NON FERROUS METALLURGY AT THE MEDIEVAL CASTLE OF CASTEL MANFRINO

A.Iacone, S. Prosperi, V.La Salvia (Università di Chieti, DSA)

ABSTRACT
The paper will present the main results of the 2003-2006 excavations referring to copper
production. The various indicators of metallurgical activities will be presented and the
production process will be explained according to the archaeological evidence.

KEYWORDS
Copper, metallurgy, coins, castle, middle ages.

THE SITE OF CASTEL MANFRINO

The site of Castel Manfrino is located at the outset of the valley of the river Salinello, on a rocky
spur at 100 m. above the sea level between the Montagna di Campli amd the Montagna dei Fiori.
The still standing medieval castle is placed in an area between the regions of Marche and Abruzzo
that during this period connected the mountainous valleys with the sea cost. This is why it acquired
an important position within the trade network.1. Presently, three standing towers, placed along the
S-N axis of the rocky ness, and part of the fence are preserved.2 The archaeological excavations of
the years 2003, 2004 and 2006, that were carried out in the zones within the southern and the central
towers, allowed the recognition of the stratigraphic features of the site and thus its history (fig.1). 3
The main archaeological phases are as follows: an early medieval phase attested by the finding of
the rest of the walls of a small church (N-S oriented) with an irregular perimeter and a horse shoe
like apse.4 Immediately north of this latter structure, a circular hole excavated into the rock was
brought to light. Inside this cavity, there are signs of calcareous concretions and a small waterway
which served it with water. The close relation with the surviving portion of the church may allude
to a baptismal function of this tiny pole. Further north and somewhat higher relative to the previous
structures, though in stratigraphic association, a great quadrangular room has been discovered. The
thickness of its walls (1,30 m. circa) may allow the interpretation of this area as a defensive tower
for the religious building.5 Moreover, a lot of evidence came from the Norman-Swabian period.

1
See, S. ANTONELLI, Inquadramento territoriale, in M. C. SOMMA et alii, Castel Manfrino (TE). Un insediamento
fortificato tra Marche ed Abruzzo. Prime indagini archeologiche (2003-2004), in Temporis Signa, Spoleto (2006), p.2.
2
See, M. C. SOMMA, Il castello e le strutture murarie, in M. C. SOMMA et alii, Castel Manfrino (TE). Un insediamento
fortificato tra Marche ed Abruzzo. Prime indagini archeologiche (2003-2004), in Temporis Signa, Spoleto (2006), p.
20.
3
The surveyed area is known as Saggio II; for the analysis of the written sources see, M. C. SOMMA, Le fonti storiche, in
M.C. SOMMA et alii, Castel Manfrino (TE). Un insediamento fortificato tra Marche ed Abruzzo. Prime indagini
archeologiche (2003-2004), in Temporis Signa, Spoleto (2006), p. 7.
4
See G. PANTÒ, Chiese rurali della diocesi di Vercelli, in Chiese e insediamenti nelle campagne tra V e VI secolo, 9°
Seminario sul tardoantico e l’alto medioevo (Garlate, 26-28 settembre 2002), a cura di G. P. Brogiolo, Mantova, (2003),
pp. 87-108, in part. pp. 93-94.
5
S. ANTONELLI, Le indagini archeologiche, in M.C. SOMMA et alii, Castel Manfrino (TE). Un insediamento fortificato tra
Marche ed Abruzzo. Prime indagini archeologiche (2003-2004), in Temporis Signa, Spoleto (2006), p. 10.

