VOLUME II

Notes for Chapters 1 to 8

B i b 1 io gr a p h y

Glossary
 vüi

Page

VOLUME II

Notes for Chapters

1 1

2 19

3 48

4 82

5 101

6 120

7 130

8 171

Bibliography 192

Glossary 273
 1

Notes for Chapter I

1. Chinese traded with the Malay Peninsula as early

as the middle of the fifth century. See Wang

Gungwu, The Nanhai Trade: A Study of the Early

History of Chinese Trade in the South China Sea,

in JMBRAS, vol.31, pt.2, p.54

2. Purcell, V., The Chinese in Southeast Asia,

PP.235-37.

3. Sandhu, K.S., "Chinese Colonization of Malacca",

in Journal of the Tropical Geography, vol.15, P-5

4. Ibid.

5. See Emanuel Godinho De Eredia, "Description of

Malacca and Meridional India and Cathay’, trans­
lated by J.V. Mills in JMBRAS., vol.8, pt.l,

P.19.

6. The name ’Chinchew’ was best known to the West.

It was frequently mentioned in records of Western

traders, geographers, missionaries and historians

The origin of this name in uncertain, it was
romanized neither according to Southern Fukien

dialect (Chuanchew) nor madarin (Ch’uan-chou).

Owing to its geographical position, it prospered
 la

6. (continued)
with foreign trade, and became the main port for trans­
porting opium into interior of Fukien, East Kiangsi

and Southeastern Chekiang, See Chinese Repository,

vol, XI(Jan-Dec, 1842), p,656,; Chang Hsin-pao,

Commissioner Lin and the Opium War , pp .2,23,33

7. Increasing immigrants from Southern Fukien

Province through the port Amoy was frequently
reported in a leading Chinese newspaper, the
Lat Pao. (Lat Pao, 14 April 1888; 12 June 1888,

p.2) It was reported that a British ship had

transported 1003 new immigrants from Amoy in one

trip which was considered to be one of the
: crowdest trips. (Lat Pao, 5 April 1889), After
the turn of the present century, Amoy assumed
even more important position in the exporting of
new immigrants. For instance, a total number of
204,796 Chinese immigrants arrived in Singapore,

out of which 70,009 came from Amoy. The rest came

from Hong Kong (62,920), Swatow (57,222) and
Hoihow (14,645). From this we know clearly that
Amoy surpassed other three ports in the traffic

of Chinese immigration to Southeast Asia. (See

SSADR., 1904, p.lll.
 2

8. See ’’Commissary Justus Schouten’s Report on

Malacca in 1641” translated by Mac Hacobian, in

JMERAS.3 vol.16, pt.l (1936), p p . 113-32.

9. Sandhu, K.S., op.cit., p.6

10. "Report of Governor Balthasar Bort on Malacc

1678", translated by M.J. Bremmer in JMBRAS.,

vol.5, pt.l (1927), pp.32-42.

11. Braddell, T., Statistics of the British Pos­

sessions in the Straits of Malacca (Penang, 1861),

Table 1.

12. Mac Hacobian (translated), op.cit. p.l33ff.

13. Sandhu, K.S., op.cit. p.6.

14. Cheng C h ’eng-kung died in l68l, and was succeeded

by his son, Cheng K ’o-shuang. In September 1683,

Formosa fell into the hands of the C h 'ing govern­

ment, and K'o-shuang surrendered.

15. This story was told by an old Chinese in Java to

Huang Nai-shang, an early revolutionary leader

who activated in Singapore before 1905 • It was

said that Huang was also given a book in which

all heroic events of resisting the Manchu conquest

in South China were recorded. See C h ’en C h ’un-

 2a

15. (continued)
sheng, "Overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia

and the Chinese Revolution" (original manu­

script kept in KMT Archives in Taichung,

Taiwan), also see WSNWH.,vol.l,pt.ll, pp.488-

89). It seems difficult for me to verify the

authenticity of this story, there was no such

story mentioned in Huang Nai-shang's autobiography.

But he did mention that he had toured round

British colonies and Dutch East Indies after he

had gone to Singapore from China to edit a Chinese

newspaper in 1894(?) (See Huang Nai-shang, "Fu-

ch'engch'i-shih tzü-hsi!l(autobiography)", manu­
script kept in the KMT Archives in Taichung,

Taiwan; also see Shih-wu Fu-chou K '£n ch'ang wu-

shih chou nien chi nien k *an (Souvenir of the

Fiftieth Anniversary of the Fu-chou Farm in Sibu,

Sarawak) (Sibu, 1951), P ‘99-

16. Cheng Hoon which was romanized according to

Southern Fukien dialect, means 'blue cloud'.
This temple is still in existence.

17 - Wong, C.S., A Gallery of Chinese Kapitans, p.3.

18. During the Ming time, owing to the fact that

Admiral Cheng Ho had made seven unprecedented

 2b
l8. (continued)
expeditions to Southeast Asia and some of the
territories around the Indian Ocean (It was claimed
that his ships went as lar us to the East coast of
Africa), most of Southeast Asian ports such

as Champa (Hue ?), Java (Djakarta), Malacca,

Sumatra (Palembang), were widely known among

traders as well as government circles. And

there were separate ’chuan' for these ports in

the Ming History. See Hsü Yün-ch’iao, ”San-

pao t ’ai-chien hsia hsi-yang k'ao" (Note on

Cheng Ho ’s Expeditions to Western Seas”, in

JSSS, vol.5,pt.l, pp.42-53.; also see Hsü Yün-

ch’iao, A History of Overseas Chinese, pp.19-
20, in Yu Shu-k’un (ed.) Nariyang Nien Chien

(Singapore,1951).

19. It was said that the four Chinese characters,

' ßt %,x? ^\1 '}A' ’ (The Relic of Cheng Hoon) on a
wooden board hung in the hall of the Cheng Hoon
Temple were written by the Kapitan Chan Lak

Koan himself. Wong, C.S., op.cit.,p.3.

20. Chang Li-ch’ien, A History of Malacca, p.329

21. The Chinese immigrants arrived in the Straits

Settlements in 1846 numbered 9*569, and this

decreased to 8,205 in 1850. See ’Notes on the

 3

21 (continued)

Chinese In the Straits’, in JIA, vol.9, 1855,

p.113; Freedman, M., The Sociology of Race
Relations in Southeast Asia, with Special

Reference to British Malaya (Unpublished M.A.

thesis, University of London), Table 6; Freedman,

M., Chinese Family and Marriage in Singapore, p.22

21a. There is no exact figure of population growth

for these two areas in a period before the British

intervention and few decades after it. But the

growth still can be seen from other indirect

indices. For instance, Chinese immigrants arrived

in Singapore in 1870 (four years before the
Intervention) was 14,000, it increased more than
fourteen-fold to 200,000 in 1900 (about two and
half decades after the intervention). The growth
is even more eminent when its rate in the three
decades (1870 to 1900) is compared with the rate
of previous three decades (1840 to 1870), the
former (fourteen-fold) doubles the latter’s (seven­
fold). (See Tregonning, K.G., A History of Modern

Malaya, p.174.) Although quite a number of them

were dispersed to other parts of Southeast Asia,

particularly to Java, Sumatra and Borneo, the

 3a
21a. (continued)
majority of them seemed to have remained in

Singapore and Malaya. Other instance like

Chinese population in Singapore increased from

50,098 in 1871 to 164,041 in 1901 can also be

taken as part of evidence. (See Freedman, M.,

Chinese Family and Marriage in Singapore, (London

1957), p.25.; also see Ee,J., "Chinese Migration

to Singapore, 1896-1941', in JSEAH., vol.2.no.l, p.50)

22. The term Kheh-tau is the transliteration of

’ in Southern Fukien dialect. 'Kheh'

means guest, and 'tau1 means head. In Chinese eyes,

immigrants are considered as new guests, thus,

the headman who guided emigrants was called 'Kheh-
tau*. The term was probably at first referring to
those headmen who arranged illegal emigration
from Southern Fukien ports. A Ch’ing Imperial
statute was enacted in 1740 to punish those Kheh-
taus who smuggled illegal emigrants to Formosa
and Macao. This suggests that the Kheh-tau
system at least existed in the middle of the
eighteenth century. See Ch'in-ting ta-ch'ing
hui-tien (Laws and Statues of the Ch’ing Dynasty).

vol.19, pp.14944-45, or original text vol.775>

PP.15-17.
 4

23. The process of recruiting Chinese immigrants

in 1876 was as follows: when demand for labour

in Singapore, Malaya and Dutch East Indies was

high, steamers were usually chartered by Chinese

Supercargoes for a lump sum to go to ports in

Southern China. Those Transoceanic Kheh-taus

(for the convenience of our study, we divide

Kheh-tau into two categories: local Kheh-tau

whose function was primarily to supply coolies

from China interior to the Treaty Ports; Trans­
oceanic Kheh-tau's main function was to bring

coolies from the Treaty Port to overseas) who

travelled to and fro between the Treaty Ports and
the Straits Settlements became very active,
usually they brought goods with them to travel
in the chartered ships. When the ships arrived

at Hong Kong, Macao or other ports, these Kheh-

taus found no difficulty in getting their supply
from local coolie-depots. These depots were
either run by Chinese or Europeans, and had a
very close association with local Kheh-taus who

collected coolis from the interior. Apart from this

source of supply, notices were given in the port and
adjoining villages that ship was going to leave

for Singapore. This was to attract some free

 4a

23. (continued)
emigrants. See ’Report of Committee Appointed
to Consider and Take Evidence Upon the Condition

of Chinese Labourers in the Straits Settlements,

November 1876’, p.l., Appendix II, p.8 (evidence

given by Mr. Benjamin Holmberg),CO, 275/19*

24. If a Kheh-tau could not pay off the passages

of the coolies he brought along, he usually could
get permission from the Supercargo to bring

them on cradit. He would repay the Supercargo

when he let off the coolies on arriving at des­
tination. An agreement was made between them.

The agreement is shown as follows:

I, Chiam Ah Tow, from the village of
Tiow Peng in the district of Yeo Kow
in China, have brought with me six men
as passengers for Singapore from Swatow,
and I do hereby promise to pay their
passages a sum of $103*80 shortly after
my arrival at Singapore, to the Chin
Chew or Supercargo. This agreement was
made to the agent at Swatow upon the
understanding that we shall have no
dispute whatever hereafter (sd.) Chiam
Tow.
In the 2nd Year of Kong Choo (Kuang Hsu),
this 22nd day of the 4th moon.
Ibid., Appendix II, pp.7-8 (evidence given by

a Chinese Supercargo, Teow Gee-hoh) , C0_, 275/19*

25. Song Ong Siang, One Hundred Years’ History of the

Chinese in Singapore, p.96; Wickberg, E., The

 5
25. (continued)

Chinese in Philippine Life 1850-1898, p.172.

26. Campbell, P.C., Chinese Coolie Emigration to

Countries within the British Empire, pp.1-2;

Freeman, M., Kinship, Local Grouping and Migration:

A Study in Social Realignment Among Chinese

Overseas, p.101; ’Report of W.D. Barnes, Secretary

for Chinese Affairs’, SSADR, 1904, p.106.

27. The Governor-General of Hunan and Hupeh, Chang

Chih-tung strongly recommended to the court to
suppress Kheh-taus. He suggested that those Kheh-
taus who victimized coolie-emigrants should be
beheaded. See Chu Shou-p’eng, Kuang-hsü-ch ’iao
tung-hua lu, vol.2, p.2226.

28. Ee, J., 'Chinese Migration to Singapore I896-

1941', in JSEAH., no.1, p.39.

29. Those credited coolies who could not be immediately

disposed of by the Kheh-taus, were usually confiend
to coolie-depots in Singapore and Penang until
employment turned up. In depots, coolies were ill-

treated. They were confined in dark, dirty and

unventilated houses where windows and doors were

shut and guarded by samsengs (Chinese fighting men).

 5a

29. (continued)
'A Public Letter presented by Chinese Residents
in Singapore in Protest Against the Kidnapping of

Hsin-kheh (immigrants) and the Poors by the

Gangsters’, in The Singapore Daily Times, 11

December 187*1.

30. Buckley, C.B., An Anecdotal History of Old Times

in Singapore, vol.i, p,320.

31. Bradell, T., Statistics of The British Possessions

in the Straits of Malacca, p .4.

32. Table Percentage and Number of Chinese

Female Immigrants arriving in Singapore,
lB96-1900~
Year Number Percentage to male
immigrants
1896 9,279 5.8
1897 8,271 8.1
1898 9,146 7.7
1899 7,717 5.7
1900 11,982 6.6
(Source: ’Report of W.D. Barnes, Secretary for
Chinese Affairs’, SSADR, 1905, p.628.

33. Willmott, D.E., The Chinese of Semarang: A Chang­

ing Minority Community in Indonesia, p.l8.

34. Liu, W.H.C., The Traditional Chinese Clan Rules,

P.l.

35. Hu Hsien-chin, The Common Descent Group in China

 6
35» (continued)

and its Functions, p.97.

36. Writing in 1838, T.J. Newbold estimated that

annual remittance of 3,000 Chinese in Penang was

about 10,000 Spanish dollars (See Newbold, T.J.,

Political and Statistical Account of the British

Settlements in the Straits of Malacca, vol.l, p.ll).

Siah U Chin, a leading Chinese merchant in Singa­
pore observed in 1847 that remittances were made

by all social groups of the Chinese in the

Straits. He gave an estimate of annual remittance

ranging from 30,000 to 70,000 dollars (Spanish?).

See Siah U Chin, ’Annual Remittances by Chinese
Immigrants to Their Families in China’, in JIA.,

vol.l (1847), pp.35-36.)

37. Murdock, G.P., Social Structure, p.43.

38. Some historians and sociologists use the term

’speech group' instead of dialect group. See

Skinner, G.W., Chinese Society in Thailand, p.35;

Willmott, D.E., op. cit., p.98.

39. Teochew is very close to Southern Fukien dialect.

A Fukien and a Teochew could understand more than

fifty per cent if they converse slowly. Whereas

39* (continued)
between Fukien and Hainanese, and between Teochew
and Hainanese, percentage of intelligibility

is lower.

40. More Fukien and Teochew women were foot-bound.

We still can observe in overseas Chinese com­
munities in Singapore and Malaya.

41. Siah U Chin,'The Chinese in Singapore', JIA,

vol.2, 1848, p.290.

42. 'Notes on the Chinese of Penang', JIA, vol.8, p.l-

3.

43. 'Report of W.D. Barnes, Secretary for Chinese

Affairs', SSADR, 1904 , pp .121-23.

44. 'Notes on the Chinese of Penang', JIA, vol,8,

pp.14-15.

45. Hsing Pao, 26 February 1890, p.l, 16 February

1891, p.8; T'ien Nan Hsin Pao, 3 November 1898,p.2.

46. In general, most overseas Chinese were Buddhist

and shared the same festivals. See Lat Pao,
5 September 1888, p.l; Anson, A.E.H., About Others

and Myself, p.317.

47c Khoo Seok-wan, Wu-pai shlh-tung-t'ien hui-ch'en,

 7
47. (continued)
vol.2, p .9; Vaughan, J.D., The Manners and

Customs of the Chinese of the Straits Settle­

ments , pp.49-56; Hsing Pao, 23 February 1894, p.5.

48. Lat Pao, 13 November 1889a p.2, 19 November 1889,

p.2, 30 November 1889, p.2; Hsing Pao, 10

October l8953 p.5> 3 December 1895> p.5> 9

December 1895, p.5; T'ien Nan Hsin Pao, 21
November 1898, p.2, 24 November 1898, p.2.

49. Lat Pao, 4 April 1890, p.l.

50. Ibid., 13 August 1908, p.8.

51. Song Ong Siang, One Hundred Years’ History of

the Chinese in Singapore, p.26.

52. The school is located in Amoy Street, Singapore.

When I visited it in August 1966, I was informed
that it had ceased to exist a long time ago, but
the crumbling building is preserved because of
its historical value. There are three stone
tablets inside the building, the earliest was
erected in 1854 (the fourth year of the Emperor
Hsien Feng) , on which purposes of founding the

school and names of the founders were inscribed.

 7a

53. In 1889 there was a serious clash between Hakka

and Teochew in the China Town in Singapore.
In 1899, Hakka and Teochew were engaged in a
big fight in Kulim, a town near Penang, many
houses were burned down. See Lat Pao, 30 October,

1889, p ,1.Singapore Free Press, 21 February

1899, p.2.

5^. In nineteenth century China, society was strat­

ified into ruling officialdom, ordinary commoners,
and degraded people. Among the commoners, they

were sub-divided into Shih (scholar), Nung

(farmers), Rung (artisans and craftsmen) and

Shang (merchants and traders). See Ho Ping-ti,

The Ladder of Success in Imperial China, pp.17-

19.

5^a. See Wang Gungwu, "Traditional Leadership in

a New Nation: The Chinese in Malaya and Singa­
pore”, in Wijeyewardene, G. (ed.), Leadership
and Authority, pp.210-11.; see also Alisjahbana,
S.T., Nayagam, X.S.T. & Wang Gungwu (ed.), The

Cultural Problems of Malaysia in the Context of

Southeast Asia, p.73.

55* Freedman, M., Kinship, Local Grouping and

Migration: A Study in Social Realignment among

 8

55. (continued)

Chinese Overseas, p.!04.

56. There were two types of nobility in nineteenth

century China. The first type, imperial

nobility, was composed of imperial clansmen

and relatives. The second type, non-imperial

nobility, was created by imperial grace to those

who had distinguished service to the dynasty.

See Ho Ping-ti, op.cit., pp.23-24.

57. Men like Dr Lim Boon-keng and Dr Wu Lien-te

rose from obscurity, and weilded tremendous

influence in the Chinese communities in Singa­

pore and Malaya. But the number of them was

very small.

58. Jackson, R.N. Immigrant Labour and the Development

of Malaya, pp .52-54.

59. Wynne, M.L., Triad and Tabut (Singapore 1941),

pp. 76- 80.; Comber, L., Chinese Secret Societies

in Malaya (Singapore 1959 )5 p. 36.

60. Most European scholars in this field agreed

that the names of Triad (Three United Society

or San Ho Hui in Chinese), the Hung League

 8a

60. (continued)
(or Hung Society) and T ’ien Ti Hui (or Thian
Ti Hwui) were referred to the same secret
society. When Schlegel chose title for his
book, he purposely used Thlen Ti Hwui: The
Hung-League or Heaven-Earth-League to project

to the readers that these names are referred

to one. Ward and Stirling also used the title

of The Hung Society or the Society of Heaven

and Earth to imply there was a uniformity of

these two names. Further, both books explained

clearly the uniformity of the Hung League,

T ’ien Ti Hui, Triad and Ngee Hin (Schlegel,

G., pp.7-8.; Ward, J.S.M. & Stirling, W.G.,
vol.l, pp.6-7) Dr. Milne, the first European
noticed the existence of the Triad in China,
offered an explanation the the change of the
Triad to T ’ien Ti Hui. He said that the society
first used the name of San Hoh Hwui(San Ho Hui,
or the Society of the Three United, which derived
from the three great powers in nature, heaven,
earth and man), and it was changed to the Tien

Ti Hwui (Ti'ien Ti Hui) in the earlier part of

their reign of Kiaking Emperor (Chia-ch’ing,

1796-1820) (See Dr. Milne, ’’Some account of a

 9
60. (continued)
secret association in China, entitled the
Triad Society”, in Chinese Repository, vol.l4

(1845), p.60). A Chinese author Liu Lien-k’o

who was a member of the Triad, offered another

version of the change of names. He said that

the name Hung League was derived from the

founder, Hung Ying who was a military adviser

to general Shih K'o-fa, a renowned patriot who

fought against the Manchu conquest in Yang-chou

in the middle of the 17th century. The five

founders mentioned in the Triad’s traditional

history were his students. According to Liu,

the leader of the Hung League during the Yung-

cheng reign (1723-1735) changed the name to San

Ho Hui (the Triad) or T'ien Ti Hui so as to
avoid Manchu government's attention. (Liu Lien-
k ’o, Three Hundred Year’s Revolutionary History
of the Chinese Secret Societies, pp.25-40, 71-
72). From all these evidence^, we can safely
suggest that the names Hung League, Triad and

T ’ien Ti Hui are referred to one secret society. But

a leading Chinese historian on Ch'ing history, Pro­
fessor Ssu-yu Teng seems to be confused by all these

names, He put down Hung League, T ’ien Ti Hui and Triad

60. (continued) 9a

as separate secret societies, and further falsely

identified San Tien (The Three Dots Society) as the

Triad, This mistake was made probably because he did

not use any of these Western sources, (See Ssu-yu Teng,

"Dr. Sun Yat-sen and Chinese Secret Societies", in

Studies orl' Asia, vol,4 (1963), p.8l).
61. Schlegel, G., Thian Ti Hwui: The Hung-League

or Heaven-Earth-League, pp.2-3.; Wynne, M.L.,

Triad and Tabut, p.9.; Ward, J.S.M. & Stirling

W,G., The Hung Society or The Society of Heaven

and Earth, vol.l, pp.2-3«; Comber, L., Chinese

Secret Societies in Malaya, pp.19-20.; Thio,E.,
"The Singapore Chinese Protectorate: Events
and Conditions Leading to its Establishment, 1823-
1877", in JSSS., vol.16(1960), pts. 1&2, p.44.;
Wong Lin Ken, The Malayan Tin Industry to 191*1,
p.4l. But Liu Lien-k’o claims that the society

was purely founded for political purpose,i.e. to

overthrow Ch’ing and to restore Ming. Not only
he claims that Hung Ying as the original founder
of the society, but also asserts that the well
known anti-Ch'ing hero, Cheng Ch’eng-kung, was

the main sponsor for the founding of the society.

(Liu Lien-k'o, Three Hundred Year’s Revolutionary

History of the Chinese Secret Societies, pp. 23-24,

4 0 .)
 10

62. In that year, according to Newbold and Wilson,

the Kongsis (secret societies) in Penang
united and set government at defiance, and were
only reduced to subjection by the most vigorous

measures. See Newbold, A.D.C. & Wilson, C.B.,

"The Chinese Secret Triad Society of the Tien-

ti-huih", in JRAS,, vol.6 (1841), p.133. This

information seems to be quite authentic, and the

’Kongsis1 were probably referred to the Ghee Hin.

For according to the allegation made by the head­

man of the Hghee Hung Khoon (Ghee Hin), Mun

Affoh (commonly known as Appoo), a watchmaker of
George Town in the presence of the Governor of

Penang on 19th May 1825, the society 'has been

established about 24 years', The founding year
(l801) alleged by the Ghee Hin headman is very
close to 1799* Further, none of other secret
societies in Penang was alleged to be established
earlier than l809 (Wan Sang in 1809, Hai San in
1821 or l8l9). See Wynne, M.L., op.cit., pp.74-77.

63. Ibid., p.74.

64. When Munshi Abdullah, Raffle's Malay teacher,

visited a Tan Tae Hoey's (T’ien Ti Hui, the Triad)

lodge in 1824, he was told that here were about

8,000 secret society members in Singapore. This

 10a
64. (continued)
figure is obviously exaggerated, for the Chinese

population in 1823 in Singapore was only 3,317.

However, his estimate of participants of the

Triad members in a convention in the Tangling

Tuah (500 to 600) appears to be acceptable.

Plus absentees and those who scattered in other

parts of the island, the members of the Triad in

that year could have reached to a thousand or

more. See Munshi Abdullah, ’’Concerning The

Tan Tae Hoey in Singapore”, translated by T.

Braddell, in JIA., vol.6 (1852), pp.545-48.

65. Newbold, A.D.C. & Wilson C.B., op.cit., p.131.

66. This figure was given by a Chinese who was a

member of the Triad. Ibid., 130.

67. On the 8th January 1845, the Hong Kong govern-

e
ment declared secret societies as illegal organ­
izations. An ordinance was enacted by the Gov­
ernor, John Francis Davis with the advice of

the Legislative Council that a member or members

of the Triad Society or other secret societies,

having convicted with guilty of felony, shall be

liable to be imprisoned for any term not exceed­

ing three years, with or without hard labour,

 11

67. (continued)
and at the expiration of such term of
imprisonment that such a person shall be
marked on the right cheek in the manner

usual in the case of military deserters and

be expelled from Hong Kong. See MAn Ordinance

for the Suppression of the Triad and Other

Secret Societies in the Island of Hong Kong and

its Dependencies", in Chinese Repository vol.l4

(1845) , pp.58-^9. About the suppression of the

Triad in the Dutch East Indies can be referred

to Comber, L., Chinese Secret Societies in Malaya,

p.68.

