To raise the questionofthe natureofnarrativeis to invite

After the Battle Is Over: The Stele

reflectionon the verynatureofculture.. . .
Hayden White, "The Value of Narrativi ty . . . ," 1981
of the Vultures and the Beginning

of Historical Narrative in the Art Definitions of narrative, generallyfallingwithinthe

purviewof literarycriticism,are nonethelessimportantto
of the Ancient Near East arthistorians.Fromthesimpleststarting point,"forwriting
to be narrative,no moreand no less thana tellerand a tale
are required.'1 Narrativeis, in otherwords,a solutionto
"
the problemof"how to translateknowingintotelling.2 In
general,narrativemaybe said to make use ofthird-person
cases and of past tenses, such thatthe tellerof the story
standssomehowoutsideand separatefromthe action.3But
IRENE J. WINTER whatis importantis thatnarrativecannotbe equated with
thestoryalone; itis content(story)structured bythetelling,
University of Pennsylvania fortheorganization ofthestoryis whatturnsitintonarrative.4
Such a definitionwould seem to providefertileground
forart-historical inquiry;forwhat,afterall, is a paintingor
relief,ifnot contentorderedby the telling(composition)?
Yet, not all figuraiworks"tell" a story.Sometimesthey
"refer"to a story;and sometimestheyembodyan abstract
conceptwithoutthe necessaryactionand settingof a tale
at all. For an investigationofvisualrepresentation, itseems
to
important distinguish between instances in which the
-
narrativeis vested in a verbal text the images servingas
but illustrations of the text,not necessarily"narrative"in
themselves,but ratherreferencesto the narrative - and
instancesin whichthe narrativeis locatedin the represen-
tations,the storyreadable throughthe images.
In the specificcase of the ancientNear East, instances
in whichnarrativeis carriedthroughthe imageryitselfare
rare,reflecting a situationfundamentally differentfromthat
foundsubsequentlyin the West, and oftenfromthatfound
in the furtherEast as well. We do not have a cultural
situationin whichmonolithicreligious/mythological/heroic
textsstandbehind the veryfabricof society- as the Bible
does forthe Judeo-Christian West, the Odyssey and the
Iliad forthe classicalworld,or the Ramayanaand the Bha-
gavad Gita forthe Indian subcontinent.Nor do we have a
traditionof inscriptions directlyassociatedwithand there-
foreidentifying mythological/religiousimages.Throughjux-
tapositionwith text,as in illustratedbooks or throughla-
beling, as on Greek vases, for example, images in later
Western art at least are farmore likelyto be accurately
identified; and theseidentifiable imagesthenprovidea basic
corpusfromwhichto argue forthe unknown.5
The problemis furtherexacerbatedby the tendencyin
theartoftheancientNear East, as discussedbyAnnPerkins
in the 1955 Chicago symposiumon narrativein ancientart,
to be "allusive"ratherthanexplicit,withthe "culminating

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scene" of a given storystandingforthe whole.6We often is notto saythatsuchworksare neverlinkedto texts,since
findthe storybehindthe image,therefore, demandingthe manyofthemonumentsare eitheraccompaniedbyinscrip-
viewers priorknowledgeand correctidentification of the tionscarveddirectlyupon the stone,or else can be related
scene- a processof"matching"ratherthan"reading"ofthe to parallel texts,throughwhichour understanding of the
imagery itselfqua narrative. narrativeis Yet
clarified. they are notdependentupon the
However, there is one class of work in the corpus of textsfor their reading. In the verydepictionof historical
-
ancientNear Eastern art the battlescene, executed pri- events,as opposed to ritualor mythological events,we are
marilyin sculpturalrelief- thatdoes fallintoour definition presentedwitha complexinternalsequence and develop-
ofpictorialnarrative.In content,these workstend to refer ment,throughtimeand acrossspace, whichpermitsus to
to specificevents in time and place; to contain"action"as "read" the monumentitself.
it has been distinguishedfrom"description";and to be The battle narrativesof the Neo-Assyrianperiod,from
"told,"as ifin the thirdpersonand in the past tense.7The the ninthto the seventhcenturiesB.c., are perhaps the
subjectmatterofthese monumentsis neitherreligiousnor best known,and have been the subjectofan earlierstudy,
mythological, but rather historical. Whether conveyed theresultsofwhichlinkedtheexploitation ofthisparticular
throughthe juxtapositionof successive episodes,8or in a genre directlyto the contemporary politicalsituation,as
singleimagethatnonethelessthroughitsactionenablesone Assyriankingsused representations ofconquestto validate
to "read" the event, these reliefscan by our definitionbe the territorial expansionof the empire.9Comparisonwith
called "pictorialnarrative,"as we are not requiredmerely contemporary annalistictextsdescribingactualbattleses-
to associatethroughthemto an underlying textor tale. This tablishedan exactcorrespondencebetweenbattlesreported

Fig. 1. Obverse,SteleoftheVultures ofEannatum, ensiof Fig. 2. Reverse,SteleoftheVultures. Muséedu

Photocourtesy
ht.1.80m;found
Lagash,c. 2460b.c. Whitelimestone; atTello, Louvre
ancientGirsu;MuséeduLouvre(AO50+ 2436-8 + 16109).Photo
courtesy Muséedu Louvre

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and battlesdepicted. In thisisomorphism betweenthever-
bal and the visual, we are presentedwitha highlysophis-
ticated and integratedsystem,in which both means are
expertlymanipulatedtowardthe same rhetoricaland po-
liticalends.
ofinteresttolookbacktotheverybeginning
It is therefore
ofthe sequence, to thelate EarlyDynasticperiod(e.d. Ill)
c. 2500 B.C., in whichconditionssurrounding the consol-
idationofthecity-state had givenriseto thefirstmonument
thatcould be identifiedas public,historical,and narrative:
the large, freestandingreliefknownas the "Stele of the
"
Vultures, commemorating a victoryofthecity-stateofLa-
10
gash over the neighboringstateof Umma (figs.1, 2).
My aim is fourfold: to see whetherthismonumenttruly
fitsthe definitionof "narrative"presentedabove; to bring
forththe particularhistoricaland culturalconditionsthat
producedit and the issues embodiedtherein;to determine
whetherthe same degree of integration between textand
imageprevailed as did inthe Neo-Assyrian periodandwhether
the same degree of politicalends were being served; and
finally,to see ifit is possible to linkthisearlyexampleto
laterworksin the historyofartby elucidatingtheuses (and
abuses) of public monumentson whichhistoricalnarrative
appears. For it should be clear fromthe outset that the
"historicity" ofthese monumentswas a highlymanipulated
one. In the Assyriancase, forexample,onlythe enemies
die; Assyriansneverlose, neverperish.The purportedreal-
ity is thus carefullyorganized to "bring out the central
mythos"ofthe state;11 and even whereeventsdepictedare
in facttrue, the very factof theirhavingbeen recorded
selects the event,its antecedents,and its consequencesas
meaningful.
verse actuallywrap around the two shallowsides as well.
The negativespace is filledwithan inscriptionthatis incised
continuouslyfromobverse to reverse. Much of the visual
contentsof the stele can be reconstructed,thoughthere
are a fewsignificant losses. The inscription,however,has
majorgaps. We knowfromthe extantportionthatthe stele
was executedbyone Eannatum,ensi(cityrulerorgovernor)
of Lagash in c. 2460 B.C. Eannatumpresentsthe historical
background,events, and consequences of his bordercon-
flictswithan unnamed rulerof Umma, the state immedi-
atelyto thenorthwest ofGirsu,ina disputeovertheGu'eden,
the fertiletractof irrigatedland between the two states.15
Thus, fromthe text,as well as fromothercontemporary
referencestothesameconflict, we havethehistorical details
tohelp anchorthevisualrepresentations on themonument.
We are thereforein a positionto approachthe problemof
pictorialnarrativebothfroma readingofthe imageryitself
and froma comparisonof textand image: thatis, we can
determinenot only what tale is being told, but also how
the tale is told.
The obverseofthe stele is dividedintotworegisters,the
upper portionalmosttwicethe heightofthe lower(figs.1,
16
3). A large male figure,centrallyplaced, holds a mace in

The Stele of the Vultures,currentlyin the Louvre, is

ratherpoorlypreserved.Originallyit was a large, rectan-
gularslab ofwhitelimestonewitha roundedtop. The mod-
ern restoration ofthe whole is based upon onlyseven frag-
ments. Six were excavatedduringthe 1880s at the site of
modernTello, ancient Girsu, a satellitetown withinthe
city-stateof Lagash in the Early Dynasticperiod and seat
ofthedeityNingirsu.12 The seventhfragment, undoubtedly
plundered from the site, was acquired by the BritishMu-
seum in 1900 and latergiven to the Louvre forthe resto-
ration.13
As restored,the monumentmeasures1.80 meters
in height, 1.30 meters in width, and is .11 meters in
thickness.14
The stele is coveredon both majorfaceswithcarvingin Fig. 3. Reconstruction
drawing, obverse,Steleofthe
relativelyhigh,well modeled relief;the scenes of the re- Vultures byElizabethSimpson)
(drawing

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 in whosenamethevictoryoverUmmawaswon;orwhether
it should representEannatum,favoredby Ningirsu,who
inscribedthe stele and literallyeffectedthe victory.20
The
anzu emblemappearson several"royal"monuments found
at Girsu,howeverthosethatare inscribedare all dedicated
toNingirsu (forexample,thesilvervaseofEnmetena,nephew
ofEannatumand one ofhis successors,fig.5, or the votive
plaque ofDudu, chiefpriestofNingirsuunderEnmetena).21
No royalfigureever actuallywields the emblem.
This would suggestthatthe mainfigureon the obverse
is infactthecitygod. The questioncanbe settled,I believe,
throughidentification of the second figurein the scene,
smallerin scale and standingas ifbehindor to the rightof
the centralmale. This smallerfigureis female,as can be
surmisedfromwhatis visibleofherhair.She wearsa head-
dress of splayed(cow?) horns,betweenwhichare feathers
or frondsflankinga centralleonine head similarto thatof
the anzu emblem held by the male figure.Behindand to
the leftof thiswomanthe emblemis repeated,raisedlike
a standardon a pole. Three maces protrudefromeach of
her shoulders, the traditionalMesopotamianmannerof
showingdivine attributes.22 Parallels in headgearand at-
tributesbetweenthisand otherfigures - as forexampleon
a basalt vase fragmentwhere the figureis identifiedby

Fig. 4. Detail,obverse:The god Ningirsu

withbattlenetand
emblem.Photocourtesy Hirmer,Munich

his righthand, the mace-headtouchingthe bald head ofa

small man who protrudesfroma large net furtherto the
leftof the centralfigure.The victimis nude, and the up-
permostof what would have been at least a dozen other
captives, densely packed and tumbled about withinthe
net.17With his lefthand posed just above the top of the
net, the centralfiguregraspsthe tail feathersof a frontal
lion-headedeagle withoutstretched wings,itstalonsvisible
below and restingupon thebacksoftwoaddorsedlions(fig.
18
4). This emblem, knownfrommythological texts,repre-
sents the anzu, or Zu-bird- associatedwith the thunder-
storm - who was identifiedwith the god Ningirsuin the
earlyperiods. Later textsrecordthatthe anzu absconded
withthe "Tablet of Fate" untilEnlil, chiefgod of the Me-
sopotamianpantheon,ordered the hero Ninurta,a later
formofNingirsu,to retrievethem.19Like the Gorgonhead
forPerseus,thisemblemthenbecame associatedwith,and
was adopted as an attributeof,the vanquisher.
It has been a pointofdebate whetherthe standingmale Fig. 5. Silvervase ofEnmetenaofLa-
on the obverse of the stele should thereforerepresentthe gash,c. 2420B.c.,Tello;Muséedu Lou-
vre(AO2674).Photocourtesy Muséedu
deityNingirsuhimself,to whomthe stele is dedicatedand Louvre