1
This period marked an evident change in the function of the area under investigation and there is in
fact evidence of craftsmanship and of a general reconstruction of the defensive structures. In this
period, the fortifications include an southern tower connected through a wall to another tower,
which is located immediately north of the early medieval one, which at this time must have already
lost its original function. Actually, this area during this phase is characterized by abundant rests of
charcoal and signs of burning on the walls. This situation, thus, yields evidence of a consistent and
extensive use of fire within the area.6 Accordingly, the finding of two bricks, possibly pertaining
originally to a quadrangular wall which is presently trimmed down, together with various strata of
heavily baked clay and working tools were interpreted as the remnants of a pottery kiln. Other
evidence of craftsmen activity for the same period comes from another room N-W to the southern
tower where the rest of a metallurgical furnace have been found.7 As it is often usual, only the
bottom of the production unit is preserved within the stratigraphic features. Together with the
furnace there is evidence of a work surface that was probably covered with a deck. Moreover,
discard materials, slag, semi-products, abundant rest of charcoal and finished artifacts clearly
indicate that within this area a workshop for non –ferrous metallurgy has been located. During the
Angevin period, the castle underwent a deep restructuring that implied a complete revision of the
pre-existing phases and, thus, a severe alteration of the stratigraphy. Such a restructuring phase is
also witnessed by written documents as for the project realized by the architect d’Angicourt8 which
implied the extension of the castle’s walls, the building of the northern tower. In addition to this,
during the same period, between the southern tower and the central one, different rooms were built
that served as residential spaces together with a small chapel. Inside this structure there was a grave
and its wall were painted (these ‘frescos’ are partially still visible in situ).9
V. La Salvia

THE FURNACE STRUCTURE

6
M. TORNESE, Le indagini archeologiche, in M.C. SOMMA et alii, Castel Manfrino (TE). Un insediamento fortificato tra
Marche ed Abruzzo. Prime indagini archeologiche (2003-2004), in Temporis Signa, Spoleto (2006), p. 17.
7
For comparable situations see, C. CUCINI TIZZONI – M- TIZZONI, Studio degli scarti metallurgici, in Archeologia a Monte
Barro, II. Gli scavi 1990-97 e le ricerche a S. Martino di Lecco, a cura di G.P. Brogiolo e L. Castelletti, Lecco, (2001),
pp. 273-279, in part. p. 274 and E. MICHELETTO, Archeologia dei metalli in Piemonte dall’età tardoromana al medioevo.
Appunti per una schedatura preliminare, in Miniere, fucine e metallurgia nel Piemonte medievale e moderno, Atti del
Convegno (Rocca de’ Baldi, 12 dicembre 1999), a cura d R. Comba, Cuneo, (1999), pp. 3-20.
8
See F. ACETO, Castel Manfrino – “Castrum Maccle”, in La valle del Vomano ed i Monti della Laga = Documenti
dell’Abruzzo Teramano III, 1, a cura di L. Franchi Dell’Orto, Pescara, (1991), pp. 302-303.
9
See, D. BERNABEI Gli intonaci dipinti della chiesa bassomedievale, in M.C. SOMMA et alii, Castel Manfrino (TE). Un
insediamento fortificato tra Marche ed Abruzzo. Prime indagini archeologiche (2003-2004), in Temporis Signa,
Spoleto (2006), p. 39.

2
As already mentioned, the archaeological investigation of the area placed N-W of the southern
tower (Room 5), yielded clear evidence of metal production. The severe restructuring of the are
during the Angevin period left in place only the bottom part of the furnace as a semicircular cut
within stratigrafic features. During the 2006 field campaign, a fragment of the inside wall of the
furnace has been discovered. It is characterized by an evident bending. This shape, together with the
comparison of other furnace’s fragment incorporated within the slags,10 stands for a cupola form of
furnace with a frontal or lateral entrance for tuyeres.11 Moreover, the stratigraphic analysis of the
walls of the Angevin residence building, which is the strucuture overlapping the original workshop
location, suggest that this production unit should have been operating during a earlier phase, that is
to say the Norman-Swabian period. However, together with the furnace’s rests, other findings
support the hypotesisi of the presence of non-ferrous (copper) metal working workshop. During the
excavations within the area 1469 grams of slag were collected. This quantity may not be at all
considered complete: the workshop was located aside the castle’s walls and this permitted an easy
evacuation of all discard material outside the fence along the western slope of the mountain. In
addition, the geomorphology of the site certainly would have helped the slag in sliding down along
the very mountain slope. This hypothesis is supported by the finding of two slags into the western
cliff. One of these is an iron slag. Its shape is typical for smithy salgs, weights 350 gr. and is
covered with glassy-siliceous crusting. At the moment, it represents the only prove of iron making
within the site. All the slag were macroscopically analyzed and, then, typologically subdivided. 12
Accordingly, they were all ascribed to copper production. 25 pieces for a total weight of 83,9 gr.
were identified as tapped slag fragments (Fig. 2), while other 27 slag fragments (1035,5 gr.) were
recognized as internal slag (Fig. 3). The first group present a high grade of viscosity which
witnesses for their fluid state typical for tapping out from the furnace. The other one, is
characterized by irregular shape and charcoal crusting. The relatively small amount of slag together
with the geology of the region, lacking of metal ores, suggest that cupper semi-products were used
as raw material for artifacts production. Supporting this idea is also the findings of a fragments of
copper alloyed objects,13 possibly bowls, that apparently were not a direct production of the castle’s