68. See Anonymous, "Secret Societies among the Chinese

in Singapore with Particulars of some of their
late Proceedings", in Chinese Repository, vol.15
(1846) , p.306. This piece of information was
originally published in the Singapore Free Press.

69. Buckley, C.B., An Anecdotal History of Old Times

in Singapore 1819-1867 (reprinted edition, Kuala

Lumpur, 1965), p.500.

70. This estimate was contained in the "Report of

Committee Appointed to Consider and Take Evidence

 11a
70, (continued)
upon the Condition of Chinese Labourers in the

Straits Sett lement s" ,p .4 , in C0_ 275/19.

71» Mills, L.A., op. clt., p, 206,

72, According to an observer, Major Low, Superin­

tendent of Province Wellesley that justice was

frequently defeated in Penang by secret society

members. Whenever a member was apprehended for

crime, however atrocities it may be, whole
society would go behind him trying to get him
off. Subscriptions were made for hiring counsel,
offering bribes of imposing threat to witnesses,
false swearing and even resorting to open violence.
See Newbold, A.D.C. & Wilson, C.B., op.cit.,

PP.133-13^.; Newbold, T.J., Political and Stat­

istical Account of the British Settlements in
the Straits of Malacca (2 vols, London, 1839).
vol,1, p .14.

73. Evidence strongly points to the fact that immi­

grants always fell prey to secret societies

throughout the whole course of immigration.

Even before arriving the Straits, those who came

through Kheh-tais, were naturally under control

of secret societies, because most Kheh-taus
 lib

73. (continued)
had close connections with them for the purpose

of getting and disposing immigrants. Those new

immigrants who came as free passengers were always

subjected to extortion of secret society memhers

who occupied the deck before embarkation of the

immigrants on ships. (See Lat Pao, 27 April 1889,

p.2.) Upon their arrival in the Straits, new

immigrants were forced to join secret societies

on pain of death, and if they refused, they would

be executed. (See Mills, L.A., op.cit., p.206.;

Report of Committee Appointed to consider and
take evidence upon the condition of Chinese

labourers in the Straits Settlements , pp,3-4.;

The Singapore Daily Times, 24 November 1874, p.2.)

74. Wynne, M.L., op.cit., p.246.; Comber, L., op.cit.,

p.lll.

75. The adoption of this policy was due to the lack

of competent staff, incomplete knowledge and

apathetic attitude of the officials towards this

problem. See Wynne, M.L., op.cit., pp.70, 388.

76. This new policy was based on the ’Ordinance to

Provide for the Suppression of Dangerous Societies,

No. XIX of 1869'. Extract of this Ordinance was

 11c

76. (continued)
reproduced in Comber’s Chinese Secret Societies
in Malaya 3 pp.134-36.; Pickering, W.A., "Chinese

Secret Societies" Part 2, in JSBRAS., no.3 (1879)s

p.10.

77. An attempt on Pickering's life was made in July

1887 by a Teochew Chinese named Chua Ah Sioh.

Chua, a member of the Ghee Hok Society and
mentally disturbed, was believed to have been

instigated by the leaders of the society to

action. Later, in the Report of the Chinese

Protectorate for 1887 > Pickering believed that

because of his opposition to gambling which jeo-

pardiced the interest of the principal headmen
of the Ghee Hok Society, that they instigated
Chua to get rid of him. See the report quoted
by Wynne in his Triad and Tabut, p.372.

78. Comber, L., op.cit., pp.260-64.

79* See the main provisions of The Societies Ordinance,

1889, reproduced in Comber's Chinese Secret Societies

in Malaya, pp.264-65. Concerning the burning of

ancestral tablets of secret societies in Singapore,
the Lat Pao had a detailed report. It described

as the follows: On the twenty-six day of the first

 12

79» (continued)
month of the Chinese calendar (15th February,
1890) , all the headmen and officials of the six
main secret societies, Ghee Hin, Ghee Hok, Hok Hin,

Kwang Hok (or Ghee Khee Kwang Hok), Song Peh

Kwang and Kwong Fui Siu (these romanized names

were used by Wynne in his work, p,376) gathered

at the Ghee Hin headquarters of the Rochore road
to burn off all ancestral tablets in the presence

of the Protector and Deputy Protector of Chinese

and the Inspector-General of Police. After a

solemn ceremony, all ancestral tablets were burned.

All the headmen were later congratulated by the

Protectors and Inspector-general on the ground
that already gave up their secret society member­
ships and became good citizens again. This burning
ceremony was confirmed by Mr. Powell, the Protector
of Chinese, in his report for 1890. He said that
’a formal renunciation of the membership of the
parent Gi Hin (Ghee Hin) - to which all Singapore
dangerous societies belonged- was made at the
central lodge at Rochore by the burning of original
diplomas by the headmen.’ He further declared

that all secret societies had’the insignia,

registers and seals handed over to the Protectorate’

 12a

79» (continued)
See Lat Pao, 19th February, 1890, p.2.; the
Chinese Protectorate Annual Report of the Straits

Settlements, 1890, p.175 (quoted by Comber, L.,

op.cit., p .268.)

80. In giving evidence to the Penang Riot Commission

In 1868, the headman of the Toh Peh Kong Society

in Penang, Khoo Thean Tek, denied there was the

existence of a Sin Fung (Vanguard) position in
his organization. In giving evidence to the
same Commission, the Penang Ghee Hin’s Master,
Boey Yoo Kong, stated that the position of recruiters
(Tai Ma) were not filled, because whoever brought
in new members would get commission for it. (See
Wynne, M.L., op.cit., p.256).; Mr. Pickering
observed that in 1879 there had no Elder Brother
(Pickering used the term ’Toa-Ko' or Grand Master
instead of Tai Ko or Elder Brother. Obviously
he romanized the title according to Southern

Fukien dialect) of the Ghee Hin Society in Singa­

pore, because no person dared to come forward

to undertake the onerous and responsible duties of

the office. See Pickering, W.A., "Chinese Secret

Societies” pt.2, in JSBRAS., no .3 (1879), p.2.

 13

81. Wynne, M.L., op.cit., p.117.

82. According to Newbold and Wilson, the three top

officials’ functions were more than what we have

put down. They added 'the swearing in of the

new members, and the conducting of the public

meetings and religious ceremonies’ (Newbold,

A.D.C. & Wilson, C.B., ’’The Secret Triad Society

of the Tien-Ti-Huih”, in JRAS., vol.6(l84l), p.l43).

But from the evidence given by Ward & Stirling,

Pickering and Wynne, it seems that none of the

three top leaders conducted swearing in and

other religious ceremonies. (See Ward, J.S.M.

& Stirling, W.G., The Hung Society or the Society

of Heaven and Earth, vol.l, pp.19-107.; Pickering,

W.A., op.cit., pp.6-l8.; Wynne, M.L., op.cit.
pp.114-27) One of the main functions of the top
leaders was decision of waging a war or peace
which was neglected by Newbold and Wilson, but was
revealed clearly in an evidence given by Boey Yoo
Kong, the Master of the Penang Ghee Hin to the
Penang Riot Commission in 1868. See Extracts
from Minutes of Evidence Taken before the Penang

Riots Commission, 1868, in Comber, L.,op.cit.,

Appendix 2, p.276.
 13a
83. Ward, J.S.M. & Stirling, W.G., Pickering, W.A.,

Wynne, M.L., ibid.

84. Dr. Milne, "Some Account of a Secret Association

in China, entitled the Triad Society", in Chinese

Repository, vol.14(1845), p.62.

85. Anson, A.E.H., About Others and Myself, p.279*

86. According to Schlegel and Wynne, the complete

Triad Disciplinary Code is composed of 36 oaths,

10 rules or prohibitory laws, 72 articles and
21 regulations. (See Schlegel, G., Thian Ti
Hwui: The Hung League or Heaven-Earth-League,
pp.152-66.; Wynne, M.L., op.cit., pp.122) But
Ward and Stirling only mentioned 36 oaths (Ward,
J.S.M. & Stirling, W.G., op.cit., vol.l, pp.64-
70) and Newbold and Wilson mentioned 36 oaths
and 36 rules (Newbold, A.D.C. 8c Wilson, C.B.,
op.cit., pp.137-42). There a great variation of
the 36 oaths in all these versions. One satisfact­
ory explanation would be that all of them based
on different sources. But I am also struck by a
vast discrepancy between English translation
and Chinese text appeared in Ward 8c Stirling’s

work. For instance, a section of the 36 oaths

in Chinese appeared on an illustration between
 14

86. (continued)
pages 66 and 67 has five complete oaths (from
number 24 to 28) read as the follows:
24, One (after joining the Hung Society) who

stays in brethren’s home should behave

himself. If he misbehaves and incurs

disasters to the said brethren, may he die

in sea.
25, One (after joining the Hung Society) must

behave, and should not have drunk in the

street, and leaked out Hung’s secrets to

others, if he did, may he die by committing

suicide.
Whereas the English translation of Ward & Stirling

of the 24 and 25 oaths are:

24, A brother must not misuse his power as a
member of the Hung family, or with four or
five others start a street fight, cause a
riot, or impose on the weak. If any brother
dares to do so, and refuses to listen to good
advice, may he die by poison.
25, If a brother cheats another brother, the matter
must be reported to the Society and left for
it to judge. If a brother fails to conform

to this rule, may he be blasted by lightning.

 14a
86. (continued)
(Ward, J.S.M. & Stirling, W.G., op.cit., vol.l,

p.68). These two paragraphs of translation seem

to have referred to two entirely different things.

This discrepancy would lead me to doubt the

authenticity of some of Ward & Stirling’s trans­

lations .

87. According to the evidence given by Boey Yoo Kong,

the Master of the Penang Ghee Hin Society, to the

Penang Riot Commission in 1868 that punishment

for disobedience ranged from flogging, cutting

off ears to beheading. See Comber, L., op.cit.,

p.276.

88. Wolff, K.H. (trans.& ed.), The Sociology of Geory

Simmel (New York, 1964), p.345.

89. See the oath No.2 and Article No.12 of the

complete Triad Code in Schlegel’s work. See

Schegel, G., op.cit., pp.135, 163.

90. According to Ward and Stirling, there were six

categories of secret methods employed amongst

members of the Triad Society to recognize each

other. There are: hand and body signs; dumb

alphabet signs; the peculiar manner in which the

 15
90, (continued)
clothing is worn; the peculiar manner in which
articles are handled; catch phrases, usually
adopted from, or referring to, incidents in

the ritual; Triad slang. See Ward, J.S.M, &

Stirling, W.G., op.cit,, vol.l, pp, 108-131.

91, In the Ten Punishments recorded by Liu Lien-

k ’o in his book, the Second Punishment is to

impose 108 floggings on those who leaked out

information of the Hung Society. (See Liu Lien-

k ’o , Three Hundred Years’ Revolutionary History

of the Chinese Secret Societies,p. 184), Those
who gave clue to the police or showed them the
way should be seized and slain. (See Article
No,4 of the Ten Prohibitory Laws in Schlegel’s
work. Schlegel, G,, op.cit., p.165).

92, Dr, Milne, the first European to notice the

existence of the Triad Society, wrote in l820’s
that "in foreign colonies, ... the idle, gambling,
opium-smoking Chinese (particularly of the lower

class) frequently belong to this fraternity...”

(Dr. Milne, "Some Account of a Secret Association

in China, entitled the Triad Society", in Chinese

Repository, vol,l4 (1845), p,60). This impres-

 15a

92, (continued)
sion was confirmed by an allegation made by

four leading Chinese merchants of George Town,

Penang in the presence of the Governor and Chief

Justice on the 9th June 1825. They declared

that the Hai San Society consisted of about
1,000 members of the lower class of Macao Chinese

(Cantonese), such as labourers, carpenters, gar­

deners, and not a merchant or respectable trader

amongst them. (See Wynne, M.L., Triad and Tabut,

p.76.). Mr. W. A. Pickering who had the best

knowledge on Chinese secret societies in his time,

observed that 'The greater part of the member,

consisting of lower orders of the population,
are not sufficiently versed in their own language
and history, or initiated into the secret of the
League, to be able to give any explanation as
to the meaning of the symbols.’ (See Pickering,
W.A., ’’Chinese Secret Societies and Their Origin”,
in JSBRAS., No.1 (1878), p.63). Professor L. A.
Mills also wrote that ”... A large number of the
members (Thian Tai Hui, the Triad) were Chinese

criminals of the lower class, ...many of the

Chinese pirates and robbers who infested Singapore

belonged to the League ...” (See Mill, L.A.,

 15b

92. (continued)

British Malaya 1824-186?, In JMBRAS., vol.3,

pt .2 p . 206.)

93. Wong Lin Ken, The Malayan Tin Industry to 191*1»

p,4l,; Comber, L., op.cit., p.71.

94. Yap Ah Loy was the headman of the Hal San Society

of Kuala Lumpur from 1868 to 1885. Details of

his life, activities can be referred to Middle-

brook,S.M., "Yap Ah Loy”, in JMBRAS., vol.24,

pt.2 (1951), and Wang Chih-yüan, Yeh Teh-lai Chuan
(A Biography of Yap Ah Loy)(Kuala Lumpur, 1958)
Capitan Cheng Keng Kui, also known as Cheng Ssu-

wen was the headman of the Hai San

Society of Perak in the second half of the 19th

century, and was deeply involved in the Larut War
(1872-1874). Details of his life and activities
can be seen in a biography written in Chinese by
Mr. K w ’ang Kuo-hsiang. See K w ’ang Kuo-hsiang,

Pin Ch'eng Shan Chi (Hong Kong, 1958), pp,108-113,,

also see Comber, L., op.cit., pp.102, 158, 165,

178-79.

95. Capitan Chan was the leader of the Hal San Society
of Penang for the year 1886. He was a tin-miner
and revenue farmer. He was the successful tenderer
 15c
95. (continued)

of gambling and pawn-broking farms In Larut for

the years 1883 to 1885. See the ’’List of Chinese
Secret Societies Registered Under Section 3 of

Ordinance No. XIX of 1869 in Penang for the year

1886”, also the Table of Distribution of Revenue

Farms in Perak 1883-1885» in Wynne, M.L., Triad

and Tabut, pp.344, 382.

96. Second to the merchants were artisans.7 out of

21 were artisans (including carpenter, sawyer,
shoemaker, tailor and coffin-maker), the rest
were guardian of temple, druggist, China physician,
geomancer and cargo-boatman. See the three lists
of Chinese Secret Society Registrations of 1881,

1886 and 1 8 8 9 , in Wynne, op.cit., pp. 3 6 5 , 371,

376.

97. Second to the merchants were artisans (including

3 tailors, 2 bakers, 1 blacksmith, 1 cook and 1
engraver) . It is also noticeable that 7 out of
40 leaders whose backgrounds are traceable, were

writers. Ibid., pp, 378,380,382,384 and 3 8 5 .

'S

98. Unlike Western practice, Chinese traditional way

of business contract is mainly based on verbal
promise. A transaction of amounting to few thou-
 16

98. (continued)
sand dollars could be made just by few words.
Disputes arising from such mode of transaction
could hardly be prosecuted in court. Thus,

secret society influence was conveniently employed

to guarantee the fulfilment of contracts.

99. Wong Lin Ken, op.cit., pp.40-4l.; T. Braddell

also observed in 1874 that secret society organ­

s’
ization was the only effective machinery of
government among the miners in the native states

of the Malay Peninsula. See Braddell, T., "Report

on the Proceedings of Government Relating to the

Native States in the Malay Peninsula", in The

Singapore Daily Times, 24 November 1874.

100. Pickering, W.A., "Chinese Secret Societies" pt.2,

in JSBRAS., no .3 (1879)» p.l.; Anson, A.E.H.,

About Others and Myself, pp.278-79.

101. Two reasons were given by Pickering in explaining

the loss of political objectives in the Straits:

the members of secret societies were not so educated

to uphold the cherished political aims of the

founders; there were no patriotic aims to be

attained under a gentle and liberal government.
 16a
101, (continued)
(See Pickering, W.A., ’’Chinese Secret Societies
and Their Origin” , in JSBRAS., No.1 (1878), p.66)

102, Ward, J.S.M. & Stirling, W,G,, op.cit., pp.26-27,

103, Ibid,, pp.30-46.

104, Ibid., pp.39,40,43,45,47.

105, Ibid. , p .48 .

106, Ibid., p.50.

107, Ibid., p .57.

108, Ssu-yu Teng, "Dr, Sun Yat-sen and Chinese Secret

Societies” in Studies on Asia, vol.4 (1963), p.83.

109, D. H. Kulp testified at the end of the nineteenth

century that filial piety was seriously observed
among peasants in the Phenix Village, a village
west of Teochew of Kwangtung province. He even
suggested that filial piety was one of the main
causes for emigration, and filial duties to elders
and ancestral worship were the central attitudes
of Sib members. See Kulp, D.H., Country Life in

South China, pp.XXIV, 49, 135-37.

109a See note 36.

 17

110. Many r i c h m e r c h a n t s in n in e te e n th century Singa­

p o re and Malaya had p o s s e s s e d Ch’ing t i t l e s .

7^6 At d >/}
Common t i t l e s p u r c h a s e d w e r e Kua n—C h a , S h u - M a ,
c /t/ ' / y
T ’u n g F e n g Ta F u , Tz ü Ch e n g Ta F u , T-J-ai S h o u ,

Tu C h ü a n , Tu J u n g , Ghou—s4u~-M a, Chou P i e h C h i a ,

Chung H a n , T a i C h a o , Rung S h i h , Sang S h e , Chung

Shu, S h o u J u n g a n d Mi ng F u . S e e L a t P a o , 31

May 1 8 9 0 , p.2, 5 June 1890, p . l , 13 A u g u s t 1890,

p.2; Hsing P a o , 8 A p ril 1896, p.4, 25 J u n e 1896,

p . 8 , 11 A p r i l 189 7 , p . 5 j 13 A p r i l 1897 , p . 5 ;

T ’ i e n Nan H s i n P a o , 26 May 1 9 0 0 , p.2, 19 J u n e

1900, p.7, 7 August 1900, p.2, 15 A u g u s t 1900, p.7.

1 1 1 . B a n q u e t was g i v e n i n Wu ’ s v i l l a . Among p r e s e n t

were t h e C h'ing C onsul-G eneral, Tso P ’ i n -lung

and o t h e r d i g n i t a r i e s . See L a t Pao, 5 June l 888, p , l .

112. T 1i e n Nan H s i n ~ P a o , 26 O c t o b e r 1 9 0 1 , p.9, 29

October 1901, p , 2 ,

113. Lang, 0., C h in e s e Fam ily and S o c i e t y , p . 1 0 .

11^. Indoctrination of peasantry was m a i n l y carried

out through the operation of a 'Hsiang-Yueh

Lecture S y s t e m ’ w h i c h may h a v e its origin back to

the m id -six teen th century. A h s i a n g - y u e h was

appointed in each l o c a l i t y to lecture to the

 17a
114t (continued)

general public at fixed intervals. Using the

imperial maxims (The Emperor Shun-chih has prom­
ulgated his Six Maxims which were later expounded

by his son Emperor K ’ang-hsi into Sixteen Maxims

known as ’Secret Edict’) as contents, the hsiang-

yueh taught the people to practice traditional

values to lead a peaceful life. Detail of the

operation of this system can be referred to Hsiao

Kung-chuan, Rural China; Imperial Control in the

Nineteenth Century, pp.184-205.

115. The establishment of a Chinese Consulate in Singa­

pore was designed to protect overseas Chinese.

See Ch’ing-chi wai-chiao shlh^-liao, vol,2, pp.13-15»

30-32.

116. Wen Chung-chi, The Nineteenth Century Imperial

Chinese Consulate in the Straits Settlements (an
unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of Malaya,

Singapore), pp.267-73.

117. T ’len Nan Hsln Pao, 12 August 1898, p.2, 21 November

1898, p.2, 10 November 1899» P.2, 29 July 1902,

p.l, 8 November 1902, p.3; Lat Pao, 3 August 1888,
p.2, 11 February 1889, p,2.
 18

118. When Emperor Kuang Hsü ascended to the throne,

he was only four years old, and the Empress

Dowager Tz'ü Hsl acted as regent. After four­

teen years (1889), the Emperor was at the age

of eighteen which was considered to be the right

age to govern.

119. Lat Pao, 27 February 1889, p.2, 28 February 1889,

P-5 .

120. Singapore Free Press, 1 March 1889, P.2, 4 March

1889, p.2 , Lat Pao, 7 March 1889, p.2 .

121. Lat Pao, 28 February 1889, P.5 , 8 March 1889,

p.2 , 11 March 1889, p.2 , 18 March 1889, p.2 ,

26 March 1889, p.5; Singapore Free Press, 5

March 1889, p.3 , 8 March 1889, p.2 ,

122. A discussion on these two concepts is undertaken

in pp.96-97.
 19

NOTES FOR_ CHAPTER II

1. After the failure of the first revolutionary

uprising in Canton in 1895? the Kwangtung provincial

government offered rewards for the apprehension of

Sun Yat-sen, one thousand taels, Yang Ch'u-yun, one

hundred taels, Ch'en Shao-pai, one hundred taels,

etc. HHKM, vo1.1, pp.230-31*

2. Hsieh Tsuan-t’ai, Chung-hua min-kuo ko-ming mie-

shih, p.10; Fe?ng Tzfr-yu, Ko-ming i-shih (thereafter

i-shih), vol.V, pp.8-15»

3* F§ng, ibid.

4. According to a secret society leader from

Singapore, Teng Hung-shun, the four rebels went to

Kuan Yin hill for a sight-seeing tour. They met a

monk named Cheng An who was the secretary of Lin
Tse-hsu, and advised them to contact secret

societies for preparation of revolution. He gave

them the names and addresses of the important
leaders at home and abroad. See Huang Fu^luan,

’The Earliest Relations Between The Revolutionaries

and Nanyang’, in Ta Tung tsa chih, vol. .1, pp»53-56.

 20

5. Feng Tzu-yu , Chu_ng--hua tnin -kuo k 'ai-kuo ch-y ten k e ­

rning shih (thereafter ko-ming shih) v o l ,2, p,104,

6. C h ’en Sh ao- pai , ’Hsing Chung Hui ko-ming shih yao ' ,

H H K M , voi.l, p a29,

7* Pai-lang t ’a o - t ’ien (Miyazaki Torazo), San-shih san-

nien lo~hua m g n g p p .68 -78 .

8. After the coup d ’etat in 1898, the C h ’ing government

offered a reward of l40,000 taels (100,000 offered

by the Empress Dowager, and 40,000 was offered by the

acting viceroy of the Liang Kwang) for the heads of

K'ang Yu~wei and Liang C h ’i-ch'ao. Thus, when K ’ang

arrived in Singapore in February 1900, he was heavily

protected by the local government, and K ’ang was very

suspicious of any stranger who approached him.

According to a story published in the T ’ien Nan Hsin

P a o , before the departure of Miyazaki Torazo for

Singapore, news leaked out that he could acquire a

large sum of money after his Singapore trip. It was

rumoured in Tokyo that Miyazaki was the assassin sent

by the C h ’ing government to harm K ’ang, and K ' a n g ’s

friend in Tokyo had cabled Singapore before M i y a z a k i ’s

arrival. C_Q_ 273/256; The Straits T i m e s , 8 March

1900; The T ’ien Nan Hsin Pa o , 7 September 1900, p . 2 0

 21

9. JeA« Swettenham to JC Chamberlain, dated 26 July

1900, 273/257.

10. Wong Siong~ngie ( the f ifth son of Dr Wong I-ek ),

interview on 8 October 1966 at his residence in Ipoh,

11. Huang Fu-luan, ’The Earliest Relations Between The

Revolutionaries and Nanyang', Ta Tung tsa chih, vol.l,

P P •53~56.