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 inscription23and on a limestonevotiveplaque (fig.6) where
the mountainscales upon whichthe femalefiguresitsare
a clue toherSumerianname- allowus toidentify thisfigure
as a divine personage,specificallythe goddess Ninhursag,
Lady of the Mountain.She is, further, the motherof Nin-
girsu, and a
played principal role in the mythofthecapture
of the anzu, by givingher son essentialstrategicadvice.24
Because of this role, the anzu emblem is associated also
withthe goddess, appearingon a largecopperpanel found
in her templeat the site ofal-'Ubaid (fig.7).25This would
explainthe presence not onlyof the emblemin her head-
dress, but also of the standardat her side.
It seems clear, therefore,that the figurein the upper
registeron the frontof the stele representsthe citygod,
Ningirsu,withhisemblem,triumphant overthevanquished
enemyofLagash and accompaniedbyhismother,a primary
figurein his mythicalhistoryand a deityveneratedin her
own rightboth in Lagash and in Girsu.26
Althoughverypoorlypreserved,thelowerregisterseems
to corroboratethisinterpretation. It is evidentthata chariot
was depicted, movingtowardour right;facingthe chariot
is a repetitionofthegoddessin theupperregister.Further,
Fig. 6. Votiveplaqueshowing priestbeforethegoddessNinhur-
sag,EarlyDynastic III period,c. 2500-2350
B.c. Limestone;
found it is possible to determinefroma bit of visible skirtthat
at Tello; Musée du Louvre(AO 276). Photocourtesy Hirmer, the god himselfwas standingin the chariot.The wingtipof
Munich the anzu emblem is also visible; it was eitherheld in the
god s hand, or attachedto the protectivechestboardofthe
chariot.
Althoughthe draftanimalsforthe chariotare not pre-
served, we have accepted Barreleťs argumentthat they
were more likelyto have been mythological animalsthan
Below:Fig. 7. Copperpanelfromtempleof Ninhursag at al-
Ubaid,EarlyDynastic Mu-
B.c.; British
III period,c. 2500-2350 standardequids ofthe period(as depicted,forexample,on
seum(114308).PhotocourtesyTrusteesoftheBritish Museum the reverseside of our stele, see below and fig. 11; or on

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Fig. 8. Reconstruction
drawing, Steleof theVultures
reverse,
(drawing byElizabethSimpson)
the "Standardof Ur," fig. 13). The argumentis plausible,
first,forreasons of available space in relationto the yoke
pole; and second,because itwouldfitbetterwiththemyth-
icalcharacterofthisside ofthestele,particularly as Ningirsu
was said tohave harnessedthewindstohischariotinpursuit
of the anzu. In this way, the draftanimals would have
contributedto the impressionthatthe power invokedwas
supernatural.27
Thus, the whole face of the obverse seems to center
aroundthe personageof Ningirsu,patrondeityof the city
of Girsu, to whomthe stele was dedicated.The lowerreg-
ister seems to be less devoted to showingthe action de-
scribed in the inscriptionon the stele than to settingthe
stageforthatactionbyprovidingattributes and antecedents
of the citygod. It is importantto note thatno mentionof
the Zu-birdor ofthe chariotofNingirsuis made in the text
on thestele.Allthesereferences comefromtextsand stories
externalto the monument,whichwere nonethelesslikely
to have been well knownto the residentsof Girsu. Thus,
priorknowledgeon the partoftheviewerwouldhave been
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required,to whichthe representation stoodin a referential
status.
In the upper register,the god is shownwith the van-
quished enemyalreadyin hand. It is not the actionitself,
but the consequence of actionthatis depicted. The forces
of Girsu have won. And we have here the symbolicstate-
ment:"afterthe battleis over."
In thisrespect,the obverseofthe stele does notconform
to our definitionof pictorialnarrative.At best, it can be
called a "culminatingscene," because the action is com-
pleted. In fact,however,it is reallya summary,a symbolic
referent, couchedin mythicalterms,ofdivineintervention,
and therebyvergingon the "iconic"- intendedto convey
a total,abstractconceptofdivinepatronageand favor.Be-
hind the imagerylie the mythological historyand associa-
tionsofthedeity,whichare alluded to, but in no wayacted
out. Hence, thisfaceofthesteleat leastis without"action";
without"telling."It is the icon of the cityand its victory,
not its narrative.
*
The reversefaceofthe stele is dividedintofourregisters
(figs.2, 8). The vulturesthatgive the modernname to the
monumentare seen at the upper right,holdingin their
beaks the severed heads ofthe Ummaiteenemyof Lagash
(see detail,fig.9). Its fragmentary conditionnotwithstand-
ing, the image is a powerful one: ultimatedefeatof the
vanquished,the absolutesuccessforthe victors.The birds
ofpreyflyabove horizontalbands ofinscription, so thatthe
upperpart ofthe stele seems separatefrom and subsequent
to the rest of the action in the upper register.The main
action seems to be thatof the battle itself.From the left
edge to virtuallythe center,a phalanxof twelveshielded
soldiers(nine on the reverseface, threewrapped around
theside) pointtheirspearsin attackpositionas theytrample
the bodies of theirfallenenemies (fig.10).28The soldiers
are aligned as if marchingbehind the figureof the king,
who also facesright,wrappedin a flouncedgarmentprob-
ablymade ofsheepskin.The particularactioninwhichthese
figuresare engagedhas been lostin the break;but we may
assume it was a directmilitaryencounter,since at the far
right-hand edge ofthe registerthe bodies ofsome thirteen
fallenenemies are piled in a heap.
In the second register,a groupof soldiersagain appears
at the farleft(fig. 11). This time, however,there are no
raised shields. Each soldier holds a long-shafted spear in
his righthand and a battle-axin his left;but bothweapons
are raised in marchratherthan in attackposition.Here,
the soldiersfollowbehind the royalwar chariot.The king
holds the shaftof a spear in his lefthand. Unfortunately,
Fig.9. Detail,reverse: andenemy
Vultures heads,upperregister.
Photocourtesy Hirmer,Munich

Top right:Fig. 10. Detail,reverse:Phalanxof soldiers,upper

Photocourtesy
register. Hirmer,Munich

boththetipofthespearand theobjectoftheking'sattention
are missing.What is visible of the chariotitselfindicates
thatitis significantlydifferent fromtheone on theobverse.29
This would suggestthat a carefuldistinctionwas indeed
made between the two,and therebyprovidesfurther sup-
port for the argument that it is indeed the god's vehicleon
the front.30
In thethirdregister,theactionseemsdirectedfromright
to left(figs.8, 12). The centralfigurefacesleft;onlyhisfeet
and a portionof his flouncedskirtare visible;the feetrest Fij*.11. Detail,reverse:Eannatumin chariot,soldiersbehind,
sečondregister.PhotocourtesyHirmer,Munich
on a platform or low socle. In an unpublishedpaper, Mich-
elle Marcus has argued that the figurewas seated;31this
reconstruction would conformwith seated figuresknown
fromothercontemporary reliefsand sculpture.32 In frontof
the seated figure,a bull, presumablytetheredforsacrifice,
lies on its back. In the fieldabove the bull are a stackof
bodies ofsmalleranimals,perhapsgoats,and twolargevases
containing"sacred"plantswithverticalleaves and drooping
date clusters.The bases ofthese vases are obscuredby the
body of the bull, suggestingspatialdepth. A nakedpriest,
facingright,standsupon the stackofanimals;he holdsthe
bottomofa spoutedvessel well knownfromotherlibation
scenes (figs.6, 16), as the streamofhis poured liquid falls
upon the pottedplants.33Finally,at the farleftofthe reg-
ister,naked bodies are stackedin a largemound,outlined
by a double line as if it were a ladder seen in profileor
some sort of coveringshown in section. Skirtedworkers
withfilledbasketson theirheads hold onto thisband and Fig. 12. Detail,reverse:Ritualscene,thirdregister;
and spear
directedat enemyhead,fourth register.Photocourtesy Hirmer,
climb up the moundofbodies. Such climbingfigureswith Munich

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 ofUr, battleside,c. 2500B.c. Shell,carnelian,
Fig. 13. "Standard
(121201).PhotocourtesyTrusteesoftheBritish Museum
earth-filled baskets are the traditionalmeans in Mesopo-
tamia of representingconstructionworkers,especiallyin
temple-buildingscenes.34Here, they are clearly making
burialmoundsof earthpoured over the stackedbodies.
The burial-mound,sacrificial animals,and rituallibation
all raise the question of the identityof the seated figure
who presides over this activity.Frankfort has called him
the god Ningirsu;Moortgatwould see him ratheras Ean-
natumattendinga ritualceremony.35 I would agree with
the latterinterpretation, and have so restoredthe figurein
the drawing(fig.8). First,the flouncedskirtis the same as
thatwornby Eannatum,who is clearlylabeled, on the rest
of this side of the stele and differentfromthe skirtof the
god on the obverse; second, other rulersof Lagash wear
this same skirt(forexample, the standingstatuesof Ean-
natumI and Enmetena,brotherand nephewofEannatum,
respectively,and his successors;and the reliefplaque of
Ur-nanshe,grandfather of Eannatum and founderof the
36Closest of all is the
dynasty,fig. 15). figureon the Ur-
nansheplaque, whereboththeflouncedskirtand theseated
postureare identicalto thoseofthe primaryfigure.More-
over, I shallarguebelow thatthe designationofEannatum
in thispositionfitsfarbetterwiththe suggestedreadingof
the narrativeon the reverse.
Only a smallportionof the fourthregisteris preserved,
the upper part, in which one sees a hand at the farleft
graspingthe buttofa long spear shaft,the tip touchingthe
foreheadofa bald enemynear the centerofthe band. The
enemyfacesthe oncomingspear; his head emergesfroma
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andlapisinlay;foundin RoyalCemetery
at Ur;British
Museum
groupof threeadditionalbald heads beforehim,all facing
in the oppositedirection.The relationship ofthisclusterof
figuresto the menaced figureand the actionis not clear.
On the basis of analogieswithregistersone and two, the
figurewieldingthe spear is presumablyroyal.As there is
no roomfora chariotat the farleft,Marcushas suggested
thatthis ought to be a standingking.Whetherthe three
bald figuresmerelyfleefromthe king,or deliberatelysur-
roundhis markedenemy,cannotbe determined;whether
the interactionconstitutesreal battle or just a threatis
equally unclear.
Despite the poor stateofpreservation, we can attempta
reading ofthe reverse. Each ofthe four - whether
registers
showing battle or ritual -
engagement depicts some con-
tained action and can be individuallyread as a narrative,
givenour requisiteofeventtold,notjust referenced.More
intriguingis the questionwhether,and thenhow, the reg-
istersmaybe read successively,in a coherentsequence.
The reverseside ofthestelehas generally been described
procedingfromtop to bottom,on the assumptionthat it
was meantto be read thatway: the storyproceedingfrom
a battleand heap ofenemybodies (register1), to a contin-
uationor second battle(register2), to a victorycelebration
and sacrifice(register3).37A majorproblemis then posed
by the fourthregister,in which the battle seems to be
resumedafterthecelebration/ritual. Discussionhas focused
upon an earlyidentification ofthe enemyfacingthe spear
thrustas the "King of Kish," based upon the proximity of
his head to the mentionof a kingof thatstate in the in-
 ofUr,"banquetside.Photocourtesy
Fig. 14. "Standard TrusteesoftheBritish
Museum

scription.This problemrequiresa lengthydiscussionnot thelowerregisterto theprocessionoffoodanimalsand men

germaneto the presentstudy,but I would argue thatthe
associationis fortuitous,our vision skewed by the unfor-
tunatebreakageoftheend ofthetext.38 whether
Nevertheless,
or not this is thé kingof Kish, a question remains:why,
aftersacrificeand celebration,would Eannatum resume
battlewithanyone,iriuchless withan enemynotrecorded
as such on the stele, when the textdescribesthe conflict
withUmma, whose dead are alreadyheaped up above?
Since this problem cannot be resolved with a vertical
readingfromtop to bottom,I wouldproposean alternative
readingofthe reverseofthe stele,frombottomto top. This
proposalis based firston the evidencefrommorecomplete
Sumerianmonumentswherethepreferred orderofreading
is indeed frombottomto top; and second, on the narrative
sequence in the accompanyingtextof the stele.
In the firstinstance,I have argued elsewhere thatthe
majorreliefmonumentof the precedingUrukperiod,the
cultvessel knownas the "WarkaVase," is best understood
when read fromthe lower registers(cultivatedplantsand
domesticatedanimals)towardthetop (cultscene beforethe
goddess Inanna).39 Certainly the nearly contemporary
"Standardof Ur" fromthe RoyalCemetery(figs.13, 14) is
to be read this way. On one side of the standard,three
horizontalregistersprogressfrombattlechariotsat thebot-
tomto the gatheringofprisonersin the middleto thepres-
entationofthe prisonersbeforea largercentralfigure,pre-
sumablya ruler,at the top. On the otherside, the scenes
proceed fromthe amassingof pack animalsand goods in
bearing fish in the middle to the banquet in the upper
registerthatagain is dominatedby a slightlylargerfigure
ina flouncedskirt,probablytheruler.In fact,thedominant,
primarypositionof the ruler at the center of the upper
registeron the battleside, the culminationofthe narrative
sequence, is comparableto thepositionofEannatumin the
upper registerof the Stele of the Vultures.
In thesecondinstance,althoughitwillbe pursuedfurther
below, we maynow considerthe textinscribedon the stele
and surroundingmost of the pictorialaction. If only the
imageryis read, it is difficultto see the ritualburial and
libationas anythingotherthan a postbattlecelebrationof
victory.40 However,whentheimageryis readinconjunction
withthe text,we see thatbeforeEannatumactuallygoes
offto battlewith Umma, he entersthe temple to receive
a dreamoraclefromNingirsu,in keepingwiththecommon
practicein Mesopotamiaforthose seekingdivine instruc-
tion.41In the dream, it is foretoldthata moundof enemy
corpses would reach up to the verybase of heaven (text,
col. 7:21-22).This predictionis followedby a breakofsome
seven to eight lines, afterwhich we find Eannatum has
alreadytakenup armsagainstUmma (col. 8).
It is possible, therefore,to see the scene in the third
registeras preceding ratherthan succeeding the battle.
AlthoughEannatumis describedin thetextas "thereclining
one," and in the thirdregisterhe is seated, this in itself
poses no problem. There is no traditionforrepresenting
reclining figuresin Mesopotamian art,whileEannatumwould