10
Some of the slag and bricks fragments together with charcoal and hash traces seems to indicate that the furnace’s
internal wall was covered with refractory palster.
11
For furnaces tipology see, R. PLEINER, Iron of Archeology. The European Bloomery Smelters, Praha, (2000), figg. 2,1,
3.1; C.GIARDINO, I metalli nel mondo antico, Roma-Bari, (1998), pp. 60-61.
12
See, T. MANNONI – E. GIANNICHEDDA, Archeologia della produzione, Torino, (1996), pp. 193-196; R. F. TYLECOTE,
Metallurgy in Archaeology, London, (1962); C.GIARDINO, I metalli nel mondo antico, Roma-Bari, (1998), pp. 63-64
13
For identifyin copper alloyed bowls see,. Arti del fuoco in età longobarda, a cura d M.S. Arena e L. Paroli, Roma
(1984), II.9, fig. 20, pp. 48-49; M. C. CARRETTA, Catalogo del vasellame bronzeo altomedievale, Firenze, (1982); P.
PÈRIN, A propos des vases de bronze «copte» du VII e siècle en Europe de l’Ouest: le pichet de Bardouville (Seine –
Maritime), in Cahiers Arqueologiques, 40, (1992), pp. 35-50; H. SEDLMAYER, Die römischen Bronzegefäße in Noricum,
Instrumentum 10, Montagnac, 1999, ed ancora J. WERNER, Italienisches und koptisches Bronzegeschirr des 6. und 7.
Jahrunderts nordwärts der Alpen, in Mnemosynon Th. Wiegand, München, (1938), pp. 74-86.

3
workshop. They appear to have been intentionally broken and made into pieces in order to provide
raw material for melting. The origin of these artifacts is possibly to be found not inside the castle
but for sure in other places that are non contemporary and inconsistent with the workshop activity.
The macroscopic analysis of the some ‘mineral’ fragments may also suggest that a small scale
smelting activity could have been taking place as well.14 However, also considering the
geographical location of the site relative to the commercial network, one may suppose that the raw
material could have come from either the Colline Metallifere in Tuscany of from the other side of
the Adriatic sea, from the rich ore deposit of the Balkans. Another clue for copper alloyed
production comes from the findings of numerous crucibles15 that have been unearthed from the
destructuring strata of the workshop area. The typology of the fragments of rims and bottoms16 of
the crucibles apparently fits with small-sized objects used for the production of small artifacts.
Supporting this hypothesis is the finding of an entirely reconstructed crucible. Its shape resembles
the frustum of a cone, has a triangular section and the bottom is flat 17(fig. 4, 5). Particularly
interesting is the inside crusting rich in slaggy metal (copper alloyed material) and heated earth.
This feature is not an unicum since many other fragments of crucibles bear the same type of internal
crusting whereas the outside is often vitrified. Among the various fragments of crucibles, it is
possible to clearly distinguish a partially reconstructed item with convex bottom,18 (Fig. 4, 1) a
bottom with a portion of the side wall (Fig. 4, 2) six flat bottoms 19 (Fig. 4, 3) , six small beak (Fig.
4, 4-6-7), six rims and five walls. Apart from one with a semi-spherical shape, all the other present
a semi-cylindrical or a frustum of a cone form.20
A. Iacone