12. In that year, six leaders of the Triad and Ko Lao

societies (the former had strong influence in

Kwangtung and Fukien, and the latter was influential

in the Yangtze valley) came to Hong Kong to join the

Hsing Chung Hui for an uprising in south China, Sun

was elected as their head )• C h ’en Shao~Pai,

’Hsing Chung Hui ko-ming shih yao*, HHKM, vol.l, p.6l;

Feng Tzu-yu,ko-ming shih, vol.l, p.159; Feng Tzu-yu,

i-shih, vol.l, p »110,

13. Tan Chor-nam, ’Wan-ch ’ing-yiian and the Chinese

Revolution' (original text), p.3, also see WSNWH ,

Vol.l, pt.ll, P.536.

14. J.A. Swettenham to J. Chamberlain dated 26 July 1900,

C 0 273/257, n o .266,

15- Huang Nai-“shang was born in 1848 in Min~ch'ing

district of Fukien province. At a young age, he

 22

15* (continued)

beca me very fond of studies, but he had to help his

father on the farm. He was converted to Ch ri sti an ity

at the age of eighteen. In 189^ he passed the

pr ov inc ia l ex ami na tio n and obtained his Chii-jen

degree at forty-six. (Hs i n g Pao , 2k October 189^+, p.5;

25 October 189^, p.8). Al though he succeeded in the

pro vi nc ia l examination, he did not become engrossed

in Chinese classics. On the contrary, his a t t e n ti o n

was diverted to the political c o n v u l si o n and foreign

invasions of the nation. Later he was involved in

the reform movement. He submitted eight petitions

for re form w hen the movement was at its peak. After

the coup d ’etat in I 898 , he fled from Peking to

Singapore. When Dr Sun came to Singapore to confer

wi th K'ang Y u - w e i , H u a n g visited Sun four times and

was de ep l y impressed. H u a n g Nai-shang, Autobiography,

Lin Sen, 'Biography of a Former Friend - H ua ng Ch£ng-

C h ' e n ’, published in The Souvenir of the Fi ftieth

A n n i v e r s a r y of Fucho w F a rm in g of S i b u , p p .96 -IOO.

l6. H u a n g was once the chief editor of the Hs in g Pao in

189^, and he was the f a t h e r - i n - l a w of Dr Lim Boon-

keng, and was the class-mate of Khoo Seok-wan, two

le a di ng intellectuals in Singapore d u r i n g that time.

 23

16 . (continued)

See Feng Tzu-yu, i-s h i h , vol,2, p.174; Khoo Seok-van,

Wu-pai shih - t u n g - t 'ieri f u - c h :e n , vol.l, p p .11-12,

17. Teo Eng-=hock, Nanyang and the Founding o f t h e Chinese

Repub I i e , p p .3 ~ 6.

18. Details of the Waichow Uprising can be seen in

WSNWH, vol.l, pt .9, pp.550-92o

19. These leaders were Huang Foo, Huang Yao-^t 'ing, T£ng

Tzir-yü, Song Shao-tung, P'an-eti monk and Su Ping-

yung. See Feng T z ü - y u , i- s h i h , vol.3» p.59; A

D irectory of Waichow Chinese in Ma_laya , p p . 17 **1 8 ,

Kui Yün-chang, 'Biography of Teng Tzu-yü', KMHLHCC

pp. 623-2 6; WS N W H , vol.l, p t .9 , pp.484=86.

20. Huang Foo was an important leader of the Triad

Society, and Huang Y a o ~ t ?ing was a member of it.

T6ng TzÖ-yü had close relations with the secret

societies in South Kwangtung. See F£ng Tzü-yu,

i~sh i h , v o 1.3, p.39; A D irectory of Waichow C h inese

in M a l a y a , p p .17-18.

21. According to the 1901 census of the Straits

Settlements, Singapore had 164,04l Chinese out of

total 228,355 population, which accounted for 71-8

per cent. Among the Chinese, 30,729 were Cantonese

 24

21. (continued)

which was only second to the Fukien (59>H7). See

SSBB, 1907 , p p .’p .13 ’ ; 1908 , pp . ’p .13 ' .

22. Feng Tzü-yu, Hua-ch’iao ko-ming k ’ai-kuo shih

(thereafter k'ai-kuo shih), pp.72, 7 3 a 75*

23. F§ng Tzü-yu, i-shih, vol.l, p.40.

24. Ibid., p.4l.

25. Chung Ho T ’ang originated in Yokohama, Japan where

a group of Chinese workers and members of the lower

social group formed it as a club. It provided rec­

reation and living quarters for the members. After

Y u ’s arrival in Japan, he contacted the leaders

of the club, Pao T'ang, Yang Shao-chia, to reform

the club into a revolutionary affiliated organ­

ization. Feng Tzü-yu, k ’ai-kuo shih, pp.44-45.

26. K ’ang arrived in Singapore at the beginning of

February. See The Straits Tim es, 3 February 1900,

P •3 •

26a. About Kh o o ’s life and his involvement in the Reform

Movement in China can be referred to this volume

p .50 and volume 2, p p .38-39*

26b. Three sources vary their dates of Lim Boon Keng's

 25

26b. (continued)
birth. Song Ong Siang puts it on 5th September

l869s Wu Tee-jen's on 10th October l869s and Su

Hsiao-hsien's on 18th October 1869* See Song Ong
Siang, One Hundred Years* History of the Chinese

in Singapore, p.23^.; Wu Tee-jen, 'Lin Wen-ch'ing',

in his Chih-ch'an hsiang-chiao to-fang jen (The

Pioneers of the Rubber Plantation)(Hong Kong,

1966), p .53 •; Su Hsiao-hsien, 'Lin Wen-ch'ing

po-shih' (Dr. Lim Boon Keng), in Su(ed.), A List

of Chang Chou People in Singapore (Singapore,1948),

p.70.

26c. The Queen's Scholarships were founded by Sir Cecil

C. Smith, then the Governor of the Straits Settle­
ments, in I885. Two scholarships were given every
year from 1886 to 1905 (only one from 1906 to 1909)
to those young British subjects in the Straits to
further their university education in Britain. See
Makepeace, W, ,Brooke, G.E. & Braddell, R.-J.(ed.),
One Hundred Years of Singapore (London, 1921), vol.

1,P.369.

26d, Several factors made him quite different from other

English educated Straits-born Chinese and a willing

reformist. According to one of his biographers, he

 25a

26d. (continued)
was embarrassed by two incidents which forced
him to learn Chinese language and culture. One
was that he was refused to be considered as a
Chinese in Edinburgh by those Chinese students

from China on the ground that he did not know

Chinese language. The second was that he was

embarrassed by a lecturer who asked him to translate

a Chinese Schroll, and he had to admit his ignorance

of Chinese language. After returning to the

Straits in 1893, Lim made effort to learn Mandarin

and Cantonese, as well as Chinese culture. His
China orientation was further consolidated by his
marriage with Huang Tuan Chiung, daughter of
Huang Nai-shang who was a reformist leader and
the editor of the Hsing Pao in Singapore. Detail
of Huang’s life and his support to the reform
movement can be referred to this volume pp. 21-22.
See Khor Eng-hee, ’The Public Life of Dr. Lim
Boon Keng' (an unpublished B.A. Honours thesis of

the University of Singapore, 1958), pp.4,21-22.

26e. See the T ’ien Nan Hsin Pao, 31 May 1898, p.l;

Jih Hsin Pao, 6 October 1899, p.4, 9 October 1899,

p.4, 11 October 1899a p.l, 23 October 1899, p.4,

25 October 1899, p.l.; Khor Eng-hee, op.cit., pp.20 - 2 5 .
 25b
26f. Lim Boon Keng, ’The Education of Children', in
The Straits Chinese Magazine, vol.3,no.2(1899)5
pp . 102-05s; ’The Straits Chinese Reform Movement',
in The Straits Chinese Magazine, vol.4,no.13(1900),
p.86.; 'Suggested Reforms of the Chinese Marriage

Custom', in The Straits Chinese Magazine, vol.55

no.17(1902), pp.58-60.; 'Straits Chinese Reform-

Filial Piety', in The Straits Chinese Magazine,

vol.4,no.13, pp.25-30.; 'Straits Chinese Reform -

Funeral Rites', in The Straits Chinese Magazine,
vol. 4, no.14, pp. 49-57.; 'To Urge Chinese in Singapore

to Found Confucius' Temples and Modern Chinese

Schools'(editorial), in Jih Hsin Pao, 27 March 1900,

pp.1,4.; 'A Discussion on the Proposed Founding of
Confucius' Temples in Singapore'(editorial), in the
T'ien Nan Hsin Pao, 18 October 1901, p.2.; 'An
Announcement for Soliciting Contribution for Founding
Confucius' Temples and Modern Chinese Schools in
Singapore', in the T'ien Nan Hsin Pao, 10 March 1902,

pp.2,7.; The Straits Times, 25 February 1904, p.5 .

26g. Both Lim Boon Keng and Khoo Seok-wan were members of
the Board for the founding of Confucius' temples

and modern Chinese schools. See'A List of Founding

Members of the Board for the Founding of Confucius'

Temples and Modern Chinese Schools in Singapore', in

the T'ien Nan Hsin Pao, 19 March 1902, p.l.; A Chinese

 25c

26g. (continued)
girl school named The Singapore Chinese Girl School

was founded in 1899 under the initiative of Dr. Lim,

Song Ong Siang, Tan Boo Liat and few other Straits-
born Chinese leaders. Khoo Seok-wan donated

S$3,000 to the funds of the school. See Khor

Eng-hee, ibid., p.26.; Song Ong Siang, One Hundred

Years* History of the Chinese in Singapore, pp,101,

236.

27. Feng Tzü-yu, i-shih, vol.l, p.43.; Tan Chor-nam,

interview on 7 August 1966 at his residence in

Singapore.

28. On the arrival of K ’ang Yu-wei in Singapore at the

beginning of February 1900 he was given full police
protection. The house of Khoo Seok-wan in which he
stayed was heavily guarded. The government of the
Straits Settlements, on the instructions of the
British Colonial Office in London, rejected the
demand of the Acting Ch'ing Consul-General in
Singapore, Lo Tsong-yao for his deportation. See

Sir J. A. Swettenham to Chamberlain dated 7 February

1900; Despatch from C 0 to F 0 dated 13 March 1900.

c 0 , 273/256.

29. In a notice issued by the Protector of Chinese of

 25d

29. (continued)
the Federated Malay States, Chinese merchants and
gardeners were reminded not to harbour any revol­
utionary refugees of the Waichow Uprising. They

were obliged to inform the protectorate or nearby

police station of those suspects. See the T *ien

Nan Hsin Pao, 15 April 1901, p.2.

 26

30. T§ng was born in the Kui Shan district of Kwangtung,

He was an important figure in the Waichow Uprising,

Because of his close relations with the local secret

societies in Waichow, he was appointed by Dr Sun as

the liaison officer between the Hsing Chung Hui and

the secret societies. See F^ng Tzu-yu, i-jahih, v o L

4, p.l82$ A Director of Waichow Chinese in Malaya,

pp,17-18; Kui Yün-chang, ’Biography of Töng Tzu-yii' ,

K MilLHC C , pp. 625-26.

3i . Fe*ng 1'zu-yu , Chung-kuo ko~ming yuen-t'ung @rh-shih

liu n ien tau-chih shih (thereafter tsu-chih shih),

p.120; but other sources claimed that Teng had run a

hotel named Kwang I Ch'ang at Cecil Street, Singapore,

See Kui Yun-chang, ’A Biography of Teng Tzu-yii’,

KMHLHCC , p.626; Kwang Chin-chang, ’Autobiography’,

WSNWH, v o 1.1, p t .9, p,487.

32. Lt— s-e**med that Huang did not get along with bi-s

partners vely well in later years, for he advertised

in a local Chinese newspaper to sell his share Tn

Marek 190^. See the T ’ien Nan Hsin P a o , 10 March 1904,

p.3.

33. Song Shao-tung, ’memoir’, WSNWH, vol.l, p t „9, p,477»

 27

34. Chua H u i “Seng, interview on 25 February 19^5 at the

Tung T@ Reading' Club, Singapore. When Yu founded a

lecture hall in his clinic to preach Confucianism in

March 1904, he addressed himself as the ’Owner of I

Yeh L o u “. The T i e n Nan Hsin Pa o , 1 March 1904, p,3.

35» According to Li Chung-chueh, there were more than

three thousand registered prostitutes in China Town

at the end of the nineteenth century« See Li Chung-

chueh, The Topography of Si ng apore, p.12. La t Pao,

the leading Chinese newspaper in Singapore, reported

the prevalence of armed fighting between secret

societies in China Town, See Lat Pao, 30 October 1889,

p p . 1-2.

36. Huang Y a o - t !ing was from Hsin An, Song Shao-tung from

Nan Hai, Pan C h ’i monk from C h ’ing Yuan, Shu Ping-yung

P&n
from Fan Yii, and Yu Lieh from Shun T£. See F§ng Tzu-

yu, i ~ s h i h , vol.l, p.40; vol.3, p.59; W S N ¥ H , vol.l,

p t .9 , p. 476, 484-85.

37. F£ng Tzd-yu, i- s h i h , vol.l, p.46.

38. Ibid., pp.41-42.

39* Feng Tzd-yu, k'ai-kuo sh i h , p.73*

 28

40. In 1845, the Dutch authorities in the East~Indies

took strict measures to suppress the 1Tantae H u e ’

(the Triad Society) which resulted in the substantial

increase of secret society members in Singapore.

Leon Co mb e r , Chinese Secret Societies in Malaya , p ,6 8 „

Early in 1849, a Singapore Chinese, C h !en Cheng^

c h 1eng who was employed in a British firm in Amoy,

established a branch of the Triad Society to which he

gave the name of The Dagger Society ( ^ )• The

organization was soon joined by several thousand

people and grew rapidly in strength. Although C h ?en

was executed by the government in 1851 and was

succeeded by a local ^Chinese named Huang Wei, the

senior officers of the organization mainly came from

Singapore. In 1853, a quarrel with the local officer

/ V
sparked off a large-scale uprising, the rebels

captured Amoy city and nearby districts. In the

course of their uprising, the rebels received

considerable supplies from Singapore. See Hsü K 5o,

Ch-ing-p’
/hi lei-cthiao, p'ai 66, p p „13-14; Gustave

Schlegel, Thian Ti Hui~The Hung League, p.6; BucXley,

C .B /, An Anecdotal History of Old Times in Singapore-,

vo 1.2, p ,580.
 29

f a '/
42. Hsien Chiang, A ßtoäfczii&e Biography of Yu Lieh, pp,15” i6.

43 Yu, under the name of The Owner of I Yeh Lou,

published a notice in the newspaper that a lecture

hall was attached to his I Yeh Lou (A Lief Building)

to preach Confucianism; speakers were to be invited

to expound Confucius’ teachings embodied in the Four

Books, Lectures to be held twice a week (Sunday,

2.00-4.00 p.m., Wednesday, 7-00-9.00 p.m.) See the

T ’ien Nan Hsin P a o , 1 March 1904, p.3-

44 In 1906 Yu raised money in Ipoh to establish an

educational book supply society. See Lee Ah Choi,

Policies and Politics in Chinese Schools in the Straits

Settlements and_the Federated Malay States, 1786-1941,

pp. 34-35.

45. C h ’an Chan-mooi, 'A Brief Biography of Mr Too Nam',

p,9, in Ch'an (ed.) , Obituaries cui Mr Too Nam.

46. The Chung Ho T'ang in Kuala Lumpur was called the

Chung Ho Chiang T'ang. ibid.

47. F^ng TzQ-yu, k'ai kuo shih, p.73-

f ’-H l
48. Huang Po-yao and Huang Shih-chung were born in hLfr-fi
m YÜ

district of Kwangtung. They were brothers; Po-yao

was the elder. After spending their youth in China,

they left for South East Asia to earn their living.

 30

48. (continued)

T h e y arrived in Kuala Lumpur where they took up

ap po i nt m en ts as clerks of g a mb li ng houses. W he n Khoo

Se o k » w a n published the T ' i en N a n Hsin Pao in

Si ng ap or e for p r o p ag at in g the reformist c a u s e , they

were dr a w n into the movement«, F(?ng Tzu-yu, i-shih,

vol.2, p . 46. In May 1903 H u a n g Po-yao was promoted

as one of the three assistant editors of the T ’ien N a n

Hsin P a o . Both of them co nt ributed several articles

to the reformist cause: such as ’On the Changeable

S i t u a t i o n of the Chinese R e f o r m 7 , !0n the progress of

People's I d e a s ’ and ’On D i s a s t e r ’ by Shih Chung; ’On

The Best Way to R e m ed y Calamities Is to Carry Out

R e f o r m ’ , ’The Formula For C h i n a ’s Reform' and others

by Pa-yao. See T ’ien Nan Hs i n P a o , 4 De cember 1902,

14 January, 18 May, 2 July, 10 July, 30 September,

2 October, 6 Nov emb er 1903? p„2,

49. F£ng Tzu-yu, op. cit., p.73*

30. Sim was bo rn in Chin Chi an g district of F u k i en

province in 1873» Before he came to Malay a his

b r o t he r had al r e ad y es ta blished h i m se l f in business.

This had laid a good fo u n d a t i o n for his future success,

Sim M o k- wu (son of Sim Hung-pek), in te rview on

 31

50 . (continued)

2 October 19 66 at Pin Min School, Malacca; Shen Shih~

lin, "A Brief Biography of Mr Sim Hung-pek:*, p.l.

51. Ibid. W S N W H , vol.l, pt.10, p,227,

52. T a n ’s father, Tan Tai, came from Amoy, Fukien,

whereas T e o 's grandfather came from Jao P ’ing

district of Kwangtung, F£ng Tzu-yu, i - s h i h , vol.3,

p.183; P'an Hsing-lung, A Directory of the Teochew

in M a l a y a , p.158.

53* Tan was born in 1884 in Singapore. He inherited a

large fortune from his father who was a successful

businessman in the Straits Settlements. Tan also

inherited a shop named Hup Chuan located at 327

Beach Road, dealing in timber and groceries. Teo

was born in 1872 in Singapore. He was second

generation Straits-born Chinese, for his father, Teo

Lee, was born in Singapore too. Teo also inherited

a considerable sum from his father. Tan Chor-nam,

interview on 7 August I 966 at his residence in

Singapore; F£ng TzÖ-yu, i-shih , vol.3, p.183; P'an

Hsing-lung (ed.) , A Directory of the Teochew in

M a l a y a , p.158; Song Ong Siang, One Hundred Years *

History of The Chinese in Singapore, p p .33"34,

 32

5^. The Penang Hsin Pao was published in 1896 in Penang.

The T'ien Nan Hsin Pao was first published in May

1898, the Jih Hsin Pao first came out on 5 October

1899* See Liu Tztf~ch£ng, 'A Chronology of Chinese

Newspapers in Southeast Asia', JS S S , vol.13, pt.l,

p.60; the T'ien Nan Hsin P a o , 31 May 1898 , p.l;

Jih Hsin P a o , 20 November 1899> p.4.

55» The Hundred Day Reform (ll June to 21 September

1898) received full publicity in the T ’ien Nan Hsin

Pao. After the coup d'etat, T ’ien N a n , and later the

Jih Hsin P a o , frequently criticised the Ch'ing

government for ill-treating the reformist leaders and

expressed their indignation about the coup. Further,

they gave full publicity to the petitions for the

restoration of the Emperor Kuang Hsu. See the T ’ien

Nan Hsin P a o , 27 June 1898, p.l, 9 July 1898 , p.l,

12 July 1898 , p.l, 29 September 1898, p,2, 15 November,

7 December, 26 December, 1898, p.l, 28 March 1899, p.l,

11 October 1899, p.7, 12 October 1899, p.8, 19 October

1899, p .5, 21 October 1899, p.5; Jih Hsin P a o ,

13 October 1899, P*7, 24 October, 25 October, 26

October, 27 October, 28 October, 30 October, 31

October 1899, p.l, 11 November, 13 November, 15

November 1899, p.4.

 33

56. The T'ien Nan Hsin P a o , 15 June, 17 June, 18 June

1898, p , 3 ) 30 March, 4 October 1899» p.l,

57. In a book list published in the T i e n Nan Hsin P a o ,

forty nine out of seventy four books for general

reading were related to 'self-strengthening? and

'western kn ow le d ge ’ which the reformists had strongly

advocated. See the T"ien Nan Hsin P a o , 2 September

1898, p. 6 ; J ih Hsin P a o , 5 October 1899» p.2.

58. Tan Chor-nam, 5W a n - c h !ing-yüan and the Chinese

Revolution' (original copy), p.l, also see W S N W H ,

vol.l, pt.ll, p. 533 .

59- Tan Chor-nam, interview on 7 August 1966 at his

residence in Singapore.

60. F&ng Tzfi-yu, i - s h i h , vol.3» p.183.

61. Lin Shou-chih was born in Teo An district, Kwangtung

in I 876 . His father went to Singapore when he was a

youth, and was very successful in commercial ventures,

Lin was brought up in China and, with two friends,

was able to visit Hong Kong in 1894. He was

introduced to C h ’en Shao-pai, one of the revolutionary

leaders of the Hsing Chung Hui branch in Hong Kong,

It is possible that he became devoted to revolution

 3k

61. (continued)

by this association. In 1895 he followed his father

to Singapore. In 1902 his fa th er died and left a

consi de rab le fortune to him. With wealth, Lin was

able to purchase many r e v o l u t i o n a r y publications

and later on took part in r e vo l u t i o n a r y activities.

It was said that he was so deeply impressed by the

famous revolutionary pamphlet - 'The Revolutionary

Army' - that he could not read it without shedding

tears. Anonymous, 'A Brief Biography of Mr Lin

Shou-chih' (original manuscript), pp.1-2; 'A

Biography of Mr Lin Shou-chih' in P'an Hsing-lung

( e d .), A Directory of the Teochew in M a l a y a , p.107.

62. Lim, the ne phew of Teo Eng-hock, was b o r n in 1879 in.

Singapore. His father came to Singapore from his

native district Ch'en Hai of Kwangtung, and ran a

gr oc er y shop at Beach Road. Li m became a n or ph an

at the age of eight, and was brought up by his

maternal grandparents (Teo Eng-hock's parents). He

was both Chinese and English educated and this proved

to be very valuable in his revolutionary activity.

He worked as a shop assistant in Tan Chor-nam's shop

at the age of seventeen. By his close associations

with Teo and Tan, his revolutionary outlook was

 35

62. (continued)

shaped and later became one of the important leaders

of the T ung Meng Hui in Singapore, See Chu Po-wei,

A Biography of Lim Ngee-soon, pp.2-3; Feng Tzu-yu,

i - s h i h , vol.l, p.249, KMHL H C C, p,629,

63. Other members of this small group of revolutionaries

were Koh Soh-=chew (Hsu Hs ue h - c h 'i u ), C h :en Yiin^sheng

and Shen Lien-fang, This group of revolutionaries

either used their homes or a club known as 'Haiao

T ’ao Y u a n ’ to discuss revolution. See Anonymous,

?A Brief Biography of Mr Lin S h o u - c h i h ’ (original

manuscript), p.2; Tan Chor-nam, ’"Wan-ch1ing-yuan and

the Chinese R e v ol u ti on 5(original copy), p p , 1-2, also

see W S N W H , vol.l, pt.ll, p.534,

64. The imprisonment of Tsou and Chang for their writings

was known as 5Su Pao Case'. From 27 May 1903 the Su

Pao, a revolutionary newspaper in Shanghai, had

continuously published Chang's 5In Refutation of

K 5ang Y u - w e i ' and Tsou’s ’The

Revolutionary Army". The appearance of these two

seditious revolutionary articles infuriated and

frightened the C h ■ing authorities. With permission

of the foreign powers, the government arrested Tsou

 36
64. (continued)
and Chang in the foreign concessions in Shanghai,
and tried by all means to have them executed. The
Ch'ing Government’s attempt aroused strong criticism

from local English and Chinese newspapers and was

further complicated with infringement of the powers’

extraterritorial rights in the foreign concessions.