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certainlyhave had to presideseated overcultperformances
in the templeon the same occasion.A paralleldepictionof
a seated figurereferring to a dreamsequence occurson one
of the well-knownstatuesof Gudea of Lagash in the later,
Neo-Sumerianperiod.The statueshowsGudea holdingthe
plan ofa templeon his lap, havingreceivedinstructions to
build a new templeby a dreamoracle,whilehe sleptin an
older sanctuary.42
Everythingrepresentedin registerthree may thus be
seen as anteriorto the battle(s),which itselfcan be best
read in sequence fromregistertwo,withsoldiersin battle
march,to registerone, withsoldiersin attackpositionbe-
hindtheirruler,and, renderedat thefarright,theresultant
moundofcorpsespredictedin the templeoracle. The vul-
turescarrying offtheirpreyat thetopwouldthenrepresent
the veryend of the narrative.Their actionis the narrative
counterpartto the symbolicstatementof the obverse: the
historical"afterthe battleis over."
The problem of the bottomregisterremains- two ap-
parentbattle sequences are still divided by a registerof
ritualactivity.In myproposedreading,thisapparentanom-
aly can be explainedin eitherof two ways:first,as corre-
spondingto the preambleofthe text(cols. 1-3),whichlays
out theprevioushistoryofthe conflictbetweenLagash and
Ummaunderearlierrulers;or second, as corresponding to
a portionof the dream itself,where the promisedcorpses
are afterall the resultsof a projectedbattle. The former
seems more consistentwith the progressionthroughthe
action,and parallelsthedevelopmentofthetext;but either
way,registerfourreadsbest ifit is seen as settingthescene
forthe subsequentaction.43
This developmentworksbetterin termsof composition
as well. Ifone reads the stelefrombottomto top,thefigure
ofthe kingseems to move fromthe left-handmarginofthe
lower registerto a pointalmostexactlyone-quarterof the
way across the space of registertwo, to dead center in
registerone. If,by contrast,one reads fromtop to bottom,
the king seems to be backingup. It would be far more
logicalto see the kingprogressingsteadilytowardthe cul-
minationin theupperregister,wherehe occupiesthesame
centralpositionas the "ruler"on the Ur "Standard."
Thus, the actionon the reverseof the stele can be read
bothas a linearprogressionacrosseach register(synchron-
ically)and as a progressionup the registers(diachronically).
If we followthe storyparallel to the inscription,as sug-
gested, the movementof the rulers figureis both spatial
and temporal.In contrastto the obverse of the stele, the
reverseconformsto the definitionof "narrative"as estab-
lishedat thebeginningofthispaper: organizedaction,pro-
gressionthroughtime, referenceto a specificevent, and
20
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readabilityratherthanmere reference.
If,then,we concludethatthe reverseofthe Stele ofthe
Vulturesis "narrative,"and "historicalnarrative"at that,
while the obverse is not, we must articulatethe ways in
which the two faces workwith one anotherin the single
monument.
Virtuallyeveryonewho has writtenon the stelehas com-
mented on the oppositionbetween the mythological and
thehistoricalaspectsoftherespectivesides.44Perhapsmost
penetrating is Moortgaťsobservationthatthe stele reflects
the dualisminherentin the "Sumerianage" in divineacts
and eventsofthe mortalworld.45Groenewegen-Frankfort,
in turn,noted the separationof the "actuality"of the de-
pictedbattleon the one side fromits "transcendent signif-
icance" on the other.46
All commentatorshave concentratedon the contentof
the reliefs,however.When we come to describehow that
contentis presented,it becomes evidentthatdifferent pic-
torialmodeshavebeen selectedtorepresentthetworealms:
whatwe have called the "iconic,"on the one hand,and the
"narrative,"on the other.
In thisrespect,we maynote thatthe obverseis divided
intoonlytworegisters,one largerthantheother,whilethe
reverseis divided intofourmoreor less equal bands. The
resultingeffectis that the god on the obverse occupies
considerablymore space thanany otherfigure.He is also
bulkierin proportionand morenearlyfrontalin pose. Fol-
lowingSchapiro'sanalysisofthe importanceof"format"in
establishingthe expressiveparametersofan image,and his
correlationbetweenrankand size, whichassumesan equa-
tionbetweena scale ofqualitiesand a scale ofmagnitudes,47
the message is clear. Whateverhumanagentshave partic-
ipatedintheevent(s),theend hasbeen achievedonlythrough
the god's patronageand guidance.However,thegod is not
shownengaged in action,but ratherin a symbolicgesture
of dominance;the actual eventsare over. If anything,the
reliefpresentswhatSvetlanaAlpershas called a deliberate
de-emphasisor suspensionof narrative,achieved through
a "fixityof pose."48Justas the god holdshis emblem, the
anzu, he is himselfan emblemofthestateand ofitsvictory.
The time representedon the obverse, therefore,follows
thatof the reverse. But simultaneously it is the summary
statementof the whole. For this reason, the inscription
begins on the god s side, and ends on the reversemaking
cleartheweightingofthetwofaces.We are givenimportant
visual clues via composition,pose, and attributesto serve
as aids in decipheringthe obverse.But because it requires
priorknowledgeto identify the god throughhis emblems
and hisassociationwiththeaccompanying femaledeity,and
a backgroundin mythology to fullyunderstandthe visual
references,the viewermustcontrolmoreofthe "code" for
the obverse to be understood.
The reverse,bycontrast,can be readmoreeasilythrough
thedepictedevents.Each registerseems to have contained
a coherentand complete action, achievingclosure of the
partbeforeit was to be integratedas a segmentinto the
whole and read in sequence. The technique of superim-
posed registration is notuncommonin laterart.As Brilliant
has pointedout, it is one means of transcending the limits
of the registersystem,throughstackingin a loaded se-
quence, where the whole equals more thanthe sum of its
parts.49 On the Stele oftheVulturesas well as on the"Stan-
dard of Ur," we are very close to the beginningsof this
system.In the particularstackingof the fourregisterson
the reverseof the Stele of the Vultures,we can followthe
sequence ofthe conflictbetween Ummaand Lagash to the
ultimatevictoryproclaimedby Lagash. The storyunfolds
directlyas narrativewithinthe pictorialframe,as a pro-
gressionof individualactionsand theirsum total,which
equals success. On the obverse,by contrast,the storylies
behind the pictorial - the "referential"as opposed to the
"told."
Yet thisoppositioncannotbe dismissedas a simpledi-
visionbetweenobverseand reverse;foron each side, the
dominantmode ofrepresentation also containswithinit an
echo of its opposite. On the obverse,forexample,though
the god is the "icon," thereis an obvious referenceto the
"historicalnarrative"and the politicalconsequencesofthe
battlewon in the net he holds. On the reverse,as one
proceedsfrombottomto top throughthe "historicalnar-
rative"oftheconflict, thefigureoftheruleras wellbecomes
an effective "icon," whichthroughrepetitionestablishesa
rhythmic patternas he ultimatelyachieves centerstage at
the top.
Thus, the ambiguitiesposed by the oppositionare re-
solvedin the interplayofmainand subsidiarythemes.The
stele is clearlyan attemptto integratemythwithhistory;50
one in whichdifferent modes of representation are used,
while neithermode is totallyseparatefromthe other. In
thisbifacialunion of mythand historydisplayedthrough
thepictorialmodesoficonand narrative, a complexdynamic
has been establishedbetween the tellingand the already
told.The powerofthe stele lies in thatunion,and clearly,
bothcomponentsare requiredforthemonumentto achieve
its power.
A fewissues remainwhichmustbe consideredin order
forus to properlyplace the Stele of the Vulturesintothe
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contextof the beginningsof pictorialnarrativeon the his-
toricalmonumentsofthe ancientNear East. First,how did
the text inscribedon the stele relate to the imagery(a
necessaryquestion in the evaluationof the overallimpact
ofthe monument)?Second, whatis the natureofthe stele
itselfas a public monument?Third,whatwas the relation-
ship between the historicalevent commemoratedon the
stele and the general historyof the city-stateof Lagash
duringthe Early Dynasticperiod? For these threeissues
are crucialto our understandingofthe essentialquestions:
Whynarrative?Whyhistoricalnarrative? Whyat thattime?
It is onlythroughconsiderationof these questionsthatwe
can reconstructthe impact of the visual message we are
calling pictorialnarrativeon this particularstele in this
period.
The Text
In the incorporationof a lengthytextalong with figured
relief,theStele oftheVulturesmarksa significant departure
fromsuch earliermonumentsas the plaque of Ur-nanshe
on whichthe textconsistssimplyof crudelyincisedlabels
and epithets(fig.15). Eannatumis identified by label twice
on the stele, in the fieldadjacènt to his own head, much
the same as Ur-nansheis on his plaque. The rest of the
inscription,however,consistsofa continuoustextthatbe-
gins in the upper field of the obverse and continuesin
parallelbands down the entireface. It thenpicksup at the
topofthereverseand continuesdownthatface,even across
Fig. 15. VotiveplaqueofUr-nanshe,
kingofLagash,c. 2500b.c.
Limestone; foundat Tello; Muséedu Louvre(AO 2344).Photo
courtesy Muséedu Louvre
WINTER21
the raised bands that separate registers(figs.1, 2, 9, 10,
11). As on the plaque of Ur-nanshe,the figurescarved in
raised reliefwere executedfirst.The incisedcolumnsand
subdividing"cases" withtheirenclosed signswere added
later,over virtuallyall the available backgroundspace.
The textwas firstread by FrançoisThureau-Danginnot
long afterits discovery.51 A new editionof the textis in-
cluded in the collectionofOld Sumerianinscriptions pub-
lished by Steible and Behrens,and an English translation
and discussionformspart of Coopers studyof textsper-
tainingto the Lagash-Ummaborderconflict,bothcontain-
ing fullbibliographiesof interveningstudies.52
In short,the text begins with what must have been,
despitemajorbreaks,a historicalaccountofthebackground
to the dispute,citingeventsin reignspriorto thatof Ean-
natum.It thengoes on tointroduceEannatum,and describe
his generationby the god Ningirsu,his sucklingon the lap
of the goddess Ninhursag,53 his heroic qualities, and the
bestowal of his name by the goddess Inanna. This early
historywas apparentlynecessaryas justification forEan-
natum'sengagingthe rulerofUmma,whose arrogancehad
led him to encroachinto the arable lands of the Gu'eden,
the "beloved fieldsof Ningirsu,"withoutrecompenseto
Lagash. But beforethe actual encounter,thereoccursthe
dream sequence describedabove, in whichEannatumre-
ceives an oracle foretellingthe encounter.Aftera short
break, the textresumes in the midstof the action. Ean-
natum,apparentlywounded,carrieson untilUmma is de-
feated.Twentyburialmoundsoftheenemyare heaped up,
as Eannatumsucceeds in restoringto Ningirsuthe fieldsof
the Gu'eden, each one carefullylistedin detail.
This sectionof the textends along the registerdivision
separatingthe upper and lower portionsof the obverse.
Beginningin the firstcolumn of the lower registeris an
accountof the aftermath of the battle, in which the van-
quished ruler of Umma swears on the "greatbattle-nets"
of six major deities thathe will respectthe now properly
reconstituted border.
By moderndramaticstandards,the long descriptionof
each oathand theattendantritualsto secureeach one seem
to be merelytheworkingout oftermsand hence secondary
to the battleitself.Yet it is actuallythe longestsequence
in the text,continuingfromthe obversethroughthe entire
upper registerofthe reverseand endingalongthe register
line. Towardthe end ofthe same registerlinewe enterinto
the finalsectionof the text,in which the titles,epithets,
and deeds ofEannatumare recounted.The litanyincludes
thelandshe has conquered,howhe has restoredtheGu'eden
to Ningirsu,and finally,how he has erectedthisverystele
forthe god. This last portionfallsin the bottomregisterof
22
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thereverse.It is likelythatstandardcursesaimed at anyone
who would removeor destroythe stele would have com-
prisedtheveryend ofthe text,but are notpreserved,due
to the breaksin the lowestregister(see n. 38).
The textthusmaybe dividedintosix principalsections:
background, introductionand preparationofEannatum,ac-
tion, immediateconsequences of action, aftermath,and
summaryplus commemoration. These sixsectionsconform
closelyto the requirementsof the "Display Text," deline-
ated as a separatecategoryofnarrativeby Pratt:54
1. Abstract = Background
(summaryof
viewpoint)
2. Orientation = Preparationand namingof
(identification) Eannatum
3. Action = Battle
4. Evaluation/ = Restorationoffields
consequence
5. Resolution = Oaths towardstability
6. Coda = Recapitulationof titles,ded-
icationof stele and curses
The textthusconstitutesa coherentnarrativein itself;it
lays out the positionof Lagash withrespectto the border
conflictwith Umma, and the actionstakenby Eannatum.
It is immediatelyapparent(as notedalso by Donald Hansen
ina lectureentitled"EarlyDynasticDemonsand Monsters"
at the Pierpont Morgan Libraryin April 1983) that the
correspondencebetweentextand imageryis notexact. Sig-
nificantelementswithinthe verbal narrativeare not de-
pictedon the stele, while certainofthe detailsso carefully
depictedin reliefare not fullydescribedin the text.Read
in conjunctionwiththe imagery,thetextdoes help to iden-
tifythe specificconflictand interpretcertaindetailsofthe
pictorial Butthevisualimagery
narrative. has itsownagenda,
not identicalto thatof the text.
The majorpictorialnarrativeon the reverseis devoted
to a detailed representationof the preamble and actual
conflictwithUmma, a sequence passed over veryquickly
in the text. By contrast,those portionsgiven the longest
descriptionin thetext- thedelineationofall oftherestored
fieldsand the oathsswornby Umma- are entirelyomitted
fromthe visual narrative.
In effect,then,the role ofthe visualportionofthe mon-
umentis to conveyon the reversethe immediateanteced-
entsoftheeventsand theaction-through-narrative inwhich
Eannatum played a primaryrole and on the obverse, a
summaryofthatactionthroughthe icon ofthe stategod as
hero and victor.The verbal portionof the monumentex-

