
criterion for assigning them to Stratum II is that they lack a light-colored brick debris
that filled most of the Stratum III grain pits—not a criterion that inspires certainty.
Many could be either Stratum III or Stratum I grain pits or belong to any combina-
tion of strata.
10
Revised to some degree to include population elements with other origins in
Finkelstein and Naxaman 1994: 13.
96 david ilan
11
Multiple grain pits found in the recent excavations at the Iron Age II site of Mo·a
require that this statement be moderated somewhat (De-Groot and Greenhut 2005).
the case of tel dan 97
Although it is true that pits are found in Iron Age I “settlement” sites
from the northern Negev to the Upper Galilee, more are made where
there is soil underfoot. Where the site is founded at or near bedrock,
there are usually few or none, particularly if the bedrock is hard lime-
stone or dolomite rather than chalk. This is clear from Finkelstein’s
survey of pits in Iron Age I sites (Finkelstein 1986: 124–128).12 The
depth of a pit may also have been affected by the depth of soil above
bedrock; Finkelstein suggests, for example, that the {Izbet Âartah Stra-
tum II pits were shallow and more numerous than at other sites for this
reason (ibid.: 127). Rock-hewn pits are found at Beer-sheba (attributed
to Stratum IX) and at Tell el-Ful (Lapp 1981: 56–62; Herzog 1984:
8–11, 70), but it is usually difficult to date and assign a function to
rock-cut features.
Why did the inhabitants not make larger grain pits? After all, each
family, whether a nuclear, extended, or multiple-family household,
must have harvested much more than the contents of a single grain
pit. The answer is probably that grain keeps best when undisturbed,
and a household will consume only so much grain at a time. A larger
silo would mean more grain exposed to moisture, blight, and vermin
for a longer time. Thus, the volume of a grain pit, which is surpris-
ingly uniform across the country (generally averaging 1.8–2.5 m3), was
calculated by experience to match a given rate of consumption.13 Once
a grain pit was opened, its contents were removed in their entirety and
stored short-term in bins or jars—also vermin proof—located inside the
home.14 It is also likely that the use of smaller but more numerous pits
was a means of reducing risk of spoilage: If a small pit is penetrated
by moisture or vermin, or spoiled by bacterial or fungal activity, only
a small quantity is lost.
12
Chalk would have been a positive byproduct for enhancing agricultural yields
and for lime plaster. At Tell en-Nabeh however, with the largest number of Iron Age
I grain pits excavated anywhere, they were hewn into limestone bedrock (Zorn 1993:
104–105), perhaps an indication of insecurity.
13
cf. Zorn 1993: 104–105 concerning the averages and variation of capacity at
Tell en-Nabeh.
14
And from that point on, see Rosen 1994: 343.
98 david ilan
In some locations, pits may never have been hewn to begin with, par-
ticularly where a settlement was established directly on hard, karstic
bedrock. The sites of the Upper Galilee Highlands show relatively few
pits. In these places we may hypothesize that pithoi may have been used
(although I do not know of an Iron Age I pithos containing charred
grain). Finkelstein has asserted that settlements with small numbers
of pits could not have produced the quantities of grain sufficient for
subsistence and must therefore have depended on exchange with better
grain-producing areas to make up the difference (Finkelstein 1988: 269).
But the presence or absence of pits (“silos”) cannot be the criterion, by
itself, for such a judgment.15
It is almost certain that grain pits (and pits with other functions) went
out of use from time to time. By way of example, Reynolds gives the
following explanation for a farmer abandoning his pit:
Apart from ritual reasons which we shall never be able to establish by
excavation, the only possible cause for abandoning a pit is the farmer’s
reaction to failure. When the stored grain is affected by water, the effects
are remarkable. The fungal and bacterial infestation can cause strange
and weird colourations, such as shiny reds, dull browns and violent greens.
Faced with such a prospect, which is not enhanced by the accompanying
ill odour, no farmer could be blamed for digging a new pit and aban-
doning the old to the evil spirits. Yet there is nothing wrong at all with
the pit itself, only with the stored grain. One experiment in operation at
present is to monitor its disintegration. Ultimately, the grain should rot
down to nothing more than a thin black layer. Such layers have been
recorded but never analysed. (Reynolds 1979: 76)
This one example illustrates how individual pits might remain unused,
visible, and empty, while others were filled. In fact, the whole process
of grain pits going out of style was probably a gradual one. Pits did
continue to be used, and even to be dug, in Strata V and IVB at Tel
Dan. The same holds true for {Izbet Âartah Stratum I.
The process of pits going out of vogue may be reconstructed in
three stages:
15
Carrying-capacity analysis is a better tool and its results depend on how much of
the slopes were terraced—almost impossible to gauge at this stage.
the case of tel dan 99
Silos
16
Cf. Geva 1984. In at least two cases, however, in Stratum VI (Area B-west L7140
and L7183), pithoi were deeply sunk into the ground (when pithoi are sunk they are
clearly in situ).
17
For the different types, see Biran 1989; Ilan 1999.
the case of tel dan 101
Bins or Troughs
The storage facilities of Iron Age I Tel Dan underwent marked change
from the early part of the period (Stratum VI) to its late part (Stra-
tum IVB). This change is a clear indication of socioeconomic and
political change at the site and in the region as a whole. Bulk storage
in the early phase (Stratum VI) was characterized by a combination
of pit and pithos containers, prevalent throughout the site, but with
pit concentrations in open areas. In Stratum V pithoi occur in large
numbers while pits seem to have been limited to one per household.
In both of the above phases above-floor bins and troughs occur in
households as well. In the last phase (Stratum IVB) pits continued to
be confined to one per household, but pithoi too are few—again: one
or two per household. Bins and troughs are apparently also markedly
less frequent.
I have suggested that the storage of grain in pits was initially and
primarily a function of poor security, not simply a matter of efficacy.
102 david ilan
References
Kochavi, M. 1998. The Eleventh Century BCE Tripartite Pillar Building at Tel Hadar.
In: Gitin, S., Mazar, A., and Stern, E., eds. Mediterranean Peoples in Transition: Thirteenth
to Tenth Centuries BCE. Jerusalem: 468–478.
Lamon, R. S. and Shipton, G. 1939. Megiddo I: Seasons of 1925–34, Strata I–V (Oriental
Institute Publications 42). Chicago.
Lapp, N. L., ed. 1981. The Third Campaign at Tell el-Ful: The Excavations of 1964 (AASOR
45). Cambridge, MA.
Lederman, Z. and Finkelstein, I. 1993. Area D: Middle Bronze Age Stone and Earth
Works, Late Bronze Age Dumped Debris and Iron Age I Silos. In: Finkelstein, I.,
Bunimovitz, S., and Lederman, Z. Shiloh: The Archaeology of a Biblical Site (Mono-
graph Series of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University No. 10). Tel
Aviv: 35–48.
Mazar, A. 1981. Giloh: An Early Israelite Settlement Site near Jerusalem. IEJ 31:
1–36.
——. 1992. The Iron Age I. In: Ben-Tor, A., ed. The Archaeology of Ancient Israel. New
Haven and London: 258–301.
Redford, D. B. 1992. Egypt, Canaan and Israel in Ancient Times. Princeton.
Reynolds, P. J. 1979. Iron Age Farm: The Butser Experiment. London.
Rosen, B. 1986. Subsistence Economy of Stratum II, In: Finkelstein, I. {Izbet Âartah:
An Early Iron Age Site near Rosh Ha{ayin, Israel (BAR International Series 299). Oxford:
156–185.
——. 1994. Subsistence Economy in the Iron I. In: Finkelstein, I. and Naxaman,
N., eds. From Nomadism to Monarchy: Archaeological and Historical Aspects of Early Israel.
Jerusalem: 339–351.
Schiffer, M. B. 1987. Formation Processes of the Archaeological Record. Albequerque.
Sethe, K. 1907 (republished 1984). Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, Text der Hefte 9–12 (Urkun-
den des Agyptisches Altertums IV). Berlin.
Stager, L. 1985. The Archaeology of the Family in Ancient Israel. BASOR 260:
1–35.
Zohary, D. and Hopf, M. 1994. Domestication of Plants in the Old World (2nd ed.).
Oxford.
Zorn, J. R. 1993. Tell en-Nabeh: A Re-evaluation of the Architecture and Stratigraphy of the
Early Bronze Age, Iron Age and Later Periods (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California
at Berkeley). Berkeley.
A RE-ANALYSIS OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE
FOR THE BEGINNING OF THE IRON AGE I*
Yitzhak Meitlis
* I am grateful to David Ilan for his significant contribution and helpful advice
throughout the preparation of the manuscript.
1
At Aphek, near Rosh ha-{Ayin, collared-rim jars were found in a stratum that is
Canaanite in character and dated to the 13th century BCE; see, for example, Kochavi
1981.
2
At Tel Nami a collared-rim jar was found together with Canaanite vessels dated
to the 13th century BCE (Artzi 1990).
3
In Area 1000 at Manaat collared-rim jars with reed impressions on their rims
were found. These are known to us from various sites in the highlands, such as Shiloh.
At the same building 19th-Dynasty scarabs were also found, as well as a Canaanite
cooking-pot (Edelstein et al. 1998).
106 yitzhak meitlis
Mount Ebal
Mount Ebal is one of the most outstanding Iron Age I sites. While there
is an argument over its nature (Kempinski 1986; Naxaman 1986; Zertal
1986–1987: 137; Coogen 1987), all are in agreement about it being a
single-period site of this period. Two small Mycenaean vessel fragments
were found, both in Stratum II: One is part of a jar or amphoriskos
slipped and burnished with a light-brown decoration while the second
has a lateral dimension of only 3 mm. Both were classified by the
excavator as Mycenaean IIIB–C. Other Late Bronze types found are
a bi-conical jar, particularly widespread during the 14th century BCE,
as well as two bowls, and a chalice, both typical of the 13th century
BCE. In addition, two scarab seals attributed to the reign of Ramesses
II were found (Zertal 1986–1987: 137). Since there was no Late Bronze
stratum in this isolated site and none in its vicinity, it must be concluded
that it existed during the 13th century BCE.
Tell en-NaÉbeh
Late Bronze vessels were found at this site, also dated to the Iron Age.
McCown notes Cypriot sherds (1947: 180), but unfortunately they are
not included in the report on the pottery. Nonetheless, the pottery
report does present local wares typical of the Late Bronze Age, such
as a dipper juglet (Wampler 1947: Pl. 40: 756), a cooking-pot (ibid.: Pl.
46: 979), and carinated bowls (ibid.: Pl. 53: 1156, 1163).
a re-analysis of the archaeological evidence 107
Beth-Zur
Tel Sasa
A refuse pit unearthed during the 1980 excavations at Tel Sasa, in the
Upper Galilee, contained animal bones and Iron Age I sherds. The
main assemblage consisted of 17 pithoi, among them “Galilean” pithoi
and “Tyrian” pithoi (Golani and Yogev 1996).
The combination of these two types of pithoi led Finkelstein to
date this stage to the end of the 12th or the onset of the 11th century
BCE (Finkelstein 1988: 109–110). But in the 1993 excavations at the
same site, Y. Stepansky found Late Bronze vessels together with Iron
Age I cooking-pots and collared-rim jars in the same stratum, repre-
senting a destruction layer. The dating of the destruction on the basis
of three 14C tests of roof beams yielded from this layer produced a
chronological range spanning the end of the 13th and the beginning
of the 12th centuries BCE (Stepansky et al. 1996). These tests are in
line with the presence of Late Bronze vessels found at the site, and
indicate the existence of settlement during the Iron Age I, in the 13th
century BCE.4
4
See the analysis of the excavation that was made by Ilan (1999). He also empha-
sizes that “it is significant that there are at least two Iron Age I architectural phases
after the one dated radiometrically” (ibid.: 175–184).
108 yitzhak meitlis
Shiloh
Aharoni, Fritz, and Kempinski suggested that the onset of Iron Age I
be dated to the 14th century BCE (Aharoni et al. 1975), noting that
the excavations of the Danish expedition at Shiloh uncovered Late
Bronze vessels in Iron Age I assemblages (Buhl and Holm-Nielsen 1969:
34–35, 60). Following later excavations conducted by the Bar-Ilan Uni-
versity Expedition, under the direction of I. Finkelstein, the excavator
concluded that this Late Bronze pottery originated in a separate Late
Bronze stratum, rather than in the Iron Age settlement.
The Late Bronze finds are concentrated in Area D (Finkelstein et al.
1993). A large number of sherds of local and imported vessels were
found in this area, some intentionally buried together with ash and
animal bones, but no building remains from this period were discerned.
According to the excavator, there must have been a cult place at Shiloh,
but its location is unknown because of later construction that covers the
central part of the tell. A careful examination of the loci lists shows that
some of the Mycenaean and Cypriot vessels characteristic of the 14th
century BCE were found in clean Iron Age I loci in Area D and also
in Areas C and J (Bunimovitz and Finkelstein 1993).5 Bunimovitz notes
that the local pottery, most of which was found in Area D, continues
Middle Bronze traditions and should be dated to Late Bronze Age I.
However, some of the imported Cypriot wares as well as the Mycenaean
vessels are later, and dated to Late Bronze Age II (14th century BCE)
(Bunimovitz and Finkelstein 1993: 129–136). No obvious Late Bronze
5
Other Mycenaean and Cypriot vessels were found in loci defined by the excavators
as mixed (Bunimovitz and Finkelstein 1993).
a re-analysis of the archaeological evidence 109
Tell Qiri
Tell Qiri shows that the presence of imports dating to the 14th century
BCE in Iron Age I loci is not an anomaly. No Late Bronze settlement
strata were found at Tell Qiri; however, Late Bronze vessels dating to the
end of the 15th and to the first half of the 14th centuries were found
in various loci in Strata IX–VIII, which date to the Iron Age I. The
excavators found it difficult to explain this phenomenon, particularly
in such cases where luxury vessels, such as Mycenaean and Cypriot
vessels, as well as those of alabaster and faience, were involved. They
offered two possible explanations: Either the architectural traces of the
Late Bronze Age have disappeared, or the vessels were brought from
a nearby site. But concluding the discussion of this matter, they admit
that it is “difficult to offer a convincing explanation for this occurrence”
(Ben-Tor and Portugali 1987: 257–258).
Conclusions
For the most part, the lack of Late Bronze architectural remains at
the sites under discussion has been attributed to poor preservation or
destruction. But another option exists: The combined data from the
above-mentioned sites indicates that over a long period of time Late
Bronze pottery—imported wares being the most conspicuous—and
110 yitzhak meitlis
6
The possibility of local Late Bronze I vessels found at Shiloh reflecting activity
earlier than the Iron Age I is not to be ruled out.
a re-analysis of the archaeological evidence 111
References
Aharoni, Y., Fritz, V., and Kempinski, A. 1975. Excavations at Tel Masos (Khirbet el-
Meshash): Preliminary Report on the Second Season, 1974. Tel Aviv 2: 97–124.
Artzi, M. 1990. Nami Land and Sea Project. IEJ 40: 73–76.
Ben-Tor, A. and Portugali, Y. 1987. Tell Qiri, A Village in the Jezreel Valley: Report of the
Archaeological Excavations 1975–1977 (Qedem 24). Jerusalem.
Buhl, M. L. and Holm-Nielsen, S. 1969. Shiloh. Copenhagen.
Bunimovitz, S. and Finkelstein, I. 1993. Pottery. In: Finkelstein, I., Bunimovitz, S.,
and Lederman, Z. Shiloh: The Archaeology of a Biblical Site (Monograph Series of the
Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University No. 10). Tel Aviv: 81–196.
Coogen, M. D. 1987. Of Cults and Cultures: Reflections on the Interpretations of
Archaeological Evidence. PEQ 119: 1–8.
Edelstein, G., Milevski, I., and Aurant, S. 1998. Villages, Terraces and Stone Mounds: Exca-
vations at Manaat, Jerusalem 1987–1989 (IAA Reports 3). Jerusalem.
Eriksson, K. O. 2001. Cypriot Ceramics in Egypt during the Reign of Thutmosis III:
The Evidence of Trade for Synchronizing the Late Cypriot Cultural Sequence with
Egypt at the Beginning of the Late Bronze Age. In: Åström, P., ed. The Chronology of
Base-Ring Ware and Bichrome Wheel-Made Ware: Proceedings of a Colloquium Held in the
Royal Academy: Letters, History and Antiquities, Stockholm May 18–19, 2000. Stockholm:
51–68.
Finkelstein, I. 1988. The Archaeology of the Israelite Settlement. Jerusalem.
Finkelstein, I., Bunimovitz, S., and Lederman, Z. 1993. Shiloh: The Archaeology of a Bibli-
cal Site (Monograph Series of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University
No. 10). Tel Aviv.