The Ch’ing Government eventually accepted the

suggestions of the British Minister in Peking that

the accused would be lenienly punished. Thus, Tsou

and Chang were convicted in the Shanghai court under

the Shanghai Magistrate, Wang Mou-k'un on the 21st

May 1904 and given sentences of two and three years'
imprisonment respectively. Tsou died in prison

on 3rd April 1905 after much sufferings. Chang was

released on 29th June 1906 after slightly more than
two years confinement. He was then escorted by the
T'ung Meng Hui members from Shanghai to Tokyo where
he took up the chief-editorship of the Min Pao. See
Chang Huang-hsi, 'Su-pao-an shih-lu’, and Chang
Hsing-yen, ’Su-pao-an shih-mo chi-hsu', in HHKM.,
vol.l, pp.367-90.; Man-hua(T’ang Tseng-pi), 'T'ung-
meng-hui shih-tai Min-pao shih-mo chi', in KMWH.,

vol.2, pp 79-81, see also HHKM. vol.2. pp.439-41.

65. The cable was published in the Kuo Min Jih Jih Pao,
 36a

65« (continued)
a revolutionary newspaper in Shanghai. See Kuo

Min Jih Jih Pao, 7 August 1903; Teo Eng-hock,

Nanyang and the founding of the Chinese Republic,

p.7; Tan Chor-nam, 'Wan-ch’ing-yüan and the Chinese

Revolution’, WSNWH, vol.l, pt.ll, p.53^; F§ng Tzu-yu,

tsu-chih shih, p.73.

66. After the coup d*etat in 1898, the Chinese in

Singapore and Kuala Lumpur petitioned the Ch’ing

court (through the Tsungli Yamen) for the restor­

ation of the Emperor Kuang Hsü in November 1899*

The cable was sent by way of honouring the birthday
of the Empress Dowager Tz'S Hsi (10 October in lunar
calendar), and, on the ground of her age, pressed
for the restoration of the Emperor. The petition
was not so radical as described by Song Ong Slang
as ’ ... to the Tsung-li yamen intimating that the
reform party would do their best to bring the restoration
 37

66. (continued)

of the Emperor. Later injudicious telegrams were to

the effect that the Chinese of Singapore would defend

the Emperor with their l i v e s . . . ’ . See Jih Hsin P a o ,

11 November, 13 November, 13 November, 17 November

1899» p .4; T ’ien Nan Hsin P a o , 13 November, l6

November 1899» p.2; Song Ong Siang, One Hundred Years ?

History of The Chinese in S i ngapore, p .313 •

6 7. Tan Chor-nam, interview on 7 August 1966 at his

residence in Singapore. F§ng Tzü-yu, ko-ming s h i h ,

vol.2, p. 103; F£ng Tzu-yu, i - s h i h , vol.l, p.129*

68. C h 'in was born in Changsa of Hunan province. Like

many other Chinese youths, he was first involved in

reform and then revolution. When the Shih Wu Hsueh

T'ang was founded by the reformists in Changsa in

1898, he was one of the prominent students of Liang

C h ' i - c h ’ a o , the lecturer of the Institution. Later,

Ch ’in became a strong advocate of the reform movement.

After the coup d'etat, C h 'in went to Japan to join

Liang in running the reformist organ - Ch'ing I Pao.

When China was in the turmoil of the Boxer Uprising,

Ch'in, with T'ang T s ' a i - c h ’ang and other friends

planned an uprising in the Yangtze Valley known as

the Hankow Uprising. See F£ng Tzu-yu, i - s h i h , vol.l

p .128.
 38

69 . I b i d ., p.131.

70. Letter from C h ’in Li-shan to Tan Chor-nam dated 21

June (lunar calendar?) 1905, in F§ng TzH-yu, ko-ming

s h i h , vol.2, pp.108-120.

71. Khoo was born in Hai Cheng district, Fukien in 187^.

His father, Khoo Cheng-tiong came to Singapore with

meagre means and gradually advanced to become one of

the best known rice merchants in the settlement.

Seok-wan was first left with his aunt in Macao, and

later came to Singapore at the age of seven. He

received private tuition at home, mainly on the

Confucian classics. He went back to China to attend

imperial examinations, and obtained his Chü-jen

degree in 189^. When Khoo came back to Singapore in

1895 after his disillusionment with the Chinese

bureaucracy, he became a prominent figure in the

Chinese community in S i n g a p o r e . He was one of the

most renowned literary figures of his time in

Southeast Asia, and became a leading personality in

the literary circles in Singapore, and was invited

to be the judge in the monthly literary competitions.

In I 896 , when Khoo escorted his f a t h e r ’s body back

to China for entombment, he toured widely in central

 39

71. (continued)

and north China where he met some prominent

reformist leaders. When he returned to Singapore

again in 1 8 9 7 » he was deeply committed to the reform

movement. With the help of other progressive

intellectuals like Dr Lim Boon-keng, he founded in

1898, the T !ien Nan H s in Pao (Lim was the English

editor of the newspaper) to advocate the movement.

He contributed S$250,000 for the reformist uprising

in Hankow in 1900. See Khoo Seok-wan, Wu-pai sh i h -

t u n g - t 1ien hui c h 'e n, vol.10, pp . 18-19; Letter from

Ho Tung to Khoo Seok-wan dated 2 January 1900

(original); Letter from K ’ang Yu-wei to Khoo Seok-wan

dated 18 October 1900 (lunar calendar?) (original);

Khoo Ming-kuan (daughter of Khoo Seok-wan), interview

on 4 and 9 September 1966 at her residence in

Singapore; Feng Tzu-yu, ko-ming s h i h , vol.2, p,105.

72. Tan Chor-nam, interview on 7 August 1966 at his

residence in Singapore.

73* In an article entitled ’On K'ang Y u - w e i !, which

appeared in the T'ien Nan Hsin P a o , Khoo publicly

denied he was a reformist, and denied he had once

enjoyed close relations with K ’ang. See the T !ien

Nan Hsin P a o , 22 October 1901, pp.1-2.

 4o

74. The desertion of Khoo from the reformist camp had an

inner story. After the failure of the Hankow

Uprising in 1900, the C h ’ing government came to

realize that some wealthy overseas Chinese merchants

like Khoo, were supporting the rebellion. To

discourage this development, the government put some

of K h o o !s relatives in China in jail, and instructed

the Consul-General in Singapore to warn Khoo and

Dr Lim Boon-keng of their involvements. Disillusioned

with K ’ang Yu-wei and threatened by the Manchu, Khoo

finally gave way to government pressure, and

confessed. By way of repentence, Khoo donated

10,000 taels for relief funds. K h o o 's action was not

only rewarded by a reprieve from the C h ’ing court,

but also brought him the official title of ’Chu-shih*

with fourth rank ( K0 ). See ’Despatch from

the Viceroy of Liang-Kwang to the Consul-General Lo

in Singapore* (this despatch was reprinted in the

T ’ien Nan Hsin Pao on 4 April 1901); 'Letters from

Khoo Seok-wan to the Viceroy of Liang-Kwang , T'ao Mu’

(reprinted in the T"ien Nan Hsin Pao on 13 April,

23 October 1901); T a-ch’ing tg-tsung ching-huang-ti

shih-lu, vol.486, pp,6-7; Khoo Ming-kuan, interview

on 4 September 1966 at her residence in Sin ga po re .

 41

75* These few pamphlets were ’The war record of the

Taiping army’, ’Ten days of Yang Chou’ and ’Yiian-
chün yüan-ch’en'. The first pamphlet was published
in Tokyo in 1894, the year when the first revol­

utionary party-the Hsing Chung Hui was founded.

The other two were actually reprints of two banned

works written by Wang Hsiu-ch’u (about him and

his ’Ten days of Yang Chou’ can be referred to

pp.56-57) and Huang Tsung-hsi, a well-known Ming

loyalist and a leading political thinker of his
time. These reprints were produced in Yokohama
by Feng Ching-ju, the chairman of the local Hsing
Chung Hui branch and a proprietor of a printing
shop. They were published after the failure of
the Canton Uprising in 1895> and became the most
important propaganda material of the Hsing Chung
Hui. The Pamphlet of ’Yüan-chün ylian-ch’en’ was
only selection of part of Huang Tsung-hsi’s

Ming-yi tai-fang-lu (A Plan for the Prince) and

its name is a combination of titles of two articles,
Yiian-chun (On Monarch) and Yun-ch'en (On Minister),

in the Ming-yi tai-fang-lu. In these articles,

Huang launched fierce attack on the prevailing

autocratic system. Like other Confucian scholars,he

used the legendary and ideal political system under
 4la

75. (continued)
the ancient sages like Yao and Shun to disapprove
the prevailing system. Huang argued that the

main source of trouble between the ruler and the

ruled was selfishness of monarch who considered

whole nation and populace were his property to

be inherited by his descendants, and worked to

the utmost to his own interest at the expense of

his subjects. His emphasis on the ruler's respon­

sibility to the interests of people is certainly

not new to the Confucian tradition. Both Mencius

and Hsun-tzü, two great exponents of Confucius'

teaching, emphazied very much on people's right

(Mencius had said: 'The people are the most

important element in the nation; the spirits of

the land and grain are next; the Prince is the
last '. Hsun-tzü had made an interesting analogy

that 'The Prince is the boat, and the people are

the water. The water can support the boat or
capsize it.'). Huang's reassertion of this demo­
cratic element of Confucianism was important when
it was no longer observed by the Ming monarchs.

Nevertheless, the revolutionaries drew upon Huang's

ideas to the support of their activities (this is

very similar to the use of Confucius as the Reformer

 4lb

75. (continued)

by K'ang Yu-wei). When Dr. Sun Yat-sen selected

Hu a n g ’s work and the ’Ten Days of Yang Cho u’ as

propaganda booklets to be reprinted and widely

distributed among overseas Chinese communities,

he must have had in mind that it would be very

useful for spreading ideas of democracy and national­

ism, two of the Three People’s Principles which he

formulated in later years. See F£ng Tzü-yu, i-shih,

v o l .3aP •150.; Feng, k ’ai-kuo shih, p.42.; Chinese

text of Yuan-chun and Yuan-ch’en in Chung-kuo li-

tai che-hsueh wen-hsuan, v o l .l,pp.27-30.; De Bary,

W.T., "Chinese Despotism and the Confucian Ideal: A

Seventeenth-Century View", in Fairbank, J.K.(ed.),

Chinese Thought and Institutions (paperback edition,

1967), pp.170-72.
 b it

7~5v These few pamphlets were ’The War Record of tjre

T'aiping Army'’— )? ’T^ja^tJay^o f Yang

Chou* and ’Yüan-chün ^^ia'n~ch^efhS~~-__<AJ;^lc)f them were

published in Japan. See F§ng Tzu-yu, i-sh:iJrP"V&lr-T2I^

p.T5Ö.

76. Ibid., p. 147.

77. Ibid., pp.152-54.

78. Wang Hsiu-ch’u, ’Ten days of Yang C h o u ’, in Hsia

Yun-i and others, Yang Chou shih jih chi, pp,229~^3*

79* Chou Yung, ’The Revolutionary A r m y ’, H H K M , vol.l,

p.333.

80. &hou not only classed the Manchu as barbarians who

were uncivilized and savage, and an inferior race,

but also described the Manchu emperors as villains

and rascals. The Empress Dowager T z ’Ö Hsi was

likened to a prostitute. Ibid., pp.3^+3-^8.

81. Tan Chor-nam, ’Wan-ch’ing-yuan and the Chinese

Revolution’, WS N W H , vol.l, pt.ll, p.533; Tan,

interview on 7 August I966 at his residence in

Singapore.

82. Chen Mong Hock, The Early Chinese Newspapers of

S i n g a p o r e , 1881-1912, p.82.
 42

83. According to Tan Chor-nam, most Chinese in

Singapore were very conservative at that time.

Whenever they heard of ’Ko Ming (revolution), they

regarded those who preached it or adhered to it as

traitors. Tan thus felt that one of the most urgent

tasks was to publish a newspaper to awaken the

general public. See Tan Chor-nam, 'W a n - c h ’ing-yiian

and the Chinese R e v o lu t i o n 5, W S N W H , vol.l, pt.ll,

p.534.

84. Teo Eng-hock, Nanyang and the Founding of the

Chinese Re p u b l i c , p.8.

85. The original pa-per of the Thoe ham Jit Eoh appears no

longer to exist. I have been searching for it in

S i n g a p o r e , Malaysia, England, America, Hong Kong and

Taiwan, but all attempts have proved unsuccessful.

This proclamation was fortunately reproduced in the

T-ien Nan Hsin P a o ; it was written by Yu Lieh under

a pen name !¥u Hsing Chi T z u *„ See the T ■ien Nan

Hsin P a o , 21 January 1904, p.2.

86. Teo gave an example that ChJen Kang, the holder of

a Chin-shih degree, came to Singapore to seek

financial aid from his relatives and friends because

he was interested in a T a o - t !ai post for which he

had to pay more than ten thousand taels. See Teo

Eng-hock, op. cit., pp . 105-106.

 k3

87. Tan Chor-nam, 1W a n - c h 'ing-yiian and the Chinese

Revolution', W S N W H , vol.l, p t .l l, p.535*

88. Tan Chor-nam, i n t e r v i e w on 7 August 1966 at his

residence in S i n g a p o r e ; F £ n g Tzu-yu, k'ai-kuo shih,

p. 76 .

89. In old Chinese society, those who disregarded the

traditions or r e b e l l e d against the established order

were usually referred to as i$X ’ (no

A*#1/
respect for the E m p e r o r for their fathers).

They often suffered o s t r a c i z a t i o n and victimization.

90. Teo Eng-hock, op. cit., p.8 .

91. I n h is memoir, Teo E n g - h o c k put the figure of

initial c i r c u l a t i o n up to 10, 00 0. This m a y not be

reliable, for no Chinese newspaper published in

Singapore a nd Malaya before 1 911 exceeded 2,000

circulation. In a n interview with Tan Chor-nam, he

recalled that there were 2,000 c o p i e s printed in

the first three days, whereas Tan in h i s memoirs

put the figure at 1,00 0. It see ms quite l i k e l y that

the newspaper printed 2,000 c o p i e s for a f e w days,

a nd then reduced to 1,000. Ibid., Tan Chor-nam,

i n t e r v i e w on 7 Au g u s t 1966 at h i s residence in

Singapore; 'W a n - c h ’i n g - y ü a n and the Chinese

R e v o l u t i o n ’, W S N W H , vol.l, pt.l l, p.53^; S S B B , 1911,

GG2 .
 kk

92. Teo Eng-hock, op. c i t . , p.87*

93* Some couplets and poems were connected with the

spread of revolutionary ideas. For instance, the

topic of the first couplet contest was 'Let us

boldly plan a restoration to pacify North and South

(China), while we struggle to read in the evening

papers of the Russo-Japanese War'.

9^. See the illustration ; Feng TzQ-yu, k 'ai-kuo

s h i h , p .76 .

95. Ibid.

96 . According to Teo, when the floating capital of the

newspaper ran out, its only assets were the printing

machines and account books. The manager, Lin Ts'ai-

t a , avoided the staff because he was unable to pay

their salaries. Tan Chor-nam in his memoir declared

that they had spent more than thirty thousand dollars

(Straits) within the two years on the newspaper. See

Teo Eng-hock, op. cit., p.89; Tan Chor-nam, '¥an-

ch'ing-yüan and the Chinese Revolution', W S N W H , vol.l,

pt.ll, P.536.

97* The youths were Wu Chin-ming, Liu Ling-ts'ang, Wu

Tung-sh^ng, Wu Chin-piao and Hsiao Chu-i. See Lin

 45

97. (continued)

Feng-w^n, 'A Brief History of the Singapore Teochew

and the Chinese Revolution*, in A Directory of The

Teochew in M a l a y a , p.234.

98. Members of secret societies who joined the

organization were Yü T ’ung, Yü Chi-cheng, Yu I-yan,

C h ’en Y u n g - p o , Hsueh Chin-fu, Vu Huan-chang and Lin

Hsi-hsia. These people later became the main

figures in the First and Second C h ’ao Chou Revolts

in 1907. Ibid.; Lin F§ng-wen and Liu Po-ch'iu,

’The Huang Kang Uprising in 1907 and the Chinese

Revolutionaries in Southeast Asia', W S N W H , vol.l,

pt.13, p. 60 ; also see the original manuscript kept

in K.M.T. Archives in Taichung; F§ng Tzu-yu, i-shih,

vol.3, pp.265-75.

99* Lin F§ng-w£n, op. cit., in P'an Hsing-lung (ed.),

A Directory of The Teochew in M a l a y a , pp.233-34.

100. In 1884, America enacted an Exclusion Law against

Chinese coolies for ten years. When the law expired

in 1894, it was extended for another twenty years.

When the third expiry in 1904 was ended, instead of

abolishing it, more rigid regulations were adopted

to restrict Chinese activities in America. These

 46

100. (continued)

consecutive acts provoked ill-feeling among the

Chinese in America. In September 1904 a meeting of

representatives from various Chinese communities

throughout America was held in San Francisco,

resolutions were passed to send petitions to Tsungli

Yamen (Ministry of Foreign Affairs), Ministry of

Commerce and the Ch'ing Consul-General to the United

States seeking intervention. But all these attempts

met with failure. The American government, instead

of giving way, sent a new consul, Mr Rockhill to

exert pressure on the Chfing government. This

infuriated the Chinese people both at home and abroad

to such an extent that clamouring crowds shouted for

boycott against American goods.

1 0 1 . Song Ong Siang, One Hundred Years of The Chinese in

S i n ga po re , p.375j Report of W . D» Barnes, Secretary

for Chinese Affairs of the Straits Settlements,

S S A D R , 1905, P.633.

1 0 2 . There were two letters left by Feng; one was for the

American Consul-General in Shanghai, and the other

for the public. In the latter, he urged all Chinese

to boycott American goods until the unreasonable

Exclusion Law was abolished. He said he sacrificed

 47
102. (continued)
himself in order to show to the Americans that
Chinese people were detemined to rise against it.

See Ting Yu, ’The 1905 Anti-American Movement in

Kwangtung’, in CTSTL, no.5, p.32.

103. This official action of requiring Yu’s absence

in the meeting is not found in the Annual Report

(1905) of the Protector of Chinese, W.D. Barnes.

But in the Governor’s despatches to the Colonial
Office in London, Sir John Anderson mentioned that

the leaders of the movement were warned that they

would be held responsible for any violence as result

of their agitations. See F§ng Tzü-yu, k ’ai-kuo shih,

p.76.; Report of W.D. Barnes, Secretary for Chinese

Affairs, in SSADR (1905)> p .633 -; Sir John Anderson

to the Earl of Elgin of the Colonial Office dated

26 December 1905, in SSGD. 122/1905.

104. There is a great discrepancy concerning this event

between Chinese and English records. According to
Chinese (mainly Feng Tzü-yu), there was a British
cargo ship carrying American goods arrived in

Singapore at the end of 1905• The Chinese dockyard

coolies who were in sympathy with the movement,
refused to unload it. The Protector of Chinese
104. (continued)

approached Ho K'uan, an interpreter of the

Chinese Protectorate to tackle the problem. Ho

told him if he could get Tan and Teo to mediate,

the problem would be solved. Thus, the Protector

invited them to his office to sign a notice

persuading the coolies to go back to work. (See

F£ng, k ’ai-kuo shih, p p .76-77) This event of

Chinese dockyard coolies refusing to unload

American goods from a British cargo ship is not

found in English sources. In his Annual Depart­

mental Report for 1905, the Protector of Chinese,

W.D. Barnes, only briefly mentioned th at ’An

attempt was made to induce the Tanjong Pagar hands

to refuse to work upon the repairs of an American

ship but collapsed immediately upon my interviewing

the fore-men’ (See Report of W.D. Barnes, Secretary

for Chinese Affairs, in SSADR, 1905, p.633). The

same record is found also in Song Ong Siang's work

(See Song Ong Siang, One Hundred Year s’ History of

Chinese in Singapore, pp.375-76).

After comparing and analysing the conflicting

records, I incline to accept the English records,

for the report of the Protector of Chinese was

written in the year when the event was occurred,

 47b
104. (continued)
and Song Ong Siang’s work was based mainly on

the English newspapers published in that period.

However, Feng Tzü-yu’s work was written in 1944-45

nearly forty years after the event, and was based

mainly on interviews of those revolutionary leaders

who participated in the event. It is possible

that these persons may have made mistakes in details

of events and dates.

105. Report of W.D. Barnes, op.cit., p.633*

106. Tan Chor-nam, interview on 7 August 1966 at his

residence in Singapore.
 48

N OTES FOR CHAPTER III

1. In the sp ring of 1902, when rumour spread that the

M an ch u government would cede K w a n g t u n g Province to

France, a group of Canto ne se students in Japan led

by Cheng Kuan-i, W a n g C h 'u ng -h ui and F e ng Tz u -y u

took the initiative to form the o r ga ni za ti on wh ich

was strongly supported by Dr Sun Yat-sen. See Fe n g

Tzu-yu, i- s h i h , v o l . 1, p.l46.

2. In the wi nt er of 1903» a group of radical students

led by Yeh L a n , C han g Chi and others formed the

or g an iz ati on to p r ea c h n a t i o n a l i s m and destruction.

See Fe n g Tzü-yu, t su-chih shih, p„6l.

3. This or g a ni za t io n was the succ es sor of the 'Ch 'i ng

N i e n H u i ’. The founders were Y e h Lan, T u n g Hu ng-wei

and others. It was strongly an ti -Manchu in its

outlook. See F e n g T z u - y u , i- s h i h , vol. 1, pp.162-66.

4. This or g a ni za t io n was founded by Ch ang Ping-lin,

Ts 'ai Y ua n- p 'e i and Wu Ching-heng, the three famous

re v ol u t i o n a r y wri ter s and ed uc ati on ist s of the time.

The purpose was to reform Chinese educational system

and to supply ap pr o pr ia te text books. Ibid., p.170.

 49

3. In 1903» there was a student movement in the Na n y a n g

S c h o o l at. Shanghai i n p r o t e s t against the p r o h i b i t i o n

on students in disc u s s i n g politics. The leaders of

the m o v e m e n t who were dismissed, sought help from the

'Chung K uo Chiao Yu Hui'. As a result, a n e w school

'Ai Kuo H s u e h She' was set up for these students.

Ibid., pp.,17 0-75.

6. Jih C h i h Hu i was one of the two m a i n r e v o l u t i o n a r y

organizations founded in Wuchang. It paid all its

attention to spr e a d i n g r e v o l u t i o n a r y ideas a m ong

armies. See C h a n g Nan-hsien, 'J i h - c h i h - h u i s h i h - m o ',

in H H K M , vol. 1., p.555.

7. This o r g a n i z a t i o n was o r i g i n a l l y founded by a group of

Hunanese students in Japan in the spring of 1904. The

le a d e r s were H u a n g Hsing, Liu K ' u e i - i and C h 'en T'ien-

hua. In the summer of the same year, most of these

l e a ders went b a c k to H u n a n and set up their h e a d q u a r t e r s

in Changsha, the capital of the province. See Feng

T z u - y u , Tsu-chib s h i h , p p . 83-86.

8. K u a n g Fu Hui was the suc c e s s o r of the C h 'ing N i e n Hui

and the Chü n K uo M i n Chiao Yu Hui, and m a i n l y composed

of the m e m b e r s from the C h e k i a n g and A n hwei Provinces.

Later, it b e came one of the component parts of the

 50

8. (continued)
T ’ung Meng Hui in 1905. Its leaders were Chang
Ping-lin, Ts'ai Yuan-pei and T'ao Ch’eng-chang.

See F£ng Tzü-yu, i-shih, vol.5> pp.6l-75> see

also HHKM. vol.l, pp.515-20.

9. Feng Tzü-yu, op.cit., vol.3s pp.139-50.

9a. It seems obvious that the year of extinction of

Chinese rule reckoned by these revolutionaries was

1662, the year when the regime of last king of
Ming royal family, Kuei Wang (this should be

differenciated from the last Ming emperor Ch’ung

Chen) fell, rather than 1644 which is commonly
accepted as the year of Manchu conquest in China.
This discrepancy arises from the fact that several
regimes were established by Ming princes in South
China to offer resistence to the Manchu conquest
after the fall of Peking in 1644. The first regime
under Fu Wang was installed at Nanking in June 1644
to claim succession to the befallen dynasty, but it
only lasted for a year. Soon after the fall of the
Nanking regime in June 1645, three other Ming

princes were installed respectively in Chekiang

l
(Nu Wang), Fukien (T’ang Wang) and Kwangtung (Kuei

Wang) provinces. Kfetyi Wang’s regime seemed to be

 50a

9a. (continued)

the most successful, it mobilized a large number

of people behind it, and controlled a great part

of South-west of China at its zenith. Owing to

the lack of well-trained troops, arms and ammunition

and co-operation, these regimes were wiped out by

Ch'ing troops one after another. Eventually, Kuei

Wang's regime fell and he was put to death in 1662.