Fig. 16. VotiveplaquefromUr, showing priestand femaleat-
tendantsbeforetemplefacadeanddeity,EarlyDynastic
III period,
c. 2500-2350b.c.; British
Museum(118561).Photocourtesy the
TrusteesoftheBritish Museum
tends furtherin time, both backwardand forward - from
thehistoricalbackgroundoftheconflictthroughto thecon-
sequent bindingof Umma by oath, restorationof the dis-
puted fields,and erectionof the stele as witnessto both
eventand agreement.In otherwords,the reliefsdetailthe
immediateaction(s),while the textemphasizesthe longer-
rangeantecedentsand consequences.55
In fact,the textand the imageryofthe Stele ofthe Vul-
tures come fromtwo very different traditions.The text
derivesfroma combinationof knowncelebratoryprocla-
mationsand legalisticdocumentsthatincludebackground,
currentintervention, resolution,and proscriptions.The lit-
erarytraditionis apparentin the use of certaincuneiform
signs,whichare otherwiserestrictedto poeticusage, while
the legalistictraditionis reflectedin the wordingof oaths
and sanctions.56However the imageryis relativelynew, if
we mayjudge fromextantartifacts. It has developed out of
a visual traditionof representingsequences surrounding,
or culminating in, a singleevent. However,the stackingof
registersthatcan be read bothhorizontally, as narrativeof
a singleepisode, and vertically,as a sequence of several
events,makesthe stele a morecomplexand sophisticated
phenomenonthaneithericonicvotiveplaques such as that
ofUr-nanshe(fig.15) or the single-eventstripnarrativeof
the "Standardof Ur" (figs.13 and 14) thatpreceded it by
onlysome fortyyears.
We have beforeus, then,a situationverydifferent from
thatdescribedby KurtWeitzmann,in whichimagerymay
be used to "renderliterarycontent."57 On the Stele ofthe
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Vultures,the literaryand visual trajectoriesmeet, but are
not yet either trulyparallel or identicalin structureand
content.The visual narrativeon the Stele of the Vultures
corresponds neitherto Weitzmann's "simultaneous"method,
in which several actionstake place withina single scene,
nor to his "monoscenic"method,in whicha singleaction
is selected froma partof the storyto standforthe whole.
Nor does it correspondto his "cyclic"method,in whicha
coherentseries of imagesrepresentsstageswithina single
text.58 It is, instead,an "autonomousnarrative"method,if
we maycall it that,in whichthe figurairepresentation on
the stele has its own logic of organizationand emphasis
quite distinctfromthatof the text.
In fact,textand imagerydiffernot only in contentbut
also in intent:thetextservingthelegalcase ofthelegitimacy
ofLagash'sclaimsover Ummaand the Gu'eden at thehigh-
est (literate)levels, itsaudience bothinternaland external;
the visual portionaddressed more to an internal(not nec-
essarilyliterate)audience, its message relatedto the hier-
archyand power of the stateitself.
The Stele
The precedingdiscussionofthetextgivesriseto thesecond
contextualpoint,the natureofthe stele as monument;that
is, as the vehicle by whichthisparticulartextand imagery
were carried.
The Sumerianwordtranslatedhere as "stele"- NA-RÚ-
A- is oftenprecededbythedeterminative, whichidentifies
"
the noun in the class of "stone. RU is the readingforthe
verb root DU, "to erect." Thus NA-RÚ-Awas understood
in antiquityas a freestanding stone monumentor marker,
the size of which could varyconsiderably.The termalso
occurs in Akkadian(narû) as a Sumerianloan word desig-
natinga stone monumentinscribedwithlaws and regula-
tions,a stonemonumentused as a boundarymarkerin situ,
or a memorialmonumentset up by a king.59
At least one earlierstele is referredto by Eannatum,and
againbyhisnephewEnmetena,and thatis theoriginalstele
erected by Mesalim, king of Kish, some time withinthe
Early Dynastic II period, c. 2700 B.c., when the proper
boundary between Umma and Lagash was firstadjudi-
cated.60This stele would thereforehave belonged to the
second categoryof boundarymarkersin situ.
The question of where the Stele of the Vultureswas
originally intendedto have been erectedarisesfromseveral
ambiguitiesin the text of the stele itselfand fromother
textualreferences.Althoughthe excavatedfragments were
foundat the siteofancientGirsu,theywere dispersedover
WINTER23

Fig. 17. Boundary/land-grantstele,
EarlyDynasticI period,c. 3000 B.c.
Limestone;saidto be fromtheareaof
Umma;The Metropolitan Museumof
Art(58:29).Photocourtesy The Met-
MuseumofArt
ropolitan
a ratherwide area; it could be argued, therefore,thatthis
was the secondary,and not the primary,location.At least
threepossibilitiesmustbe considered:an originallocation
at the border, alongside the originalstele of Mesalim; a
locationin the E.mah, a templeat Girsu dedicated to the
goddess Nanshe; and a locationwithinthe templeprecinct
of Ningirsu.
Argumentsforthe firstpossibilityare based on mention
in the textof the stele and on two virtuallyidenticalclay
cones ofEnmetenathatEannatum,afterhis temporary res-
olutionof the conflict,not only reestablishedthe border
and restoredthe originalstele ofMesalim,but also erected
his own stele at the site.61In fact,Perkinsgoes so faras to
assume that the Stele of the Vulturesis that very stele,
withoutreferenceat all to theinconsistency ofitsfindspot.62
Arguingagainst this,however, are the size ofand complex
decorationlavishedupon the stele,whichare morein keep-
ing with stelae of later periods set up in urban temple
compoundsthanwiththe smallerand moreschematicland-
63
grantboundarystelae, as forexample, fig. 17. An addi-
tionalproblemexists:whyand when the monumentwould
have been moved to Girsu,where it was discovered.Fur-
therevidence may be added fromCooper's restorationof
an Eannatumtextfromtwo previouslyknownfragments.
24
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If Cooper s collationis correct,the name of the boundary
stele set up by Eannatumhas been preservedand is un-
relatedto the name givenon the Stele of the Vultures.64
Arguments forthe secondpossibility come froma broken
referencein the textofthe Stele ofthe Vultures,in which
we are toldthatEannatumset up somethingin the E.mah,
thetempleofNanshe.65Althoughtheword"stele"has been
restoredhere by Steible, in factit is notto be foundin the
text,so thatthe missingnoun could be almostanything.66
Nor does the templeof Nanshe makeanycontextualsense
forthe Stele oftheVultures,dominatedas itis bythefigure
of Ningirsuand containingno significant referenceto the
goddess Nanshe.
In favorof the thirdpossibility,thatthe stele was orig-
inallyset up in the temple precinctof Ningirsu,are the
following:first,the distributionoffiveofthe six excavated
fragments on or around Tell "K" at Girsu, a low mound
withinthe cityon whichthe maintempleto Ningirsuwas
situated;second,theexampleoflaterrulerssettingup stelae
in temples(as withthe steleofUr-nammuat Ur in the Neo-
Sumerianperiod, c. 2150 B.C.); and third,the dedicatory
referenceswithinthe text,not onlyto Ningirsu,but also
to the erectionof the stele.
The mostcompletereferenceoccursat the veryend, a
band offourteenseparatecases set apart,almostas a label
summarizingthe whole object. It is worthquotingin its
entirety,as it givesa veryreal sense ofhow the Sumerians
conceivedof the monument:
The stele,
its name
is not a man's name; it [itsname] is:
"Ningirsu,
Lord, Crownof Lumma,
is the lifeof the Pirig-edenCanal."
The stele
of the Gu'eden-
beloved field
of Ningirsu
[which]Eannatum
forNingirsu
returnedto his [the god's] hand-
he [Eannatum]erected it.67
Thus, the stele is dedicated to Ningirsu,is named for
Ningirsu,makes referenceto the maincanal wateringthe
disputedGu'eden, and is erectedforthe god. In addition,
I wouldarguethattheobverseis carvedwitha monumental
figureof Ningirsuas the icon of victoryover Umma. All
this, plus the findspotsof the majorfragments,strongly
suggeststhatthe stele originallystood as both testimony
and votivein the god s sanctuary. The HistoricalContext
The situationofthe Stele ofthe Vultureswould seem to
correspondcloselyto theroleoftheroyalsteleas described As BarbaraHerrnstein-Smith has noted,"thefactthatsome-
versionoftheCuthaeanlegendofNaram-
in a later(Assyrian) thingis true is never a sufficient reason forsaying(or de-
Sin, kingof the Akkadiandynasty,c. 2290 B.c., in which picting)it."72Rather,everynarrativeis producedand ex-
the kingspeaks the followingwords: periencedundercertainsocialconditions; and everynarrator
I have . . . inscribeda stele forthee [a futureking]and or author(in thiscase, Eannatum)musthave some interest
in Cutha, in the E. meslam [a temple],in the shrineof in relating(or displaying)it. It has been suggestedabove
Nergal [a god not unlikeNingirsuin attributes],I have thatthe verynatureofthe stele as a monumentwouldhave
deposited it forthee. Read thisdocumentand listento helped directits audience to the intendedresponse. But
the words thereof.68 thatresponse can only be reconstructedin the contextof
the largerhistoricalpictureof Lagash and the othercity-
The same textlaterresumes:"Let wise scribesread aloud
statesof southernMesopotamiain the late Early Dynastic
thystele"; while an earlierruleris describedas one who
"did not writeon a stele and leave it (forposterity)."69 period.
The Early Dynasticperiod marksthe fullconsolidation
From these briefreferences,much can be understood
ofthe processofurbanizationbegun in the precedingUruk
aboutthefunctionoftheAkkadiannarû. I wouldarguethat
thisis relevantforthe Early Dynasticstele as well. It was period (c. 3500 B.C.). By the Early DynasticIII (c. 2500-
notmerelyintendedas a commemorative 2350), southernMesopotamiawas divided into a series of
monument;itwas
rathermeant to be a livingtestimonialwitnessto the his- polities,each consistingof at least one majorurbancenter
thatexercisedcontroloversurrounding tractsofagricultural
toricityof the eventsand the legitimacyofthe legal terms
and rangelandsas well as watersources.73 Ofthesepolities,
(restorationof fieldsand reconstitution of the border)that
Lagash was one of the most important. Thanks to the ex-
it recorded.This would fitcloselywithPratts definition of
tensivearchiveexcavatedat itsmajorsatellitecityofGirsu,
the "displaytext"withwhichwe matchedthe Stele ofthe
it is also the onlystatefromwhichsufficient documentation
Vulturesabove: thatis, a textintendednotonlyas a record
has been preservedto permitreconstruction ofa historyof
ofevents,but also as a (verbal)performance, designedwith
the period and a profileof the workingsof a city-state.74
in
audience mind, in which supportis elicitedforthe par-
The stateconsistedof Lagash (modernal-Hiba) and two
ticularview held, and the event(s)describedis intendedto
be morallyand/orcontractually satellites,Girsu (Tello) and Nina (Surgul).75The totalarea
keptalive.70The stelefunc-
controlledby Lagash in the Early DynastyIII period is
tioned,then, not only as a witnessto eventsbut also as a
estimatedat 1,160 square miles,76sustaininga population
witness to the concluding agreementand to the conse-
of some 50,000 free men. At least twentytemplesare at-
quences thatwould resultwere Umma to break its oaths.
testedwithinthe state,ofwhichone ofthe mostprominent
It would have been seen as an activeagentin ensuringand
Was the temple of Ningirsuat Girsu.77There is evidence
enforcing,by virtueof its very existence,the conditions
that these temples were principal landownerswith vast
described on it, at the same time that it celebrated the
holdings,so that when Eannatum calls the Gu'eden the
powerofthosewho were successfulin bringingthepresent
"belovedfieldofNingirsu,"thismaywellhavebeen literally
situationabout: the ensi, Eannatum, and the city god,
true.
Ningirsu.
Falkensteinhas argued that all the major city-statesof
To borrowEco s term,whichRichardBrillianthas equally
the period were more or less equal in size and similarly
applied to the ColumnofTrajan,the stele is itselfan "icon-
organized.78 Each was politicallyautonomousand was ruled
ogram."71A portionof its message is conveyedsimplyby
by an individualdesignatedeitherby the titlelugal (king;
belongingto a particulartypologicalclass: the NA-RÚ-A.
We must thereforetake into account not only the literal literally,great man) or ensi (cityruler, governor).79 It is
clear fromtextualreferencesthatat the beginningof the
and rhetoricalcontentofthe textand imagery,but also the
rhetoricalvalue of the stele as a public monument - espe- Early Dynasticperiod, rulerswere consideredappointees
of the local deity. By the end of the period, however,the
ciallyifit was meant to be preserved and read by successive
rulershad begun increasinglyto usurp lands and preroga-
generations.
tivesformerly held by the templeestates.80
The end ofthe periodwas also markedby the expansion
ofcentralizedurbanpolities.Buffer zones ofpotentiallyrich
but undeveloped land thathad separatedthe ringsof irri-