Finkelstein, I. 1995. The Date of the Settlement of the Philistines in Canaan. Tel Aviv
22: 213–239.
——. 1996. The Archaeology of the United Monarchy: An Alternative View. Levant
28: 177–187.
Funk, R. W. 1968. The Bronze Age—Iron I Pottery. In: Sellers, O. R., Funk, R. W.,
McKenzie, J. L., Lapp, P., and Lapp, N. The 1957 Excavations at Beth-Zur (AASOR
38). Cambridge, MA: 35–53.
Glock, A. E. 1993. Taanach, NEAEHL 4. Jerusalem: 1428–1433.
Golani, A. and Yogev, O. 1996. The 1980 Excavations at Tel Sasa. {Atiqot 28: 41–58.
Ilan, D. 1999. Northeastern Israel in the Iron Age I: Cultural, Socioeconomic and Political Perspec-
tives (Ph.D. dissertation, Tel Aviv University). Tel Aviv.
Kempinski, A. 1985. The Overlap of Cultures at the End of the Late Bronze Age and
the Beginning of the Iron Age. EI 18 (Nahman Avigad Vol.): 399–407 (Hebrew).
——. 1986. “Joshua’s Altar”: An Iron Age I Watchtower. Biblical Archaeology Review
12/1: 42–49.
Kochavi, M. 1981. The History and Archaeology of Aphek-Antipatris: A Biblical City
in the Sharon Plain. BA 44: 75–86.
McCown, C. C. 1947. Tell en-NaÉbeh I: Archaeological and Historical Results. Berkeley and
New Haven.
Naxaman, N. 1986. Migdal-Shechem and the ‘House of El-Berith’. Zion 51: 259–280
(Hebrew).
Sellers, O. R. 1993. The Citadel of Beth-Zur. Philadelphia.
Stepansky, Y., Segal, D., and Carmi, I. 1996. The 1993 Sounding at Tel Sasa: Excava-
tion Report and Radiometric Dating. {Atiqot 28: 63–76.
Wampler, J. C. 1947. Tell en-NaÉbeh II: The Pottery. Berkeley and New Haven.
Wengrow, D. 1996. Egyptian Taskmasters and Heavy Burdens: Highland Exploita-
tion and the Collared-Rim Pithos of the Bronze/Iron Age Levant. Oxford Journal of
Archaeology 15/1: 307–326.
Zertal, A. 1986–1987. An Early Iron Age Cultic Site on Mount Ebal: Excavation
Seasons 1982–1987. Tel Aviv 13–14: 105–165.
REASSESSING THE BRONZE AND IRON AGE ECONOMY:
SHEEP AND GOAT HUSBANDRY IN THE SOUTHERN
LEVANT AS A MODEL CASE STUDY
Aharon Sasson
The first article by Israel Finkelstein I had the pleasure of reading was
The Iron Age “Fortresses” of the Negev (Finkelstein 1984). As a young stu-
dent I was impressed by such a well-articulated paper and during the
following year I enrolled in all courses taught by Professor Finkelstein.
Since then I have been fortunate to have him as my mentor while
writing papers submitted in the course of undergraduate (B.A.) and
graduate studies (M.A. and Ph.D.). Before becoming the chief architect
of the current chonological debate, Finkelstein was already motivating
students like myself to investigate socioeconomic processes utilizing an
anthropological approach. His skillful scholarship, his integrity, and his
love of Israel remain sources of inspiration.
Introduction
(Wapnish and Hesse 1991: 34; Dever 1992: 89; Holladay 1995: 392;
Hesse and Wapnish 2001: 253–258; Finkelstein and Silberman 2001:
115–118). This implies that sheep and goats were bred for self-con-
sumption and as market-oriented products. Grigson, for instance, in
her review of the early economy, proclaims that “the extent to which
animals are used for the direct subsistence of the communities which
own them or as segments of exchange systems with other communities,
particularly urban ones, is likely to be of increasing relevance within the
context of the proto-urban and early urban societies that characterize
the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age periods” (Grigson 1995: 248).
Fall et al. in their discussion of the economy of two Bronze Age
sites in the Jordan Valley state that “several clear trends of enhanced
production of marketable commodities (especially olive oil, bread wheat,
and sheep wool) suggest that the farmers of Tell el-Hayyat increasingly
adapted their crop cultivation and animal management to meet the
demands of emerging mercantile exchange and consumption in Middle
Bronze Age towns and cities” (Fall et al. 1998: 120).
Herzog advocated the idea that when farmers produced more than
they consumed, creating surplus, they directed it to the improvement of
standards of life (i.e. prosperity): “It would be more realistic to assume
that such farmers, when blessed with plentiful harvests, would like to
improve their own standard of living and therefore invest in more
comfortable housing, better working tools, new clothing, rare prestige
items or simply consume more food” (Herzog 1997: 9).
The subject of surplus in ancient economies should be elucidated.
Surplus need not necessarily be associated with market economy, trade,
or wealth. The immediate goal of an ordinary household for accumulat-
ing stock could have been providing security and coping with environ-
mental fluctuations and other unexpected hazards (Ingold 1980: 134;
Halstead 1993: 63–64). In other words, surplus of animals and animal
products was produced not necessarily as a commodity designated for
“export” to the market or for gaining wealth. Sometimes the surplus
was banked and at other times it was exchanged to maintain the limited
demands of the domestic group. Polanyi referred to non-profit exchange
meaning that people did not make a living from profit derived from
buying and selling; namely “risk-free trading” or “nonmarket trade”
(Polanyi 1957a: 19; see also 1957b: 250–255).
A different point of view of the ancient economy, based on the zoo-
archaeological record, will consequently be presented. The term eco-
nomic strategy rather than merely economy will be applied to describe
reassessing the bronze and iron age economy 115
finds are found in sedentary sites for the most part the discussion focuses
on sedentary population. Two parameters related to caprine were
tested: The ratio between sheep and goat bones, and the production
and utilization of caprine products (meat, milk, and wool).1
1
The ratio of caprine to cattle is discussed in Sasson 2005a.
2
Number of Identified Specimens. For discussion on this counting method, see
Reitz and Wing 1999: 191–194.
reassessing the bronze and iron age economy 117
It is not surprising that sheep and goats were bred and exploited in a
mixed herd by most pastoralists. Two major advantages may be pointed
out for mixed herds: (a) Sheep and goats are able to exploit different
portions of the same pasture area: While sheep normally graze, goats
normally browse. Consequently, the herders attain efficient utilization of
their limited grazing resources (Tchernov and Horwitz 1990: 207–208;
Dahl and Hjort 1976: 251); (b) Mixed herds reduce the risk of overall
loss through disease (Smith 1978: 85; Redding 1984: 234; Halstead
1996). Both advantages, optimal utilization of subsistence resources and
risk minimization, relate directly to the survival subsistence strategy.
The question arising is whether one should expect a particular ratio
between these two species and what the implications of such a ratio
would be. Redding addressed this issue (Redding 1984) and suggested
possible goals for sheep/goat herding that included maximizing energy
(calories) or protein intake (through their products; i.e. meat and milk),
and herd security. He argued that if the goal of subsistence herding
was energy (or protein), and since the reproduction rate of goats is
higher than that of sheep, the expected ratio between sheep and goats
would be 5: 1 (i.e. 83% sheep in a mixed herd) (ibid.: 233–234). On the
other hand, if the main goal is security and minimizing fluctuations in
herd size, the sheep/goat ratio should be as close as possible to 1: 1.
However, because of the aforementioned difference in reproduction
rate, the expected ratio is between 1: 1 and 1: 1.7 (50 to 63% sheep
in a mixed herd).3 Redding concluded that “the goal of subsistence
3
For growth rates of sheep and goats, see Dahl and Hjort 1976.
118 aharon sasson
herding in the Middle East was probably not energy or protein, but
herd security” (Redding 1984: 239).
Before testing Redding’s theory, one should discuss the unique attri-
butes for each species. Besides their higher reproduction rate, goats are
remarkably adaptive to harsh climates. Their panting rate (respiratory
cooling) is only about half of that of sheep. Furthermore, their sweating
is limited, and their water loss through feces and urine is low as well.
Goats can function even after losing 30% of their body weight, while
a 15% weight loss is considered lethal for most other mammals (Swift
1973: 73; Clutton-Brock 1987: 57; Shkolnik 1988: 487–496). In addi-
tion, their dark coat allows them to cope successfully with cold weather
and reduction in metabolic rates (Finch et al. 1980). What made sheep
favorable in the ancient world was, in my opinion, primarily their wool.
Although sheep’s meat and milk is richer in fat and proteins compared
to goats (Sasson 2006: Table 1), had wool not been a prime raw mate-
rial for fibers, the relative number of sheep per household unit would
have been smaller. McCorriston stressed the fact that flax plants were
domesticated earlier than sheep and that linen was the primary textile
fiber at that time; wool replaced linen as the main textile fiber after the
domestication of sheep (McCorriston 1997: 518). She also noted that
producing fiber of wool was more efficient than linen fiber production.
Cultivating and processing of flax for fiber require prime agricultural
land, frequent watering, and high labor inputs. Fewer herders could
tend more sheep for a greater fiber volume than could be generated
by the same people growing flax (ibid.: 522–525). According to Ryder,
after sheep were domesticated they outweighed goats in caprine herds,
by virtue of its wool (Ryder 1993: 10). Many scholars have stressed the
value of sheep for textile manufacturing. Killen discussed this in regard
to Late Bronze Age Mycenaean texts (Killen 1993: 209–218), and King
and Stager stated that wool was a major class fiber in the ancient Near
East and that sheep were raised primarily for their wool (King and
Stager 2001: 113, 147; see also Shamir 2002: 21). The significance of
sheep for wool production in Mesopotamia was discussed by Van De
Mieroop (1993: 165), Adams (1981: 149–150), Sherratt (1981: 282–283),
and Stepien (1996: 40–48). Ochsenschlager (2004: 203) provided a
similar observation from premodern Iraq. Sherrat suggested that wool
was introduced to North-Central Europe in the mid-3rd millennium
and was used in conjunction with linen until it became the dominant
textile fiber during the second millennium (Sherratt 1983: 93; see also
Ryder 1984: 79–81; Davis 1987: 186). In conclusion, although goats
reassessing the bronze and iron age economy 119
did not produce wool, they were favored for their survival adaptations;
sheep were favored for their wool despite their relative vulnerability to
environmental stress. Breeding both species in mixed herds attained
these two attributes in addition to others that were mentioned above.
This leads us back to the question: How are economic strategies reflected
in the ratio between sheep and goats?
The statistical test (two-way ANOVA) was carried out on arcsin √p,
where p stands for the sheep proportion at the site (in order to reach a
normal division). To conduct the test, I joined the site of Tell Hesban
( Jordan) together with the northern Negev sites. In addition, the low
land regions—the Shephelah, the Coastal Plain and the northern valleys
sites—were treated as one geographical region (Figs. 1, 2). No significant
difference was found between sheep proportion and settlement type
( p = 0.825) nor between sheep proportion and geographical region
( p = 0.925). Likewise, no interaction was found between sheep pro-
portion, settlement type, and geographical location ( p = 0.148). This
clearly indicates that a regional pattern related to sheep/goat ratio can-
not be traced. Likewise, no pattern regarding the type of settlement is
evident; a significant number of sites comprising mixed caprine herds,
of which approximately two-thirds were sheep, is observed in rural as
well as urban sites.
A study of the enumeration of livestock carried out by the British
Mandatory government of Palestine in 1943 (Government of Palestine,
1943) reveals noteworthy statistics (Table 2).4 Sheep comprised only
39% of the 700,000 caprine heads counted in Mandatory Palestine.
Hirsch reported similar statistics from an animal census carried out
in 1930, where sheep comprised 36% of all caprine (Hirsch 1933: 7).
Furthermore, a regional pattern in the sheep/goat ratio can be detected:
In the mountainous districts (Galilee, Samaria, and Jerusalem; see Fig.
2) the frequency of sheep is significantly lower (33–40%) compared
to the Coastal Plain region (Lydda district, 58%). These data can be
interpreted in light of the survival subsistence strategy. Low proportion
of sheep in most regions is observed after wool lost its significance for
textile manufacturing being displaced by cotton and other modern
substitutes following the industrial revolution (Donnell 1872: 7; Jacob-
son and Smith 2001: 41–44). Wool having been removed from the
equation, herd security became the primary strategy. Consequently, a
higher frequency of goats was obtained in caprine herds. Nevertheless,
a higher proportion of sheep was observed in the lowlands. The reason
for this is that the carrying capacity in Israel (i.e. pasturage measure) is
higher for sheep in the lowlands than in the highlands (Seligman et al.
4
For elaboration on the censuses carried out by the British government and the
valuable date they provide, see Finkelstein 1992: 47–52; Sasson 1998; 2006.
reassessing the bronze and iron age economy 121
1959: Table 8; see also Sasson 2005a). Hence, rearing sheep in higher
proportions in the lowlands did not compromise herd security.
The analysis of data from the British census indicates that the
survival subsistence strategy was extremely fundamental in the life of
pastoralists throughout time: from the days of caprine domestication
to premodern times. This strategy is also observed through sheep/goat
ratio in various types of settlements and geographic regions
Many scholars have discussed the kill-off patterns in caprine herds and
their projection on utilization of caprine for prime (meat) and secondary
products (milk, wool, and hides) (Payne 1973: 281–303; Davis 1987:
157–160; Wapnish and Hesse 1988: 81–94; Zeder 1991: 33–44). Payne,
in his pioneering work from 1973, describes three mortality profiles
of caprine; each reflects utilization of caprine for meat, milk, or wool
(Payne 1973). He asserts that a high frequency of sub-adult caprine
bones in a zooarchaeological assemblage points to the utilization of
the herd for meat production: “If meat production is the aim, most
of the young males are killed when they reach the optimum point in
weight-gain, only few being kept for breeding” (ibid.: 281).
Many others followed Payne’s model. Hellwing and Gophna studied
the animal bones from Bronze Age sites, Tel Aphek, and Tel Dalit
and they noted: “For sheep and goat population however more young
animals were killed in the Early Bronze Age (5.8%) than in the Middle
Bronze Age (3.4%). This may mean that in the earlier period small
ruminants were raised mainly for their meat, whereas the secondary
products of these animals—milk, wool, hides—were more important
to the population in the later period” (Hellwing and Gophna 1984: 51;
see also Davis 1987: 157–160; Croft 2004: 2268).
Before discussing the rationale behind the slaughter of sub-adult
males, one important comment should be made: Slaughter of sub-adults
is widespread among pastoral groups. Perevolotsky describes this pattern
in Peru (Perevolotsky 1986: 291); Brown (1971: 96) in Africa; Thomson
et al. (1986: 120) in Syria; Hesse (1984: 250) in Iran; Cribb (198: 164)
in Turkey; and Abu Rabia among the Bedouins of the northern Negev
(Abu Rabia 1994: 55).
Table 1. Frequency of sheep and goats in Mandatory Palestine (based on: Government of Palestine 1943)
Mortality
122
Sheep in %
Type of profile and
Site and Strata Period Region (out of total Reference**
Settlement caprine
caprine)
products*
Izbet Zarta IA Coastal Plain Rural 100 x Hellwing 1986
Shiloh LB Central Hill Rural 92 Young Hellwing 1993
Dalit EB II Shephelah Urban 87 All Horwitz et al. 1996
Uza IA II Northern Negev Fortress 82 All Sade 1988
Shiloh IA I Central Hill Rural 77 All Hellwing 1993
Shiloh MB II–III Central Hill Urban 77 Young Hellwing 1993
Yarmouth EB Central Hill Urban 75 All Davis 1988
Arad XII–VI IA II Northern Negev Fortress 75 All Sade 1988
Yaqush EB III Northern Valleys Rural 74 All Hesse-Wapnish 2001
Megiddo EB I Northern Valleys Urban 73 All Wapnish-Hesse 2000
Beer-Sheba IX–VI IA I Northern Negev Rural 72 All Hellwing 1984
aharon sasson
Sheep in %
Type of profile and
Site and Strata Period Region (out of total Reference**
Settlement caprine
caprine)
products*
M. Ebal IA I Central Hill Sacred 44 x Horwitz 1986/7
Timna LB Southern Negev Sacred 44 Young Lernau 1988
Hebron (District) 1943 Central Hill Rural 39 x Gov. of Palestine 1943
Gaza (District) 1943 Coastal Plain Rural 39 x Gov. of Palestine 1943
Safed (District) 1943 Galilee Rural 39 x Gov. of Palestine 1943
Lachish VIII MB Shephelah Urban 38 x Drori 1979
Kabri EB Coastal Plain Urban? 32 All Horwirz 2002
Lachish III–IV IA II Shephelah Urban 26 x Drori 1979
City of David IA I Central Hill Rural 25 All Horwitz 1996a
Hesban 1970 Jordan Rural 22 x LaBianca 1995b
Eilot Islamic Southern Negev Rural 0 All Horwitz 1998
Nahal La’anah Islamic Southern Negev Rural less x Nachlieli 1999
aharon sasson
Earlier, I pointed out that animal products in the Bronze and Iron
Ages in Israel were not market oriented nor were they designated for
“export.” Furthermore, the majority of households in these periods
practiced self-sufficient economy. If one accepts these premises, a dif-
ferent interpretation for the sub-adult culling should be considered.