See M£ng Shen, Ch'ing-tai shih (A History of Ch'ing,

Taipei, 1961), pp .114-17.

9b. Feng Tzu-yu, op.cit., vol.l, pp.84-89.

10. Some historians suggested that Hung was not the

nephew but the third younger brother of Hung Hsiu-

ch'uan, the leader of the Taiping Rebellion. It

was said Ch'üan-fu followed the Taiping troops

fighting through Kwangsi, Hunan, Hupei, Kiangsi

to Nanking, the capital of the Taiping regime. He

was bestowed by Hung Hsiu-ch'üan with one of the

highest titles, 'Ying Wang'. After the overthrow

of the Taiping regime, he fled to Hong Kong where

he became a cook in a European ship for nearly

forty years. See Ch'en Ch'un-sheng, 'Jen-yin

Hung Ch'üan-fu kwang-chow ch'i-i chi', HHKM, vol.l,

p p . 315-17.J see also CKYK, vol. 5> pt.2.

 50b
11. Chlang Wei-ch’iao, 'Chung-kuo chiao-yü-hui chih

hui-i’, HHKM, vol.l, pp.485-90.

12. T s ’ao Ya-po, Wuchang ko-mlng chen-shih, vol.l,

pp.1-10; F§ng Tzü-yu, tsu-chlh shlh, pp.85-86.

 51

13. The T ’ung M^ng Hin was reated f rom the Hsing Chung Hui,

the Hua Hsing Hui, the Kuang Fu. Hui and others. See

Ch u n -tu Hsueh, Huang H sing and The Chinese R e v o l u t i o n ,

p p .45-46.

14. The six principles of the T 1ung M$ng Hui were: to

overthrow the present evil government, to establish

a republican form of government, to nationalize the

land, to maintain the peace of the world, to promote

cooperation between the people of China and Japan, and

to urge other nations to support China's renovation.

In the statute of the T 1ung Meng Hui, the basic ideas

of Dr Sun Yat-sen's Three People's Principles:

nationalism, democracy and socialism were adopted as

the party's main platforms. See Hu Han-min, 'Six Main

Principles of the Min P a o ', in Min P a o , No. 3> pp.7-21;

W o o , T .C ., The Kuomintang and the Future of the Chinese

Re v o 1ution , p.26; 'The Statute of China's T 'ung Meng

Hui', K M W H , vol. 2, p . 9 8 .

15. Y u , C .T . , Party Politics in Republican C h i n a , p 033•

16. Feng Tzti-yu, 'Chi chung-kuo t !ung-meng-hui ' , in W S.NWH ,

vo. 1, p t .11, p . 153•

17» See Chapter II, note l4.

 52

18. Teo Eng-hock in h:i3 memoir recalled that when the

calendar printed by the XI- u Nan .XXh Pae reached

Honolulu, Dr Sun was struck by this new venture and

its beautiful design. Sun sent $US20.00 to obtain

twenty copies of it. See Teo Eng-hock, N anyang and

the Founding of the Chinese R ep ub l i c , pp 02-3, 8;

Tan Chor-nam, *W a n - c h ’ing-yüan and the Chinese

Revolution®, WSNW H, vol. 1, pt.ll, p.535«

19. Tan Chor-nam, ibid.

20. Feng T z u - y u , k 1a i-kno s h ih, p.79; FSng, ko-ming shih,

v o l . 2, p .I ll.

21. In the letter, Dr Sun stated that he would first find

out the situation in Japan to decide the direction.

Once a correct direction was adopted, he would come to

Singapore to enlist comrades. See ’Letter from Dr

Sun Yat-sen to Tan Chor-nam dated 7 July 1905 * , K F C S ,

p p .362-63; see also Feng Tzii-yu, ko-ming shih, vol. 2,

p .1 1 5 .

22. Better known as Bin Chan House at the Tai Gin Road off

Ba l e stier Road in Singapore.

23. Teo Eng-hock, op.cit., pp.9-10»

 53

24. There is some controversy about the founding date of

the Singapore T'ung M£ng H u i * Most records place it

at the end of 1905, these include Ffng Tzu-yuds works,

and also the memoirs of the two leaders of the branch,

Teo Eng-hock and Tan Chor-nam. But in recent years, a

list of the members of the branch for 1905 to I906

came to light. It shows that most of the earliest

members were registered on 6 April I 906 (13 March in

the lunar calendar). In their memoirs, Teo Eng-hock

claimed that the branch was founded in the middle of

July of the I Ssu year , middle of August I 9 0 5 )

and Tan Chor-nam put it at the end of I9 0 5 ® We may

point out here that the date given by Teo is mistaken,

for the branch in Singapore could not have been

established earlier than the headquarters in Tokyo

(20 August I 9 0 5 ). Tan did not give concrete evidence

to support his claim of the date, and his recollection

of this event was after approximately thirty-five years

(on the 1 January 1941, Tan gave a speech in Singapore

about the Wan dring Yuan and the Chinese Revolution,

and it was recorded as his memoir) thus, he probably

made a mistake. Moreover, it seems unlikely for Tan

and Teo to have founded the branch at the end of 1905

and register their names on 6 April 1906. Therefore

 54

24, (continued)

it is reasonable to accept 6 April I 906 as the founding

date of the Singapore T'ung M£ng Hui brancho See Teo

Eng-hock, op. cit ., p,10; Tan Chor-nam, op.cit», ¥SN¥H

vol, 1» pt,ll, p ,537 i ’A List of the Members of the

Early Period of the C h i n a ’s T *ung M£ng H u i ’, in K M W H ,

vol. 2» pp.73-7^.

25« Both Tan Chorn-nam and Teo Eng-hock claimed that the

founders were only thr e e s they themselves and Li

Chu-ch'ih. But according to the list, twelve more

members were registered on the same date with them.

Ibid .

26. Feng Tztf-yu, k ’ai-kuo sh i h , p.79; Feng, ko-ming shih,

vol . 2 , p .11 2.

27. This remark was made by Yü Chtin and Wang Yung-ho, the

two Chinese emissaries who toured Southeast Asia in

1887. See ’Memorial of Chang Chih-tung to the Court

dated 8 December 1 8 8 7 ’ (based on the report of Yu and

Wang) in Wang Chin-ch'ing (ed.) Chang Wen-hsiang kung

c h ’ü a n - c h i , vol. 1, p p .471-72.

28. Compared with other revolutionary newspapers in

Southeast Asia, the Thoe La m Jit Poh was apparentl y

the earliest. A lt ho ugh the Y ang K u an g Hsin P a o was

 55

28. (continued)

also published in the same year, it did not become a

revolutionary organ until 1 9 0 5 ° In Thailand, the

Hua Hsuan J ih Pao was published in I 9 0 5 . In Dutch

East-Indies, the earliest revolutionary newspapers,

M in To Pao and Ssu Ping Jih Pao appeared in 1908„

See Feng Tzu-yu, k 1ai-kuo shih, p p #52, 9 6 ; Feng,

i - s h i h , vol. 3s pp.142-44.

29. See Chapter II.

30. The accusation was made by Teh Lay-seng, a prominent

revolutionary leader, and the Chairman of the T'ung

Meng Hui branch in Perak. See Teh Lay-seng, ’Hua-

c h ’iao ko-ming chih ch'ien-yin h o u - k u o ', in Huang

Ching-wan (ed.) Nan-yang p'ili h u a - c h 1iao ko-ming

s h i h - c h i , p .3•

31. Teng Ts^-ju, Chung-kuo kuo-min-tang &rh-shih nien

sh i h - c h i , p 01.

32. Ibid.

33* The Federated Malay States consisted of Perak, Selangor,

Pahang and Negri Sembilan, all of them were British

Protectorates,,

34. See Chapter II

 56

35* Too had been in Honolulu for three years teaching

Cantonese and Chinese to local American officers.

During that time, Dr Sun Yat-sen was also in Honolulu,

studying in a local English school. Sun knew Too quite

well, and used to consult Too on Chinese classics. It

was said that Too advised Sun either to become a good

statesman or be a good medical practitioner

See Ch’an Chan-mooi, 'A Short

Biography of Mr Too N a m ' , pp.2-3> in C h 1an Chan-mooi

(ed.), Obituries on Mr Too N a m ; Miss Too, T.M

(granddaughter of Too Nam) interview on 7 October 1966

in Kuala Lumpur.

3 6 . Too was a tuitor of the Protector of Chinese of the

Federated Malay States, and his son, Too Kwun-hung

also taught the local officers Cantonese. Miss Too,

T . M . , interview on 7 October 1966 in Kuala Lumpur.

37* Ch'en Ch'i-yiian, 'Mr P'eng Tse-min and the Revolutionary

Activities of the Overseas Chinese in Kuala Lumpur

before and after the 1911 Revolution', in HHKMHIL,

vo 1.1, p.395.

38. T§ng Mu-han, 'Dr Sun Yat-sen's visit to Kuala Lumpur

in 1906' (original text kept in the KMT Archives in

Taichung, Taiwan) p.l.

 57

39» This league was founded on 28 March 1905 by a group of

Chinese Christians under the leadership of P 1eng

Tse-min. It was attached to the church, but its main

purpose was to spread revolutionary doctrines. See

The Sun P a o , 8 April 1910, p.7; Ch'en Ch'i-yüan,

OD.cit. , in H H K M H I L , v o l . 1, pp.392-93-

40. See 'A List of the Members of the Early Period of the

China's T 'ung Meng Hui' in K M W H , vol. 2, pp.70-72;

Ch'an Chan-mooi, 'A Short Biography of Mr Too N a m ' ,

p p .6-10, in Ch'an (ed.) The Obituraies on Mr Too N a m ;

Miss Too, T.M., interview on 7 October 1966 in Kuala

Lumpur; Yuen Si-foon (son of Yuen Hing-wan) interview

on 6 October 1966 in Kuala Lumpur.

4 1 . Ch'an was born in 1875 in his native district of Shun

Te. His grandfather, Ch'an Siu-shi committed suicide

after the failure of a revolutionary movement in 185^-.

His father, Ch'an Sing-cheong first fled to America,

and then settled in Kuala Lumpur to engage in tin­

mining. Ch'an came to join his father at the age of

seventeen. After his father's death, he inherited a

fortune and carried on mining ventures. When Yu Lieh

came to Kuala Lumpur to set up the Chung Ho T 'ang

branch, Ch'an joined it as an important member. From

then on, he closely associated with the revolutionary

 58

kl. (continued)
movement. See 'A Brief Biography of Mr Ch'an Chan-

m o o i 1, pp.3-12, in Ch'an Chan-mooi (ed„) The Obijuries

on Mr Too N a m , Appendix.

k2. Loke was born in Penang in 1871. He was a Shun Te

Cantonese, and was both Chinese and English educated.

He went to Kuala Lumpur and worked as a supervisor of

mining. He was a successful merchant. Loke Yaik-chee

(son of Loke Chow-thye, age 71) interview on 6 October

1966 in Kuala Lumpur. Regarding Wang Ch'ing, Teo

Eng-hock claimed that Wang was the chairman of the

branch. See Teo Eng-hock, Nanyang and the Founding

of the Chinese R e p u b l i c , p.15.

43. In 1905, the population of Perak was 400,000, 200,000

of them were Chinese, and approximately 160,000 were

Malays. The Chinese mainly stayed in the urban areas.

See 'Reports on the Federated Malay States for 1 9 0 5 ’,

C D , 3186, p.30.

kk. Teo Eng-hock, op.c i t . , p.l5°

45. Foo Chee-choon, alias Hu Kuo-lien, was born in the Yung

Ting district of Fukien province. At the age of

thirteen, he followed his father to Malaya, and was

edcuated in Penang. Later, he went into tin-mining

 59

45« (continued)

ventures, and was very successful in the business.

He established his headquarters at Lahat (a town

approximately five miles from Ipoh) where he found a

very rich tin deposit. He was so successful in the

tin-mining that he was addressed as the ’King of Tin­

m i ning’ , and was appointed as a member of Perak State

Council to represent the Chinese mining community.

Like other rich Chinese merchants, Foo had close

relations with the C h ’ing government. He held an

important title ’Yen Yun Shih with Feather'

'.c i C it- ). In 1906, in expressing his loyalty

to the Manchu, he donated S$10,000 to the 'National

F u n d ' , and was recommended by the Governor-General of

Liang-Kwang for an award. Foo Yin-fong (grandnephew

of Foo Chee-choon) interview on 9 October 1966, at his

residence in Ipoh; Anonymous, ’A Short Biography of

Foo Chee-choon', in K 'e Ch i a , p.570; 'Report on the

Federated Malay States for 1905! , C D . , 3186, pp.25,

30; Lat P a o , l6 April 1906, p.3*

46. Teo Eng-hock, op.cit., pp.15-16.

 6o

47. Goh was born in 1875 in Penang. His grandfather was

a native of Hai C h 'eng district of the Fukien province,

and came to Penang to engage in commercial activities.

His father, Goh Yu-chai was born in Penang, and ran a

shop named Swee Hock manufacturing flour and matches.

Thus, when his father passed away, Goh inherited a

large fortune at a young age. Mrs Goh Say-eng,

interview on l4 October 1966 in Penang; Wu Tee-jen,

'In Memory of an Old Comrade-Goh Say-eng' (manuscript),

P •3 •

48. Feng Tzü-yu, k'ai-kuo s h i h , p.87.

49. 'Letter from Dr Sun Yat-sen to Tan Chor-nam dated

30 September 1 9 0 5 ’) in K F C S , p.399.

30. Ibid.

31. Ch'en Ch'i-yüan, o p . c i t . , in H H K M H I L , v o l . 1, p. 396 .

32. In 1907, when Dr Sun paid his third visit to Malaya,

he sent Wang Ching-wei to Ipoh to found the T'ung M£ng

Hui branch. See Teo Eng-hock, op.cit., p.13.

33* The Kuala Pilah branch was founded on 21 December 1907

by Wang Ching-wei and Teng Tzu-yu. T^ng Tse-ju was

elected as the Chairman of the branch. See Teng Tse-ju,

Chung-kuo kuo-min-tang erh-shih nien shih-chi, pp.1-2.

 61

5^. The Kuantan branch was founded in April .1908 with

twelve members. Loke Chow-1o, a tin miner, was

elected as the chairman, and Huang Ta-kuan was his

deputy. "Report of the Kuantan branch of the T ’ung

Meng Hui dated 21 April 1908v (see the original

report kept by Mr Lim Eng-kuan, grandson of Lim

Ngee-soon).

55. Tan Chor-nam 9Wang-ching-yuan and the Chinese

Revolution9, in WSNWH, vol. 1, pt.ll, p.5^1'*

56. After the demise of the Thoe Lam Jit PohT printing
machines and other equipment left were worth

approximately $S10,000. Using these as their capital,

Tan Chor-nam and Teo Eng-hock partnered with Tan

Hun-ch*iu, Chu Tzu-p9ei and Shen Lien-fang to start

the Union Times. See Feng Tzu-yu, k 9ai-kuo shift, p.78.

57» The Union Times, under the influence of Tan Chor-nam

and Teo Eng-hock, maintained publishing editorials
criticising the Manchu government despite the warnings
given by Tan Hun-ch*iu. At the beginning of 1906, only
several months after the first appearance of the

newspaper, Tan suggested to separate the partnership

by drawing lots. As a result. Tan and Chu controlled

the newspaper and refunded Tan and Teo9s shares. See

Feng TzÜ-yu, ko-m:ing shih, vol 0 2, p.121.
 62

58. Tan Chor-nam, op.cit., in ¥SN ¥ H , vo.l . 1, p t . 1.1, p.54l.

59» Hu Han-min, Autobiography , p.30, in K M ¥ H , v o l . 3»

60. F^ng Tzu-yu, k 1ai-kuo shih, p.84.

61. It implied that the Chinese would restore their rule

in Chinao

62. Hu Han-min (recorded by Chang Chen-chih) 'Nanyang and

the Chinese Revolution’ (original text kept in the KMT

Archives in Taichung, Taiwan) pp.1-2; see also ¥SN¥H,

vol. 1, pt.ll, P.458.

63 . Chung Hsing Jih Pa o , 20 August 1907, p.2.

64. Ibid., 29 August 1907.

65 . Chü Cheng, a revolutionary leader of the T'ung Meng

Hui, spent fifty days in Singapore helping the Chung

Hsing Jih Pao to fight against the Union T i m e s . The

position he held was assistant editor. Shortly

afterwards, he left Singapore for Rangoon to take

up a new appointment as the chief editor o f .the

Kuang Hua Jih Pao, the revolutionary organ in Burma.

See Chü Ch$ng, Mei-ch’uan p'u-chieh, p.42.

66. T'ien T ’ung, alias T ’ien Tzu-ch’in, was a native of

Hupei. He was educated in the Hupei Ordinary School

)'ft 'f. ) and was revolutionary orientated during

 63

66. (continued)

his sc ho ol days. He h ad a close relationship with

t he H u n a n e s e revolutionary l e a de r, Sung Chiao-jen,

He went to J a p a n to p u r s u e further studies a f t e r he

was expelled from his na t i v e province, and b e c a m e

active a m o n g the students. T 1i e n w a s one of the

foundation members of the T ' u n g M e n g H u i in A u g u s t

I 9 0 5 » a nd w a s elected to the C e n s o r Committee. He

was a lso active in r e v o l u t i o n a r y p r o p a g a n d a activities,

he contributed many articles to the M i n P a o and other

revolutionary newspapers and m a g a z i n e s . I n 1907? he

was recommended to f i l l the c h i e f editorship of the

C h u n g H s i n g J o h Pao in S i n g a p o r e . S ee H s i a Ching-kuan,

•A B r i e f B i o g r a p h y o f T ' i e n T ' u n g 1 , in K S K K K , vol. 1,

no. 13; F e n g Tzu-yu, i - s h i h , vol. 2, p p . 139-70.

6 7 . W a n g Fu, alias W a n g Fu-chün, was a native of Kwangtung.

He was born i nt o a rich and b u r e a u c r a t i c fam il y. In

1 9 0 1 , he a c q u a i n t e d h i m s e l f w i t h r e v o l u t i o n a r y l e a d e r s

in H o n g K o n g, and joined the T ' u n g M e n g H u i at the end

o f 1905. He devoted most of h i s time in p u b l i s h i n g

revolutionary newspapers and m a g a z i n e s . See 4 h o u Lu,

'A B r i e f B i o g r a p h y of W a n g F u ', in K M H L H C C , p p . 6 36-37®

 64

68. Man-hua (T1ang Tseng-pi) *T #ung-meng-hui shih-tai min-

pao shih-mo c h i ’ in KM W H , vol. 2, p.92; see also HHKM

vol. 2, pp.453-5^»

69 . See Chapter VI, note 39«

70. Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 5 September I 907 , p.2.,

23 January 1908, p.2.

71. Lung-t’^ng, 'Yang Shih-ch'i is not yet the First Class

Traitor', ibid., l6 January 1908, p.2.

72. Ibid., 6 September 1907? p.2.

73» Ibid., 7 September 1907? p.2.

74. See Ta-ch'ing t e-t sung ching-huang-ti s h i h - l u , v o l . 577?

p.2.

75. TSOU L u , 'A Biography of Ch'en ¥ e n - p a o ', in K M H L H C C ,

p.154; see also W S N W H , vol. 1, pt. l4, p.455«

76. Hundreds and thousands of this petition were printed

by local revolutionaries for free circulation in Perak.

See Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 9 January 1908, p,2„,

10 January 1908, p.2.

77. Min P a o , No, 19? p p . 61-66.

78. The Sun P a o , 17 March I 9IO, p.2., 18 March I 9IO, p.2.,

19 March I.9IO, p.2., 2.1 March 1910, p.2., 13 October

1910, p.2., 14 October 1910, p.2., 19 October I 9IO. p.2.

 65

79* Ibid», 9 September 1 9 0 9 9 p . 2 , , 11 September 1909? p.2.

80 Since the destruction of the Chinese Fleet

in the Sino-Japanese War in 1895, China had been

vulnerable in its coastal defence» In July 1909s the

Manchu government decided to re-equip her navy with

modern warships, and appointed Tsai Hsün and Sa Chdn-

ping, two high-ranking officials, as the ministers

responsible for re-establishing a navy. It also

decided that an estimated expenditure of 18,000,000

taels and annual maintenance of 2,000,000 taels on

the navy should be shared by the provincial governments.

These decisions invited strong attacks from the

revolutionaries. The authors in the Sun Pao attacked

that the expenditures on the navy would become the

source of poverty of China and Chinese people, for

the provincial governments would levy heavy taxes on

the people. Ibid., 15 September 1909, p.2.,

22 October 1909» p.2», 25 October 1909» p.2;

Anonymous, Chung-kuo chin-tai-shih shih-chi9 p » 3 3 0 o

81. In August 1909, the Japanese government took the

unilateral action to construct the An-Feng R ailway and

to change the railroad which had infringed the Treaty

with China. This action flared up a nation-wide

81. (continued)

boycott movement against the Japanese goods. But it

was suppressed by the Manchu government. This

capitulating policy was under fierce attack in the

revolutionary newspapers in Singapore. See The Sun P a o ,

21 September 1909» p.2., 22 September 1909» p.2;

Kuo T'ing-yü, Chung-kuo chin-tai shih-shih jih-chih,

v o l . 2., p .1335 •

82. Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 17 November 1908, p.l.

83 . Ibid., 19 November 1908, p.l.

84. Ch'en Hsin-ch^ng, H u a - c h 1iao ko-ming h s i a o - s h i h , p.2;

see also Ch'en, 'Hua-ch'iao ko-ming s h i h ' , in

Ch'en-Hsin-cheng i-chi, vol. 2, p.l.

*&§ . The Sun P a o T— 1-3 October 1909,_p.2

86. Ibid.

87. See Note 37.

88. T^ang Wu was the founder of the Shang Dynasty, who rose

against the tyrant of the Hsia Dynasty, Emperor Chieh

1" 1L
)• l^ang Wu's revolt had been considered by

Chinese historians as the first revolution ever to

occur in Chinese history.

 66a

85. The Sun P a o , 13 October 19095 p.2. The analogy

of a nation to a share-company was also employed

by Dr. Sun Yat-sen in his speech in Kuala Lumpur

in 1906 (see volume 1, p.82 and note 37). This

analogy may indicate certain degree of Chinese

merchants’ awareness of the nature of Western

share-company.

86. The Sun Pa o, 13 October 1909» p.2.

87. Wang Ching-wei’s discussion of democratic govern­

ment and Jean Rousseau’s Social Contract, for

example, can be found in his refutation of Liang

C h ’i-ch’a o ’s political theories. See Wang Ching-

wei, 'Tsai-po Hsin-min t s ’ung-pao chih cheng-chih

ko-ming lu n ’ (Another Refutation on Hsin-min t s ’ung-

pao ’s Theory of Political Revolution), in Min Pao,

n o .6 , pp.92-98.; see also Gasster, M. , Currents

of Thoughts in the T ’ung Meng Hui (Ph.D thesis of

the University of Washington, 1962), pp.125-26.

88. T ’ang was the founder of the Shang dynasty, who

rose against and succeeded in overthrowing the

tyrant Emperor Chieh of the.Hsia dynasty. T ’a n g 's

revolt had been considered by many Chinese historians

as the first revolution ever to occur in Chinese

history.
 67

89. Yo Fei was a famous general fighting against the Chin

) the invaders from the Northeast. Yo had been

a popular image among the Chinese as a national hero.

90. Apparently, these revolutionaries had been strongly

influenced by J.J. Rousseau's 'Social C o n t r a c t ’, the

famous political philosophy of the West. See

Rousseau, J . J . , 'On the Social Contr a c t ' , in Talcott

Parsons and Others (ed.), T heories of Soci e t y ,

pp.119-25; Chi-ch'en, 'A Comparison Between Loyalty

and Patriotism', in The Sun P a o , 23 September 1910,

p .2.