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gated, agricultural fieldssurroundingthe citiesfromthose
of neighboringstates had been reduced to nothing.This
shrinkageaccountsforthe strugglesbetween Umma and
Lagash, which were largelydue to competitionover the
Gu'eden, the tractof fieldsand grazinglands along their
twenty-eight-mile commonborder.81 The conflictpersisted
foralmosttwocenturies,throughthe reignsofthe six suc-
cessivekingsofthehereditary dynastyofLagash duringthe
Early DynasticIII period (includingthose of its founder,
Ur-nanshe,his grandsonEannatum,and Eannatums suc-
cessors- his brother,Eannatum I, and his nephew, En-
metena);it thencontinuedinto the seventhand last reign
ofthe period,thatofthe probableusurper,Uruinimgina.82
The basisofthisconflict was proprietary:
whowas entitled
to exploitand derive wealth fromthe yield of this land?
Thus, in the Stele of the Vulturestext(cols. 10:14-11:30),
Eannatumdoes not claim all of the land that,he declares,
actuallybelonged to Ningirsu;he leaves a portionon the
side of Umma. But Umma is expectedto pay a percentage
of the yield as rent. It is Umma's failureto acknowledge
the debt and pay rent that bringsabout the subsequent
conflictunder EannatumI and Enmetena.83
Underlyingthe issue of land tenure is the even more
fundamental issue of waterrights,withoutwhichthe land
is useless. The stateofLagashlayto thesoutheastofUmma,
with Girsu approximatelyhalfwaybetween the two on a
directline; and thecontestedlandsnorthwest ofGirsuwere
wateredby the same Euphratescanal thatpassed through
Umma.84As wateris a crucialresource,the upstreamuser
in controlling thesupplyofdownstream waterwouldclearly
have greatpower- power thatquicklybecame a political
weapon.85Thus, muchofthe disputerecordedon the Stele
of the Vultureshas to do not onlywiththe fields,but also
withthe irrigation canals withinthe Gu'eden.86
AlthoughLagash may have been dominantin the early
stagesofthisdispute,archaeologicalsurveydatawouldsug-
gest thattherewas a rapid growthin the densityof sites
and in the politicalimportanceof Umma in the late Early
Dynasticperiod.87At the veryend of the period, Uruin-
imginaof Lagash was defeatedby Lugalzagesi of Umma;
the capital citywas plundered,and in factnever fullyre-
covered. Girsu tookover as the principalcityof the state,
but absolutepowerhad alreadyshiftedelsewhere.88Mean-
while, Lugalzagesi went on to conquer the powerfulcity-
stateofUruk,whichhad formerly been allied withLagash,
and tookupon himselfthe title,"King of Sumer."89By the
end of the period eventspointedfirmlytowardthe estab-
lishmentofthehegemonicnation-state achievedin the suc-
ceeding Akkadianperiod.
It remainsto be demonstratedhow thishistoricalback-
26
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groundanimatesourviewofEannatumand the Stele ofthe
Vultures.We now see Eannatumas the rulerofone ofthe
predominantstatesof Mesopotamiain the Early Dynastic
period. The conflictwithUmma,as recordedon the stele,
is notmerelyone eventamongmanybutrathertheprimary
externalconcern of the state at the time. The issues in-
volved- controloverland and water- wereessentialto the
continuedprosperityand well-being,if not autonomy,of
the state.
The Early Dynasticperiod was also the time in which
the institution ofkingshipbecame fullyestablished;by the
end of the period in particular,the rulershad amassed
considerablepower and privileges.As Hallo has pointed
out, textualreferencesto the ruler- sired by a chiefgod,
suckledbya goddess,namedand grantedattributes byother
deities- constitutean elaboratemeans of stressingthe le-
90
gitimacyof royalpower. These are the veryclaimsmade
by Eannatumin the textof the Stele of the Vulturesand,
togetherwithEannatums centralrolein thenarrative,they
signalthe expandedrole ofthe king.I wouldarguethatthe
same message is conveyedvisuallyby the prominentpo-
sition given to the king in the pictorialnarrativeof the
reverse.As we read frombottomto top,therewouldappear
to have been a slightbut ever-increasing change in scale,
so that the upper figureis largerthan the figurerecon-
structedat the bottom;at the same time, the rulerpro-
gressesfromthemarginto theexactcenter.I wouldsuggest
thatthismovementis notmerelyan artifact ofcompositional
and narrativedemands,but is rathera significant statement
of the structuraldevelopmentof kingshipas an institution
in the late Early Dynasticperiod.
In the lightof thispoliticaldevelopment,the visual and
narrativetensionbetween the obverse and the reverseof
the Stele of the Vulturestakeson fargreatersignificance.
We are notyetat a pointwherethekinghas assumedpower
over a nationalpolity,norhas he actuallydeclaredhimself
a god, as in the Akkadianperiod.91But the seeds of that
subsequentdevelopmentare present,representedon the
stele as theywere clearlyin the politicalinstitutionsofthe
age. Yes, Ningirsuis given fullhonorson the obverse, as
the "icon" of the city.But at the same time,a challengeis
put forthby the ruler:in the repetitionof his figureand
his shifting position,he, too, becomes an "iconic"figureof
heroismand victory.
In short,just as theissuesoflandand watercontrolraised
on the stele are fundamental forthe Early Dynasticperiod
as a whole, so also is the developmentof the role of the
rulerin the city-statesof the period intertwinedwiththe
representation of Eannatumon his victorymonument.
*****
 We are finallyin a positionto assess the impactof the
use of historicalnarrativeon thisworkin thisperiod, and
to analyze the generalimplicationsof the use of historical
narrativewithinthe historyof art.
We have triedto demonstratethatthe Stele ofthe Vul-
tures played an active role in the ideologyof the early
Mesopotamianstate; that it represented"not merely[a]
passive reflectionof the politicalsystem,"92 but rathera
model forthatsystem,by presentingas ifgivenan under-
lyingstructurethatitselfhad a powerfulpoliticalagenda.
We have suggestedfurtherthatwhile the icon of the god
was the traditionalmode of Mesopotamianrepresentation,
thehistoricalvisualnarrative introduced by Eannatumserved
new purposes. The latternot only told the storyliterally,
it also served figuratively to establishthe ruleras the le-
gitimate forcein the sequence ofevents.We have therefore
imputedpolitical ends to theintroductionofnarrative.These
ends may not have been consciouslymanipulated(we will
never fullyrecover intentionality),but the devices em-
ployed certainlywere not unaffected by theirtimes.
The principlesunderlyingsuch a view were best artic-
ulatedby Herrnstein-Smith when she wrote,"no narrative
can be independentof a particularteller and occasion of
telling,and . . . thereforeevery narrativehas been con-
structedin accordwithsome set of. . . interests";93 and by
Hayden White's quote fromHegel: "it is the state which
firstpresentssubject-matter thatis notonlyadaptedto the
of
prose history, but underlies the productionofhistoryin
the veryprocess of its own being."94
Thus,theprimary, officialstatemessagepresentedthrough
the innovativeuse ofhistoricalnarrativeon the Stele ofthe
Vulturesis thatof the legitimateclaim of Lagash over the
Gu'eden; and here we must emphasize thatthere are no
comparablemonumentsfromUmma ofthisperiod to give
us the otherside of the conflict.Despite the assertedob-
jectivityof the verbal and visual texts,it is importantto
rememberthatthe textsconstituteinstructedrhetoric,in-
tended to providewitnessto a veryselected "truth."
The secondarymessagepresentedthroughhistoricalnar-
rativeis thatof the centralityof the rulerin maintaining
the state. It is our assessmentthat the stele would have
been set up in the majortempleto Ningirsuas a votiveto
thepatrondeity,whowas giventitularcreditforthevictory
at the very time his authoritywas being eroded and his
territorialprerogativesencroachedupon by the secularcity
ruler.The god is given pride of place on the obverse;the
king is on the reverse. But the challenge to the older,
nominallytheocraticbase of the city-stateis there. The
hierarchyofthe religioussystemis no longeridenticalwith
the administrative hierarchyof the state.
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The visualpowerofthe stele lies preciselyin the tension
betweenthe twoheros(god and king)and theirtworealms
(mythological and historical).Yet, as we haveobserved,that
tension- reflecting the old, "theocratic"stateand thenew,
"dynastic" -
state avoids open schismby cross-references.
Ningirsuintervenesin battle;Eannatum'spower is attrib-
uted to the divine sphere.
It is particularly
strikingthatdistinctpictorialmodeshave
been selectedto representthe different conceptualrealms:
the iconicforthe mythological world,and the narrativefor
the historical.It is as ifthe mythological were best repre-
sented by symboland allusion,while the historicalshould
be groundedin actionand events. The historicalnarrative
ofthe reverseofthe stele providesa visualaccountofreal
events;but, as narrativediscourse,it also lends weightto
thatreality,byprovidingitwiththeorganizational structure
thatgivescoherence,fullness,and closure.95Nevertheless,
to get thecompletemessageofthe stele,one mustcombine
the narrativewiththe icon, so thatthe antecedentsto and
the consequences of the specificeventsare alluded to and
the whole intentionmade clear. Historicalnarrativein this
period maythusbe said to serve an end, ratherthanto be
an end in itself;and the end it servesis the establishment
of the logical basis forthe resolutionand the premisesof
the actionsit records. In this respect,narrativebecomes
simplyone code among othersfora cultureto exploitin
the transmission of messages.96
Located in the temple, the stele would transmitin no
uncertaintermsthe mythichistoryofthecity'sgod, as well
as the contemporary validationof thatgod, of the current
ruler,and ofthestateas a whole. Atthesame time,itwould
have proclaimedthe immediatelegitimacyof the state's
; positionvis-a-visUmma. And, carriedin thehistoricalnar-
rative,would be the covertmessageofthe monument:the
increasein powerand authority oftheEarlyDynasticruler.
In the course of this examinationof how pictorialnar-
rative- and in particular,historicalnarrative
- was incor-
porated into one earlymonument, a number of methodo-
logical and theoreticalpointshave arisen,whichit seems
appropriateto summarizehere.
First,withrespectto the relationshipbetweennarrative
and iconography:it would seem thatthe latter,as a central
pursuitof the disciplineof art history,constitutesa prior
and necessarystep in the readingofnarrative,but thatthe
two shouldbe kept separate.The one representsa process
of identification,basically descriptive(Panofsky'sicono-
graphicalanalysisproper97), the othera processof organi-
WINTER27
 zationalanalysis,of "how" as opposed to "what."
Second, thisanalyticprocess makesclear thatthereis a
very close relationshipbetween narrativeand structure,
hence narrativeanalysisand structuralanalysis,to the de-
gree thatbothattemptto layout organizingprinciples.Yet,
if both seek to answer the question "how"- in our case,
how the imageryis organized so that it may be read- I
would suggestthathere, narrativeanalysisis a preliminary
step forstructuralanalysis,which then moves on to seek
meaningin the patternsmanifestin orgainizingprinciples
and to answerthe question"why."
Third,it seems evidentthatnarrativeis but one repre-
sentationalcode among several. Nothingdemands thata
historicalbattle be representedas narratedaction. In an-
cient Egypt,forexample, the motifof a smitingkingwas
used as an icon forall militaryvictories.Pictorialnarrative
is thereforeselected as a mode of representation because
it meets the requirementsof the particularindividual,pe-
riod,or culture.Nevertheless,it maybe said thatnarrative
requiresless priorknowledgethanothersortsofcodes; and
thatit is a particularlyeffectivemeans of transmitting an
ideologicalmessage, simply because it is so seductive in
coercing the viewer to read along with what is given and
so be brought to a desired and seemingly inexorable
conclusion.
Fourth,visual narrativehas propertiesvery similarto
thoseofverbalnarrative.However,ifas Bressonhas dem-
onstratedexperimentally, followingPiaget,competencein
readingvisual imageryis a skillthathas its own develop-
mentallocus, separatefromthatoflanguage,and ifone can
thinkthroughrepresentations, notjust throughlanguage,98
thenone can "makethink"via representations - thatis, use
pictorialnarrativewithideological,rhetoricalaims.
Fifthand finally,in the standardcommunications theory
diagramof sender-message-receiver, one mustdivide the
messageintoat leasttwocomponents:theactualinformation
conveyed,and theextralinguistic orextravisual referentthat
is partofthe subtext.The ideologicalmessageis oftenbuilt
intothe structureof how the message is conveyed,rather
thanwhatthe message contains.
Writingin 1951 about the sculptureofthe ancientNear
East, HenriettaGroenewegen-Frankfort stated:
The functionof a monumentis to penetratethe imper-
manent,to stressthe transcendedsignifcanceof human
action. It requiresboth symbolicstatementand factual
representation- the tensionbetweenthe ephemeraland
the everlasting."
28
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I would perhapssubstitutethe word"temporal"or "im-
mediate"for"ephemeral";but whatGroenewegen-Frank-
forthas capturedso well is the separationof the two do-
mains, the need to combine them, and the tensionthat
remains.All thiswe have triedto describeforthe Stele of
the Vultures,in the use of god and king,obverse and re-
verse,mythandhistory, iconand narrativeon a majorpublic
monument.
But whatwe have also stressedare the affective , as op-
posed to the merelyreflective , propertiesof the monu-
-
ment thefactthatmonumentsconstitutetheobjectsthey
representas muchas theymirrorthem,and are thusactive
100
agentsin projectingparticularresponsesin reception.
Public monuments,such as the Stele of the Vultures,
were not neutralimages.The powerand awe-inspiring as-
pects of these monumentscan be partiallyreconstructed
fromthe enormousenergyit tookforthe biblicalworldto
shiftawayfromvisualfociin divineimagesand idols,a move
thatNorthropFrye has called trulyrevolutionary. 101
Throughthe innovativeuse of pictorialnarrative,the
Stele oftheVulturesengagesbothhistoryand itsaudience.
The monumentstands at the beginningof a long line of
historicalnarrativesin the historyof art. There are many
gaps between the Stele of the Vultures(c. 2460 B.c.) and
thefullyformedhistorical narrativesofAssyrianreliefs(c. 875
B.c.); but the linkages exist. And furtherlinkagescan be
demonstrated to the classical and Renaissance worlds,as
the visualartsstroveto achieve firstcompetenceand then
perfection in the representation ofnarrative.102
But at these
initialstages,narrativeis stillbalanced againstthe icon, as
thehistoricalis balancedagainstthemythological, and even,
in manyways,as the image is balanced againstthe accom-
panyingtext.In the end, the Stele oftheVulturesemerges
as a monumentwitha complexmessage,and pictorialnar-
rativebut one of several codes activatedto convey that
message.
Acknowledgments NOTES