The logic behind sub-adult culling lies within the survival subsistence
strategy that strives for minimizing fluctuations in the resource base.
According to Redding, preserving the resource base is one of the strong-
est selective pressures operating on human behavior (Redding 1993:
80). The recourse base in the suggested model is pasturelands for cap-
rine. Horwitz and Smith studied the effect of nutrition on sheep bone
mass (Horwitz and Smith 1990: 655–664). They found a differential
effect of poor environmental conditions on bone metabolism in ewes,
and related it to the additional stress imposed on females by gestation
and lactation. Therefore, some components of the caprine herd must
have been culled in order to free pasture forage for females that had
a crucial role in reproduction and milk production (Dahl and Hjort
1976; Sherratt 1981: 283–284; Hesse 1999: 107). Two issues should
be addressed: why mostly males are culled and why the sub-adult age
group is generally chosen for this purpose. The preference for culling
males over females stems from the male negligible contribution to herd
reproduction and milk production;5 furthermore, they are ideal for cull-
ing since they reach 70% of their optimal body weight between the
ages of one and three (Lernau 1978: 83; Borowski 1998: 57; also on
this subject regarding cattle, see Sherratt 1981: 283–284). Moreover,
once culled, their mothers’ milk is directed to the consumption of the
household rather than for the feeding of juvenile animals. Cribb con-
ducted a computer simulation in order to examine the various strategies
of kill-off (i.e. culling) in caprine herds. He found that by increasing
the slaughter of sub-adults, the herders attain significant improvement
in milk productivity; the level of meat productivity improves as well;
and wool productivity remains high (Cribb 1984).
5
For a detailed discussion and bibliography on culling practices, see Sasson 1998.
126 aharon sasson
the extent of exploitation of these animals for meat, milk, wool, or all
of the above. In Table 1, sites in which the zooarchaeologist determined
that caprine were exploited for all their products (i.e. meat, milk, and
wool) are marked as “All,” while sites in which high frequency culling of
young caprine was noted, were marked as “Young.” The data show that
in 45 of 54 sites (83%), the zooarchaeologist determined that caprine
was utilized for a whole range of products rather than for specialized
production of a particular product. This pattern occurs in all periods of
the Bronze and Iron Ages as well, and across all geographical regions
in Israel, from the northern valleys through the Central Hill and to
the northern Negev (Fig. 2). This evidently indicates that a specialized
economy in meat, milk, or wool production was not prevalent in the
southern Levant. In other words, had a specialized economy of caprine
products been practiced, one would expect to find diverse patterns that
point to various specializations, in meat, milk, or wool production.
Conclusions
Two forces induced the life of the early households: the demand for
agricultural lands, livestock, and raw materials (e.g., wool) in order to
practice a self-sufficient economy; and the strive for minimizing risks
and fluctuations of the resource base in order to maintain a long-term
survival. This model was defined here as the survival subsistence strat-
egy and was established upon diverse zooarchaeological finds. Apart
from the comparative analysis presented in this paper, other aspects
were examined elsewhere: (1) Taphonomic analysis and body part
representation of caprine and cattle in Tel Beer-sheba, Stratum II (8th
century BCE) point to a food maximizing strategy. Although Tel Beer-
sheba was an urban site at that time, which might have settled an elite
population, no indications for selective exploitation of body parts were
traced (e.g., meat bearing body parts) (Sasson 2004: 31–51; in prepara-
tion). (2) Spatial distribution analysis of body parts in Stratum II at Tel
Beer-sheba also showed no indications of social stratification, which is
associated with a market economy. Valuable (meaty) animal body parts
and less valuable body parts were scattered throughout all parts of the
tell and were found mixed in numerous loci (ibid.: 63–77; 2005b). (3) A
comparative analysis of caprine/cattle ratio from seventy archaeological
128 aharon sasson
Acknowledgements
This paper was written while I was a visiting scholar at the Department
of Anthropology of the University of California, San Diego. I thank all
my colleagues at the department for their friendship, and particularly
Tom Levy for his warm hospitality and for generously lending me his
office during my stay.
Many thanks to Haya Golan-Sasson for her help in generating the
maps on figures one and two.
reassessing the bronze and iron age economy 129
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kelstein, I., Ussishkin, D., and Halpern, B., eds. Megiddo III: The 1992–1996 Seasons
(Monograph Series of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University No. 18).
Tel Aviv: 429–462.
Zeder, M. 1990. Animal Exploitation at Tell Halif. BASOR Supplement 26: 24–32.
——. 1991. Feeding Cities. Washington.
SETTLEMENT PATTERNS OF PHILISTINE CITY-STATES
Alon Shavit
Methodological Remarks
1
For the methodological problems of regional studies in ancient periods, see Por-
tugali 1988.
2
For a discussion of problems involved in demographic evaluations based on this
assumption, see Schacht 1984.
settlement patterns of philistine city-states 137
3
Neev and Bakler (1978: 9–30) surveyed the ancient sites on the Tel Aviv and Ashdod
shorelines. These were established as inland sites, but nowadays they are submerged in
water. Sinking processes of coastal sands have occurred until ca. 1,400 years ago (see
Netzer 1994). The sinking processes of the aeolic loess had a minor influence on the
landscape throughout the historical periods, yet in certain regions in the northwestern
Negev loess sedimentation has accumulated to a height of ca. 20 cm from the Iron Age
and until today (see Dan and Yaalon 1976). Rosen suggested that alluvial sedimentation
took place in the Late Roman period in the valleys around Tel Lachish (Rosen 1996),
which is why the surveyors could not observe its satellite sites.
138 alon shavit
8th century BCE, although the excavators of this site attribute this level
to the end of the century.4
Some demographic processes occurred toward the end of a cen-
tury. For instance, the Assyrian conquest of the Kingdom of Israel
in 732 BCE created suitable conditions for populating the southern
frontier of the kingdom (Naxaman 1986a: 11). New settlements were
indeed founded during the last quarter of the 8th century BCE, but
ascribed in this study to the whole century because of the chosen
analysis methods.
4
Zimhoni (1977: 173) dated the assemblage from Level III at Lachish to the second
half of the 8th century BCE.
settlement patterns of philistine city-states 139
5
Gitin dated the main decrease in the area of Tel Miqne-Ekron to the second
quarter of the 10th century BCE (Gitin 1989: 25). In this essay, I prefer the affinity
with Stratum III at Tel Miqne-Ekron, because the large city of Stratum IV reflects
archaeological and historical processes that are largely related to the Iron Age I
(despite the fact that the end of Stratum IV occurred during the course of the 10th
century BCE). Finkelstein suggested setting the destruction date of Stratum IV at Tel
Miqne-Ekron at the time of Shishak’s campaign, based on the “Low Chronology” (see
Finkelstein 2002a). According to this proposal, during the course of the 10th century
BCE the city covered ca. 20 ha.
6
Fig. 3 presents an analysis of the settlement complex in the study area, based on
the rank-size rule. This analysis measures the unity of the settlement complex: The
settlements are shown along a logarithmic diagram, in which the y axis represents
the size of the settlement (or the number of its inhabitants), and the x axis represents
the settlements on a size scale, from the largest (1) to the smallest (whose number
equals the total number of settlements in the complex). A normal curve (which approxi-
mates a 45° angle from the top of the y axis at the bottom of the x axis) reflects a
unified settlement pattern. A convex curve represents a pattern of one large settlement
with a restricted settlement complex. A concave curve represents a combination of
several settlement complexes, independent of each other, spread across a given area, or
140 alon shavit
a study area that lies at the margins of a ramified settlement complex. In both cases,
the analysis points to a low settlement unity. This analysis method was first used in
urban-geographical studies, and was then adapted to the analysis of ancient settlement
complexes. A rank-size rule analysis was used in many studies of Israel’s regional
archaeology (Sharon 1983: 6; Gophna and Portugali 1988; Portugali 1988; Bunimovitz
1989; Maeir 1997; Lehmann 2001; Ofer 2001) following similar studies conducted
worldwide (see, for example, Johnson 1981; 1987). For the theoretical foundation of
this rule relating to ancient settlement patterns, see Hodder and Orton 1976; Carter
1983. A summary of the research history of the rank-size rule, including the theoretical
foundation and the drawbacks of the method, are included in Maeir 1997.
7
I believe this site was used for burial purposes only.
settlement patterns of philistine city-states 141
It appears that for the first time, during the 7th century BCE, the
settlement complex of Tel Miqne-Ekron and its surroundings reached
a stage of maturity, achieving a unity between the main city and its
satellite settlements and villages.
The curve that describes the settlement complex in the area of Tel
Miqne-Ekron during the 7th century BCE according to the rank-size
rule8 is slightly convex (Fig. 7), yet it also deviates only slightly from the
normal log (an analysis of the curve of settlements larger than 0.5 ha).
The diagram indicates a high degree of unity, compared to the diagram
describing the settlement complex in the area during the 10th century
BCE (Fig. 3). However, there seems to be a lack of correlation between
the size of Tel Miqne-Ekron and the size of its satellite settlements,
hence the appearance of a concave distribution tendency. Such a ten-
dency is sometimes attributed to immature settlement patterns. It thus
seems that the fast growth of Tel Miqne-Ekron did not stem from a
significantly more moderate growth of its satellite settlements.
Fig. 8 describes the demographic tendencies of the Naal Soreq
basin settlement pattern throughout the Iron Age II. This pattern
exhibits moderate growth during the 10th and 8th centuries BCE.
A notable growth of the populated area is observed along with the
significant growth of Tel Miqne-Ekron at the beginning of the 7th
century BCE.
8
Studies that analyze settlement patterns and make use of the rank-size rule fre-
quently analyze groups of settlements that have areas or populations larger than a
certain specified limit. Maeir conducted analyses of settlements the areas of which were
above 1 ha (Maeir 1997). The inclusion of farms and tiny villages in the analyses and
diagrams creates a constant distortion, reflected in the “tail” of the diagram below the
normal log. Apparently, it may be concluded that in a normal settlement pattern, one
may expect an abundance of tiny villages, some of which may escape the eye of the
surveyor. However, an examination of settlement patterns in modern times indicates
that even such complexes, characterized by a high unity, do not exhibit a large number
of tiny villages (see Grossman and Sonis 1989: 91).
142 alon shavit
9
New excavations have been carried out at the site since 1996 (Maeir 2001; 2003;
Maeir and Ehrlich 2001; Uziel and Maeir 2005). Maeir and Erlich reviewed previous
studies that identify Gath at Tel ¶afit. Only 0.12 ha of the tell have been excavated:
strata dated to the 13th–8th centuries BCE. So far, only preliminary reports have
been published.
10
Uziel estimated the populated area of Tel ¶afit during various periods based on
the datable ceramic finds discovered on the surface. He stated that there are factors
that influence the distribution of potsherds over a relatively large area, compared to
a populated area, and emphasized that his estimates are maximal (Uziel 2003: 27).
Despite his hesitation, the excavation team adopted his area estimates. Although the
survey we conducted on the tell was very limited in comparison to Uziel’s work, I
believe Uziel’s method has some shortcomings deriving from its inclusive treatment
of finds from all terrains. Thus, many findspots of sherds located on the northern and
western slopes of Tel ¶afit, facing Naal Ela, have been included in the area of the tell
although the steep topography might indicate that the site had more limited boundaries.
It is possible that the lack of finds from Strata 6, 5, and 3 in Area E is not a random
phenomenon, but rather points to the fact that at the periods in question the eastern
boundary of the settlement was located at the margins of Area A. However, Uziel
ignores the excavations results, which hold a higher value than those of the survey,
and assumes that the site extended far to the east of Area E. I believe the excavation
settlement patterns of philistine city-states 143
The settlements of Tel {Erani and Tel Zayit that were located in the sur-
roundings of Tel ¶afit-Gath at that period each comprised a populated
area of only ca. 0.1 ha. Since both rural settlements are quite distant
from Tel ¶afit-Gath, their affinity with it cannot be clearly established.
The villages at Khirbet Boten and at Wadi Luzit (east), which lay close
to Tel ¶afit-Gath, were also populated during the 10th century BCE,
each with an estimated populated area of ca. 0.1 ha.
During the 9th century BCE it appears that there was a population
gap at Tel Zayit, while in the surroundings of Tel ¶afit-Gath only three
settlements existed: Tel {Erani, Khirbet Boten, and Wadi Luzit (East).
The size of Tel ¶afit-Gath greatly increased during the 9th century
BCE, reaching an area of ca. 14 ha,11 and its population reached ca.
2,800. An extraordinary phenomenon, which might be attributed to
the settlement pattern characteristic of the Philistine settlement during
the Iron Age I, is that the significant growth of this settlement found
no expression in the surrounding settlement complex. In the proph-
ecy of Amos, Gath is mentioned alongside Calneh and Hamat as an
example of a powerful kingdom (Amos 6: 2). Naxaman believes that
Amos’s description reflects the position of Gath prior to the prophet’s
time. He attributed the downfall of the city to the conquests of Hazael
the Aramean (2 Kings, 12: 17) in 835 BCE, by a parallel to similar
processes occurring at the end of the 9th century BCE at the Syrian
cities, Calneh and Hamat (Naxaman 2002). Naxaman further stressed
that in the Assyrian sources Gath is not mentioned as a city-state, and
it is probable that by the end of the 8th century BCE, the time of the
Assyrian conquests, the city no longer maintained its past position.
During the renewed excavations at Tel ¶afit-Gath, signs of severe
destruction were detected and ascribed to the end of the 9th century
or the beginning of the 8th century BCE (Maeir 2001: 114, 121–126;
2003: 244). Furthermore, the excavation team examined a siege system
that stretches across ca. 2 km. The sections produced in this system and
team should conduct several random soundings at the areas between the slopes of the
tell to Naal Ela, and east of Area E. The findings from these soundings will either
support Uziel’s conclusions, or conversely, allow adopting a more restricted territorial
estimate, conforming to the conclusions presented here.
11
Maeir asserted that Tel ¶afit covered a maximum of 40–50 ha (Maeir 2001: 113).
It seems that this estimate covers not only the continuously populated area of the tell,
but also various vestiges in its surrounding that do not belong to residences and their
annexes (see above, note 10, my objections to Uziel’s method). I estimate the overall
populated area of Tel ¶afit at ca. 20 ha.
144 alon shavit
the finds uncovered therein indicate that both the construction of the
system and its sealing should be dated to the Iron Age II (Maeir 2003:
245). Maeir and Naxaman attributed the aforementioned archaeological
evidence to the occupation of Gath by Hazael.
The first appearance of a settlement complex around Tel ¶afit-
Gath occurred during the 8th century BCE (Fig. 10). This complex
comprised 17 settlements, an overall populated area of 26.9 ha, and
ca. 5,400 inhabitants. The average size of a settlement in this complex
was 1.6 ha, with an average population of 320.