91. Chang Shao-hsuan, 'The Reason Why the Han Race (Chinese)

Should Commemorate C o n f u c i u s ' , in Chung Hsing Jih P a o ,

8 October 1909» p.l.

92. W u - w o , 'The Confucianists Should Know the Purpose of

Revolution', in The Sun P a o , 9 October 1909» P«2,

12 October 1909» P«2, l4 October I 909 » p.2.

93. Fieng Tzu-yu, i - s h i h , vol. 3» p.158.

94. Ibid., pp. 150 -5 4 .

95» Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 28 September I 9O 8 , p.2, 1 July

1909, p p.3-4, 5 July 1909» PP.2-3, 23 October 1909,

p .3 > 1 November 1909» pp. 1-2.

 68

96. I have been unable to read the original pamphlet

of the Revolutionary Martyr F§ng. Checking
through names of revolutionary martyrs in pre-1911
period contained in full exhaustive collection of
biographies on revolutionary martyrs entitled Ko-

ming hsien-lieh hsien-chin chuan (Biographies of

Revolutionary Martyrs and Leaders), I can not find

any martyr by the surname of Feng either. I suspect

this may be referred to Feng Hsia-wei, the Philippino

Chinese who committed suicide in front of the American

Consulate in Shanghai in 1905 in protest against

the Exclusion Law imposed by the government of the
United States on Chinese immigrants. His action
aroused considerable nationalistic and anti-foreign
feelings among his compatriots. Thus, he might be
considered by revolutionaries as one of their
martyrs although he did not die for the revolutionary
cause.

97. Ch'en, with another student, Yang To-sheng, founded

two magazines to introduce Western political
philosophy and democracy. See Sun Chih-fang, ’The

Patriotic and Revolutionary Ideas of Ch’en T ’ien-

hua’, in HHKMLWC, vol. 2, p.376.

98. In October 1903, when Russia refused to withdraw

98. (continued) 68a

her troops from Manchuria, Ch'en was furious with

grief that he used his blood (bitten from his
fingers) to write an open letter to call for

resistance. See Tsou Lu, 'A Brief Biography of

Ch’en T ’ien-hua, in KMHLHCC, pp.30-31; Feng Tzü-yu,

i-shih, vol.2, p.129.

99* Ch’en T ’ien-hua, 'Sudden Awakening’, in HHKM,

vol.2, pp.144-45; see also WSNWH, vol.l, pt.16,

p. 172.

100. According to Ch'en, British authorities in

Australia used a trick to eliminate the aborigines.
Fifty cents reward was offered to any aborigine
who could bring a head of his tribesmen. See Ch’en
T 'ien-hua, op.cit., in HHKM, vol. 2, p.156; WSNWH,
vol. 1, pt.16, pp.182-83.

101. Ch'en, op.cit., in HHKM, vol.2, p.151.

102. Ch'en, op.cit., in WSNWH, vol. 1, pt.16, p.179.

103. K ’uang Kuo-hsiang,Ping Ch’eng San-chi, p.112.

104. Apart from a party given by the Ch'ing Consul-

General in Admiral Ting’s honour, Chinese leaders

in Singapore, such as Tan Meng-wan, Chang Fang-

ling, and Hu Hsin-ts'un also gave magnificent
 69
104. (continued)

banquets to entertain the Admiral and his sub­

ordinates, in which they pledged their loyalty
to the Emperor. See Lat Pao, 10 April 1890, p.2,

14 April 1890, p.2, 15 April l890,p.5, 16 April l890,p.2

105. Hsing Pao, 20 February l895s p.l.

105a There were two massacres of Chinese in Philippines.

The first took place in I603. Before that year,

there were mutual fear and suspicion existed
0
between Chinese traders and Spanish administraters.
The massacre was precipitated when a mission of

three Chinese mandarins were sent by the Ming

Emperor to investigate an alleged unclaimed gold
hill in Philippines. The mandarins behaved as if
they were in China and flogged any Chinese they
considered deserving of it. This absurd mission
inflamed the already active suspicions of the local
authorities who expected that the arrival of the
mandarins forecasted a Chinese attempt to oust them
from the Philippines. The Chinese on their part
were afraid of being attacked. On the eve of St.

Francis’s Day, the Chinese of Parian numbering

about 10,000 to 12,000 revolted. They burned

houses and orchards and killing of about hundred

 69a
105a (continued)
Spaniards, and further advanced to attack the
city. But their assault was thrown back by

government’s troops, and a general slaughter

ensued. About 23,000 Chinese were said to have

been killed.

A high-handed policy was adopted by the Spanish

authorities in Philippines in dealing vfith

Chinese following the massacre in 1603. Chinese

were not allowed to travel in the islands, nor

to go two leagues from the city without a

written licence, nor could they remain overnight
in the city after the gates were closed on penalty
of their lives. These restrictive measures had
undoubtedly heightened the ill-feelings already
existed among the Chinese, and resulted in
another revolt against the Spanish authorities
in 1639. The revolt took place in Luzon, and
lasted for about four months. The Chinese
insurgents armed themselves with spears, knives
and bamboo sticks hardened by fire, but it was
soon suppressed by the government. It was
estimated that 22,000 Chinese were killed, and

almost the whole Chinese population in Luzon was

wiped out. See Purcell,V., The Chinese in South-
 69b
105a (continued)
east Asia, pp.515-19*; Liu Chih-t’ien, Chung-fel
kuan-hsi shih (A History of Sino-Philippines

Relations), p.48l.

105b There had been a rather lenient policy adopted

by the Dutch East India Company's government

towards Chinese since its conquest of Jacatra

(later changed name to Batavia) in 1619* But

towards 1740’s, there was a general feeling among

local officials that the rise of the Chinese

community in Batavia in wealth and importance, as

well as to the turbulence of secret society members, was

a threat to Dutch rule. In 1740, the government
decided to deport those undesirable Chinese to
Ceylon as slaves. This sparked off an unrest
among Chinese inhabitants. A number of them
armed themselves and roamed the countryside
using sugar plantations as their rallying-places.
Fearful of a general Chinese attack, the govern­
ment in Batavia decided to use troops to suppress
the 'rebellion'. A horrible massacre known in
Dutch colonial history as the'Batavian Fury’
followed, in which more than 10,000 Chinese were
reported killed. See Purcell, V. , op.cit,,

PP*395-406.
 69c
106. The burning of China Town by the American

authorities in Honolulu in 1899 received wide

publicity in the Chinese newspaper in Singapore.
An accusation written by a Honolulu Chinese was

reproduced in detail in the Jlh Hsin Pao, a

reformist newspaper. The ill-treatment of

the Chinese labourers by the government of

the United States of America was fiercely attacked

in the Lat Pao, a conservative newspaper. See

Jih Hsin Pao, 13 March 1900, p.7, 14 March 1900,

p.4,73 15 March 1900, p.4, 16 March 1900, p.4;

Lat P a o , 27 May 1908, pp.1,10.

 70

107. The Thai government’s extortionate taxation of the

Chinese was criticised in the Jih Hsin Pao and The

Sun Pao. See Jih Hsin Pao, 16 June 1900, p.l;

The Sun Pao, 11 July 1910, p .6.

108. The discontent was particularly shown when an Indian

attempted to rape two Chinese female immigrants at

the quarantine station in 1906. See Jih Hsin Pao,

2k May 1900, pp.6-7; Lat Pao, 30 May 1906, p*3?

7 September 1908, p.3*

109. The anti-Japanese movement in 1909 was not confined

to boycotting goods, but other things connected
with Japan as well. The most interesting fact was
the boycott of Japanese prostitutes who operated
in urban areas and the mining centres. A number
of workers who lacked female companionship pledged
to boycott the Japanese prostitutes, and some of
the fanatics even guarded the surroundings of
Japanese brothels to prevent any Chinese going in.
A few Chinese in Raub, Pahang, who went to Japanese

brothels were beaten. See Chung Hsing Jih Pao,

15 October 1909j p.2, 26 October 1909» p.l.

110. See ’Letter from Wen Sheng-ts’ai to Li Hau-cheong

and Others dated 17 February 1 9 H (19 January in

 71

110. (continued)

the Lunar calendar)' (original letter kept in the

KMT Archives in Taichung, Taiwan). See also

K M H L H C C , p.192.

111. Teo Eng-hock, Nanyang and the Founding of the

Chinese R e p u b l i c , pp.91-92.

112. Ibid., p.91.

113. Two well known leaders among them were Li Ching-j£n

and Lu li-peng. Ibid., p p .91-92.

114. The opening ceremony was held on 6 November 1907

at 7*00 p.m. and was attended by several hundred

people. In the opening speech, the founders

declared that the weakness of China was due to

the ignorance of its people. The founding of the

club was to promote knowledge and make China strong.

See Chung Hsing J ih P a o , 7 November 1907, P*5*

115• See 'Revolutionary Movement in Singapore before

the Founding of the Chinese Republic' (original

manuscript kept in the KMT Archives).

Il6. Yang Han-hsiang, 'Chung-hua min-kuo k'ai-kuo c h ’ien-

hou chih pen-she ko-ming s h i h !, in Yang (ed.)

The Souvenir of the 24th Anniversary of the Penang

Philomatic Society, p.8.

 72

117* Big reading clubs like the Penang Philomatic Society-

had such organization. See The Sun Pao , 31 January-

1910, p.6, 16 February 1910, p.7*

118. Teo Eng-hock, op.cit., p.93* See also W S N W H , vol.l,

pt.ll, p. 531 •

119* Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 20 February 1908, p.5*

120. Ibid., 2 January 1908, p.2, 4 January 1908, p.2,

28 March 1908 , p.2, 17 June 1908, p.2, 6 August

1908, p. 4 .

121. Ibid., 5 October 1907, P-3, 7 October 1907, p.3.

122. This act was apparently aimed at winning the

support of the lower class, for the majority of them

could not afford to pay bills for private medical

consultation. In a notice published in the

newspaper, the club announced that three famous

Chinese physicians, Ho H s i n - t ’ien, Liu T ’ien-min and

Teng T ’i e n - c h ’u were employed to give free

prescriptions. Ibid., 2 January 1908, p.6.

123* Yang Han-hsiang, o p . c i t . , in The Souvenir of the

24th Anniversary of the Penang Philomatic Society,

p p .19-21.
 73

124. The Singapore Reading Club and the Penang Philomatic

Society were the two eminent examples. One of the

important functions of the Penang Philomatic Society

was to persuade its members to join the T'ung Meng

Hui. The procedure was very simple. Those who

intended to join were required to swear in front of

a referee on the oath of the T ’ung Meng Hui, and

then their names were sent to the headquarters in

Tokyo for record. Ibid., pp.9-10.

125. Two mass rallies held in Singapore in 1908 were

organized by the Chung Hsing Jih P a o , another one

held in Seremban in the same year was sponsored by

the local T ’ung Meng Hui. See Chung Hsing Jih P a o ,

13 January 1908, p.5» 16 March 1908, p.5>

19 November 1908, p.2.

126. Ibid., 13 January 1908, p.5? 16 March 1908, p.5*

127. Ibid., 14 August 1908, p.5, 19 November 1908, p.2.

128. Hu Han-min, ’Autobiography', p.30, in K M W H , v o l . 3;

Chiang Yung-ching, 'A Chronology of Hu Han-min's

Life», in C K H T S T K , vol. 3, p.113.

129. Cheng Ch'eng-kung was a Fukien, and Hung Hsiu-ch'iian

was a Hakka. Wang used to refer to Hung as the hero

 74

129. (continued)

for all people of Kwangtung province. See Chung Hsing

Jih P a o , 16 March I.9O8, p.5; Yang Han-Hsiang, op.cit. ,

in The Souvenir of the 24th Anniversary of the Penang

Philomatic Society, p , l 4 8 ; Ch'en Hsin-cheng,

Hua-ch'iao ko-ming h s i a o - s h i h , p.5.

130. See 'Vang Ching-wei's speech delivered at the San Shan

Club in Penang in 1908' in The Souvenir of the 24th

Anniversary of the Penang Philomatic S o c i e t y , p.,148.

131. Ibid.

132. Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 6 August I9O8, p.4.

133. All Chinese traditionally regard themselves as the

descendants of the Yellow Emperor.

134. Emperor Ch'ung Ch&n committed suicide on I9 March

1644 (the Lunar calendar). Therefore, the date to

be commemorated was counted according to the Lunar

calendar.

135. See Note 9a.

136. The circular reads as follows: 'The day of 19th

of March was the day the Emperor Ch'ung Ch^n hung

himself on the Coal Mount, in order to save his

L >
people from ruthless slaughter by the RebelK'"<Chuang
 75
136. (continued)
(Li Tzü-ch’eng). His sacrifice should be

remembered by all of our compatriots. From

that day onwards, our country fell into the

hands of the Manchu barbarians. In order to

remind our compatriots of this event, we decided

to hold a gathering at the Ch'eng Chi Restaurant

at 2.00 p.m. in memory of the fall of our

nation ...'. See The Sun Pao, 3 May 1910, p.7.

137. Ibid.

138. Ibid., 29 July 1910, p.6.

139* Chung Hsing Jih Pao, 2 January 1908, p.2.

24 March 1909, p.l.

140. Ibid., 13 January 1908, p.5, 16 March 1908, p.5,

19 November 1908, p.2.

141. Hu Han-min 'Autobiography’, p.30, in KMWH,

vol.3 .

142. Ch'en Hsin-cheng, Hua-ch'iao ko-ming hsiao-shih,

PP.5-6 .
 75a

143. Purcell.V., The Boxer Uprising (London,1963),

pp.223-32.; Tai Hsien-chih, I-ho-ch'uan yen-chlu

(A Study of the Boxers) (Taipei, 1963), pp.21-2.

144. F£ng Tzü-yu, i-shih, vol.2, pp.241-42.

 76

145. New plays were all with strong revolutionary flavour,

such as 'Revolution in Hell' (

'The Yellow Emperor's Epedition against the Barbarian

Chief - Ch'i/iYu' b ) 'The Nat ional Martyr-

Wc?n T 'ien-hsiang' 1^] ) etc. Ibid., p.2^3.

146. Chung Hsing Jih Pao, 13 December 1907» p.2.

147. In June I9O8 , serious flood broke out in Southern

Kwangtung, more than eight districts were affected.

In Hong Kong, a flood relief organization named

'Committee of Flood Relief For the Eight Districts'

>Tflj ) was established. 'Chen T 'ien
Sh^ng' was sent by this organization to Southeast

Asia for fund-raising. See the Union Times,

3 July 1908, p.l; Feng Tzu-yu, i-shih, vol. 2, p.245.

148. F£ng Tzti-yu, tsu-chih shih, p.l68.

1 4 9 . Chung Hsing Jih Pao, 20 February 1909? p.l,

27 February I909 , p.l, 17 March 1909? p.l.

18 March 1909, p.2.

150. 'Letter from Dr Sun Yat-sen to Chuang Yin-an dated

8 March 1909', KFCS, p.4l4.

131. The attacks on the 'Ch£n T'ien Sh^ng' will be fully

discussed in the next chapter.
 77

152. Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 30 March 1909, p.2.

153• When the troupe was invited to perform in Singapore

by the Singapore Anti-Opium Society, a working

committee was set up by the Society to manage the

performances. Twenty seven of the fifty seven

committee members were revolutionaries. Ibid.,

25 March 1909, p.2; Lim Ngee-soon, ’Chung-hua min-

kuo k'ai-kuo ko-ming shih chih i - y e h ’ (original

text kept in the KMT Archives in Taichung, Taiwan) p.l.

154. There was a typhoon havoc in Northern Fukien in

October 1909* It seriously affected several

districts (including Mi n district, Lien Chiang, C h ’ang

L o , Fu Ching, Hsi e n Yu, P'u T ’ien, Fu An, Ning T e ).

When help was sought by some of the welfare

organizations in China, the Chinese Chamber of

Commerce in Singapore took steps to raise relief

funds. See Minutes of the Singapore Chinese Chamber

of C o m m e r c e , vol.l, p . 178 ; Lat P a o , 2 6 October 1909,

p. 6 .

155. Lin and Wang were particularly important. See

Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 25 March 1909, p.2.

156. They were Lin, Wang and Cheng, all of them were the

important members of the working committee. Ibid.

 78

157« The Sun Pao, 28 October 1909> p.2, 29 October 1909»

p.2.

158. Lat Pao, 26 October 1909? p.6.

159. The actual amount raised was $'4,973» 10 - it was

made up to $5»000 by Mrs Lu Shih-ju. The Sun Pao,

12 November .1909» P'3-

160. After accepting Lin’s proposal of setting up a

drama troupe for raising funds for the forthcoming

anti-opium conference, the Singapore Anti-Opium
Society set up a working committee to put the

proposal into practice. Twenty six out of fifty

one members of the committee were attached to the
Singapore T'ung Meng Hui branch. See The Sun Pao,

28 December I909, P»3? Lim Ngee-soon, op.cit., p.l.

161. According to Chinese traditional practice,

ornamental banners with auspicious words were
usually given by supporters to greet inaugural

ceremonies of all dramatic performances.

162. The Sun Pao, 29 December 1909» P»3> 30 December 1909»

P» 3 »

163. Ibid.

164-. The troupe was well entertained by local

revolutionaries. Ibid., 7 May I9IO, p.3»

 79

165 . The shows were designed to raise funds for

establishing a hospital* Ibid«,, 22 June 1910, p.3>

23 June I 9IO, p. 3 »

166. The Chinese name for the place was called ’Mou Sheng

K a n g ’ (a prosperous port) instead of ’Feng Sheng

K a n g ’ (Mersing) which is in common use today* I

presume that Mou Sheng Kang was a transliteration

of Mersing, and is identical with Feng Sheng Kang.

1 67 . The Sun P a o , 29 July I 9 IO, p.6.

168. The school was run by the local revolutionaries*

Ibid., 19 August I.9IO, p.7, 29 August 1910, p.7*

169 . The Union T i m e s , 18 June 1910, p.2; The Sun P a o ,

28 December 1909, p.2.

170. The Sun P a o , 24 January I 9IO, p.6.

171. The publishing of the Thoe Lam Jit P o h in 1904, for

instance, invited fierce attack from the

conservatives who tried to frustrate the publishers

and to destroy the paper by all means. See Chapter II.

172. This was the most popular play during that time. It

was frequently performed by the ’Yung Shou N i e n ’ and

’Tan Shan F e n g ’ in February-March I 9O 8 in Singapore;

by ’Ch'iung Shan Y u ’ in December I 9O 9 in Singapore;

 80

172. (continued)

by 'Ching Shih P a n ’ in January 1910 in Penang;

by ’Min to S h e ’ in August 1910 in Pontianak, See

Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 24 February 1908, p . 4,

21 March I 9 0 8 , p.4, 31 December 1909» p.2, The Sun Pao ,

24 January I9IO, p.6, 29 August 1910, p.7»

173* L at Pa o , 18 March 1909» p.6.

174. The Sun Pao , 29 Augus t 1.910 , p .7 •

175« Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 24 November 1909» p.2.

176. This play was also very popular and was often

performed by the 'Chen T ’ien S h e n g ’ and 'Min To She'.

See Lat P a o , 15 March I 9 0 9 » p.6; Chung Hsing Jih P a o ,

27 December I9 0 9 » p.l; The Sun P a o , 28 December 1909»

p .3, 1 March 1910, 29 July 1910, p.6.

177. All these plays were mainly performed by the 'Min

To She' and the 'Anti-opium Drama Troupe'« See

The Union T i m e s , 18 June I 9 0 9 » p.2; The Sun P a o ,

1 March 1910, p.3, 23 June 1910, p.3, 29 July 1910,

p.6, 29 August I 9IO, p .7 *

178. The famous play 'The Bell after the Dream' described

vividly the disaster brought to a family of addicts

of opium-smoking and superstition. Chung Kuo-hsing,

 7
81

178. (continued)

the opium-smoker and his wife, a worshipper of a

local magician, Huang Ta-hsien, were the two central

figures of the play. The story told that Madam Chung

was kidnapped when she was on her way to consult

Huang Ta-hsien, and was sold to a brothel. Failing

to find his wife after he came home from the

opium-smoking den, Chung went out to search for his

wife in a cold winter night, and fell on the road

because of the effect of the opium. He was nearly

frozen to death, but fortunately was saved by a

gentleman, Wan Nien-ch'ing. Upon the persuasion

of Wan, Chung determined to give up his addiction.

After many vicissitudes, the family reunited again.

Chung and his wife gave up these social evils and

started new lives. See L at P a o , 15 March 1909, p.6;

Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 27, December 1909» p.l*

179» Teo Eng-hock, N anyang and Founding of the Chinese

R e p u b l i e , p .7 ^ •

I 8 O. The editorial of The Sun P a o . See The Sun P a o ,

28 December 1909» p.2.

 /
82

Notes For Chapter IV

1. The most striking difference between the reform­

ist and revolutionary leaders was their education.

Most prominent revolutionary leaders had direct

or indirect Western education except Chang Ping-

lin and T'ao C h ’eng-chang. Dr. Sun Yat-sen had

his English education in Honolulu and Hong Kong.

Hu Han-min, Wang Ching-wei, Chu Chih-hsin, Huang

Hsing, Chang Chi, Feng Tzü-yu and Sung Chiao-jen

had their education in Japanese universities

which had strong Western influence. In contrast

most reformist leaders had their education in

classics. K ’ang Yu-wei, Liang C h ’i-ch'ao, Ou

Chu-chia, Han Wen-chi, Mo Meng-hua and Hsu C h ’in

had classical Chinese training which casted strong in

fluence in their outlooks. See Sharman,L ♦,Sun Yat-sen

His Life and Its Meaning (Stanford 1968 ), pp.15-

32.; Hu C h ’i-fei (ed.), Sun Chung-shan hsien-

sheng chuan (A Biography of Dr. Sun Yat-sen),

pp.1-7.; Hu Han-min, Autobiography, pp.8-12,

in Lo Chia-lun (ed.), KMWH, Vol.3, pp.380-84.;

MA Biography of Chu Chih-hsin” , "A Biography of

Huang Hsing” , "A Biography of Feng TzÜ-yu" and

”A Biography of Sung Chiao-jen” , in KMHLHCC.,

pp.428-29, 580-81, 754-55, 535-35, 293-94.

 82a
1. (continued)
Chun-tu Hsueh, Huang Hsing and the Chinese

Revolution, p.9.; Wu Hsiang-hsiang, Sung Chiao-

Jen: Chung-kuo min-chu hsien-cheng t£ hsien-ch'u

(Sung Chiao-jen: Forerunner of Chinese Democracy

and Constitution, Taipie, 196*0, pp.29-44. Howard,

R.C., "K'ang Yu-wei: His Intellectual Background

and Early Thought", in Wright, A.F. & Twitchett,

D. (ed.)j Confucian Personalities (Stanford, 1962),

pp.296-302.; Levenson, J.R., Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and
the Mind of Modern China, pp. 15-18.; Chang P ’eng-
yiian, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao yu Ch'ing-chi kuo-ming, pp.

11-25.

la. The best example is the case of K'ang Yu-wei.

K'ang had written a famous political treatise
entitled fTa T ’ung shu’ (Universal Commonwealth)
in which he expounded his idealistic political
philosophy of a classless world without racial
and sexual discrimination and national boundaries.
Instead of working to its realization, he fought

with all his might to suppress it, for he considered

it was his duty to maintain the status quo in the
society. See Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, translated by Immanuel
C.Y. Hsu, Intellectual Trends in The Ch*ing Period
 82b

la. (continued)

(Massachusetts, 1959)> p.98.

lb. According to F£ng TzÜ-yu, Sun first attempted

to meet K'ang in 1893 when he was practicing in

Canton. Knowing K'ang was interested in Western

learning, Sun expressed his intention to meet

K'ang through a friend, but K'ang turned the

request aside with the remark that Sun should

approach him as a student. Although Feng Tzü-yu

does not offer an explanation of K'ang's attitude,

we can speculate with some certainty that it was

partly due to K'ang 's ego-centricism and partly of

Sun's lack of an imperial degree. The contempt

for those without an imperial degree by old

intellectuals can be further illustrated by the

case of Wu Ch’ih-hui, a reformist who later became

a revolutionary leader. According to Wu, his

contempt for Sun and refusal of meeting him

stemmed from the fact that Sun did not hold an

imperial degree, and his belief that Sun was

illiterate. See Feng Tzü-yu, i-shih, vol.l,

P.71.; Wu Ch'ih-hui (Ching-heng), "Wo i i chiang

Chung-Shan hsien-sheng" (I also Talk about Dr.