This studycould neverhave been writtenwithoutthehelp 1. Robert Scholes andRobert Kellog, TheNature ofNarrative (London,
1966),4.
of a number of individuals. Two graduatestudentsin art 2. Hayden "TheValueofNarrativity intheRepresentation of
White,
historyat the UniversityofPennsylvania - BenjaminKess- Reality,"inOnNarrative , ed. W.J. T. Mitchell (Chicago, 1981),1.
ler and particularlyMichelle Marcus- laid thegroundwork 3. Gérard Genette, "Boundaries ofNarrative," NewLiterary History 8
8.
(1976),
in theirinitialexplorationsof this monumentin seminars 4. Irene Rhetoric andtheDevelopment ofHistorical
J.Winter, "Royal
on the art of ancient Mesopotamia.JerryCooper's recent Narrative in Neo-Assyrian Reliefs," Studies in VisualCommunication 7
2.
(1981),
studyof the Lagash-Ummaborder conflictwas essential;
5. Howlucky weare,forexample, thatEuphronios tellsushisdying
and I have profitedfromhiscommentson manyofmyideas. warrior is Sarpedon ontheMetropolitan Museum krater,so wedo not
Hermann Behrens patientlytook me throughthe initial havetowastescholarly energy arguing whether orwhyitisnotthedead
Achillesorthesuicidal Ajaxinstead.
steps of the studyof Sumerianin 1983-1984and read with 6. AnnPerkins, "Narration in Babylonian American
Art," Journal of
me the difficult textof the Stele of the Vultures.Without 61(1957), 55.
Archaeology "
thatbackground,and thetimelypublicationofhisjointeffort 7. White, "TheValueofNarrativity, 3; Genette, "Boundaries ofNar-
withHorst Steible, I could not have dealt withany of the 8.
rative,"
8. Perkins, "Narration," 55.
questionsof textand image exploredhere. Renata Holod 9. Winter, Rhetoric," 31.
"Royal
has been the source of several importantbibliographical 10. E. de Sarzec,Découvertes en ChaldéeII: Epigraphe et planches
referencesand stimulating discussionon questionsofvisual 1884-1912),
(Paris, pls.3, 3 bis,4, 4 bis,4 ter.
narrative;RobertC. Hunt has providedvaluable perspec- 11. Northrop Frye,"History andMyth intheBible," inTheLiterature
and the relationship of Fact,"ed. A. Fletcher (NewYork, 1976),1-19andespecially 7-11.
tiveon questionsofirrigation between "LaStèledesVautours, Gazette
12. LeonHeuzey, archéologique (1884),
land and politics.I am gratefulalso forthe thoughtful com- 164-180 and193-203; AndreParrot, Tello , Vingt campagnes defouilles
mentsofHans Güterbock,PiotrSteinkeller, and TsviAbusch 1948)95;Louvre,
(Paris, AO50+ 2436-2438. ThatTello,often identified
as Lagash in the early literature,isactually ancient Girsu has been dem-
upon a readingof the manuscript - manyof whichI have onstrated inmorerecent excavations: cf.DonaldP. Hansen, "Al-Hiba,
incorporatedinto the finalversion. 1968-9:A preliminary report," Artibus Asiae32(1970), 244.
13. Parrot, Tello, 95; piece was British Museum 23580, nöwLouvre AO
The reconstruction drawingsare also the resultof many 16109.
individuals'efforts.The figureson the obverse owe most 14. See LeonHeuzeyandFrançois Thureau- Dangin, Restitution ma-
to the workofMarie-TherèseBarrelet;modifications in the dela StèledesVautours
térielle (Paris, 1909), especially pls.I, II. Arecent
byMarie-Therèse Barrelet, "Peut-on remettre enquestion la res-
chariots,bothfrontand back, to the subsequentcomments study matérielle
titution de la StèledesVautours?" Journal ofNearEastern
of Mary A. Littauerand J. Crouwel. On the reverse,the Studies29 (1970),233-258, hasargued thatthelowest register oneach
restoredkings figurein the lowestregisterand the seated sidemight be compressed a bit,butnotmorethan10-15cminall.On
thebasisofourrestoration drawing, presented here,thiswouldseemto
figurein the second registerfrombottomare the products behighly desirable from thepoint ofviewofscaleandproportion inrelation
ofan unpublishedseminarpaperby MichelleMarcus,used totheupperregisters, especiallyforthereverse.
' 15. Thetextwasoriginally readandpublished byThureau- Dangin,see
with her generouspermission.Some details, such as the andThureau- Dangin,Restitution matérielle, 42-63, anduntil re-
Heuzey
verificationof a lion's head on the several eagle bodies of centlyhadnotbeenfully restudied. Thorkild Jacobsen published a new
the obverse, and the second figurebehind the kingin his reading,heavily restored forthemissing portions,ofthefirst tencolumns
in1976:"Translation oftheSteleoftheVultures, Cols.I-X,"inSamuel
charioton the reverse,were determinedin directexami- NoahKramer Anniversary Volume (Alter Orient undAltes Testament 25),
nationof the stele in the companyofAgnès Spycket,who ed. Barry N. Eichler (Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1976), 247-259. Seenow,how-
ever,fulledition inHorstSteible andHermann Behrens, Diealtsumer-
kindlymade theclosed Near Easterngalleriesin theLouvre ischenRau-undWeihinschriften, TeilI: Inschriften aus 'Lagas'(Wies-
accessible to me and was enormouslyhelpfulin the pro- baden,1982),120-145; and,baseduponthat, an English translation by
Jerrold S. Cooper, inReconstructing History from Ancient Inscriptions:
curementof photographsforpublication.Elizabeth Simp- TheLagash-Umma Rorder Conflict (Sources from theAncient NearEast,
son did a mostremarkablejob on the reconstruction draw- vol.2, fascicle 1)(Malibu, 1983), 45-47.
suchas the mostlogicalpositionofarms, 16. Asopposedto HenriFrankfort, TheArtandArchitecture ofthe
ings. Refinements Ancient Orient, 4thed. rev.(NewYork, 1977),71;Henrietta Groenew-
proportions ofwholefigures,and dispositionofdraftanimals egen-Frankfort, Arrest andMovement: AnEssayonSpaceandTimein
are frequentlythe resultof her keen eye and mind, and theRepresentational ArtoftheAncient NearEast(London, 1951),158;
andPerkins, "Narration," 58- allofwhom callitthereverse. Butthat
occasionallyofourfruitful collaboration.I havebeen inclose cannot be,as theinscription begins onthisside,andthetextbreaks at
touchwithall oftheabove individuals,and am mostgrateful thebottom, tocontinue ontheother side.Further arguments instructure
willbe presented belowtocorroborate thisvisually.
fortheircontributions.
17. Thenetisa well-known literarytopos, clearlyreflectingactual battle
practices, as Marduk ina lateversion oftheCreation epiccatches his
adversary Tiamat ina net(seeJames S. Pritchard, Ancient NearEastern
Texts Relating totheOldTestament, 3rded. (Princeton, 1969), 67.Fur-
thermore, in thesecondhalfoftheinscription on thesteleitself, the