The Tel ¶afit-Gath settlement complex emerged at a time when the
population of its central settlement decreased. The conquest of Gath
by Uzziah, king of Judea, is described in 2 Chron. 26: 6. Although the
reliability of this source is uncertain, some regard it as a trustworthy
historical description ( Japhet 1993: 877, with further references pro
and con the reliability of the passage). It is however possible that Tel
¶afit-Gath declined with the expansion of Judea. The Assyrian sources
indicate that during the days of Sargon II Gath was under the rule
of Ashdod (Pritchard 1950: 286; Fuchs 1994: 131). A fragment of an
Assyrian stele, uncovered at the site by Bliss and Macalister, might shed
some light on the events of the time of Sargon II (Bliss et al. 1902:
41). It is unlikely that the Assyrians would want to commemorate their
activity by erecting a stele in a city that stopped functioning as a major
urban center centuries earlier. Naxaman ascribed the fortifications of
Tel ¶afit-Gath, which is mentioned among Rehoboam’s fortifications
(1 Chron. 11: 5–12), to the eve of Sennacherib’s campaign in the
days of Hezekiah (Naxaman 1986b). He concluded that Hezekiah had
overtaken Gath and other areas at the border of Philistia, and brought
lmlk stamps, found in most of the sites appearing in the aforementioned
list, as evidence. At Tel ¶afit-Gath six such stamps were uncovered
(Vaughn 1999: 166).12
It is possible that the growth of the settlement complex at the Tel
¶afit-Gath area is related to processes in the surroundings of Tel
Miqne-Ekron, north of Tel ¶afit-Gath. Maeir claims that a “seesaw”
12
Naxaman’s suggestion to relate the distribution of lmlk-stamped jars to Hezekiah’s
preparation for war against the Assyrians is likely. However, the supposition that Gath
was annexed to Judea at that time is problematic, if it is to rely only on the finds of
stamped jar handles, given that many such finds were unearthed at Tel Gezer, a city
conquered by the Assyrians prior to Sennacherib’s time. Furthermore, such stamps were
also found at other sites outsides the Judean kingdom, for instance at Tel Miqne-Ekron,
Tel Batash, and Tel Ashdod (see Vaughn 1999).
settlement patterns of philistine city-states 145
13
Based on a lecture held by A. Maeir on January 10, 2001, at a conference dedi-
cated to the Iron Age II, on behalf of Yad Yitzhak Ben-Zvi and the Israel Antiquities
Authority.
14
A survey conducted at Tel ¶afit yielded no sherds that could be dated with cer-
tainty to the 7th century BCE. The estimate of the populated area of the site is based
on Maeir’s description: “There is very little evidence for a settlement during the 7th
century BCE” (Maeir 2001: 114).
146 alon shavit
15
All seven sites were surveyed by an experienced unit of three to four surveyors,
who inspected each site for over 40 minutes. The sites were located using a map of
1: 20,000 and a GPS system. At places where no vestiges were spotted in the datum
point given by Dagan’s report we surveyed a radius of 200 meters around the datum
point.
16
We have been unable to examine finds from Dagan’s survey; however, the inconsis-
tency between his finds and the finds of the renewed survey may be explained through
errors that occurred in the datum points of sites he surveyed. Dagan mentioned a
significant number of finds from the Iron Age in the description of several sites, yet
the renewed survey found no evidence for such. It is possible that in some instances
Dagan was wrong in his dating of sherds. In his study of the hinterland of the Philistine
settlement, which is based, among other sources, on finds from the survey conducted
by Dagan, Finkelstein stated: “It should be noted that this area was fully combed by
Dagan; the field data, therefore, are almost complete” (Finkelstein 1996: 233). I believe
that Finkelstein’s assertion is untenable, even though the difference in the information
regards mainly the Iron Age II, which was not the subject of his study.
settlement patterns of philistine city-states 147
the settlement at this site was much smaller that the one that existed
there at its peak during the Hellenistic period and maybe also during
the Byzantine period. The area of Khirbet Boten during the Iron Age II
is estimated at only ca. 1 ha.
Tel Ashdod and Its Surroundings and the Lower Part of the
Naal Lachish Basin
The settlement complex of Tel Ashdod stretches over the western part
of the Naal Lachish basin, and most of its settlements lie at a distance
of up to 10 km from Tel Ashdod.17
The present study indicates that during the 10th century BCE, Tel
Ashdod covered less than 10 settled ha (Fig. 13), and its population
was less than 2,000 inhabitants. This estimate is based on the assump-
tion that at the time, only the upper part of the mound, an area of
ca. 7 ha, was settled. During that period, the rural settlement in the
surroundings of Tel Ashdod was very sparse: Only four villages have
been detected in its area, and their population is estimated at ca. 200
inhabitants in all. The results of excavations at Tel Ashdod indicate
that although the 10th-century-BCE city that occupied the site was
relatively large, it had almost no rural hinterland. The same phenom-
enon is noticed in regard to Tel Miqne-Ekron and Tel ¶afit-Gath and
their settlement complex, and its roots probably lie in the settlement
pattern of the Iron Age I.
During the 9th century BCE, Tel Ashdod achieved demographic
stability, and yet the survey shows that only two tiny villages remained
in the surroundings of the city: at Tel Poran and at Nitzanim beach;
their population is estimated at only ca. 100 inhabitants.
During the 8th century BCE, Tel Ashdod reached its peak (Fig. 14).
It was in this period, for the first time, that the settled area of the city
extended outside the upper part of the mound, spreading out over
the entire lower tell, and even over the plain southwest of the mound.
17
Two settlements in the area of the Naal Lachish basin, at Tel Zippor and at
Karatiya, were not included in the settlement complex discussed in the present study.
These two sites are located ca. 15 km from Tel ¶afit-Gath and from Tel Ashdod, and
their affinity with one of the urban centers or with a different central settlement is
not clear.
148 alon shavit
I estimate the settled area of Tel Ashdod at 28 ha18 and its population
at ca. 5,600 inhabitants. The size of Tel Ashdod during this time is
unparalleled to the size of any other Philistine town throughout the
Iron Age.19 The flourishing of Tel Ashdod can clearly be seen through
the settlement complex that developed around it for the first time: It
comprised 15 settlements, with an overall estimated settled area of 16.5
ha, and an estimated population of 3,300 inhabitants. The number of
inhabitants in Tel Ashdod’s rural hinterland reached only ca. 60% of
the town’s population, indicating disproportion between the size of the
city and the size of the settlement complex surrounding it.
An important settlement in the hinterland of Tel Ashdod during
the 8th–7th centuries BCE comprised two sites: Tel Poran and Tel
Poran (west). These sites, located approximately halfway between Tel
Ashdod and Tel Ashkelon, lie on the borderline between the marzevah
“trough” and the coastal dunes, and the international road must have
passed in their vicinity. The joined populated area of Tel Poran and
Tel Poran (west) is estimated at ca. 8 ha. Only several hundreds of
meters separate the two settlements, and while they appear as two dif-
ferent sites, it is possible that their inhabitants considered themselves
as belonging to a single community. Grossman discussed a similar,
more recent phenomenon of “cluster settlements,” characteristic of
rural Arab settlement patterns in Palestine (Grossman 1991): Two or
more historical settlement nuclei evolve into a single village. This type
of process is often the result of a settlement forming around two clan
centers. In other cases, secondary nuclei are formed due to lack of
arable soils, and are integrated into the original settlement once they
have fully developed. It ought to be noted that if indeed Tel Poran
and Tel Poran (west) constituted a single community system, the size
of this settlement during the 7th century BCE was equivalent to that
of the contemporaneous settlement at Tel Ashdod.
During the 7th century BCE, the settled area of Tel Ashdod
decreased notably (Figs. 15, 16). It appears that at this period the city
covered only ca. 7 ha, and was inhabited by ca. 1,500 inhabitants. Only
13 settlements remained in the settlement complex of Tel Ashdod,
18
Finkelstein and Singer-Avitz estimated the settled area of Tel Ashdod during the
8th century BCE at 30 ha (Finkelstein and Singer-Avitz 2001).
19
To date, the size of Tel Ashkelon during the Iron Age II cannot be deter-
mined.
settlement patterns of philistine city-states 149
20
For additional criticism concerning errors in plan drawing and excavation methods,
see Ussishkin 1990; Ben-Shlomo 2003.
150 alon shavit
This group of settlements includes all Iron Age II sites in the Naal
Besor basin. The city of Gaza, the largest and most prominent in this
area, covered an estimated area of ca. 10 ha, and had a population of
152 alon shavit
21
Tel Gaza was not included in the survey we conducted. The estimate of the popu-
lated area of the mound is based on the evaluation of the excavator (Pythian-Adams
1923)—who stated that Tel Gaza was larger than the higher Tel Ashkelon—and on
an analysis of the excavation finds. Recently, J. Humbert conducted excavations at Tel
Gaza and uncovered finds dating to the Iron Age, but his first published reports do not
touch upon the area evaluations of the mound during this period (Humbert 2000).
settlement patterns of philistine city-states 153
During the 9th century BCE, the number of settlements in the region
decreased to seven (Fig. 22). Their overall area is estimated at ca. 20.4
ha, and their population at ca. 4,000 inhabitants. Although Gaza prob-
ably exhibited demographic stability, throughout the rest of the region
there was a decrease in population by an estimated 27%. Particularly
noteworthy is the disappearance of most of the tiny villages.
During the 8th century BCE, 11 settlements existed in the Naal
Besor basin (Figs. 23, 24). At the end of the century, a settlement was
founded at Tell er-Ruqeish with an estimated area of 10 ha. This
brought the overall populated area of the settlements in the region to
ca. 27.4 ha, an increase of ca. 35% compared to the 9th century BCE.
On the other hand, all middle-sized villages (1–3 ha) ceased to exist
with the exception of the settlement at Blakhiyeh, founded at the end
of the 8th century BCE.
The overall populated area of the coastal settlements at Blakhiyeh
and Tell er-Ruqeish reached an estimated ca. 22 ha. The rest of the
settlements in the Naal Besor basin, in the proximity of Tell Jemmeh,
remained small and poorly populated.
During the 7th century BCE, resurgence occurred in the settlement
complex of the area (Fig. 25): Fifteen villages have been dated to this
period—an increase of 36%. Their overall populated area is estimated
at ca. 31 ha, and their population is estimated at ca. 6,200 inhabitants
(an increase of 13%). The main turning point was the resettling of
several villages that were probably not populated during the 9th and
8th centuries BCE. Among these are the villages at Tell el-Far{ah (S)
and at Qubur el-Walaida (the latter did not recover its previous size).
New villages were also founded, including the ones at Ruwibi and at
Naal Besor.
It is likely that the increase in settlement number at the Naal
Besor basin is related to the development of the Gaza Coastal Plain
under Assyrian rule. The founding of the centers at Tel Jemmah, Tell
er-Ruqeish, and Blakhiyeh, and the development of commercial activ-
ity in the area, evident in historical sources, served as a stimulus for
the emergence of a hinterland. Fig. 24 represents this development
(in particular when compared to Fig. 21): The curve is convex on its
upper part, and concave on its lower part, but a slight variation from
the normal log is apparent.
154 alon shavit
22
Tel Ashdod was not an urban center until the 8th century BCE. In view of the
archaeological data available to date, it is difficult to estimate the populated area of
Gaza during the Iron Age.
settlement patterns of philistine city-states 155
in Philistia. It seems that although the Sea Peoples settled also in the
northern Coastal Plain (Lehmann 2001 with further references), the
Canaanite culture remained dominant in this region, and no settlement
complexes similar to the ones in Philistia evolved.
Processes similar to the ones observed in the Akko Valley occurred
also at Hazor and in its surroundings (Ilan 1999: 166–171, 211–214).
During the Late Bronze Age, Hazor was a large urban center, standing
at the head of a small settlement complex comprising three large cit-
ies, four middle-sized settlements, and eight small settlements or farms.
During the Iron Age I, the number of settlements in the region rose
to 25, yet no central city dominated the area.
Finkelstein and Halpern studied the settlement complex of Megiddo
and the Jezreel Valley (Finkelstein and Halpern 1995). In this region,
which ranges over 600 km², 37 sites datable to the Late Bronze Age
have been located, the major being Megiddo with a populated area of
ca. 11 ha. Among the sites were also six middle-sized settlements (1.1–4
ha); the rest were small villages. Thirty-eight settlements in the Jezreel
Valley and on the surrounding ridges have been dated to the Iron Age
I. Their overall populated area is estimated at ca. 34.6 ha, a decrease
of 11% compared to the Late Bronze Age. Megiddo also underwent
a decrease in size during the Iron Age I, and its populated area at the
time is estimated at only ca. 6 ha. The settlement complex in this region
maintained its stability compared to the Late Bronze Age.
Similar processes may be noted in the regions of Megiddo, Akko, and
Hazor. While the urban centers diminished, the settlement complexes
maintained their size and strength, evolving into low-unity settlement
complexes. These processes are opposite to the ones that took place in
Philistia, a region where the urban centers increased in size, while the
hinterland diminished severely.
The Settlement Pattern in the Aegean World at the End of the Bronze Age and
the Beginning of the Iron Age
to 18% during the later period. Hesse also noticed an increase in cattle
bones compared to caprine bones. Lev-Tov performed an analysis of
animal bones at Tel Miqne-Ekron based on a much larger sample than
the one used by Hesse (Lev-Tov 2000). His study indicated a dramatic
increase in the presence of pig bones at Tel Miqne-Ekron: In Stratum
V pig bones made up 24% of all animal bone finds. According to Hesse
and Wapnish (Hesse and Wapnish 1997: 240–253) the characteristics
of farmsteads that rely on pig farming are as follows:
• Pig farming is characteristic of pastoral agriculture, and not of
intensive agriculture, where there is a preference for cattle raising;
• pigs are more typical of rural farms than of urban farms;
• pig herds are more easily moved and acclimatized to a new sur-
rounding, and therefore constitute an important component in the
economy of immigrants seeking an available and immediate protein
source that is independent of their changing surroundings;
• pig farming characterizes lower strata of society.
These characteristics comply with the Philistine settlement pattern:
an immigrant society that could not base its livestock farming on an
existing hinterland, as there were hardly any villages left in the vicin-
ity of the cities in Philistia at the time. Hesse and Wapnish related
pig farming to a rural society, as opposed to an urban one, which is
characteristic of most of the Philistine population from the beginning
of its settlement in Canaan and up to the 8th century BCE. Lev-Tov
rejected the interpretation offered by Hesse and Wapnish according to
which pig farming indicates a society of immigrants (Lev-Tov 2000). He
pointed out that pigs had already constituted a large portion of livestock
in the Aegean sites, where the Philistines originated, a tendency that
persisted in Philistine sites for ca. 200 years after the migration of the
Sea Peoples to Canaan. In Lev-Tov’s view pig raising is characteristic
of family farming, which is the reason for a significant decrease in pig
farming once the settlement complexes developed and their economies
became specialized. These conclusions contradict the results of the
present study. While at Tel Miqne-Ekron the decrease in pig bone finds
began already at Stratum IV, where they constitute 5% of the overall
animal bone finds, the settlement complex surrounding Tel Miqne-Ekron
began to mature only at the end of the 8th century BCE, about two
centuries later. Yasur-Landau believes that the dominance of cattle and
pig in the Philistine livestock was a result of the need to consolidate
the livestock farming in the vicinity of urban settlements, located at a
settlement patterns of philistine city-states 159
settlement complex of the “proto-city” is, the more numerous the social
roles that evolve in it, and the more evident the social heterogeneity
becomes (Andreev 1989: 171).
If indeed a settlement pattern of urban “city-villages” emerged
in Philistia with no hinterland, it was an extraordinary model in the
settlement landscape of the country. Today, fortifications and public
buildings constitute most of the vestiges uncovered at Philistine cities.
Only once a sufficient number of living quarters is excavated at these
sites, will it be possible to understand their socioeconomic fabric. Due
to vigorous urbanization the relationships between social strata in the
large cities were fairly limited, and the elites did not hold a powerful
control over the lower social strata. Hence, the majority of the popula-
tion in these “city-villages” was rural, and prevailing living conditions
and infrastructures resembled those of rural areas. Lacking a hinterland,
this population supplied the elementary needs of the elite.
Conclusions
It seems that the settlement pattern that evolved in Philistia from the
beginning of the Iron Age I and until the end of the 8th century BCE
was influenced by a culture originating in the Aegean World. The
emergence of urban centers with almost no surrounding hinterland is
an exceptional phenomenon in the landscape of ancient Israel, yet it
has parallels in Aegean settlement complexes dating to the end of the
Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age.
The settlement pattern emerging from our survey bears relevance to
the economic situation of the Philistine cities, Tel Miqne-Ekron, Tel
¶afit-Gath, Tel Ashdod, Tel Ashkelon, and Gaza. Lacking a traditional
hinterland, the dwellers of these cities turned to a specialized economy,
the products of which were marketed to distant geographical districts.
For instance, pottery manufactured in the region of Tel Ashkelon was
marketed to sites as far away as the settlement at Tel Malot (Shavit
forthcoming). In the absence of a hinterland, the inhabitants of the
Philistine cities probably also developed a reciprocal relationship with
the Canaanite rural settlements that still remained within the borders
of Philistia, in the vicinity of Tel Gezer and Tell el-Far{ah (S). These
relationships made it possible for the city dwellers to attain a supply
of basic natural products, and enabled diversity and expansion of the
markets for products manufactured in the cities.
settlement patterns of philistine city-states 161
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dissertation, UCLA). California.
Alt, A. 1953. Kleine Schriften zur Geschichte des Volkes Israel. Vol. 2. Munich.
Andreev, Y. V. 1989. Urbanization as a Phenomenon of Social History. Oxford Journal
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of the ‘Lower Town’ and Other Non-Palatial Settlements in LBA Messenia. In:
Branigan, K., ed. Urbanism in the Aegean Bronze Age. Sheffield: 135–140.