Sun Yat-sen), in Wang Yün-wu and others, How Did

I Come to Know Dr. Sun Yat-sen, p . 8 8 t

 82c

lc. It has been pointed out by a modern scholar

that although K ’ang had evidently obtained a
considerable amount of informations relating
to mathematics, astronomy, geology and world

geography through Chinese translations, his

reading only gave him facts rather values, and
his knowledge of the West does not appear

to have profoundly effected his basic moral and

political views. See Howard, R.C., "K’ang Yu-

wei (1858-1927): His Intellectual Background and

Early Thought”, in Wright, A.F. & Twitchett, D.

(ed.),, Confucian Personalities, p.311.

l d. Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, one of the two most brilliant

disciples of K'ang, seemed to have claimed that
K'ang’s Ta T ’ung idea was solely developed from the
Chinese Classics. But a more acceptable theory
by modern scholars is that K ’ang’s Ta T ’ung idea
originated in the Book of Rites, and had incor­
porated ideas from Mahayana Buddhism, Mohism and
Western learning. See Liang Ch’i-ch'ao (trans.
by C. Y. Hsu), Intellectual Trend in the Ch’ing

Period, p .97 .; Hsiao Kung-ch'uan, ’’K ’ang Yu-wei

and Confucianism" in Monumenta Serica, vol.l8 (1959)

pp. 113-5 .; Howard, R.C., "K’ang Yu-wei (1858-1927):

 82 d

l d. (continued)
His Intellectual Background and Early Thought"

in Wright, A.F. & Twitchett, D. (ed.), Confucian

Personalities, pp.314-5.; Bernal, M., "Chinese

Socialism before 1913” in Gray,J. (ed.). Modern

China’s Search for a Political Form (Oxford, 1969 ),

p.74.; Anonymous, Chung-kuo li-tai chd-hsüeh wdn-

hsiian— C h ’ing Period, vol.2, p.246.

le. See K ’ang Yu-wei (trans. by L.G. Thompson), Ta

T ’ung Shu: The One-World Philosophy of K ’ang Yu-wei

(London, 1958), pp.61-271»

l f. Ibid., pp.180-2

lg. Ibid. , P.172

lh. Ibid., pp.23,53.

li. Liang C h ’i-ch'ao (trans. by C.Y. Hsu), Intellectual

Trend in the Ch'ing Period, p.97.

lj. In tracing origins of K'ang’s radical ideas con­

tained in his early writings, R.C. Howard argued
quite convincingly that K ’ang’s advocacy of sexual
equality and abolition of family system was possibly

a reaction against the existing social systems

based on his own family experience. K ’ang was keenly

 82e

lj. (continued)

aware of the hardships endured by his sisters

when their feet were being bound and the tribul­
ations of his mother, and later his sisters, who

were left as widows to support their children.

See Howard, R.C., "K’ang Yu-wei (1858-1927): His

Intellectual Background and Early Thought”, in

Wright, A.F. & Twitchett.,D, (ed.), Confucian

Personalities, pp. 315-6.

l k. Liang Ch’i-ch’ao (trans. by C.Y. Hsu), op,cit.,

p.92.

ll. Anonymous, Chung-kuo li-tai che-hsueh wen-hsuan-

Ch’ing Period, vol.2, p.249.

lm. Liang Ch’i-ch’ao (trans. by C.Y. Hsu), op.cit.,

p.94.

l n. San-shih or theory of Three Ages was a theory of

movement of history through stages--Chu-luan shih
(Chaos or Age of Disorder), Sheng-p’ing shih(Peace
or Age of Increasing Peace) and T ’ai-p’ing shih
(Great Peace or Age of Complete Peace). "In the
first stage, primitive civilization is just arising
from chaos, and the social mind is still very rude...

in the second stage, there is a distinction only

 82 f

In. (continued)

between all the civilized countries and the bar­

barians. ; in the third, there is no distinction

at all.... the whole world is an one unit, and

the character of mankind is on the highest plane..."

This explanation of the theory was given by one

of K ’a n g ’s followers, Ch'en Huan-chang who was

the founder of the National Confucian Association

and was active in trying to carry out K ' a n g ’s p ro ­

posal to make Confucianism the state religion

under the Republic. According to this explanation,

it is obvious that K ’ang had a clear concept of

historical evolution from disunity to unity and

from bad to good.

It is suggested that K ’ang found elements of this

theory in the Li Yün chapter of the Book of R i t e s ,

the writings of the Former Han Confucianist, Tung

Chung-shu (179-10^ B.C. ?) and the commentary on

the K ’ung Yang Chuan by the Later Han scholar Ho

Hsiu (129-182) A.D.), and expounded this theory

elsewhere in his teachings and writings. This

theory also had strong bearing on Liang Ch'i-

c h ’a o ’s thinking and had permeated in most of his

wr it in gs .

In short, the San-shih theory served as the found-

 82 g

l n. (continued)

atlon for progress and reformation of the Reform

Movement. See K'ang Yu-wei (trans, by L.G.

Thompson), Ta T'ung Shu: The One-World Philosophy

of K ’ang Yu-wei, pp.47-9.; Levenson, J.R., Liang

C h ’i-ch’ao and the Mind of Modern China, pp.37-

4l.; Chang P ’§ng-yüan, Liang Ch'i-ch’ao yü Ch'ing-

chi ko-ming, pp.15-21.

lo. Liang C h ’i-ch’ao (trans. by C.Y. Hsu), op.cit.,

P .93.

lp . Other early reformers who saw the need of insti­

tutional change were Wang Tao (1828-1897), Cheng

Kuan-ying (1841-1920), Hsueh F u -ch’eng, T ’ang Chen,

Ch'en Chih, C h ’en Ch'iu and Ho K a i . See Cohen,

P.A., "Wang T ' a o ’s Perspective on Changing World",

in Feuerwerker, A. & others (ed,), Approaches to

Modern Chinese History, p p . 133-62.; Key Ray Chong,

"Cheng Kuan-ying (1841-1920)", in J A S ., vol.28,

no.2 (Jan.1969), p p . 247-67.; Eastman, L.E.,

"Political Reformism in China Before the Sino-

Japanese War", in J A S ., vol.27, n o .4 (Aug. 1968),

pp.695-710.; Ssu-yu Teng & J.K. Fairbank, China1s

Response to the West (New York, 1966), p p . 132-46.

 82 h
lq. Creel, H.G., Confucius and the Chinese Way (New
York, I960), p.102.

lr. Sun said: "We cannot say In general that ideas, as

ideas, are good or bad. We must judge whether,

when put into practice, they prove useful to us

or not. If they are of practical value to us,

they are good; if they are impractical, they are

bad. If they are useful to the world, they are

good; if they are not useful to the world, they

are not good." See d ’Elia, Paschal M., S.J.,

The Triple Demism of Sun Yat-sen (Wuchang, 1931),

pp.130-1.; also see Hsu, Leonard Shihlien, Sun
Yat-sen, His Political and Social Ideals (Los

Angeles, 1933), PP• 210-1.

l s. Linebarger, P.M.A., The Political Doctrines of

Sun Yat-sen (Baltimore, 1937), p.6l.

l t. In the first lecture of his Three People’s

Principles which was delivered on the 27th January
1924 at Canton, Sun explained why he considered
them as principles of national salvation. It was

because they would elevate China’a political,

economic and international status on the equal

footing with other powers, and would enable her

to exist eternally in the world. See Sun Yat-sen,

 82i

l t. (continued) C* fLj
”San-min chu^i", i n /Selected Works of Dr, Sun

Yat-sen (Hong Kong, 1962), vol.2, p. 589.

lu. Ibid.

lv. One of Sun’s biographers, Mrs. Lyon Sharman

seemed to have claimed that Sun’s Three People’s

Principles were derived from the principles

stated by President Lincoln— Government of the

people, by the people and for the people. See

Sharman, L., Sun Yat-sen: His Life and Its Mean­

ing (Reissued edition. Stanford, 1968), pp. 92,271.

lw. The question of source of Sun Yat-sen’s thoughts

ti
(ssu-hsiang) is still open £oi> controversy. Tai
Chi-t’ao, one of the foremost exponents of Sun’s
political philosophy, claimed that Sun’s thoughts
were mainly based on Chinese orthodox philosophy-
-Confucinism. He further emphasized that Sun's
thoughts were the revival of Chinese traditional
civilization based on teachings of the ancient

sages, such as Yao, Shun, Yü, T ’ang, Duke of Chou

and Confucius. Ch’ien Mu, a leading Chinese

scholar, and Chiang Kai-shek, the successor of Sun

Yat-sen, also asserted that main body of Sun’s

 82 J

lw. (continued)

political ideas was based on Chinese political

and ethical traditions. See Tai Chi-t'ao, "Sun

Wen Chu-i te che-shueh c h i - c h ’u" (The Philosophical

Basis of Sun Yat-senism), in Tai C h i - t ’ao and others,

Sun Wen Chu-i lun-chi (Essays in Sun Y a t- se ni sm ,

Taipei, 1965 ), pp.25-6.; C h ’ien Mu, "Chung Shan

ssu-hsiang chih hsin tsung-hsi" (New Analysis of

Sun Y a t - s e n ’s Thought), in Tai C h i - t ’ao and other,

Sun Wen chu-i lu n-c hi , p p . 109-10.; Chiang Kai-

shek, "Kuo-fu i-chiao kai-yao" (Principles of

Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Teaching), in Chiang T s u n g - t ’ung

chi (Collection of Works of President Chiang Kai-

s he k , Taipei, 1961 ), vol.l, p.2.

lx. Sharman, L., op.cit., pp.58-9.; Wu Hsiang-hsiang,

Dr. Sun Yat-sen: The Father of the Republic of China

(Taichung, 1965)5 vol.l, p p . 185-92,

ly. Hu C h ’i-fei (ed.), A Biography of Dr. Sun Yat-

sen (Taipei, 1965)5 p.32.; Martin,B., Strange

Vigour: A Biography of Sun Yat-sen (London, 1944),

p .79. ; Ssu-yu Teng & J.K. Fairbank, C h i n a ’s Response

to the West, p.226.

lz. For example, the publication of Peter K r o p o t k i n ’s

Mutual Aid— A Factor of Evolution in 1902 had

 82 k
lz, (continued)
considerable impact on Sun’s modification of

acceptance of Darwin’s theory. From 1912 onwards,

he became critical of the Evolutionary Theory

and its application to human society. See Wu

Hsian-hsiang, op.cit., pp.193-5.

2a. In formulating his own Five Powers' Constitution,

he did not hesitate to incorporate the Three

Powers’ Constitution of the United States of

America (Legislative, Executive and Judicial

Powers). See Sun Yat-sen, ”Wu-ch'uan hsien-

fa” (Five Powers’ Constitution), in /Selected

Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol.2, pp. 572-76.; see
also a speech given by him at the anniversary of
the Min Pao in Tokyo on 17th October 1906,
entitled "San-min chu-i yü chung-kuo chih ch'ien-
t ’u" (The Three People's Principles and the
Future of China), in KFCS., pp. 481-2.

2b. The concept of the combination to the three types

of revolution was later expounded by Hu Han-min.
See Hu Han-min, ”San-min chu-i te jen-shih”

(The Understanding of the Three People’s Principles),

in Wu Chün-man (ed.), Hu Han-min hsuan-chi
 82 1

2b. (continued)
(Selected Works of Hu Han-mln, Taipei, 1959)»

PP.7-16.

2c. See Sun Yat-sen, "Min-tsu chu-i", in Selected

Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol.2, p.590.; see also

a detailed discussion on this concept by P.M.A.

Linebarger in his Political Doctrines of Sun Yat-

sen , p .62 .

2d. Sun Yat-sen, ibid.

2e. Sun Yat-sen, "Chung-kuo pi ko-ming erh-hou neng

ta kung-ho chu-i" (China's Attainment of Repub­
licanism must be after the Revolution) (A Con­
versation with Miyazaki Torazo and others in 1898

in Japan), in KFCS., p.366.

2f. In the T'ung Meng Hui's Manifesto published in

August 1905» Sun did mention that Ming and the

Taiping regimes only aimed at restoring Chinese
rule, and made no changes in political system.
This point was later expounded by Hu Han-min
that Taiping's failure was partly due to its

inability to change the autocratic system which

was against democracy. See "T'ung-meng-hui hsuan-
yen” (Manifesto of the T ’ung Meng Hui), in Selected
 82m

2f. (continued)
Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol.l, p.68.; same docu­

ment appeared in the Kuo-fu ch’uan-shu under a

slightly different title ”Chung-kuo T ’ung-meng-

hui chün-cheng-fu hsuan-yen” (Manifesto of the

Military Government of the T ’ung Meng Hui). See

KFCS., p.393.; Hu Han-min, ”San-min chu-i te shih-

tai pei-ching" (Historical Background of the

Three People’s Principles), in Wu Chün-man (ed.),

Selected Works of Hu Han-min, p .5.

2g. Sun Yat-sen, ”Min-ch’uan chu-i” (The Principle

of Democracy), in Selected Works of Sun Yat-sen,

vol.2, pp.700-1.

2h. Linebarger, P.M.A., Political Doctrines of Sun

Yat-sen, p .99•

2i. Sun Yat-sen, op.cit., pp.720-1.

2j . Ibid., pp.731—42.; Linebarger, P.M.A., op.cit.,

pp.107-9.

2k. Sun Yat-sen, ”Sun*-wen hsiieh-shuo" (The Philosophy

of Sun Yat-sen), in KFCS., p.33*; Wu Hsiang-hsiang,

Dr. Sun Yat-sen: The Father of the Republic of

China, pp.189-6 .
 82n

21. Sun Yat-sen, "Min-sheng chu-i” (The People’s

Livelihood), in Selected Works of Sun Yat-sen,

vol.2, P.765.

2m. Tai Chi-t’ao explained that Min-sheng chu-i

was the core of Sun Yat-sen’s Three People's

Principles, and was the cause and aim of Sun's

revolution. He further emphasized that the

other two principles were only the means to

achieve such ultimate aim. Hu Han-min also

explained that the scope of Sun's Min-sheng

chu-i was wider which can include socialism and

communism and was quite different from them.

He emphasized that the understanding of the Min-

sheng chu-i should be based on nationalism and

democracry, otherwise it would degenerate to

capitalism or totalitarianism. Chiang Kai-shek

seemed to have accepted Tai Chi-t'ao' inter­

pretation. Whereas P.M.A. Linebarger interpreted

Min-sheng chu-i as the most important declaration

of China's industrialization. See Tai Chi-t'ao,

"Sun Wen chu-i chih ch§-hsueh te chi-ch'u",

in Tai Chi-t'ao and others, Sun Wen chu-i lün-

ch i, p p . 9-11j also see same article published

in WSNWH., vol.l, p t . 11, pp.27-9*; Hu Han-min,

 82o

2m. (continued)

"San-min chu-i te ching-shen" (The Spirit of

the Three People's Principles), in Wu Chün-

man (ed.), Selected Works of Hu Han-min,

pp.19-22.; Chiang Kai-shek, "She-hui chien-she

yü min-sheng ch£-hsueh chih yao-i" (Social

Construction and Principles of Philosophy of

People’s Livelihood), in Chiang Tsung-t'ung c h i ,

vol.l., p. 4 9 .; Linebarger, P.M.A., Political

Doctrines of Sun Yat-sen, p.132.

2n. Sun Yat-sen, MMin-sheng chu-i” , in Selected Works

of Sun Yat-sen, vol.2, 776-96.

20. K ’ang Yu-wei, "Pien ko-ming shu", in Chang Nan

& Wang Jen-chih (ed.), Hsin-hai ko-ming ch'ien

shih-nien chien shih-lun hsuan-chi, vol.l, p.212.

2p . Ibid. , pp.213-7.

2q. The reformists only attempted once to use force

in 1900 when China was thrown into chaos by the

Boxer Uprising. This resort to the use of force

was obviously a deviation from reformists' pol­

itical means. It was probably the result of

emergency arising from the Empress Dowager's

 82p

2q. (continued
conspiracy of forcing the Emperor Kuang Hsü to

abdicate in 1899* In that year, K'ang Yu-wei

had strong association with the Tzü Li Hui

which pledged to overthrow the Manchu rule.

Although there was a gap between the reformists'

motivation and that of the Tzü Li Hui, K'ang

intended to make use of it to achieve his own

political aim. Thus, K'ang and Liang toured

widely among overseas Chinese communities

collecting funds for the proposed uprising in

Hankow, and financed the leaders of the Tzü Li

Hui, T'ang T s 'ai-ch'ang, Pi Yung-nien and Lin
Kuei, The revolt took place both in Ta T'ung
and Hankow in August 1900, because of the delay
of remittance of overseas funds, lack of co­
ordination and the failure of gaining the support
of Chang Chih-tung, the Governor-General of Hunan
and Hupeh, it failed completely. See several
letters written during this period by Liang
Ch'i-ch’ao to K'ang Yu-wei and other reformist
leaders in Ting Wen-chiang (ed.), Liang Jen-
kung hsien-sheng nlen-p'u ch'ang-p'ien fek-kao,

pp. 102-34.; Chang Huang-hsi, "Chi Tzu-li-hui",

in HHKM., vol.l, pp. 253- 7 .; Ku-kung tang-an kuan

 82 q

2q. (continued)

(Bureau of Ch’ing Archives) (ed.), "T’ang Ta'ai­

ds’ang Hankow ch’i-i Ch'ing-fang tang-an" (Ch’ing

Archives on the T ’ang T s ’ai-ch’ang’s Hankow

Uprising), in HIIKM., vol.l, pp.258-79*

2r. This can be proved by the fact that the revol­

utionaries had staged ten major revolts against

the Ch'ing dynasty from 1895 to 1911. But occasion­

ally, the revolutionaries attempted to achieve

their aims through peaceful means. For example,

the revolutionaries approached Li Hung-chang, the

Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, indirectly
in 1900 in an attempt to persuade Li to declare
independence of his provinces from the Ch’ing
government and to form a new government of China.
See Ch’en Shao-pai, ’’Hsing Chung-hui ko-ming shih-
yao”, in HHKM., vol.l, pp. 65-7.; Hsueh Chün-tu,
Huang Using and the Chinese Revolution, pp.32-3*

2s. Liang Ch’i-ch’ao (trans. by C.Y, Hsu), Intellectual

Trends in the Ch’ing Period, p.93.; Howard, R.C.,

’’K'ang Yu-wei (1858-1927): His Intellectual Back­

ground and Early Thought”, in Wright, A.F. &

Twitchett, D. (ed.), Confucian Personalities, p.315.

 82r

2t. See note 2q.

2u. C h ’en Shao-pai, 1Hsing-chung-hui ko-ming shih yao ’,

H H K M , vol.l, pp.44-46,

3. Ibid., p.53; Feng Tzü-yu, i-shih, vol.l, pp.50-52.

4. Feng Tzü-yu, ko-ming shih, vol.l, p p .33-34.

5. Ibid. , pp.47-48.

6. ’Letter from Liang C h ’i-ch' ao to K ’ang Yu-wei

dated 13 and 20 March 1900’. See Ting Wen-

chiang, Liang-jen-kung hsien-sheng nien-pu chang

pien c h ’u k a o , pp.102, 106; F£ng Tzü-yu, k ’ai-

kuo shih, p.33.

7. Sun Yat-sen, ’Sun Wen Hsueh S h u o ', KFCS, p.34.

8. Sun Yat-sen, ’A Letter to the Compatriots on the

Difference Between Reform Movement and Revolution’.

KFCS, p .361.
 83
9. Feng Tzü-yu, i-shih, vol.2, pp.102-03; KFNP,
vol., pp.151-52.

10. The letter was sent to Huang Tsung-yang, a rev­

olutionary leader in Shanghai. Apart from in­

forming Huang about the progress in fighting against

the reformists, Sun urged Huang and other comrades

in Shanghai to send revolutionary publications

there for spreading revolutionary doctrines.
See ’Letter from Dr. Sun Yat-sen to Huang Tsung-

yang’, KFCS, pp.361-62.

11. Liao Tzö-p’ing, ’Kuo-fu san'tz’ü chih Mei’, WSNWH,

vol.l, pt. 12, pp.421-22; Feng TzQ-yu, i-shih,

vol.2, pp.111-12; KFNP, vol.l, pp.157-58.

11a. Chih Rung T 'ang was an offspring of the Hung

League or Triad (T’ien Ti Hui) which is more
widely known among Western readers. It mainly
prospered among Chinese in North America. Like
its counterpart in Southeast Asia, known as Ngee
Hin, its origin can be traced to the end of the

17th century after the Manchus successfully con­

quered South China. Some of the Ming loyalists

who escaped persecution took refuge in North

America, and found the Chih Rung T ’ang to preserve

 83a

11a. (continued)
anti-Manchu tradition. The adoption of a new
name for the Hung League or Triad was probably

designed to avoid interference of local author­

ities. Its original objective of ’overthrowing

the Ch'ing and restoring the Ming’ gradually

gave way to other activities. It assumed new

responsibilities of the protection and the social

welfare of Chinese in North America. As a con­

sequence it became one of the most influential

organizations in these Chinese communities. Its

headquarters was located in San Francisco where

a largest Chinese community in North America

existed. As the original purpose was lost, its

members has a great deal of freedom in giving
their political allegiance. Some of them had
strongly supported the reformist who pledged to
preserve the Manchu rule in China. See Feng
Tzü-yu, KMS ., pp.54-6.; see also WSNWH., vol.l,
pt.12, pp.464-66.

12. Feng Tzü-yu, ko-ming shih, vol.l, p.l49; Feng,

i-shih, vol.2, pp.119-21.

Tv
13. ’Letter from Dr Sun Yat-sen to Huang '&hung-

yang dated 10 June 1904’, KFCS, p.362.

 83b

14 . No definite date was given for K 'ang Yu-wei's

arrival in Singapore. He must have arrived

either on the 1 or 2 February, 1900, because

news of his arrival was published in the Straits

Times on the 3rd of that month. See The Straits

Times, 3 February 1900, p.3*

15. T ’ien Nan Hsin Pao, 7 October l899> p.5a 11 Oct-

ober 1899j p.8, 21 October l899> p.5*

16. According to Hu Han-min, K 'ang was boasting to

overseas Chinese that he had been a tutor of the

Emperor Kuang Hsü, and claimed that he possessed

a secret edict which he never showed to anyone,

but as pointed out by Hu, K ’ang was actually using

his relationship with the Emperor to cheat over­

seas Chinese for financial support. (See Hu Han-

min, 'Nanyang and the Chinese Revolution’, in

WS NWH ., vol.l, pt.ll, p. 478). In fact, K ’ang

was not a tutor of the Emperor, and his claim

of possession is open for doubt. There are two

secret edicts extant. The first one of 96

characters is the text claimed by K ’ang in 1898

to be the one he actually received through the

Emperor’s messenger, Yang Jui (one of the Six

Reformist Martyrs who were put to death after

 84
16. (continued)
the coup d'6tat of 1898). The second one of 289
characters was said to have been presented to the

Ch'ing government in 1908 by Yang Jui’s son and

was first published in 1913* After a close study

on both texts and other related evidence. Professor

Fang Chao-ying argues that both texts could have

been forgeries. He further suggests that there

was a secret edict given to K'ang by the Emperor,
but the wording was quite different and without

hint of urgency. To suit his purpose, K'ang, or

men in his confidence, manufactured the two
secret edicts extant and fabricated other stories
around them. See Fang Chao-ying, ’Review on Wu-
hsü pien-fa (The Reform Movement of 1898)', in
JAS., vol.17, no.l, (November, 1957), pp.102-5

16a. On the 24th day of the 12th moon of the 25th

year of the reign of Kuang Hsü (24 January 1900)
the Manchu court suddenly proclaimed that the
Emperor’s nephew P ’u Tsuen should be the true
it
heir to Mu Tsung, Emperor, the Emperor
Kuang HsÜ. This was the first step of Empress
Dowager’s conspiracy to despose the Emperor.
See Wu Hsien-tzü, 'Kang Yu-wei and Nanyang Chinese' 5

in Wang Gungwu's Chinese Reformists and Revol-

16a. (continued)

utionaries in the Straits Settlements, 1900-1911»

Appendix B.

17. Both T'ien Nan and Jih Hsin gave full publicity

of i t . See The T Tien Nan Hsin Pa o , 10 February

1900, p.l; Jih Hsin P a o , 10 February 1900, p.6.

l8. Jih Hsin Pao, 17 February 1900, p.l.