WINTER 29

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vanquished ruler ofUmma ismadetoswear bythe"battlenets" ofvarious 30. Notealsothatwhatseemstobe anarmholding a goadis visible
godsthat hewillnottransgress thereestablished border (compare below). behind theking inthechariot box.Thiswould signify a second passenger
18. In thepresent stateofpreservation ofthesteleandinrecent pho- inthevehicle, notunlike theadditional figures shown on therunning
tographs, thisheadisbroken, andithasbeenquestioned whether ornot boards ofchariots ontheStandard ofUr,fig.13.
itwasoriginally a lion'sheadorsimply a normal eagle'shead.I have 31. Written attheUniversity ofPennsylvania, January 1982.
checked thestele,andcanclearly seeatbothtopandbottom thedouble- 32. SeeMoortgat, Ancient Mesopotamia, figs. 114,116:stelewith libation
curved linethatwouldhavebeentheoutline ofa leonine muzzle.In toseated goddess Ninhursag, from Tello,andplaquewith libationpoured
addition, AgnèsSpycket oftheDépartement desantiquités orientales, toseatedmalegod(Nanna?), from thegiparu atUr.
Muséedu Louvre, whokindly madethesteleaccessible tome,pointed 33. withthis,Moortgat, Ancient
outthatthestelehadunfortunately suffered damage sinceitsexcavation. citedCompare Mesopotamia, figs.114,116,
When first tothe more ofthe main and above, n. 32.
brought Louvre, figure's eye brow, 34. For ontheplaqueofUr-nanshe,
aswellasmore oftheheadofthisemblem, werepreserved than atpresent. example, ourfig.15,andonthe
Ona postcard ofc. 1910shown mebyMile.Spycket, thelionheadofthe SteleofUr-nammu intheUrIII period, c. 2100B.c.(Moortgat, Ancient
birdheldinhandisclearly hence
visible; ourreconstruction inthepresent Mesopotamia, fig.194).
drawing, fig.3. I believe thatthesameoutline ofa lion's headisapparent 35. Frankfort, ArtandArchitecture, 71;Moortgat, Ancient Mesopotamia,
uponexamination oftheemblem atopa standard at thefarleftofthis 43.
however,
register; hereitispossible thatreference istothesir-bur bird 36. SeeMoortgat, Ancient Mesopotamia, figs. 85,87,88,109,111,112.
(raven?)sometimes associated withthegoddess Ninhursag. See alsotheseatedstatue ofDudu,priest ofNingirsu underEnmetena,
19. JeanNougayrol, "Ningirsu, vainquer de Zu,"Revueassyriologiquewhosebody,flounced skirt,andseatedposture arethemodelforour
46(1952), 87-97. Seealso,IlseFühr-Jaeppelt, Materialen zurIkonographie reconstruction figure: EvaStrommenger, 500YearsoftheArtofMeso-
desLöwenadlers Imdugud-Anzu (Munich, 1972);B. Husk,DerMythen- potamia (NewYork, 1964), fig.86.
adlerAnzuinLiteratur undVorstellung desaltenMesopotamien (Buda- 37. Perkins, "Narration," 58;Frankfort, ArtandArchitecture, 71;"Donald
pest,1975). P. Hansen, "Frühsumerische undfrühdynastische Flachbildkunst, inPro-
20. See,forexample, Perkins, whocallshimEannutum ("Narration,"pyläen Kunstgeschichte, vol.14,ed. W. Orthmann (Berlin, 1979),189.
58),vs.Frankfort, whocallshimNingirsu (ArtandArchitecture , 158),as 38. In brief, I wouldargueon typological grounds thatthisis nota
doesAnton Moortgat, TheArtofAncient Mesopotamia (London andNew cartouche identifying theadjacent figure (asisthecasewith labelsforthe
York, 1969),63. figureofEannatum onthereverse, registers oneandtwo,seefig.11);
21. Frankfort, ArtandArchitecture , fig.70;Moortgat, Ancient Meso- rather, itispartofthemainbodyofthetextitself (seefig.12).Mention
potamia, figs.113,117. oftheking ofKishinthisplacemaybeunderstood inthelight ofanother
22. See,forexample, HenriFrankfort, Cylinder Seals(London, 1939), text,aninscription ona stone mortar dedicated byEannatum (Steible and
pls.XVIII,XX,XXV;andBarrelet, "Peut-on remettre . . .?"244. Behrens, Bau-undWeihinschriften, 174-175), where thereference ispart
Ancient and of a string ofprotective cursesthattraditionally endtexts onimportant
23. SeeMoortgat, Mesopotamia , figs.114,115:votive tablet monuments. Itisprecisely thatpartoftheSteleoftheVultures thathas
vesselfragment, alsofrom Tello, the latterinscribed byEnmetena, nephew beenlost,butwemayhypothesize that the text would most
ofEannatum anda laterruler ofLagash(compare Steible andBehrens, endedwith suchcurses likely have
Bau-undWeihinschriften, 249fortext). just againstthedestruction ofthemonument, and
thena final citation ofEannatum, histitles, andhisspecial relationship
24. Nougayrol, "Ningirsu," lines73ff. with/dedication tothegodNingirsu.
25. Frankfort, ArtandArchitecture, fig.63. 39. IreneJ.Winter, "TheWarka Vase:Structure ofArtandStructure
26. Adam Falkenstein, Inschriften Gudeas vonLagash I: Einleitung [An- ofSociety inEarly Urban Mesopotamia," paper presented totheAmerican
alectaOrientalia 30](Rome, 1966),104-105. Oriental Society, Baltimore, 1983.Fortheimage, seeMoortgat, Ancient
27. See on thistheexcellent arguments forrestoration onwhich our Mesopotamia, figs.19-21.
drawing isbased,inBarrelet, "Peut-on remettre . . .?"245-249, 249-254 40. It hasevenbeensuggested thatthisrepresents Lagash burying its
andfigs.10a,10b.Forthedraft animals, wehavefollowed thesubsequent owndead(Frankfort, ArtandArchitecture, 71),though thisseemstome
suggestion ofMary A. Littauer andJost Crouwel, "TheVulture Stelaand a mostunwarranted supposition notatallconsistent withMesopotamian
anEarly TypeofTwo- wheeled Vehicle, "Journal ofNearEastern Studies traditions, inwhich onlytheenemy areevershown dead.
32(1973), 324-329, thattheymustbe harnessed inpairs.Whilethisre- 41. See LeoOppenheim, TheInterpretation ofDreams intheAncient
construction remains problematic, itisnotinconsistent withtheattested NearEast(Philadelphia, 1956),particularly pages 185-189 dealing with
character ofthegod.In a later, Neo- Assyrian version ofthemyth ofthe "message dreams."
Anzu, whenNingirsu oftheSumerians hasbeenassimilated with Ninurta 42.
oftheAssyrians, wearealsotoldthat thegod'schariot wasdecorated with Oppenheim, Interpretation ofDreams, 211,245.
emblems ofhisvictories (compare EricaReiner, "Le charde Ninurta et 43. Even ifI am wrong about theidentification oftheenemy inthelower
le prologue du mythe de Zu,"Revueassyriologique 51 (1957),109,and register anditis thekingofKish(seeabove,n. 38),itshould be noted
JerroldS. Cooper, The Return of Ninurta to Nippur: An- gim dím-ma thatinthe dream/oracle ofour text(Steibleand Behrens, Bau-und Weih-
[Analecta Orientalia 52](Rome, 1978), 141-154 and especially chart, 143), inschriften, 125: col. 7, lines 1-3)there is an enigmatic reference: "Asis
which wouldbe quiteconsistent withhaving theanzuemblem andthe Umma, sois Kish,running about...."
lionrepresented hereuponthechariot boxandyokepole. 44. Fromde Sarzec,Découvertes,
" 181. 357-358, to Hansen, "Frühsumer-
28. On boththefirst andsecondregisters, thesoldiers visible onthe ische.. . . Flachbildkunst,
reversearea continuation inanunbroken lineoffigures beginning onthe 45. Moortgat, Ancient Mesopotamia, 43.
shallowleft side(11cmthick). Allowing formissing figures, with those on 46. Groenewegen-Frankfort, Arrest andMovement, 158.
thesidewe canaccount fortwelve figures ineachregister behind the 47. Meyer "On Some Problems in the Semiotics ofVisual Art:
anequalnumber ineachregister, theapparent Schapiro,
king;thus, despite inequity FieldandVehicle inImage-Signs," Semiotica 1 (1969), 234-236.
ofwhatisvisible onthereverse facealone.
48. Svetlana Alpers, "Describe orNarrate? A Problem inRealistic Rep-
29. Theequidsandthechariot boxhavebeenrestored onthebasisof resentation," NewLiterary 8 (1976),16.
other ofchariots anddraft animals - History
Early Dynastic period representations
forexample, ontheStandard ofUr,fig.13(seenotesonthisinLittauer 49. Richard Brilliant,VisualNarratives: Storytelling in Etruscan and
andCrouwel, "TheVulture Stela," The is less curved Roman Art (Ithaca and London, 1984), 23-26.
325-328). ridge pole
thanthat onthechariot oftheobverse, asifattached totaller animals and 50. Anotunusual phenomenon: seeScholes andKellog, Nature ofNar-
aimeddirectly at theirnecks.Thiswouldfurther fittherestoration of rative,135.In this,as wellas intheroleofrepetition increating the
equids here (ass oronager), and possibly also support the argument for "icon"of the king, I am indebted to Richard Brilliant'sdiscussion ofthe
different(mythological?) animals ontheobverse. repetition ofthefigure ofTrajan onhiscolumn (VisualNarratives, 115-