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Bunce, M. 1982. Rural Settlement in an Urban World. London.
Bunimovitz, S. 1989. The Land of Israel in the Late Bronze Age: A Case Study for Socio-
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Carter, H. 1983. An Introduction to Urban Historical Geography. London.
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LEVANTINE STANDARDIZED LUXURY IN THE
LATE BRONZE AGE: WASTE MANAGEMENT AT
TELL ATCHANA (ALALAKH)
1
The spelling of the name Atchana is French. The original Arabic name is translit-
erated as A šäna, now commonly written in Turkish as Aççana or Açana. The Arabic
name is the feminine singular form of َﻋ ْﻄﺸﺎن. Many of the sites in the Amuq (Amik
in Turkish) carry both Turkish and Arabic names. Some of the names are translations
from Arabic or Turkish names, homophonic to the Arabic name. I believe that this is
the case with the Turkish name Varı lı, used today to denote the Atchana village as
well as a larger village across the main road, north of the Antakya-Aleppo highway.
It is most probable that Varı lı stands for the Arabic Marouche.
166 amir sumaka i fink
of how widely divergent the nature of these two nearby large mounds
was.2 Yet, there is reason to believe that not only were the inhabitants
of ancient Alalakh far from thirsty, they were also confident in the
constant supply of water; so much so that they included bathrooms
and restrooms, equipped with flush toilets, in many of their residences,
more so than in any other excavated Levantine site.
The vast majority of these Late Bronze Age restrooms were exca-
vated by Woolley during the 1930s and 1940s, and he provided short
descriptions of them, as well as related general plans (including some
photos) in his final excavation report (Woolley 1955; see Appendix for
detailed references). What may well be an additional restroom was
unearthed in 2003 by the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago Tell
Atchana (Alalakh) Expedition (Yener et al. 2004a: 2; 2004b: 28–29;
2005: 48, Fig. 4).3 With the exception of the Level IV palace bathrooms
and restrooms, all of the restrooms excavated by Woolley were either
removed or destroyed when a farmhouse was built on the excavation
site following the completion of Woolley’s project, hence the unique
significance of the recently excavated restroom. This restroom sheds
further light on the ones previously excavated, and serves as an excel-
lent point of departure for discussing these rooms and their function.
Following a brief review of restrooms and toilets excavated throughout
the Near East, I discuss the blueprint and structure of these facilities
as they pertain to Tell Atchana, and especially the restroom excavated
there during the 2003 season.4 At the center of my paper are restrooms,
2
َﻋ ْﲔ. Nevertheless, Wehr Dictionary defines it as plural of ﺗَ ْﻌﻴِﲔmeaning “nomi-
nation, appointment, stipulation, allotment, apportionment, assignment, allocation,
appropriation; ration, food.” Interestingly, water pumped from a well located at the
foothills of Ta’yinat is considered drinkable by the villagers, while that pumped right
by Atchana is considered to be bad water. I did not check whether both wells are of
the same depth and nature.
3
The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago conducted full-scale excava-
tions at Tell Atchana during the summers and falls of 2003 and 2004. K. A. Yener
was the director of the project with J. D. Schloen as the associate director and the
present author as the senior field supervisor. All information, data, photos, and plans
of the Oriental Institute excavations at Tell Atchana (Alalakh) appearing in this paper
were previously published in the articles listed in the reference list and/or in the of
the 2004 and 2005 Kazi Sonuçlari Toplantisi; 2004 and 2005 ASOR Annual Meeting;
2004 Annual Meeting of the Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University; and the
2005 AIA Annual Meeting.
4
I use the term toilet to describe the installation. In this paper, I distinguish between
a “restroom” in which the toilet is located, and a “bathroom” in which bathing or
washing takes place. The terms lavatory and latrine are used in some of the literature
interchangeably to describe the toilet installation.
waste management at tell atchana (alalakh) 167
not bathrooms, for most of the washing facilities found in Tell Atchana
clearly functioned as restrooms (whereas flush-toilet restrooms may
have functioned also as bathrooms, the latter are less likely to have
functioned as restrooms).
The construction of a restroom or a bathroom requires several
technological capabilities in addition to some manipulation of water
supply for washing, cleaning, and flushing purposes. Indeed, building
restrooms entails considerably detailed planning before the construc-
tion of the building can take place, owing to the special architectural
features that characterize them, namely a drain, channels running under
floors and through walls, waterproof walls and floors, bathtubs, toilet
basins or foot-stands,5 and cesspits. Moreover, constructing a restroom
necessitates an intimate knowledge of engineering and building materi-
als, and an understanding of the nature of local soils. Builders need to
ensure that at least one of the walls of the room is an external one or
else to rely on an advanced sewage system that drains the water under
the floors or through several walls. They also have to see to it that the
floor and drain pipes are sufficiently sloped for the sewage to drain off
the floor, and to prevent the drain system from clogging. Furthermore,
they need to use appropriate hydraulic plaster or bitumen in order that
the waste water does not end up damaging the walls and floors (Forbes
1964: 74–80). Finally, only certain soils are adequate to carry a cesspit,
especially without polluting a nearby well.
Obviously, a host of additional considerations must have guided the
ancient builder, many of which are unknown to us—the excavators of
ancient toilets. These might have included religious conventions, the
way the ancients conceptualized hygiene, idiosyncratic traditions, and
superstitions. The few instances in which such “bathroom codes” have
come down to us—through ethnoarchaeology or textual records—make
it clear that it would be an extremely difficult task to figure out many of
the intentions of the ancients regarding the respective location of the
toilet. For instance, Ragette recounts the twelve rules in a Muslim legal
pronouncement ( fatwa) about toilets (Ragette 2003: 73), emphasizing
that “they clearly address themselves to life in a non-built environment
and contain pre-Islamic elements:
5
This is the term used by Woolley to describe the two parallel brick-plastered foot-
stools on which one would squat while using these toilets (Woolley 1955: 118).
168 amir sumaka i fink
Bathrooms and toilets are widely attested in the ancient Near East
from the third millennium BCE on, and their existence and evolu-
tion are clearly connected with the development of complex societies
( Jansen 1989; Krafeld-Daughetry 1994: 94–117; Angelakis et al.
2005: 213–214). Before the Roman period almost all restrooms were
found in palatial contexts or in buildings that imitate regal luxury.
Although most of the ancient Near Eastern toilets were squat toilets,6
sitting toilets are known from various pre-Roman sites, and many of
the third millennium BCE Mesopotamian restrooms included sitting
toilets, which may suggest that they predated squat toilets. Some of the
best examples of the former were unearthed in Tell Beydar and Tell
Asmar.7 While squatting is a more natural posture, sitting toilets are,
apparently, as ancient as thrones. As for Middle and Late Bronze Ages
examples: These are probably attested in the Level VII palace at Tell
Atchana (see Appendix), at Tell el Ajjul,8 and recently at Hazor.9 Iron
Age Levantine examples are found at Jerusalem, Tell es-Sa idiyeh, and
at Buseirah (Bennet 1974: 8–9; Cahill et al. 1991; Tubb and Dorrell
1993: 55–56). Sometime it is impossible to determine whether a toilet
built of two foot-stands and a draining channel was used as a squat
or sitting toilet. In cases where the foot-stands are low, there can be
little doubt that these are squat toilets. Less clear-cut cases include an
example from Nuzi (Fig. 1), in which the foot-stands are 0.4–0.45 m
high and 0.1–0.15 m apart (Starr 1937–39: Vol. 1: 61, 163). The same
consideration should be made for the toilets excavated in Ešnunna, Tellō,
and Knossos (Krafeld-Daughetry 1994: 97–109; Angelakis et al. 2005:
6
Squatting is the natural toilet posture for all healthy human beings. Once tod-
dlers can squat, squatting becomes their main toilet position. It is only through the
process of toilet training that most toddlers in the western world learn to sit while
using the toilet.
7
See the detailed discussion and bibliography of third-millennium Mesopotamian
sitting toilets in Van der Stede 2003: 189–202; Lebeau 2005: 101, 105.
8
Petrie reports two bathrooms: one in Palace I and the other in Palace II. Only the
one in Palace II was clearly equipped with a toilet: “On the south side of the room
was the cesspit. There had evidently been a stone seat here, as the marks of it remain”
(Petrie 1932: 4). Petrie also reports on finding a toilet seat out of context in Palace I
(Petrie 1932: 3–4, Pls. XLV, XLVI, XLIII).
9
The Hebrew University Expedition at Tel Hazor excavated in Area M a complex
installation with several cesspits, which were connected by drains. What may well be a
toilet seat was found nearby ex situ. I am grateful to S. Zuckerman for this information
(personal communication).
170 amir sumaka i fink
10
The Minoan toilets consist of a wooden or stone “seat,” which was set parallel
to a back wall. I believe it is more likely that this “seat” functioned as a squatting
board rather than as the seat of a sitting toilet. Angelakis et al. (2005) suggest that the
Knossos toilet “is probably the first flush toilet in the history.” Obviously, many of the
Mesopotamian examples are earlier in date.
11
I thank Dr. C. Reichel of the Oriental Institute for sharing with me photos of
unpublished third-millennium BCE squat toilets excavated at Hamoukar in 1999.
12
It is likely that both in Hazor and in Ugarit the toilets were placed underneath
or near the stairs. This practice is a long-standing tradition, well attested in sites such
as Abu Salabikh, Ur, Isin-Larsa, and Tell ed-Der; see Postgate 2000: 251. Could this
be instrumental to understanding the description of the palace of the king of Moab
in Judges 3:20–25, whether fictional or true?
13
Ablution Room 3 at the Mitanni palace of Tell Brak may fall under this defini-
tion; see Oates et al. 1997: 4–6; see also the index in Margueron 1982 under instal-
lations hygiéniques, sanitaires; latrines; salle à ablutions; salle de bains—d’eau, and Naumann
1971: 197–203.
14
I am not suggesting here that all the buildings/houses in Alalakh were equipped
with baths and/or toilets. As shown by McClellan (1997), the “private” houses of Alalakh
are on average almost twice as big as the average excavated domestic structure in any
other “North Syrian” site. In size, structure, and nature of finds, many of Alalakh’s
“private” houses resemble small palaces. This unique state of affairs can be explained,
waste management at tell atchana (alalakh) 171
in part, by the following circumstance: (1) All the “private” houses which were exca-
vated by Woolley were located just southeast of the palace and temple compound, the
second-best location in the city, at least from a geopolitical perspective; and (2) the
floor area of some of the “private” houses is clearly oversized for a Late Bronze Age
site of 21 ha, unless Alalakh was originally considerably bigger than we are currently
able to tell. In view of Tell Atchana’s location in the midst of the alluvial plain of
the Orontes River, which is subject to annual flooding, it is possible that a large lower
town is buried under meters of sediments.
15
The Appendix unites Woolley’s records concerning the bathrooms and restrooms—
data on which the discussion above is based.
16
I find it remarkable that the restrooms of the Level II and I houses closely resemble
those of the Level IV palace.
172 amir sumaka i fink
17
Nowadays, the Tell Atchana object cards are housed at the University College,
London, Special Collections. I am grateful to E. Struble for drawing my attention to
the above-mentioned card.
18
The dating of Area 2, Local Phase 2 is being studied in these very days. Never-
theless, it is safe to say that it dates to the Late Bronze Age.
19
Area 2 was supervised by A. S. Fink; Square 44.45 was supervised by K. S.
Burke.
174 amir sumaka i fink
20
The restroom (room 9) of the Level IV house 37 likewise has two doorways.
waste management at tell atchana (alalakh) 175
The Finds
of the plaster, and allows a comparison to the restrooms that are still
intact in the Level IV palace. The finding of this and other restrooms
in varying degrees of preservation is of outmost importance for anyone
wishing to gain further insight into the social structure and household
practices of Alalakh.
waste management at tell atchana (alalakh) 177
APPENDIX
WOOLLEY’S RECORDS OF TOILETS,
RESTROOMS, AND BATHROOMS AT TELL ATCHANA21
Size
Room 15 4.1 × 4.2 (17.22 m2)
Room 18 Larger than 75 m2
21
Texts quoted, with minor adaptations, from Woolley 1955. Exact references are
given below where appropriate.
178 amir sumaka i fink
Floor
Room 15 The room has a smooth concrete floor, much depressed
along the northwest by reason of the sinking of the wall foundations;
round the drain-intake the floor sloped (intentionally) down to it.
Room 18 A floor of concrete was laid rather thinly over clay; it
was well preserved at the northeastern end of the room, but over the
southwestern half there were only traces of concrete, and the surface
(to which the wall plaster went down) was of clay.
Walls
Room 15 Three basalt orthostats were set right against the south-
eastern wall right by the drain intake, obviously to protect it from
water/humidity.
Room 18 Walls of plain plaster, which were much ruined, were
standing to a maximum height of 1.25 m on the northwest and 0.4 m
on the southeast.
Finds
Room 15 A bronze dagger, AT/39/203, Type Kn. 4; a bronze
spearhead, AT/39/202, Type Sp. 3; a clay bowl, ATP/39/157c, Type
21b, and a saucer of coarse gray clay, Type 3.
Room 18 Found on the floor in a layer of ashes were a bronze pin,
AT/39/246, Type P. 9; a bronze sickle-shaped blade, AT/39/228, Type
as on Pl. LXXIV, and fragments of the haft of a riveted bronze blade;
a serpentine pestle or rubber, AT/39/227; a fragment of glazed frit
with a hand in relief, AT/39/234; a quantity of grain; and fragments
of clay vessels of Types 15, 93b, 104b, 106b, and 132a.
Reference
Woolley 1955: 95, 103–104; Plan: Woolley 1955: 93–94: Fig. 35; Pl.
XIX a, b.
waste management at tell atchana (alalakh) 179
Size
1.7 × 2+
Floor
Sunken cement floor; immediately against the eastern foot-stand was
a raised mud floor, cut away by the Niqmepa Palace.
Walls
Cemented walls
Finds
No information
Woolley’s Definition
A small lavatory
Reference
Woolley 1955: 157; Plan: Woolley 1955: 152: Fig. 57.
Level V Temple, Two Rooms in Square N13; A Drain in Squares M13, N13
Size
Southeastern room 2.3 × 2.8 (6.44 m2)
Northwestern room 2.2 × 2.8 (6.16 m2)
180 amir sumaka i fink
Floor
Lavatories: cemented floors; bathroom: cemented floor
Walls
Cemented walls
Finds
No information
Woolley’s Definition
Two lavatories of normal type and remains of a bathroom(?)
Reference
Woolley 1955: 70; Plan: Woolley 1955: 67: Figs. 29a, 29b.
Size
1.4 × 2.2 (3.08 m2)
Floor
Rectangular floor of very good cement; two standing blocks in its
northern corner
Walls
None preserved. The chamber seems to have been sunk.
Finds
No information
Woolley’s Definition
An isolated lavatory
Stratigraphical Note
Immediately below the oldest Level III floor
Reference
Woolley 1955: 69.
Size
Room 5 1.8 × 4.5 (8.1 m2)
Room 9 2.8 × 4.5 (12.6 m2)
Floor
Room 5 Made of white cement throughout; sloped fairly sharply
from all directions to the drain.
Room 9 Clay floor, overlaid with white cement, sinking towards the
middle.
Walls
Room 5 Lined with quarry-dressed basalt slabs, which were covered
with a coat of cement and renewed more than once. Timber baulk
was laid over the stones with the mudbrick above, and the whole was
cement plastered.
Room 9 Lined with 0.47-m-high basalt orthostats; their bottoms
flush with the floor; faced with cement plaster of which five distinct
coats could be distinguished.
Finds
Room 5 On the floor were bowls of Types 15 and 4b; a fragment
of a jug Type 41b. Twenty cm above the floor was part of a Base-
Ring jug.
Room 9 In the northeastern corner was a rectangular terra cotta
bath or box, 0.4 m high, with two loop handles at each end. On the
floor lay part of a goblet of Type 118a; bowl of Type 11; and a saucer
of Type 3b. Fifty cm above the floor were three saucers of Type 3b;
a vase of Type 104; and a milk-bowl. At the doorway between rooms
9 and 10 tablet ATT/38/2 was found.
Woolley’s Definition
Room 5 A normal lavatory
Room 9 A bath
The Doorways
Room 5 The door had a wooden frame only.
Room 9 A wooden plank, a step up of 0.18 m high, formed the
entrance from room 10 to room 9.
waste management at tell atchana (alalakh) 183
Reference
Woolley 1955: 118–120; Plans: Woolley 1955: 113: Fig. 44; 115: Fig.