THE PRODUCTION OF ROUND BARS FOR COINAGE: STRIKING COINS FOR THE
CASTLE’S DAYILY LIFE

14
Archaeometric analyses will possibly confirm this hypothesis.
15
The clay used is refractory, porous and relatevely clean with fine clacius carbonate inclusions.
16
ANTONELLI S., Gli indicatori della produzione metallurgica, in M.C. SOMMA et alii, Castel Manfrino (TE). Un
insediamento fortificato tra Marche ed Abruzzo. Prime indagini archeologiche (2003-2004), in Temporis Signa,
Spoleto (2006), pag. 62. The crucibles are small or medium sized objects but one, different in shape with a pot like
form. See, R. J. FORBES, Studies in ancient technology, vol. 8, (Leiden), 1971, p. 122, fig. 25.
17
TH. REHREN, Crucibles as Reaction Vessels in Ancient Metallurgy in Mining and metal Production. Through the ages, a
cura di P. Craddock e J. Lang, London (2003), p. 208, fig. 14.2.
18
For this type of crucible it is possibile to think that it was put on fire handling it with tongs.
19
For this type of crucible it is possibile to think that it was put directly on the furnace fire.
20
See, T. MANNONI – A- CUCCHIARA, Indicatori di attività metallurgiche, in S. Antonino: un insediamento fortificato della
Liguria bizantina, a cura di T. Mannoni e G. Murialdo, Bordighera, (2001), p. 590 e con quelli di Monte Barro (LE),
cfr. C. CUCINI TIZZONI – M- TIZZONI, Studio degli scarti metallurgici, in Archeologia a Monte Barro, II. Gli scavi 1990-
97 e le ricerche a S. Martino di Lecco, a cura di G.P. Brogiolo e L. Castelletti, Lecco, (2001), pp. 279-278.

4
At the present stage of the investigation, the activity of furnace most represented within the
stratigraphic features of Room 5 is the production of round bar for striking coins. According to the
different striking techniques, it has been possible to define three diverse main categories within
round bars typology:
1a) this group consist of hollow circular items, cut off sheet of copper alloyed matrerialthrough
scissors and then imprinted by a prick (7 items; diameter of 1,4 cm and thickness between 0,7 and 1
mm ), (Fig. 5, 14-18-19-20).
1b) flat round bars with a circular form. They were made through hammering and flattening objects
of the previous typology (5 items; diameter between 1,3 and 1,5 cm; thickness between 0,5 and 1
mm), (Fig. 5, 11-12-13).
2) These objects have an irregular or pseudo-poligonal shape; they were cut off a flat copper alloyed
sheet through scissors (9 items; diameter between 1,1 and 1,4 cm; thickness between 0,6 and 1,2
mm), (Fig. 5, 6-7-8-9-10).
3) Hollow circular artifacts, possibly melted into clay moulds (4 items; diameter of 1 cm and
thickness between 0,6 and 0,8 mm)21, (Fig. 5, 15-16-17).
4) This group consists of quadrangular artifacts cutt off copper alloyed sheets and refurnished
through hammering with a round head hammer (2 items; 1,4 cm long and 1,45 wide; thickness
between 0,5 and 0,8), (Fig. 6, 5-6).
Moreover, during the excavations various fragments of copper alloyed sheet (Fig.5, 1-2-3-4-5) have
been brought to light. Many of them bare evidence of cutting edges that correspond to the shape of
typology 1a, 1b and 2. As far as the third group is concerned, the finding of a refractory clay (Fig. 5,
21) mould apparently goes exactly in this direction. The mould presents three cavities, the first of
which is connected through a small channel to a triangular opening at the rim of the same object. It
also has two different holes diametrically opposing each other. These were possibly use to ease the
closing of the mould with another overlapping piece. 22 The round bar of group three, actually,
perfectly match with the mould cavities and present an remarkable uniformity in diameter.
Moreover, other two refractory clay (Fig. 6, 1-2) moulds have been discovered which were
possibly used for producing small copper bars.23 Always referring to coinage are the findings of
metal bars, sheets and conglomerations (3 items). These artifacts, referring to our group 4, find their
matching items in the production of a clandestine mint attested in Tuscany at the site of

21
See, L. TRAVAINI, La monetazione dell’Italia normanna, Roma, (1995), pp. 233-234; A. FINETTI, Numismatica e
tecnologia, Roma, (1987), p. 31; S. BENDALL – D. SELLWOOD, The Metod of Striking Scyphate Coins Using Two Obverse
Dies, in The Numismatic Chronicle, CXXXVIII (1978), pp. 93-104.
22
Riguardo all’utilizzo di matrici per la monetazione cfr. A. FINETTI, Numismatica e tecnologia, Roma, (1987), p. 30 e
N. VISMARA, Do ut des (monete, scambi e banche dall’antichità ai giorni nostri), Bergamo, (2005) p. 10.
23
See, D. GH. TEODOR, Tipare din secolele VI-XI D. HR. In Regiunile Carpato-Nistriene, in Arheolgia Moldovei XXXVIII
2005, Bucuresti (2005), pp. 168 fig. 8.