30

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
116),andtoWesley Trimpi's discussion ofAristotle's comments onthe 64. Cooper, Reconstructing History, 27. He hasjoinedtwotexts, one
repetition ofpersonal namesinpublicoratory so thatpeoplewillthink ofEannatum andoneformerly believed todatetoEnmetena, andsug-
theindividual moresignificant ("TheMeaning ofHorace'sUtPietura gested bothbelong tothereign ofEannatum. Withthat join,thename
Poesis,"Journal oftheWarburg andCourtauld Institutes36 [1973], 4). oftheboundary stelecanbereconstructed as"Ningirsu isthelordeternally
51. François Thureau-Dangin, Die sumerischen undakkadischen Kön- exalted intheAbzu."Cooperhasnoted(27,n. 13)thatthiswouldthen
igsinschriften(Leipzig, 1907), and again in Heuzey and Thureau-Dangin, have nothing todowiththenameoftheSteleoftheVultures, which is
Restitution matérielle. preserved onthesteleitself as,"Ningirsu, lord,crown ofLumma, isthe
52. Steible andBehrens, Bau-undWeihinschriften andCooper, lifeofthePirig-eden canal"(seecomplete portion oftheSteleofthe
, 120-145, Vultures
Reconstructing History , 45-48. text,below).
53. Notethat, ifanything, thismakes allthemore cleartheidentification65. SteibleandBehrens, Bau-undWeihinschriften, 128:cols.12:21-
ofthesetwofigures ontheobverse ofthestele,as argued above. 13:2.
54. MaryLouisePratt, Toward a Speech ActTheory Dis- 66. Theword"stele" hasbeenrestored herebySteible, butinfact itis
ofLiterary not tobe found intheinscription. Thesignusedfortheverb,"toerect"
course (Bloomington, 1977), 44-45, as cited in R.
Marilyn Waldman, To-
warda Theory ofHistorical Narrative: A CaseStudy inPerso-I slamicate (RÚ),is thesame signas thatusedinother contexts fortheverb,"to
build"(DÙ);sothatitstranslation isdependant uponthenoun, which in
Historiography (Columbus, 1980),18-20. Pratt hasbasedherwork upon thiscase, wedonotknow. Thusthemissing nouncouldbeanything that
thatofWilliam Labov,Language intheInnerCity(Philadelphia, 1976), Eannatum orbuilt within thetemple
andLabovandJ.Waletsky, "Narrative OralVersions ofPersonal eithererected compound ofNanshe,
Analysis: and there is no reason to associate thisreference with our stele.
Experience," inEssays ontheVerbal andVisual Arts[Proceedings ofthe
1966Annual Spring Meeting oftheAmerican Ethnological Society] (Se- 67. Steible andBehrens, Bau-undWeihinschriften, 144-145 (Eannatum
attle,1967). text1, reverse col.10,unterschcrift: 23-37). Thisbandofinscription is
- withitsrepresentation ofNin- separated from theendofcolumn 10 proper bya marked space;the
55. Onlybyallusion maytheobverse "cases"forsigns areslightly narrower thanthose fortherestof
- be saidtoevokevisually
girsu missing portions ofthewritten text: by enclosing
reference tothegodwhowastheprogenitor ofEannatum, andbyreference thetext. Ittherefore wasclearly meant tostand almost
apart, asa colophon
tohisbattlenet,which recallsthoseofthehighgodsuponwhich the labeling the object,rather than as a part of the narrative text.
R.Gurney, "TheSultantepe Tablets "Anatolian Stud-
vanquished ruler ofUmma takes hisoaths afterlosing thebattle toLagash. 68. Oliver (cont'd),
Fora complete discussion oftheseoaths, andthetradition surrounding ies5 (1955),106:lines149-153.
them, seeDietzOttoEdzard, "DieEideinder'Geierstele' desEannatum 69. Gurney, "Sultantepe Tablets," 108,line173,98,line1.
vonLagash," Assyriological Studies 20(1975), 64-68. 70. Pratt, Toward a Speech ActTheory, 136,138-139.
56. Personal communication ontheuseofsigns from Hermann Behrens, 71. Umberto Eco,Theory ofSemiotics, ascitedbyBrilliant, Visual Nar-
Babylonian Section, TheUniversity Museum, Philadelphia; onthelegal ratives,96.
traditionfrom Piotr Steinkeller, Harvard University. 72. "Afterthoughts onNarrative, II: Narrative Versions, Narrative The-
57. KurtWeitzmann, Illustration in RollandCodex:A Study ofthe ories,"inOnNarrative, ed.W.J. T. Mitchell (Chicago, 1981), 229,n.24.
Origin andMethod ofTextIllustration (Princeton, 1970),1. 73. See Robert McC.Adams, Heartland ofCities:Surveys ofAncient
58. Weitzmann, RollandCodex,13-14, 14-17, 17-33, respectively. Settlement andLandUsein theCentral Floodplain oftheEuphrates
59. See"narû," intheChicago Assyrian Dictionary "N"(Chicago, 1980), (Chicago andLondon, 1981),137,showing a chart indicating a largerise
364-367. inthenumber andsizeofsitesintheEarlyDynastic III period - 78%of
and
60. Steible Behrens, Bau- und Weihinschriften 158
, (Eannatum text which were largeurban centers ofmore than 40 hectares.See also, Adams
6,col.1:6-7); 177(Eannatum text63,col.2:6-7); 230(Enmetena texts 28, andHansJ.Nissen, TheUruk Countryside: TheNatural Setting ofUrban
29,col.1:8-12). SeealsoCooper, Reconstructing History, 49-50.Cooper Societies (Chicago andLondon, 1972), 17,which alsogives a chart marking
willpublish a moredetailed analysis of these texts in the forthcoming a substantial riseoflarger sitesand a decrease ofsmaller ones intheEarly
Sumerian andAkkadian RoyalInscriptions, Volume I: Pre-Sargonic In- Dynastic II/IIIperiods.
scriptions[American Oriental Society Translation Series], themanuscript 74. DietzOttoEdzard, "TheEarlyDynastic Period," inTheNearEast:
ofwhich hehaskindly madeavailable tome.Therehepoints out(MS, TheEarlyCivilizations [Delacorte World History, vol.II],eds.Jean Bot-
48)thatthere mayhavebeenatleastthree additionalstelaesetupatthe tero,ElenaCassinandJeanVercoutter (NewYork, 1967), 52-90.
border, orata newborder more favorable toUmma, bytheruler ofUmma 75. Lagash/al-Hiba hasbeenexcavated byDonaldP. Hansen (seen.2);
thedestruction
after ofMesalim's stele(baseduponEannatum text6,cols. Nina/Surgul hasnottodatebeenexcavated.
3:9-18and4:1,SteibleandBehrens, in theworkcited,159-160). The 76. See discussions byAdamFalkenstein, TheSumerian Temple City
originalsteleofMesalim musthavecontained a lengthy inscription re- [Sources andMonographs inHistory: Ancient NearEast1/1], trans. Maria
counting the terms ofthe establishment of the originalborder, enumerating dej. Ellis(Malibu, 1974),6; andIgorM. Diakonoff, Structure ofSociety
thefields andcanalsoneither side(astheSteleoftheVultures includes andStateinEarlyDynastic Sumer [Sources andMonographs inHistory:
a longlistofthefields "returned toNingirsu" -
byEannatumSteible and
128-129 text
Ancient NearEast1/3] (Malibu, 1974),6-7.
Behrens, inthework cited, [Eannatum 1,cols.14,15-16:11]). 77. "TheEarlyDynastic 76;Diakonoif, Structure
Thesmashing ofthemonument ofMesalim by the rulerof Umma as he Edzard, Period," of
crossed overtheborder atthetime ofUr-nanshe, ofEannatum, Society, 6.
grandfather
musthavebeenanactofpolitical defiance oftheterms setforth onthe 78. Falkenstein, Sumerian Temple City , 16.
stele.Similarly,whenUrlumma ofUmma moved across theborder against 79. Edzard, "TheEarlyDynastic Period," 70-75.
Enannatum I, brother andsuccessor ofEannatum, hesetfire tothestelae 80. William W. Hallo,TheAncient NearEast:A History (NewYork,
marking theboundary - presumably thatofEannatum andtheearlier, 1971), 49;Edzard, "TheEarly Period," 82,88;andseeespecially
Dynastic
restored oneofMesalim (Steible andBehrens, inthework cited, 236-237 theprimary text,known as the"Reforms ofUruinimgina," lastkingof
[Enmetena text28,col.3:36-38]). LagashintheEarlyDynastic Period, inwhich direct reference is made
61. Steible andBehrens, Bau-undWeihinschriften, 126-127 (Eannatum toearlier practice: Steible andBehrens, Bau-undWeihinschriften, 313-
text1,cols.10:14-11:4) and234(Enmetena text28,col.2:4-8). TheStele 324(Uruinimgina text6),andCooper, Reconstructing History, 51.
oftheVultures is veryexplicit: Eannatum defeated Umma, andsetthe 81. Adams, Heartland, 134;andGiovanni Pettinato, "Il conflitto tras
newborder. Acertain amount ofthedisputed territory heleft ontheside Lagashed Ummaperla 'frontiera divina' e la suasoluzione durante la
ofUmma, andatthatplacehesetupa stele(emphasis ours). terzadinastia di Ur,"Mesopotamia 5-6(1970-1971), 281-320.
62. Perkins, "Narration," 57. 82. Thishasbeenthesubject ofa number ofstudies; seeCooper, Re-
63. Forexample, theSteleofUr-nammu, setupinthetemple precinct constructing History, forthepresent viewandfullbibliography; seealso
ofthemoongod,Nanna atUr(seeMoortgat, Ancient Mesopotamia, fig. Edzard, "TheEarlyDynastic Period," 80-84, forsummary.
194).

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
83. See Steible andBehrens, Bau-undWeihinschriften , 198-202, 230- sites,which is particularly unfortunate withregard tothepresent issue.
245. Asurvey oftheentire Lagash region isneeded, asisexcavation ofUmma.
84. See map,inAdams, Heartland, 157,fig.28. 88. Steible andBehrens, Bau-undWeihinschariften, 334-337,andCooper,
85. Robert McC.Adams, "Die RolledesBewässerungsbodenbaus bei Reconstructing History, 52.Onewonders whether thisinvasion ofLagash
derEntwicklung vonInstitutionen in deraltmesopotamischen Gesells- byLugalzagesi would havenotbeena likely timeforthedestruction and
inProduktivkräfte
chaft," undGesellschaftsformationen invorkapitalis-dispersal oftheSteleoftheVultures, as itwould havebeena monument
Zeit,ed. J. Herrmann
tischer andI. Sellnow (Berlin, 1982),119-140; particularly offensive totheUmmaites.
Etienne deVaumas, "L'ecoulement deseauxenMesopotamie etlaprove- 89. Edzard, "TheEarly Dynastic Period," 83,andCooper, Reconstruct-
nancedeseauxdeTello,"Iraq27(1965), 81-99. ingHistory, 10.
86. SeeSteible andBehrens, Bau-undWeihinschriften, 130(col.16:25- 90. Hallo,TheAncient NearEast,49.
31),Cooper, Reconstructing History, 9,andimportant discussion byHans 91. This,too,is reflected in thepublicmonuments oftheperiod, as
J.Nissen, "Geographie," inSumerological Studies inHonorofThorkild Sargon ofAkkad is shown holding thebattle nethimself ononestele,as
Jacobsen (Assyriological Studies 20),ed. Stephen J.Lieberman (Chicago, thegoddess Ishtar lookson(Moortgat, Ancient Mesopotamia, figs.126-
9-40.Thisisa portion
1975), ofthepresent study that couldbeconsiderably127);while onthesteleofhisgrandson, Naram-Sin, theking occupies the
expanded. As HuntandHunthaveshown in casestudies elsewhere, summit oftheonlyfaceoftherelief, wearing thecrown andbearing the
between
conflict politiesoverirrigation water hashigh violence-potential, determinant ofa god(inthesamework, fig.155).
especiallywhenbothpolities arenotsubservient toa larger, single au- 92. Robert TheAnthropology Art(NewYork, 85.
and when a downstream is in or Layton, of 1981),
thority; communitysuperior political 93. on Narrative," 215.
militarymight (aswasthecasewithLagash before theendoftheEarly Herrnstein-Smith, "Afterthoughts
Dynastic Period), unless both reach somemutual agreement, there islikely 94. White, "TheValueofNarrativity," 11.
toberecurring conflict (Robert C. Hunt and Eva Hunt, "Canal Irrigation 95. White, "The Value of Narrativity," 23.
andLocalSocialOrganization," Current Anthropology 17(1976), 395,and 96. White, "TheValueofNarrativity," 2.
EvaHunt andRobert C. Hunt, "Irrigation,ConflictandPolitics: AMexican 97. Erwin Studies in
Case,"inIrrigations Impact onSociety, eds.T. Downing andMcGuire Panofsky, Iconology (NewYork, 1939,11-12).
Gibson [Anthropological Papers of theUniversity of Arizona, 25] Tucson, 98. François Bresson, "Compétence iconique et compétence linguis-
1974,151).Thus,oneoftheaggressive actsofUmma thatledtoresumed tique," Communications 33(1981), 185-196, especially194,ontheabsence
under
hostilities Eannatum I andEnmetena wasthediverting ofwateí¿ in ofvalidityforthereceived wisdom thattheimage ismorespontaneously
theboundary channels between thetwostates. It wasapparently inan andmore easily received than text("apicture isNOTworth 1000words").
to
attempt put an end to this dependency uponupstream water that The two are, Bresson would claim,separate systems ofcognition, equally
Enmetena laterundertook construction ofa very long,newchannel from butdifferently complex; andhecallsforthedevelopment ofnewmethods
theTigris, despite thefact thatEuphrates water flowed ata more regular toanalyze perception offigurai imagery.
andmanageable rate(seeSteible andBehrens, inthework cited,235- 99. Groenewegen-Frankfort, Arrest andMovement, 21-22.
237,243;andAdams, Heartland, 134). 100.Onthis,see Hayden White, "TheFictions ofFactual Representa-
87. Theincrease ofsiteswithin Umma isrecorded inAdams, Heartland, tion," inTheLiterature ofFact,ed. A. Fletcher (NewYork,1976),28-
160.Hallo(TheAncient NearEast, 52)hassuggested itwastherepeated 29,withregard totheshared attributes offact andfiction.
withLagashthatprovided
conflict thestimulus forthedevelopment of 101.Frye,"History andMyth intheBible," 4.
Umma toward theendoftheperiod. However thismaybe,itis indeed 102.Theother sideofthisdevelopment isdiscussed "Describe
unfortunate thatthekingdom ofLagash wasentirely outsidetheintensivelyorNarrate?" byAlpers,
15-41. Inthat shedescribes
article, thedevelopment ofvisual
surveyed area covered by Adams (inthe work cited, 134), and has been narrativeas partofa process intheRenaissance, thenbegin-
tobrief in as Thorkild culminating
subjectonly scrutiny1953, reported by Jacobsen, ning a reverse movement: freezingorde-emphasizing narrativeandturning
"ASurvey oftheGirsu(Tello)Region, Sumer 25(1969),103-109. There more tothedescriptive, aswemovefrom thebeginning ofthe
is,then,a "tantalizing mis-match," as Adams hascalledit,between frequently
the seventeenth
century intothenineteenth.
materials
textual andthearchaeological survey data available from the two

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