45; 118: Fig. 48b; Pls. XXVa, XXVb, XXVIa.
Size
Room 14 1.9 × 3.3(?) (6.27 m2)
Room 15 3.3 × 3.9 (12.87 m2)
Floor
Room 14 A cement floor sloped from every direction down to the
drain.
Room 15 The cement floor was higher than that of room 14; from
it there was a cement-faced step down to the threshold and a second
from the threshold to room 14.
Walls
Room 14 The walls were lined with basalt orthostats, 0.42 m high,
covered with cement plaster that was taken down to the floor in a rolled
skirting. Judging by the fallen fragments the whole wall had been cement
plastered, but none was left actually on the brick surface.
Room 15 The walls were lined with basalt orthostats of varying
heights (usually laid lengthwise). All were concealed by a coating of
cement above which, over the brickwork, was mud plaster showing no
traces of cement.
184 amir sumaka i fink
Finds
Room 14 The bases of three Nuzi goblets of Type 118; a Base-Ring
ware jug; a burnished, red tripod bowl of Type 161; two burnished,
red bowls of Type 21, and at least three examples of Type 3.
Room 15 On the floor: a bronze vase, AT/38/62 (Pl. LXXIV);
a bronze knife, AT/38/63, Type Kn. 4; a stone bowl; fragments of
a milk-bowl; fragments of two goblets of Type 118: one plain, one
painted Nuzi ware; a jug of Type 68; a ring-stand of Type 85; a jar of
Type 110; bowls of Types 6, 15, 94, and 163, and about 14 examples
of Type 3.
Woolley’s Definition
Room 14 A lavatory
Room 15 A bath
Reference
Woolley 1955: 121; Plans: Woolley 1955: 113: Fig. 44; 115: Fig. 45.
Size
Room 25 3.1 × 5.7 (17.67 m2)
Room 26 3.1 × 3.6 (11.6 m2)
waste management at tell atchana (alalakh) 185
Floor
Room 25 A floor of very fine clay, which may have had lime wash
over it but was not cement finished.
Room 26 A concrete floor made of cement and small crushed
stones.
Walls
Room 25 The wall had a stone-foundation course almost flush with
the floor, on which were basalt orthostats, 0.65 m high, which appear
to have been rather roughly cut, and had certainly not been polished;
they were covered with white cement. A longitudinal beam rested on
the stones with brickwork above the second beam at 1.3–1.4 m above
the floor, with no transverse timbers; the wall face had been mud
plastered and lime washed.
Room 26 The walls were lined with basalt orthostats, 0.6 m high,
covered with white cement; no walling remained above the stones, all
having been cut away by the Level III builders.
Finds
Room 25 One tablet was found, ATT/38/67.
Room 26 On the floor were tablets ATT/38/68–71.
Wooley’s Definition
Room 25 A bath
Room 26 A lavatory
186 amir sumaka i fink
Reference
Woolley 1955: 123–124; Plans: Woolley 1955: 113: Fig. 44; 115:
Fig. 45.
Size
2.7 × 4.2 (11.34 m2)
Floor
The doorway had a wooden seal 0.10 m above the floor of room 30,
and the rest of the floor, which was of concrete (lime and small stone
chips), was flush with it.
Walls
The walls up to 0.35 m were of rough stone, cement-plastered; above
that was a longitudinal beam and then mudbrick, mud-plastered and
lime-washed, with no further timbering.
Finds
Part of an ivory toilet box lid with engraved rosette pattern, AT/38/178;
fragments of a vase of variegated glass, AT/38/176; pottery fragments
including those of: a Nuzi goblet, ATP/38/143; two items of painted
example of Type 94b, ATP/38/142; plain examples of Types 3, 41, 48,
60, and 69; and of many large jugs and handled jars, too fragmentary
to be typed.
Woolley’s Definition
A lavatory
waste management at tell atchana (alalakh) 187
Reference
Woolley 1955: 126; Plans: Woolley 1955: 113: Fig. 44; 115: Fig. 45.
Size
1.9 × 3.1 (5.89 m2)
Floor
Cement; a circular depression in the floor to hold a round-bottomed
water jar.
Walls
Cement plastered; two entrances
Finds
A red, burnished libation pourer AT/37/225 (Pl. CXXVa); a three-han-
dled flask ATP/37/340, Type 44c; Type 55a vessels; Type 68c vessels;
a beaker: the upper part painted reddish-brown and burnished, Type 94a;
a beaker of light red ware with five bands of dark red paint ATP/37/310,
Type 94a; Type 99c vessels; Type 103a vessels; Base-Ring ware I jug
ATP/37/307 (Pl. CXXVe).
Woolley’s Definition
A lavatory of normal type
188 amir sumaka i fink
Reference
Woolley 1955: 177; Plan: Woolley 1955: 176: Fig. 62.
Size
3.1 × 5.2 (16.12 m2)
Floor
Concrete; the rough stones that were in the intake seem to have been
the foundations for foot-stands.
Walls
No information
Finds
A fragment of a Base-Ring ware jug, Type BM 24
Woolley’s Definition
The room was unduly large for a lavatory and there may have been
there a different type of drain, possibly a washing basin.
waste management at tell atchana (alalakh) 189
Reference
Woolley 1955: 178; Plan: Woolley 1955: Fig. 62.
Size
1.8 × 4.2 (7.56 m2)
Floor
Cement
Walls
No information
Finds
Two cylinder seals were found: AT/39/201 and AT/39/205.
Woolley’s Definition
A normal lavatory
Reference
Woolley 1955: 182; Plan: Woolley 1955: Fig. 64.
190 amir sumaka i fink
Size
1.6 × 5.1 (8.16 m2)
Floor
Cement over clay. A large clay jar for water was let into the pavement
(only the lower part of which was preserved). The pavement stopped at
the threshold of the door to room 3 but continued across the threshold
of the door to room 2.
Walls
A dado of cement-plastered tiles was set on (the wall’s) edge; the tiles
measured 0.27 × 0.27 m and were 0.5 cm thick.
Finds
Many fragments of painted Nuzi ware were found on the floor.
Woolley’s Definition
A lavatory
Reference
Woolley 1955: 188; Plan: Woolley 1955: Fig. 65; Photo: Woolley 1955:
Pl. XXXVb (the photo is looking southwest, and shows only the south-
western half of the room).
waste management at tell atchana (alalakh) 191
Size
Room 6 2.4 × 3.2 (7.68 m2)
Room 7 1.2 × 3.2 (3.84 m2)
Floor
Room 6 Cement
Room 7 Cement; during the lifetime of the house a new cement floor
was laid down in the lavatory, 0.25 m above the original.
Walls
Room 6 Around the walls and against the door jambs a dado of
burnt tiles was set on (their) edge and faced with cement, the top of
the cement having a rolled finish.
Room 7 Dado like in room 6.
Finds
In the fill between the two sub-phases of the floor were a fragment of
a White-Slip ware II milk-bowl, and numerous fragments of painted
Atchana ware goblets.
Woolley’s Definition
Room 7 An ordinary lavatory
192 amir sumaka i fink
Ceramic Observation
Based on the finds in room 6, Woolley concluded that the Atchana
ware belongs to the early part of Level II or was, at any rate, intro-
duced then.
Reference
Woolley 1955: 190–191; Plan: Woolley 1955: Fig. 66.
Size
Room 9 2.3 × 3.2 (7.36 m2)
Room 10 1.3 × 3.2 (4.16 m2)
Floor
Room 9 A cement floor; partly preserved
Room 10 Similarly floored and equally ruined; the foot-stand has
disappeared.
Walls
Room 9 Cemented tiled dado; partly preserved.
Finds
Room 10 A Type 447 vase of red clay was found by the drain.
Woolley’s Definition
Room 10 A second lavatory
waste management at tell atchana (alalakh) 193
Reference
Woolley 1955: 191; Plan: Woolley 1955: Fig. 66.
Size
Room 7 3.3 × 4.1 (13.53 m2)
Room 8 1.8 × 2.1 (3.78 m2)
Floor
Room 7 A cement floor
Room 8 A cement floor; a raised lavatory foot-stand of tiles and
cement.
Walls
Room 7 A tile dado
Room 8 A tile dado and cement plaster on the walls (not only on
the dado).
Finds
No information
Woolley’s Definition
Room 8 A lavatory of the traditional type
Reference
Woolley 1955: 192; Plan: Woolley 1955: Fig. 67.
194 amir sumaka i fink
References
——. 1937. Excavations near Antioch in 1936. The Antiquaries Journal 17/1: 1–15.
——. 1955. Alalakh: An Account of the Excavations at Tell Atchana in the Hatay, 1937–1949.
Oxford.
Yener, K. A., Schloen, J. D., and Fink, A. S. 2004a. Reliving the Legend: The Oriental
Institute Expedition to Tell Atchana/Alalakh, 2003. The Oriental Institute News and
Notes 181: 1–6.
——. 2004b. Amuq Valley Regional Projects. In: The Oriental Institute. The Oriental
Institute 2003–2004 Annual Report. Chicago: 25–34.
——. 2005. Expedition to Alalakh (Tell Atchana). In: The Oriental Institute. The
Oriental Institute 2004–2005 Annual Report. Chicago: 46–50.
Yon, M. 1992. Ugarit: The Urban Habitat, the Present State of the Archaeological
Picture. BASOR 286: 19–34.
DESERT OUTSIDERS: EXTRAMURAL NEIGHBORHOODS
IN THE IRON AGE NEGEV
Yifat Thareani-Sussely
Introduction
1
The extramural neighborhood in the Jewish Quarter of Jerusalem is an excep-
tion, since it was probably established before the construction of the city wall (Geva
2000: 82, Plan 2.1).
198 yifat thareani-sussely
2
For criticism on Biran’s interpretation and for discussion of this term, see Katz
2004: 270–272.
3
The term “Negev” is brought here in its biblical significant meaning: the Beer-
sheba Valley and the Arad Plain. For different geographical definitions of the term
“Negev,” see Sofer 1979: 3.
4
Ancient Mesopotamian cities of the Bronze and the Iron Age included several
integral parts: a walled inner city, suburbs, and a harbor district. For further ancient
Egyptian, Assyrian, and Babylonian extramural evidence, see Bietak 1979: 110–111; Van
de Mieroop 1997: 65–68, 71–72. In later periods the Roman suburbium demonstrated the
expansion of public and private architecture outside the traditional city core, creating
new residential and commercial centers (Anderson 1997: 230–240). Roman fairs were
often situated outside the borders of the polis (De Ligt 1993). Remains of a fair were
discovered 1 km away from the wall of Ashkelon (Safrai 1984: 152, note 92).
extramural neighborhoods in the iron age negev 199
city lived in suburbs, outside the fortified area (Sjoberg 1960: 95–103;
Efrat 2002: 22). A review of extramural neighborhoods in several pre-
capitalist towns shows that the archaeological and historical evidence
is more multifaceted.
The spatial arrangement of the traditional Middle Eastern city in the
14th century was described by Ibn Battūta. His remark concerning the
surroundings of the city gate sets the extramural neighborhood as an
integral part of the urban space: “Approaching to the gates . . . (we will
find) the makers of saddlers . . . Then the vendors of victuals brought in
from the country who sometimes will form a market outside the gates,
together with the basket makers, the sellers of spun wool and the like”
(quoted in Bonine 1976: 149).
An examination of traditional trade towns located in arid zones and
in relation to trade routes supports this insight. The city of Kerman
is located at the southern end of the Iranian plateau, on the “Indian
Highway,” the trade route that ran from Teheran in the north to the
Indian subcontinent.5 A vast desert covers the region that is considered
arid and is characterized by extreme climatic conditions (Beazley 1982:
1, 5). The British traveler Sykes, who visited Kerman at the end of the
19th century, described the city as follows: “Approaching Kerman from
the east, the city presents a somewhat confused appearance of wind-
towers and mosques, surrounded by ruins almost on every side . . . The
city is surrounded by a wall . . . which is pierced by six gates . . . It is
divided into five quarters . . . There are also three extra-mural quar-
ters . . .” (Sykes 1902: 199).
Kerman contained eight residential quarters, three of which were
situated outside the city walls. Although domestic compounds occupied
most of the area of the extramural quarters, crafts and trade areas, as
well as small shrines, mosques, baths, and teahouses, were in operation
as well. Among the traders and craftsmen were bakers, confectioners,
vegetable and fruit dealers, grocers, carpenters, blacksmiths, potters,
and charcoal sellers (Reshef 1982: 83).
Situated in western Rajasthan, Jaisalmer is one of the border districts
of India and the last station on the “Indian Highway” before the Thar
Desert (Sureshwara 1990: 1–4). It was a principle commercial market
that owed its importance to its geographical position. First established
5
For the layout and history of the city, see Reshef 1982: 70–73; Koelz 1983:
15–17, note 1.
200 yifat thareani-sussely
Crowded Towns
When the inner part of a settlement became too densely populated
or too densely built, part of the population would prefer to enjoy
freedom of space and would consequently move outside the city walls.
Such processes are known from Palestine and Europe during the 19th
century (see also Patten 1983).
Trade
The proximity of a settlement to a trade route or its own functioning
as a trade center could have motivated the development of markets
outside the city walls.6 As demonstrated above, archaeological remains
and historical documents support the existence of markets in the ancient
Near East. Mesopotamian documents from various sites indicate that
the harbor district was situated outside the city walls, distinct from the
inner city. The physical separation resulted from the fact that the har-
bor acted as a neutral zone where citizens from different communities
6
The lack of biblical terms describing trading venues brought Katz to claim that
market trade was relatively limited in the Kingdoms of Judah and Israel (Katz 2004:
272).
extramural neighborhoods in the iron age negev 201
7
Contra Polanyi (1957), who suggested that there were no markets in the economy
of ancient societies.
8
The subject of the “ethnic neighborhood” has been extensively discussed, but goes
beyond the scope of this work; see, for example, Shack 1973: 251–285.
202 yifat thareani-sussely
Tel {Aroer
A relatively large extramural complex (ca. 1 ha) was revealed outside
the fortified Iron Age town of Aroer (Areas D, A, and C) (Fig. 2).
Preparing the Iron Age material from Tel Aroer for final publication9
enables to focus on the character of one of the biggest extramural
neighborhoods in ancient Judah.
Although, the establishment of a Roman tower on top of the mound
damaged the earlier evidence in Area D (Fig. 3), extramural remains
were discovered east and west of the fortified town (Biran and Cohen
1981: 250, 259, 253; Biran 1993: 90–91). The plan introduces many
architectural alternations suggesting that the area existed for many
decades.
Excavation around the Roman tower revealed the remains of two
monumental walls (W5000, W5012). Biran suggested that these walls
were the foundations of a Late Iron Age fortress that existed at the
site in Stratum II (the end of the 7th and the beginning of the 6th
centuries BCE) (Biran 1981: 132).
On the southeast side (Area D East), on the hill slope, a terrace was
built made of earth fill and a layer of pebbles. Although occupation on
the terrace was extensive, only a narrow area was preserved, adjacent
to the city wall.
A large building with a paved floor that was incorporated into the
city wall was uncovered on the terrace (W5020, W5019, W5027,
W5032, W5040, W5028, W5029, W5023, W5025, W5030). Two of
its walls (W5020, W5019), 4 m long each, form a wide angle. W5019
was built adjacent to W5027, and together they form a corner with
9
I thank Dr. Avraham Biran from the Nelson Glueck School of Biblical Archaeology
for the kind permission and encouragement to bring the material from the excavations
in Tel Aroer to final publication.
extramural neighborhoods in the iron age negev 203
were weights, small stone altars, a horse figurine, and the base of a
Judean Pillar Figurine.
Another area of ca. 150 m2 (Area A) was excavated south of this
neighborhood (Fig. 11). This area contains the remains of a rectangular
building that was located directly beneath surface level and consists
of two main architectural units: a northern one and a southern one.
The northern unit is square and built of relatively thick walls; its
pebble-paved floor and its space divided by a row of columns. The
southern unit is elongated and consists of two parallel walls and two
smaller intersecting walls; together these walls form a series of small
rooms, some of which include installations such as stone platforms.
The material culture from the building is varied and contains nearly
one hundred complete vessels including: Judean bowls (Fig. 13: 5–8),
Edomite painted and carinated bowls (Fig. 12: 1–3, 5–6, 8–10), a
painted Edomite incense burner (Fig. 12: 4), Edomite holemouth jar
(Fig. 13: 3), Judean and Edomite cooking-pots (Fig. 13: 1–2, 4), and
flasks (Figs. 12: 7). Among the artifacts the excavation yielded is an
Edomite seal (bearing the inscription leqosa), figurines, sheqel weights,
and sherds bearing potters’ marks.