5
“Castellaccio” in Garfagnana which was striking denari of the city of Lucca and Genoa. Here as
well, the production process consisted of melting some kind of copper alloyed conglomerations in
order to obtain small ingots (Fig. 6, 3); these were later flattened (Fig. 6, 4) by hammering into
sheets.24. After this phase, quadrangular round bar were cutt off and then put into shape through
hammering with a rounded head hammer. One of the side did not suffer the beating since it was
hold by the tongs.25 It may not be, thus, by chance that a denario from Lucca was found at Castel
Manfrino;26 after a macroscopic analysis it was apparently struck through the method described
above. At the present stage of research, no punches have been found. However, there might be
indirect proves of their presence. Actually, various iron sticks (see fig.) have been found. These
objects present a quadrangular section finishing into a pyramidal point identifiable only for one
single item. The opposite point appears to be flattened thanks to continuous hammering which had
suffered. These artefacts could be interpreted as the punch for preparing the minting die. In addition
to this, an elliptical and worn sandstone file was found not far from the workshop location and it
might be used to sharpen the very punches.27 The vast majority of the round bars do not bear strong
marks of striking. Only 4 items, pertaining to group 1b, 3 and 4 present some evidence of punching.
The first apparently has a cross one the one side and an engraved line on the other. The other one,
has signs of indentations. As for the last two, one presents indentations as well, while the other a
flower like image.
S. Prosperi

24
A. FINETTI, Numismatica e tecnologia, Roma, (1987), pp. 27-36; F. PANVINI ROSATI, La tecnica monetaria
altomedievale, in Artigianato e tecnica nella società dell’alto medioevo occidentale, Atti della XVIII Settimana di
studio del Centro italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, Spoleto, (1970), II, pp. 715-716, in part. p. 729; G. CIAMPOLTRINI,
P. NOTINI, G. ROSSI, Una zecca abusiva del XII secolo in Garfagnana, in I luoghi della moneta. Le sedi delle zecche
dall’antichità all’età moderna, Atti del Convegno Internazionale (Milano, 22-23 ottobre 1999), Milano (2001), pag.
246 fig. 9a, 9b, 9c, 9e, 10.
25
See, G. CIAMPOLTRINI, P. NOTINI, G. ROSSI, Una zecca abusiva del XII secolo in Garfagnana, in I luoghi della moneta.
Le sedi delle zecche dall’antichità all’età moderna, Atti del Convegno Internazionale (Milano, 22-23 ottobre 1999),
Milano (2001), p. 236.
26
D’ALESSANDRO G., i reperti monetali, in M.C. SOMMA et alii, Castel Manfrino (TE). Un insediamento fortificato tra
Marche ed Abruzzo. Prime indagini archeologiche (2003-2004), in Temporis Signa, Spoleto (2006), p. 51 inv m. 03; it
is worth to mention that among the the findings of glass vessels of Castel Manfrino there are some items that have their
comparison with artifacts of Tuscan origin. In this respect see, T. PRIORE, La suppellettile da mensa, in M.C. SOMMA et
alii, Castel Manfrino (TE). Un insediamento fortificato tra Marche ed Abruzzo. Prime indagini archeologiche (2003-
2004), in Temporis Signa, Spoleto (2006), p. 38.
27
See, G. VICINO – G. MURIALDO, Gli utensili litici, in S. Antonino: un insediamento fortificato della Liguria bizantina, a
cura di T. Mannoni e G. Murialdo, Bordighera, (2001), pp. 559-561, p. 566, tav. 84, fig. 44, tipology 3f.

6
Fig. 1
7
Fig. 2

Fig. 3

8
I disegni dei crogioli sono stati relizzati da D. Bernabei (1-2-3-4-6-7) e L. Gianvito (5)
Fig. 4

9
Fig. 5

10
11
Fig. 6

12