The public nature of the building from Area A is attested by its layout
(i.e. the length of the walls), installations found within it, and material
culture associated with it. In a recent article I suggest identifying the
building with an ancient caravanserai that existed outside the fortified
town of Aroer (Thareani-Sussely 2007a).10
In Area C, at the foot of the mound, on the bank of Na al Aroer,
225 m2 of a large building were uncovered (Fig. 2): A long room (12 ×
4 m) was excavated, and in the south end of its eastern wall an opening
to the east was found, leading to a number of rooms, which were only
partially excavated. In and around the building many granaries were
located. In one of these silos a sherd with the remains of three Hebrew
letters, possibly שלש, was found (Biran and Cohen 1975: 171).
The pottery assemblage from the extramural areas of Aroer con-
tains more than two hundred complete vessels that enable dating the
10
There are other cases where caravansaries were situated near the town, outside
its fortified area. An ancient caravanserai was excavated outside the gate of Mampsis
in the Negev (Building VIII) and dated to the Middle-Late Nabatean period (Negev
1988: 191–194). This phenomenon is detected in later periods as well. An additional
example can be found in the caravansaries built outside the city gate of Samarkand,
near the Silk Road (Brandenburg 1972: 34).
extramural neighborhoods in the iron age negev 205
architectural units to the period between the end of the 8th century
and the beginning of the 6th century BCE. The artifacts include clay
figurines, inscriptions, seal impressions, small altars, and weights (made
of various materials such as stone, clay, and hematite), and may be
associated with commercial activities and public functions.
Æorvat {Uza
Extramural remains were also found downstream from the fortress of
orvat Uza (Fig. 14).11 The Iron Age II fortress is located on the bank
of Wadi Qina, on the eastern side of the Arad Plain. The extramural
construction was erected in relation to the northern wall of the fortress
and its gate.
The remains present a planned structure that was built on terraces
and retaining walls to overcome the steep gradient. Excavation revealed
a large colonnaded building (6 × 14 m). It contained two entrances, a
paved courtyard, and three rooms with plastered floors. The material
culture from this building was dated to the end of the 7th and the
beginning of the 6th centuries BCE, contemporaneous with the time
of the fortress (Stratum IV). Pottery typical of the Beersheba Valley
sites at the end of the Iron Age and two inscriptions were also found
(Beit-Arieh 1985: 97–101; 1986–1987: 32–38; 1993: 1495–1497; 1993:
55–63; 2007).
The extramural construction at orvat Uza occupied an estimated
area of 0.7 ha (according to the excavator remains of additional walls
can still be seen on the surface but have not been excavated yet [Beit-
Arieh, personal communication]). On top of the extramural settlement
a water cistern was revealed. Erecting the extramural building on the
steep slope must have required an investment of effort and energy
and was thus probably done for strategic considerations. Beit-Arieh
suggested that the extramural structures at orvat Uza may serve as
evidence for a connection with the settlement and could have housed
family members of the garrisons who were stationed at the fort (Beit-
Arieh 1993b: 1496; 2007).
11
I wish to thank Prof. Itzhak Beit-Arieh for allowing publication of the general
plan of orvat Uza.
206 yifat thareani-sussely
Tel Arad
Located adjacent to orvat Uza, Tel Arad functioned as the main for-
tress in the Arad Plain. Salvage excavations that were carried out in 1992
on the eastern slope of the mound, outside the fort, discovered Late
Iron Age dwelling remains (Goethert and Amiran 1996: 112–115).
The excavators revealed parts of a large building that contained four
rooms and is ascribed to Layers 2 and 3. One of the rooms was paved
and included a brick bench. In the corners of other rooms, rounded
brick ovens and rounded stone installation were found. A thick layer
of brick debris was detected on the floors.12
At orvat Uza as well, the excavators assumed that the appearance
of domestic buildings on the slope, outside the boundaries of the fort,
could be explained as a housing solution for soldiers’ family members
(Goethert and Amiran 1996: 114–115). It should be stressed that the
excavation on the slope of Tel Arad was limited and it is highly likely
that there are additional constructions at the area.
Kadesh Barnea
Extramural remains were also detected at the fortress of Kadesh
Barnea.13 I have chosen to include Kadesh Barnea in the Beersheba
Valley group of sites in spite of it not being considered part of the
Beersheba Valley settlement system. The similarity between the Beer-
sheba Valley sites and the fortress of Kadesh Barnea is evident from
a chronological and a geographical perspective. Both sites are located
in a semi-arid environment, include extramural remains, and existed
during the same time span.
R. Cohen excavated at the site revealing four granaries outside the
north wall of the fortress between two towers, constructed on a foun-
dation of fieldstones and pebbles. The largest granary was about 1.8
m in diameter. A 3 × 4 m room abutting the wall of the fortress was
unearthed to the west of the granaries. On its floor was a tabun in which
a complete Negbite cooking-pot was found (Cohen 1993: 844–845:
Cohen and Bernick-Greenberg 2007).
12
The material culture from the building has not been published yet, apart from a
burnished bowl that was found in one of the rooms; see Goethert and Amiran 1996:
Figs. 11–12.
13
For stratigraphic criticism of this description, see Ussishkin 1993: 3–4.
extramural neighborhoods in the iron age negev 207
14
For historical background, see Tadmor 1966: 89–90; Otzen 1979: 255–256; Eph al
1982: 93–94; Na aman 1995: 113; Parpola 2003: 103–104.
15
This assemblage includes: Assyrian weights, Assyrian glass, South Arabian inscrip-
tions, Edomite seals and inscriptions, and stone and alabaster vessels. See also Finkelstein
1992: 161–162; 1995: 146; Singer-Avitz 1999: 50–52; Thareani-Sussely 2007b.
208 yifat thareani-sussely
16
Spontaneous development of extramural neighborhood is typical of many tradi-
tional Middle Eastern towns (Brown 1973: 88).
210 yifat thareani-sussely
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank Noga Zeevi who drew the pottery and the artifacts
from Aroer for her collaboration and assistance, and Dov Portonsky
for producing the plans.
extramural neighborhoods in the iron age negev 211
References
Assaf Yasur-Landau
Introduction
The “Orpheus Jug,” named for the depiction of a lyre player among
animals, is a strainer jug with black and red pictorial decoration,
found in Area AA, Stratum VIA at Megiddo (Fig. 1: 1; Shipton 1939:
6; Loud 1948: Pl. 76: 1).1 It was unearthed in Room 2101, the large
eastern room of Building 2072, sometimes referred to as a palace (e.g.,
Kempinski 1989: 161; Ussishkin 1992: 673; Herzog 1997: 201; Mazar
2002: 274) or as an elite building (Halpern 2000: 552) replacing the
Canaanite palace of Stratum VII. In contrast to the other rooms in
the same complex, Room 2101 had no plaster floor and it was not as
well preserved as the western wing of the complex: its southern and
eastern walls missing (Dothan 1982: 78; Mazar 2002: 274). The bad
preservation of the room may account for the fact that apart from the
“Orpheus Jug” only a krater (Loud 1948: Pl. 79: 5) and a scarab (ibid.:
Pl. 153: 221) were recovered from it.
The jug was described by T. Dothan as “an outstanding example of
the debased Philistine pottery,” (Dothan 1967: 132; 1982: 78) making
it a rather late example of this pottery style. While many accepted this
identification (B. Mazar 1974: 174–175; 1976; Keel 1998: 123; and most
recently A. Mazar 2002: 274 and Harrison 2003: 34–35; 2004: 34–35),
Kempinski (1989: 86) followed Dothan and argued that the design had
a “very long tradition in the Mycenaean III C 1 style,” and accordingly
dated the jug to the early 11th century at the latest.
1
The idea for this article was born after several long discussions with Israel Finkel-
stein concerning the jug and its possible Philistine affinities, after participating in the
excavation of Stratum VIA, Area K during the summer of 1998.
214 assaf yasur-landau
2
None of these criteria are distinctively “Philistine”: Most of the parallels to the
plan of Building 2072 come from the areas of the northern valleys, rather than from
Philistia (Harrison 2003: 35). The one- and two-handle cooking-pots considered by
Harrison (2004: 30–31) as Philistine have a concave base, very different from the flat or
ring bases found on all cooking-pots in Philistia and the Aegean (Yasur-Landau 2002:
117–118, 171; Dothan and Zukerman 2004: 28, 30). Only one loom weight appears
to be unperforated, while the large concentration of loom weights from Building 2072
(Harrison 2004: Fig. 33) is perforated, unlike any of the Aegean-style loom weights
from Philistia, Cyprus and the Aegean. Finally, a significant number of the anchor
seals (Keel 1994: 34) may have been manufactured in Egypt, and only very few of
them—those depicting a lyre player—are considered by Keel to be Philistine. Recently
Arie (2006: 249), studying the pottery from the Megiddo stratum VIA, have noted that
its ceramic tradition is a direct continuation of the Late Bronze Age Canaanite tradition
of Megiddo, and thus argue that the inhabitants of this Iron I stratum were Canaanites.
a message in a jug 215
The Canaanite Goddess and the Ibex and Palm Tree Symbolism
The ibex and palm tree and related motifs connected with the sacred
tree are arguably the most common figural motifs on 14th- and 13th-
century pottery from Canaan (Fig. 2). This powerful symbol of the
goddess of the earth and fertility was extremely common in Late Bronze
and Early Iron Age art (Keel 1998: 30–41; Keel and Uehlinger 1998:
56–58). The tree is often shown flanked by animals, usually deer or
gazelles, and birds, but sometimes fish and even crabs (Fig. 2: 5; Keel
1998: Figs. 54, 55a–b). Such iconography is particularly common on
pottery from Fosse Temple III at Lachish (Fig. 2: 1; Tufnell et al. 1940:
Pl. XLVIII B, 249–251), as well as pottery from 13th- and early-12th-
centuries-BCE contexts in other locations on the tell (e.g., Aharoni 1975:
Pl. 39: 11; see here Fig. 2: 2).3 An ewer from Fosse Temple III with scenes
of ibexes and trees is inscribed with a Canaanite alphabetic inscription
that renders it a gift to a goddess, perhaps xElat (Fig. 2: 3; Hestrin 1987:
214; Keel and Uehlinger 1998: 72). Hestrin identifies the tree with the
symbol of xAthirat/xElat, a fertility goddess mentioned in Ugarit (Hestrin
1987: 220). It is likely that this symbolism on pottery is closely related
to mold-made figurines of naked goddesses. One such type is a creator
goddess nursing two infants, with a palmetto tree flanked by caprids
shown on each of her thighs, found at Tel Miqne-Ekron and at Aphek
(Fig. 2: 7; Keel 1998: 34–35; Keel and Uehlinger 1998: 73–74, 75, Fig.
82). This is most probably the Great Mother Goddess xAshera/xAthirat
of the Canaanite traditions, the consort of xEl (and perhaps later of
Yahweh [Toorn, van der 1998: 88–91; cf. Keel and Uhlinger 1998:
210–248]) and the Mother of Gods (Goodnick-Westholz 1998: 79;
Keel and Uehlinger 1998: 74). Another type of nude goddess holds a
papyrus plant in each hand and is sometimes depicted standing on the
back of a lion or a horse (Keel and Uehlinger 1998: 66–68). These may
be representations of the goddess {Anat (displaying both sexual appeal,
and the warlike nature of the horse; Goodnick-Westholz 1998: 79; Keel
and Uehlinger 1998: 68), or the above-mentioned xAshera/xAthirat.
To these types one may add the Astarte plaques—depictions of naked
3
In the new excavations they originate from Levels P1–P2 (Clamer 2004a: Figs.
20.14: 1, 20.31: 1, 3) as well as Levels VIIa (Yannai 2004: Fig. 19: 34: 4) and VI
(Clamer 2004b: Fig. 21.9: 2, 8; Yannai 2004: Fig. 19: 40: 1).
216 assaf yasur-landau
With the arrival of the Philistine migrants to Canaan in the 12th cen-
tury, there was a marked change in the pottery iconography in Ashdod,
Ashkelon, and Tel Miqne-Ekron. The ibex and palm tree motif dis-
appeared, and the Philistine bird became the dominant figural motif,
appearing on Philistine Monochrome and later on Bichrome pottery.
Two examples of storage jars with ibexes and palm trees come from
Tel Miqne-Ekron, Field I, Stratum IX (Killebrew 1996: Pls. 5: 13, 7:
1; 1998: Fig. 1: 13), while the earliest appearance of birds is recorded
in Stratum VII (Killebrew 1998: Fig. 7: 13, 15; Dothan and Zukerman
2004: Fig. 8: 14) and continues in VI (e.g., Killebrew 1998: Fig. 10: 15,
16; see here Fig. 1: 3). In Ashdod, Area G the latest ibex on a Canaanite
4
Such a plaque was found in a Late Bronze context at Ashdod Area B, Stratum
XVII (Local Stratum 4; Dothan 1971: Pl. XXXI: 11).
a message in a jug 217
5
The second pair of polos-wearing goddesses on the other side of the sarcophagus
is interpreted by Marinatos to be chthonic goddesses.
220 assaf yasur-landau
The imagery of the bird, the symbol of the Aegean enthroned goddess,
was introduced together with the cult of the goddess by the Aegean
migrants to Philistia in the 12th century BCE, but the combination of
tree and ibexes was no longer represented on pottery in Philistia. The
Aegean migrants did not paint them on their pottery, although they were
well known as sacred symbols in the Aegean area for centuries. The
choice of a bird, rather than a tree for a symbol of divinity is likely to
have had a diacritical meaning. The purpose was to differentiate between
the Aegean goddesses and the local ones, and thus perhaps to mark the
ethnic difference between the migrants and the local population, and
to celebrate the prevalence of Aegean deities over local ones.
Symbolism associated with the older Canaanite cult continued, how-
ever, to be in use in Philistia, but on a smaller scale: A few cases of
Canaanite iconographic influences of the sacred tree are apparent in
the earliest phase of Aegean pottery. One example is an Aegean-style
krater, from Tel Miqne-Ekron, Field X, Stratum VIIB, decorated with
a tree or a branch, on a hill (?) (Dothan 1998b: Pl. 2: 2)—an element
defined by Dothan (ibid.: 21) as peculiar in the Aegean repertoire of
motifs. Another Aegean-style krater from Stratum VIA in Area IV is
decorated with a palm tree—a motif that has no parallels in the Phi-
listine Monochrome (locally made LH IIIC) from Philistia, and seems
to recall Canaanite prototypes.
The find of figurines also indicate that after the migration of the
Philistines (and other Sea Peoples) the cult of the local “Canaanite”
goddesses did not cease, but rather seems to have continued side by
side (perhaps on a reduced scale) with the newly introduced “Ashdoda”
a message in a jug 221
Much of this pottery is decorated in two colors, red and black. The
strainer jug itself is a pottery type introduced into Cyprus from the
Aegean area during LC IIC and LC IIIA (Kling 1989; 2000: 282, 286;)
that was manufactured locally later in the Late Bronze, into the Early
Iron Age (e.g., the Cypro-Geometric I–II strainer jug from Grotirin:
Iacovou 1988: 70–71). The dog with the curling tail on the “Orpheus
Jug” has good parallels with a late PWP amphora from the Sozos
collection and CGIA amphorae from the Kourion Museum (Iacovou
1988: 62, Figs. 2, 23). Similarly, parallels to the fish can be seen on
some early PWP-CGIA (Iacovou 1988: 68–69). Finally, human figures
with one large eye and a net pattern on the chest can be found on
a late CGIA tripod displayed at the Metropolitan Museum (Fig. 4: 3;
Iacovou 1988: 72, Fig. 33) and on a late CGIA plate from Kouklia-
Skales (Fig. 4: 6; Iacovou 1988: 27). A bearded lyre player appears on
a late PWP kalathos found at Kouklia-Xerolimani T.9: 7 (Fig. 4: 5;
Iacovou 1988: 72, Fig. 70).
Naturally, some of the motifs noted above (as well as others on
painted pottery of 11th–10th-centuries Cyprus) have distant Aegean
prototypes, going as far back as the 13th century BCE. This, however,
does not render them Aegean when they appear on the “Orpheus Jug.”
It is possible to reconstruct how these Cypriot motifs could have influ-
enced local pottery production: Cypriot imports to the Levant in the
12th century (Iron Age IA) may have been rare and sporadic (Gilboa
2001: 349) but during the Iron Age IB and Iron Age I–II transition
period, the 11th and early 10th centuries, they increased significantly
as is attested by a large quantity of Cypro-Geometric IA and IB finds
throughout the Levant (ibid.: 352), including a single white painted
krater from Megiddo, which is dated to Stratum VIA (Loud 1948: Pl.
78: 20; Gilboa 1989: 214). This import resulted in local manufacture
of Cypriot-style pottery, like the conspicuous example of a pictorial
Bichrome bowl from Dor (Gilboa 1989: 211; 2001: 354; Iacovou
1992: 223–224), dating to the Iron Age I–II transition. NAA analysis
proved that it was manufactured in the area of Dor, yet the design it
bears of a goat and cross-hatched lozenges is typical of the CG deco-
rative range. A similar phenomenon is probably seen in Tyre (Gilboa
2001: 350), and in the southern Coastal Plain, where new Cypriot
forms entered the ceramic repertoire during the 11th century. Dothan
considered these newly introduced forms, bottles, horn-shaped vessels
and gourd-shaped vases, a part of the Philistine Bichrome repertoire
(Dothan 1982: 160–183).
224 assaf yasur-landau
6
Mazar (1974: 179) has suggested that the scene should not be interpreted as a lyre
player playing among animals, but rather as a poet singing about animals and of the
world of nature, perhaps tales similar to the animal fables common in the literature
of the ancient Near East. This interpretation, however, disregards the central role of
the sacred tree in the composition.
a message in a jug 225
wine in symposia (Stager 1995: 345), was a part of a wine drinking kit
of Aegean origin introduced to the Levant in the 12th century, following
LH IIIC prototypes (Dothan and Zukerman 2004: 24). It also became
part of the bronze wine-drinking kit of the Megiddo elite of Stratum
VIA, as attested by the presence of a bronze strainer jug among the
bronze bowls, juglets, and strainers found in a cache unearthed in Locus
1739 (Loud 1948: Pl. 189–190). The pastoral cultic setting appearing
on the “Orpheus Jug” is not typical of 13th–12th-centuries Aegean
taste, which usually exhibits a tendency toward themes of power and
domination through the portrayal of chariots, hunt scenes, ships, and
warriors (Deger-Jalkotzy 1994: 20). These topics were all connected to
the ethos of elite domination and rulership by military might, possession
of luxury items, and leading of an elite life, strengthened by Homeric-
style symposia (Deger-Jalkotzy 1995: 376–377). The pastoral depiction
also does not fit the 11th-century-BCE Cypriot aristocratic taste for
depictions of “macho” activities, favoring warriors, elite drinking, and
hunt scenes (Sherratt 1992: 331–333; Iacovou 1997; Karageorghis 1997:
76–79; Steel 2002: 112). The “Orpheus Jug” tells a different tale: Only
the “package,” if even that, is foreign, imitating some Cypriot decorative
elements. The subtle message of the vase is conveyed by referring the
owner and his drinking guests to a well-known ancient Near Eastern
mythological theme, celebrated for centuries in Canaanite Megiddo:
the peaceful demonstration of the power of the goddess, represented
by the sacred tree, the unity between man and nature, and music.
226 assaf yasur-landau
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INDEX
Hittite instruction text on human storage pits in, 90, 92–93, 94–95, 97,
excrement, 168 98
Hoffner, H. A., Jr., 168
“Homage Krater,” 219 Jacob M. Alkow Chair in Archaeology
orbat/ orvat [ruins]. See names of of Israel in the Bronze and Iron Ages,
specific sites xv
Horwitz, L. K., 119, 125 Jaffa, 56, 57, 57 n. 3, 59, 60, 62, 66
House of David, 28 n. 22 Jaisalmer, 199–200, 209
household items, storage of, 88 jar burials, 6, 7, 8–9, 12
Humbert, J., 152 n. 21 Jehoahaz (king), 31
uÉÉot, 197 Jehoash (king), 31
“Hypothesis 8” (Saxe), 21–22 Jehu (king), 31
Jehu dynasty, 46
ibex motif, 215, 216, 217, 220, 224 Jemmeh, Tell, 75, 152, 153
iconographic influences on the Jerusalem
“Orpheus Jug,” xx, 213–25 and “border approach,” 27
Ilan, David, xvii–xviii, 87–102, 105, 107 burial practices in, 17, 19, 20, 20
n. 4 n. 6, 24, 25, 29 n. 23, 34
India, extramural neighborhoods, as capital of Kingdom, 27–28, 28
199–200 nn. 20–21
“Indian Highway,” 199 control over Shephelah and
infant burials, 8–9 Beersheba, 30, 30 n. 26
invisible pit graves, 21 extramural neighborhoods in, 197
Ira, Tel, 25–26 n. 17, 123 n. 1, 207
Iria, 157 Jerusalem Hills, 17, 25, 29
Iron Age. See Archaeological Periods at and “patrimonial model,” 28, 28
the end of the index nn. 20–21
Iron Age “Fortress” of the Negev, The St. Ètienne Monastery, 24, 35 n. 39
(Finkelstein), 113 sheep and goat farming in, 120,
Isin-Larsa, 170 n. 12 122–24
Islamic period, 80 n. 10, 116 and trade, 31 n. 27
isohyet, 75, 75 n. 2, 76 waste management in, 169
Israel, Kingdom of, 34 n. 36, 200 Jezreel Valley, 109, 156
n. 6 Joint Expedition, 45
Assyrian conquest of, 138, 143 Jongman, W., 115
burial practices in, 34 n. 37 Jordan, 114, 115, 116, 117, 122, 123,
market trade in Judah and Israel, 200 124
n. 6 Jordan River, 57
urbanization of, 34 nn. 36–37 Josiah (king), 23
Israel, Land of Judah, Kingdom of
burial practices in, 20, 23 burial practices in, xix–xx, 17–36, 35
and Gath, 31, 31 n. 27 n. 39
settlement pattern in, 152, 155–56 emergence of statehood for, 17 n. 1,
transition from Late Bronze to Iron 28
Age in the Coastal Plain, xviii–xix, extramural neighborhoods, 202
55–69 Judean Highlands, 24, 26, 28 n. 22,
United Monarchy in, xix, 25, 27, 28 29 n. 23
n. 20, 34, 34 n. 36 Judean Hills, 34
Israel, Northern Israelite Kingdom, xix, state formation, xix–xx, 17–36
34, 34 n. 37, 52 trade in, 200 n. 6
Omride dynasty, 45, 51 Judah, tribe of, 29
Israel, “proto,” 24, 24 n. 15
Israel Antiquities Authority, 76, 78 n. 5, Kadesh Barnea, 202, 206, 209
82 n. 15, 145 n. 13 Kana, Tell, 58
Izbet artah, 56, 62–63, 122 Kaplan, J., 60
238 index
Archaeological Periods
Fig. 1. The excavated area on the southeastern slope of Tel Megiddo (after
Guy and Engberg 1938: Fig. 2)
250 evan arie
Fig. 1. Map of central Coastal Plain with settlements dated to Late Bronze and
Iron Age I periods
254 yuval gadot
Fig. 5. Types of cooking-pots found at Aphek X12 and at Tell Qasille XII–X
continuity and change in the late bronze to iron age 257
Fig. 1. The site of Tel Dan. Iron Age I remains were found in all
areas excavated
the case of tel dan 259
Fig. 2. A plan of Area B, Stratum VI. Note the large numbers of pits
Fig. 3. A plan of Area B, Stratum V. Note the small number of pits and large
number of pithoi, relative to Stratum VI (Fig. 2)
260 david ilan
Fig. 5. Unlined pits sunk into an earlier consolidated Late Bronze Age pebble fill
the case of tel dan 261
Fig. 6. A stone-lined pit in Area M (L8185) with the more unusual “beehive”
shape
Fig. 7. A row of pithoi lining a wall—their most frequent position in Iron Age
I sites
262 david ilan
Fig. 10. Tel Dan Stratum IVB, Area B, L4710: a possible feed bin abutting a
wall (left)
264 aharon sasson
Qasile
Yarqon basin Apheq
Ay
al
on
ba
si
n
So
re
k
ba
si Gezer
n
Ekron
Batas
La Ashdod Béit
ch Shemesh
is
h
ba Tell
si es-Safi
Ashkelon n
Zayit
Sh
iq Erani
m
a
Be ba Lachish
so si Hesi
n
rb Gaza
as
in G
er
ar
ba
si Sera
n
Haror
0 10km
2
settlements
0
3–5 1–3 0.5–1 0.1
ha
Fig. 2. The settlement complex of Tel Miqne-Ekron: the number of settlements
during the 10th century BCE according to settlement size
100
Dunams
10
1
1 10 100 1000
Settlements by Rank
3
settlements
0
3–5 1–3 0.5–1 0.1
ha
Fig. 4. The settlement complex of Tel Miqne-Ekron: the number of settlements
during the 9th century BCE according to settlement size
4
settlements
0
3–5 1–3 0.5–1 0.2–0.5 0.1–0.2 0.1
ha
Fig. 5. The settlement complex of Tel Miqne-Ekron: the number of settlements
during the 8th century BCE according to settlement size
settlements patterns of philistine city-states 269
4
settlements
0
10+ 3–5 1–3 0.5–1 0.2–0.5 0.1–0.2 0.1
ha
Fig. 6. The settlement complex of Tel Miqne-Ekron: the number of settlements
during the 7th century BCE according to settlement size
1000
100
Dunams
10
1
1 10 100 1000
Settlements by Rank
45
41
40
35
30
25.3
25
ha
20 19.3
16.7
15
10
5
0
10th cent. 9th cent. 8th cent. 7th cent.
Fig. 8. The populated area in the region of Tel Miqne-Ekron during the
different phases of the Iron Age II
30
25.3
25
20
14.8 14.9
ha
15
10 9.1
0
10th cent. 9th cent. 8th cent. 7th cent.
Fig. 9. The settled area at Tel ¶afit-Gath and the surrounding sites during the
various stages of the Iron Age II
settlements patterns of philistine city-states 271
6
5
settlements
4
3
2
1
0
10+ 1–3 0.5–1 0.2–0.5 0.1–0.2 0.1
ha
Fig. 10. The settlement complex of Tel ¶afit-Gath: the number of settlements
during the 8th century BCE according to settlement size
1000
100
Dunams
10
1
1 10 100 1000
Settlements by Rank
5
settlements
0
3–5 0.1–0.3 0.5–1 0.2–0.5 0.1
ha
Fig. 12. The settlement complex of Tel ¶afit-Gath: the number of settlements
during the 7th century BCE according to settlement size
2
2
settlements
1 1 1
1
0
5–10 0.2–0.5 0.1–0.2 0.1
ha
Fig. 13. The settlement complex of Tel Ashdod: the number of settlements
during the 10th century BCE according to settlement size
settlements patterns of philistine city-states 273
6
5
settlements
4
3
2
1
0
10+ 3–5 1–3 0.6–0.9 0.2–0.5 0.2 0.1
ha
Fig. 14. The settlement complex of Tel Ashdod: the number of settlements
during the 8th century BCE according to settlement size
100
Dunams
10
1
1 10 100
Settlements by Rank
Fig. 15. A logarithmic graph of the settlement complex of Tel Ashdod in the
7th century BCE
274 alon shavit
6
6
5
settlements
4
3
3
2 2
2
1
1
0
5–10 3–5 0.6–0.9 0.2–0.5 0.1
ha
Fig. 16. The settlement complex of Tel Ashdod: the number of settlements
during the 7th century BCE according to settlement size
4
settlements
0
5–9.9 0.6–0.9 0.2–0.5 0.1–0.2 0.1
ha
Fig. 17. The settlement complex of Tel Ashkelon: the number of settlements
during the 8th century BCE according to settlement size
settlements patterns of philistine city-states 275
100
Dunams
10
1
1 10 100
Settlements by Rank
Fig. 18. A logarithmic graph of the settlement complex of Tel Ashkelon in the
7th century BCE
5
4
settlements
3
2
1
0
5–9.9 1–2.9 0.6–0.9 0.2–0.5 0.1–0.2 0.1
ha
Fig. 19. The settlement complex of Tel Ashkelon: the number of settlements
during the 7th century BCE according to settlement size
276 alon shavit
4 4
4
3
settlements
2
1 1 1 1
1
0
10 3–5 1–3 0.5–1 0.2–0.5 0.1–0.2 0.1
ha
Fig. 20. The settlement complex of the Naal Besor basin: the number of
settlements during the 10th century BCE according to the settlement size
100
Dunams
10
1
1 10 100
Settlements by Rank
Fig. 21. A logarithmic graph of the settlement complex of the Naal Besor
basin during the 10th century BCE
settlements patterns of philistine city-states 277
3
3
2
settlements
1 1 1 1
1
0
10 3–5 1–3 0.5–1 0.1
ha
Fig. 22. The settlement complex of the Naal Besor basin: the number of
settlements during the 9th century BCE according to settlement size
3
3
settlements
2 2 2
2
1 1
1
0
10 3–5 1–3 0.2–0.5 0.1–0.2 0
ha
Fig. 23. The settlement complex of the Naal Besor basin: the number of
settlements during the 8th century BCE according to settlement size
278 alon shavit
Dunams 100
10
1
1 10 100
Settlements by Rank
Fig. 24. A logarithmic graph of the settlement complex in the Naal Besor
basin during the 7th century BCE
5
5
4
settlements
3
3
2 2
2
1 1 1
1
0
10 3–5 1–3 0.5–1 0.2–0.5 0.1–0.2 0.1
ha
Fig. 25. The settlement complex of the Naal Besor basin: the number of
settlements during the 7th century BCE according to settlement size
waste management at tell atchana 279
Fig. 1. Toilets in Nuzi (after Starr 1937–1939; 163, Fig. 24). Reprinted by
permission of the publishers from Nuzi: Report of the excavations at Yorgan
Tepa near Kirkuk, p. 163, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,
Copyright © 1939 by the president and fellows of Harvard College
280 amir sumakaxi fink
Fig. 2. The Level IV palace at Tell Atchana, where Woolley excavated four
restrooms and three bathrooms (after Woolley 1955: Fig. 44). Reprinted by
permission of the Society of Antiquaries of London
waste management at tell atchana 281
Fig. 3. The toilets in room 5 of the Level IV palace (after Woolley 1955
Pl. XXVa). Reprinted by permission of the Society of Antiquaries of London
Fig. 15. Tel {Aroer—southern Arabian inscription from Area D bearing the
letter ח
a message in a jug 303
Fig. 1.
1. The “Orpheus Jug.” After Loud 1948: Pl. 76: 1
2. A krater from Ashdod, Stratum XIII. After Dothan and Zukerman 2004:
Fig. 19: 3
3. A krater from Ekron, Stratum VI. After Dothan and Zukerman 2004:
Fig. 19: 2
4. A jug from Azor. After Dothan 1982: Fig. 48
5. A strainer jug from Tell {Aitun. After Dothan 1982: Fig. 29
6. A LHIIIC stirrup jar from Kalymnos. After Mountjoy 1999: Fig. 464: 19
304 assaf yasur-landau
Fig. 2.
1. A krater from Lachish, Fosse Temple III. After Tufnell, Inge, and Harding
1940: Pl. XLVIII: 250
2. A bowl from Lachish Level VI. After Aharoni 1975: Pl. 39: 11
3. An inscribed jug from Lachish, Fosse Temple III. After Keel and
Uehlinger 1998: Illustration 81
4. A jar from Megiddo Stratum VIIB. After Loud 1948: Pl. 64: 4
5. A jug from Megiddo. After Guy 1938: Pl. 134
6. A collar-necked jar from Kalymnos. After Mountjoy 1999: Fig. 463: 14
7. A figurine from Revadim. After Keel and Uehlinger 1998: Fig. 89
a message in a jug 305
Fig. 3.
1. A krater from Enkomi. After Wedde 2000: No. 644
2. A pyxis from Tragana. After Wedde 2000: No. 643
3. A seal from Tiryns. After Yasur-Landau 2001: Pl. Ca
4. A stirrup jar from Syros. After Wedde 2000: No. 655
5. A krater from Aradippo, Cyprus. After Yasur-Landau 2001: Pl. Ce
6. A krater from Ashkelon, courtesy of Prof. L. E. Stager, Director of the
Ashkelon Excavations
7. A figurine from Ashdod, Stratum XII. After Yasur-Landau 2001:
Pl. XCIXa
306 assaf yasur-landau
Fig. 4.
1. A painted shard from Megiddo. After Schumacher 1908: Pl. 24
2. A zoomorphic vessel from Megiddo. After Loud 1948: Pl. 247: 7
3. A tripod vessel in the Metropolitan Museum. After Iacovou 1988: 72,
Fig. 33
4. The lyre player on the “Orpheus Jug”
5. A kalathos from Kouklia-Xerolimani T.9:7. After Iacovou 1988: 72, Fig. 70
6. A plate from Kouklia-Skales. After Iacovou 1988: 27
7. A jar from Megiddo Stratum VIA. After Loud 1948: Pl. 84: 5