 85

19» A local reformist un der a pen name of 'Kung pi tzu'

suggested that each of the four hundred m i l li o n

Chinese contributed one dollar (amount to $400,000,000)

to insure the life of the Emperor. W i t h the b a ck in g

of such a sum of money, the E m pe r o r would be safe.

See T he T ' i e n Na n Hsin P a o , 26 Ap ril 1900, pd.

20. A c c o r d i n g to Wu Hsien-tzu, nu mb er of signatures from

Ta h i l a n d was 80,000. T hi s figure may be mistaken.

See Jih H s i n P a o , 3 M a r c h 1900, p.4; The T 1ien Nan

H sin P a o , 8 M a r c h 1900, p.2, 23 M a r c h 1900, p,2;

Wu Hsien-tztt, op.cit., in W a n g G u n g w u ’s Chinese

Re f or m i s t s and R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s in the Straits

S e t t l e m e n t s . Ap pe nd i x B.

21. Teo En g-hock, N a n y a n g and the F o un d i n g of the

C hinese R e p u b l i c , p .13•

22. I b i d ., p . 15.

23. Y i n g Hsin school was founded on 5 Ma y 1905 b y the

Y in g Ho A s s o c i a t i o n (Hakka) in Singapore. See

H s h e h Pin f £ n g ■, ’A Brief H i s to r y of The Y i n g Hsin

S c h o o l ’ , Th e S o u ve ni r of 24lth A n n i v e r s a r y of the

Y in g Ho A s s o c i a t i o n in Sing ap ore , p ..15 .

24. Y a n g Ch eng School was founded in A pr il 1906 by the

Cantonese c o m m un it y in Singapore. See Lat Pao,

19 April 1 9 0 6 , p p .8 , 10.
 86

25. T u a n M eng School was founded in Se pt em b e r by the

T e o c h e w communit}r in Singapore. See Lin Kuo-chang,

'A Brief Hi s t or y of the T u a n M e n g S c h o o l * , in

T he So uv en i r of 30th A n n i v e r s a r y of the T u an M e n g

School in S i n g a p o r e , p .11.

26. Tao Nan School was founded in the middle of 1907 by

the Si ngapore Fu kien community. See Lat Pao

16 April 1907, p .8•, 23 Ap ril 1907, p.3*, 2 May 1 9 0 7 ,

p .8.

27. Con fu c i an School was founded by a group of w e al th y

Ca n to ne se m er ch a nt s u n d e r the enc ou rag em ent of Liu

Shih-chi. The rich tin-miner, Loke Y a w who was the

ch ai r m an of the M a n a g i n g Board of the school, donated

S$3 0 ,0 0 0 to the fund. K ’un Ch* eng School was founded

in 1908. See *A H i s t o r y of the Co nf u c ia n Middle

S c h o o l * , in S ou v e n i r of the Se ni or and Junior Middle

G r a d u a t i o n of the C o n f u c i a n Middle School, 1 9 6 5 , p .6.

The Straits B u d g e t , 15 O c t ob e r I9 O8 , p.8.

28. See *The Re por t of the C h ' i n g Consul-General, Sun

S h i h - t i n g ’, in The C h ' i n g Gover nm ent G a z e t t e , vol.l,

p p .497-98.
 87

29* Ch u T z ü - p ’ei, a me mbe r of the M a n a g i n g Board of the

Y a n g Ch e n g School, Ta n Hun-ch'iu, the V i ce - c h a i r m a n

of the M a n a g i n g Board of the T u a n M e n g School, were

two of the reformist le aders in Singapore» Wu Shou-

chen, the ch ai rm a n of the M a n a g i n g Board of the Tao

N a n School, was the C h ’ing A c t i ng Con su l-G en era l in

the Straits S ett le men ts from Ja n u a ry to May, 1902.

See T ’ien Nan H sin P a o , 22 Ja n u a ry 1902, pp.1-2,

4 June 1902, p.l; L at P a o , 19 April I9 06, p.8 .

30. Li A h Chai in his Policies and Politics in Chinese

Sch ools in the Straits S e tt le me nt s and the Fe de rated

M a l a y States 1786-1941 corrected the mistake in

T ua n M e n g School 30th A n n i v e r s a r y So u ve n i r that Liu

was sent by the Vic ero y of Liang-Kwang, Ch an g Jen-

chün See Li A h Chai, op.cit., p p . 21-24

31. Lin Kuo-chang, 'A Brief H i s t o r y of tuan M e n g S c h o o l ’

The So uv en i r of 30th A n ni v e r s a r y of T u a n M ^ n g School

in Singapore, p .11; S o u v e n ir of the Se ni or and Junior

Mi dd l e G r a d u a t i o n of the Co nf uc i a n Middle School,

1965 » p . 6 .

32. The a p po i nt me n ts of the h e ad m a s t e r and teachers of

the C on fu c ia n School were recom me nde d by the C h ’ing

Co nsu l- Ge ner al , Sun Shih-ting. See C h un g Kuo Jih Pao

11 April 1907, p . 2.
 88

33» H s u e h Pin-fong, op.cit. , The So u v e n i r of 24lst

Anniversary of the Y i n g H o A s s o c i a t i o n in S i n g a p o r e ,

p .13; Lin Kuo-chang, op.cit., The S o u v e n i r of 30th

Anniversary of the T u a n M § n g School in S i n g a p o r e ,

p .11 .

3^. These eight teachers were Ma Nai-t'ang, Ch'en Hsi-

t 1u n g , W a n g Y ü - jo, Y a n g T a n - w u , Yuan Shou-min, Yang

T z !u - h e n g , Li M u - f u and W £ n g Shao-shan. See

Th e S o u v e n i r of 30th A n n i v e r s a r y of the T u a n M £ n g

S chool in S i n g a p o r e , p .19 8 .

35- These schools were Y a n g Cheng, Y i n g Hsin, Tao Nan,

T u a n M ^ n g and C h ’u n g C h 6ng. See The U n i o n T i m e s ,

11 S e p t e m b e r 1909? P»3; Lat P a o , 22 S e p t e m b e r 1909»

p.l, 23 S e p t e m b e r 1909» p.l; Li Ah-chai, op.cit.,

P P . 32-33.

36. Lat P a o , 1 A p ril 1908, pp.1,10.

37. T h e r e was a night school m e n t i o n e d in an editorial

of the C h u n g Hsirig Jih Pao in J a n u a r y 1908. One

was founded in M a y 1908, and the other in August

of the same year. See C h u n g H s i n g Jih Pao,

3 J a n u a r y 1908, p.2, 18 M a y 1908, p .5> 3 August 1908,

p .6 .
 89

37a. A substantial time was assigned to learn the classics

and stories of ancient sages. See Hsia Ping-yen and

Others, The Amended Constitution of the Singapore

Ying Hsin S c h o o l , pp.3-7*

38. Chung Hsing Jih Pao, l4 May 1908, p.5*

39* Publicity was given to the founding of the Chen I

Night School. Ibid.

40. The chief patrons of the school were Ling Yu-t'ang,

T e n g Yu-ling, Hsieh A i - t ’ang, Liang Li-sheng,

Yeh Chi-yun, Liang Yun-hsi, Chang Chen-tung, Teng

Tzu-yu, Hu Po-hsiang, Lin Hang-wei, Ho Te-ju, Teo

Eng-hock, Lu Yao-t'ang and Huang T ’ing-kuang. The

last nine were all the members of the Singapore

T'u n g Meng Hui branch, ibid., 18 May 1908, p.5;

Lim Ngee-soon, A List of the T'ung Meng Hui Members

in Singapore (original).

41. The Sun P a o , 2 May 1910, p.7*

42. Ibid. , 31 August 1910,p.l.

43. The school was founded and named after a revolutionary

leader in Kuala Lumpur, Too Nam. Chung Hsing Jih P a o ,

26 June 1909, p.l; Ch'an Chan-mooi, 'A Short Biography

of Mr Too Nam*, p.6, in C h ’an Chan-mooi (ed.)

Obituries on Mr Too Nam.

 90

44. Other students were Chi sing Huai-han (to love the Han

race) Chiang T z ’u-chien (to stab traitors) Chang

P'an-yao, Ch'iu Chien-hu (to eliminate the barbarians)

Cheng Tang-shan (to exterminate the barbarians)

Chiang Ssu-han (to long for the Han race) Wang Han-

chieh (the hero of the Han race) Ch£ng Shih-hu

(to gnaw the barbarians) Chiang Chu-i (to drive out

the barbarians) Huang Kuo-wei, Li Ssu-hua (to long

for the Chinese) Chöng Chu-ch'ing (to drive out the

Manchu ) Chiang A i - c h ’un (to love the masses) Liu

Kuang-hua (to glorify the Chinese) and Wang Han-ying

(the hero of the Han race). Chung Hsing Jih P a o ,

27 November 1909°

45. Ibid., 14 October 1909» p.2, 29 December 1909» p.l.

46. Ibid., 29 December 1909» p°l.

47. Ibid., 18 October 1909, p.2.

48. Apparently, the revolutionaries intended to spread

the ideas of patriotism and unity among the general

public. In the Chinese communities in Singapore

and Malaya, where national feeling was lacking,

these ideas would undoubtedly foster it and pave the

way for revolution. Ibid., 26 June 1909, p.1. cf. the drama
troupes and the plays on pages 135 and 137(Vol. 1) show the
link between the anit-opium movement and radicalism.
 91

49. The Sun P a o , 2 M a y 1910, p „7 •

50. Chua Hui-seng, inter "lew on 27 F e b r u a r y 1 9 6 5 at the

T ' u n g Te R e a d i n g Club, Singapore; The So u ve n i r of

30th A n n i v e r s a r y of the T ua n M e n g School in S i n g a p o r e ,

P-198.

51. Ch ung H s i n g Jih P a o , l4 August I 9 O8 , p .5«

52. The cable was sent on 23 July I9 O8 (2 5 th June in the

lunar calendar), The cable ran as follows:

1 ... the date for co nstitutional government is still

not set, doubts and rumours spread w i d e ly in Ch ina

as well as overseas. Please transmit to the co ur t

for i n tr od uci ng a parliament, ot he rwise crises will

develop without curb.' See T he U n i o n T i m e s , 25 July

1 9 0 8 , p.l.

53« Ch ung Hs i n g Jih P a o , 25 August 1908.

54. Two representatives, Hua ng and L i a n g were sent to

Serem ba n to convince the Mi n in g A s s o c i a t i o n of S e r e mb a n

with an official le tter from the Chamber. The appeal

obtained partial success. Ibid., 19 August 1908, p.5«

55« Ibid., l4 August 1908, p.5*

56. Mrs A u N a i - su n (d aug ht er-in-law of Au Shen-kang)

in te rv ie w on 10 October I 9 6 6 at her residence in

Ipoh.
 92

57- Lat P a o , 7 June 1909, P»5*

58 . Mi n ute s of The Singapore Ch inese Ch am ber of C o m m e r c e ,

vol.l, p p . 2- 3 , 6 0 - 6 l, 1 2 5 -2 7 , v o l . 2 , p p . 6 5 -6 6 .

59» Chua Hui-seng, in terview on 27 F e br u a r y 1 9 6 5 , at the

T u n g T§ R e a d i n g Club in Singapore.

60. Ch 'e n Ch'i-yuan, ’M r P 'eng T s e - m i n and the

R e v o l u t i o n a r y A c ti v it ie s of the Ov erseas Chinese

in Ku a l a Lu mpu r Before and A f t e r the I 9H Revolution’,

H H K M H I L , vol.l, p p .395-96.

6 1. The A s s o c i a t i o n was an o r ga n i z a t i o n cut ti ng across

dialect line in the Chinese co mm u n it y in Penang.

62. Ch 'en Hsin-cheng, Hua C h ’iao k o - m i n g hsiao shih,

pp.2-3; see also same author's H u a - C h ’iao k o - mi n g s h i h ,

p.3, in Ch'en H s i n - c h e n g i - c h i , vol.2.

63* W he n the Chamber received a lette r from the 'Pa I

K u n g So' stating the date of arrival of the Chen

T ' i e n Sheng, several r e p r es e n t at i v e s were sent to

we l co m e the group at the r a il wa y station. See

The U ni on Times, 8 July 1908, p.l; Lat P a o , 9 July

1 9 0 8 , p.l.
 93

64. The story told of the her oi c event of the General

Hs i u n g F e i 's resistance of the Mongol conquest.

Hsiung, a native of T u n g K u a n district of K w a n g t u n g

province, organized volu nt eer s to fight against the

al ien ag gressors who had sw~ept through No rt h and South

China. He was ambushed by the enemy and fought to

the death in the Liu Hua Pagoda. See Lat P a o ,

18 Ma rc h 1909» p.6.

65 . The revolu tio na ry me mbers in the C h am be r were Too

Nam, Y u e n T a k - s a m and Loke Chow-kit.

66. Ch u n g H s in g Jih P a o , 4 M a r c h 1909» p.2.

67 . The U n i o n T i m e s , 12 F e b r u a r y 1909» p.2, 13 Fe b ru a r y

1909, P.l.

68. The inaugural m e e t i n g of the Chieng W£n She was held

on 17 Oct obe r 1907 in Tokyo. The m e e t i n g was attended

by more than a thousand guests and a nu mb er of

Japanes e dignitaries. Before the inauguration, a

group of re vol ut i o na ri es led by C h a n g Chi and T 'ao

C h ' e n g - c h a n g also attended the m e e t i n g prepared to

sabotage it. Wh en Li a n g Ch'i-ch' a o , the founder

of the Ch £ng W£n S h £ , expl ai ned the Ch ' in g

gov er n me nt ' s proposed co n st i t u ti o n and appealed for

support, C han g Chi stood up to refute him. F o ll o w i ng

 94

68. (continued)

the h e a t e d debate, r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s resorted to force,

and m a n y r e f o rmists were b e a t e n up. The m e e t i n g

b r o k e up in confusion. See T ’ai-yen (Chang Ping-lin)

’T he R u i n of the I n a u gural M e e t i n g of the C h e n g Wen

S h £ ' , in M i n P a o , No. 17. Both T i n g W ^ n - c h i a n g and

F e n g T z ü - y u m i s t a k e n l y placed the date of the

i n a u g u r a t i o n as 17 N o v e m b e r (Ting) and 17 Jul y (Feng)

1907. See T i n g Wen-chiang, L iang- je?n-kung hsien-

sheng n i e n - p ' u c h *ang p ’ien c h ’u k a o , p . 2 5 0 ;

F ^ n g T z ü - y u , k o - m i n g s h i h , vol.l, p p . 2 0 2 -0 3 *

69. C h u n g H s i n g Jih P a o , 9 June I 9O 8 .

70. Chü Cheng, C hü C h ü e h - s h ^ n g h s i e n - s h e n g c h ’u a n - c h i ,

vol.l, pp.125-26.

71. I b i d . , S o n g O ng Siang, One Hu n d r e d Years of the

Chinese in S i n g a p o r e , p.434.

72. C h u n g H s i n g J ih P a o , 9 S e p t e m b e r 1907, P*3*

73* 'Letter f r o m D r Sun Y a t - s e n to L im N g e e - s o o n dated

8 S e p t e m b e r 1908 (l3 August in the l u nar c a l e n d a r ) '.

See or i g i n a l l e t t e r kept by L i m Eng-kuan, grandson

of L i m N g e e -soon; same l e t t e r could be seen in

Kuo Fu C h u a n S u , p.409; T 'ien T'ung, the chief

e d i t o r of C h u n g H s i n g Jih P a o , also had a paragraph

 95

73* (continued)

on this episode in his memoir. But he mistakenly

gave the year as 1907» See T *ien T'ung, Ko-ming

h s i e n - h u a , p .36 .

74. Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 27 July, 1909; The Sun P a o ,

19 August 1909» P-4; 24 and 26 August 1 9 0 9 } p.5;

31 August 1909» p .5; 2, 6, 7» 8, 9» l4, 15> September

1909» P-5; l6, 18, 24, September I 9 0 9 » p.4.

75- T a - c h 1ing t^-tsung ching-huang-ti shih-lu, vol.597»

p p . 10-11; Chu Shou-p'3ng, Ku a n g - h s ü - c h 1\ao tung-hua lu,

vol.5, pp.6021-2 2 .

76. L at P a o , 18 November 1908, p.8 .

77- Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 20 November 1908, p.l.

78. Ibid., 24 November 1908, p.l.

79- In a letter to Teng Tse-ju before he left Singapore

for Bangkok, Dr Sun Yat-sen said that the death of

the C h 1ing rulers provided the best opportunity for

revolutionary action. But he expressed his regret

that the party could not take advantage of the

situation because of financial difficulties. See

’Letter from Dr Sun Yat-sen to T^ng Ts§-ju and Others

dated 20 November 1 9 0 8 ’, in Teng Ts^-ju, Sun Chung-

shan hsien-sh£ng nien-nien lai shou-cha, vol. 2 , p.l;

also see K F C S , p.4l2.

 96

80. K F N P , vol.l, p.256.

81. Teo Eng-hock, N a n y a n g and F o un d i n g of the Chinese

R e p u b l i c , p.100; C hu n g H s i n g Jih P a o , 16, 17» 18 and

19 N o v e m b e r I 9O 8 , p.l.

82. The original text of The Straits T i m e s , 27 N o v e mb e r

1908, p .8.

83. The ot her leaflet pr oduced in Court stated:

’Unhappily, since the en try of the Manchurians, our

people of Han are still l i v i ng at the conquered

places. T h e i r fier cen ess and cr uelty must be k no wn

b y everybody. N ow as God is h e l p i n g our decendants

of Han, e ver yb ody has the mind to re cover our former

Empire. Therefore, r ev ol ut io ns followed year after

year. N o w as both K w a n g Hsii and the Emp re ss Dow ag er

have h ap pe ned to die one after the other, this is the

real ha ppi ne s s of our peo pl e of Han. E v er yo ne of our

people of Ha n who has w a rm blood ought to be cheerful.

Wh at so rrow is there? T h o s e of our b r e t h r en of Ha n

who stop bu siness and m o u r n on 26th instant (Chinese

reckoning) are those who are w i l l i n g to recognize a

thief as father and to give up their parents in order

to serve their enemies. Th es e all are the slaves of

s l a v e s .' Ibid.
 97

84. Feng Tzü-yu, ko-ming s h i h , vol.2, p.123.

85. Singapore Free P r e s s , 20 November 1908, p. 8 .

86. Teo Eng-hock, op.cit., p.100.

87» Those school children were from the five Chinese

primary schools in which the reformists had

predominant influence. They were Tuan Meng, Ch'i

Fa, Tao Nan, Ying Hsin and Yang Ch§ng schools.

The students numbered to about one hundred and

sixty-five and were led by their teachers. See

L at P a o , 20 November 1908, p.3»

88. Ibid; Singapore Free P r e s s , 20 November I 9O 8 , p. 8 .

89. Teo Eng-hock, op.cit., p.100.

90. ’Reports on the Straits Settlements Police Force

and on the State of Crime by the Acting Inspector-

General of Police of the Straits Settlements', in

S S A D R , 1908 , p.94; Singapore Free P r e s s , 27 November

1908, p.3; 'Letter from Dr Sun Yat-sen to Teng

Tse-ju and Others dated 20 November 1908', in T§ng

Ts^-ju (ed.). Sun C h u n g - -han hsien-sh^ng nien-nien

lai shou-cha, vol.2, p. 3 . See also K F C S , p.4l2.

91. Singapore Free P r e s s , 20 November 1908, p.8.

92. The Straits T i m e s , 19 November 1908, p.7»

 98

93 * S ingapore Free P r e s s , 20 November 1908, p. 8 .

94. 'Reports on the Straits Settlements Police Force

and on the State of Crime by the Acting Inspector-

General of Police of the Straits Settlements', in

SSADR, 1908, P.94.

95. In a letter to his comrade, Dr Sun stated that he

was approached by the Official Administrating

Government of The Straits Settlements to restrain

his followers from further clashes. Circulars

were issued to revolutionaries calling for peace

under the name of Teo Eng-hock, for Dr Sun was

about to leave Singapore for Bangkok,. See 'Letter

from Dr Sun Yat-sen to Teng Tse-ju and Others

dated 20 November 1908', in Teng Tse-ju, op.cit.,

vol.2, pp.4-5; K F C S , p p . 412-13»

96. Lat P a o , 18 November 1908, p.8 .

97» The reformists were led by Liang Chao-ch'en. See

Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 27 November 1908, p.l.

98. This group of revolutionaries was led by Ch'an

Chan-mooi, Su Yao-t'ing, K'ang Ch'u-k'uang, Too

Kwun-hung, Yeh Yin-t'ang. And the two pamphlets

they distributed were entitled 'Do N ot Falsely

Identify Yourselves as the Filial Sons' and

 99

98. (continued)

Ibid., 24 November 1908, p.2.

99- Ibid.

100. Apart from the parade, the revolutionaries in Kuala

Lumpur also convened at the Ju Yiin Restaurant on the

mourning night to celebrate the occasion. The

restaurant was beautifully decorated, and music and

wine were provided to help create an atmosphere of

rejoicing. Ibid., 24 November I 9O 8 , p.2,

27 November 1908, p.l.

101. Ibid., 24 November I 9O 8 , p.2.

102. In Ipoh, when the Chinese Chamber of Commerce

received the telegram from the C h ’ing Consul-General,

the same pamphlets calling all Chinese in Perak, to

close their shops on the 19 November for a national

mourning, were distributed. Those who were loyal

and faithful were called upon to attend a ceremony

which was to be held at YÜ T s 1ai Primary School

where two tablets of the deceased C h 1ing rulers

were to be installed. See Lat P a o , 26 November

I 9 O 8 , p.3; Penang Hsin P a o , 20 November 1908;

The Times of M a l a y a , 21 November 1908, p.3.

 100

103. 'Report of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs of

the Straits Settlements,' in SSADR, I908, p.121.

 101

NOTES FOR CHAPTER V

1. K ’ang Yu»wei completed his Famous thesis entitled

'K'ung-tzu k a i c h i h kao' (Confucius as a Reformer) in

1897» the year before the Hu nd re d D a y s ’ Reform. In

this thesis, he expounded C o n f u c i u s ’ reform ideas

which he used as legitimate weapons to launch his

reform programme. See K'ang Y u - w e i , K ’ung-tzfi kai

chih k a o , pp. 1-495; also see Chung-kuo li-tai

eh e -hsueh w e n - h s u a n , Vol. 2, pp. 249-51*

2. In 1881, a group of Chinese merchants in Singapore

founded a club ’Lo Shan S h e ’ to lecture and to

expound the Holy Edicts of the Manchu Emperors (The

six maxims of the Emperor Shiin-chih and sixteen

maxims of the Emperor K ’ang-hsi. All these maxims

emphasized filial piety, respect to elders and

superiors, and maintenance of peace and order, etc.).

Lecture rooms were established throughout Singapore,

and lecturers were employed to meet this purpose.

The rich merchants supported these activities

through a form of regular1 donat ion. See Using P a o ,

15 February 1895» pp* 5» 8, 18 February 1895» P* 5»

5 March 1898, p. .5» 2,5 January 1897, P* 5, 26 January

1897» p* 8, 6 March 1897» P* 5; Hare, G.T. (ed.)

 102

2. (continued)

A Text Book of Documentary Chinese, pt. 1, Vol. 2,

Chapter 3» pp. 92-93; Hsiao Kung-chuan, Rural China,

Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century,

pp. 186-88.

3. Ou Chu-chia was one of the important disciples of

K'ang Yu-wei. He was a lecturer in the Shih Wu Hsueh

T'ang founded in Hunan in 1897» and contributed

numerous articles to the Shih Wu Pao and the Chih

Hsin Pao to support the reform programme. After the

coup d'etat in 1898, he fled to Japan to help Liang

Ch'i-ch'ao to publish the Ch'ing I Pao. Later, he

went to San Francisco and befriended the local

Chinese secret societies. He founded the Ta T 'ung

Jih Pao and became its chief editor. After the

newspaper was taken over by Dr Sun Yat-sen and his

supporters, Ou went to Singapore to join the local

reformists. See T'ang Chih-chiin (ed. ) , Wu -shu

pien-fa jen-wu chuan k a o , Vol. 1, pp. 84-86.

4. Dr Sun had written two articles refuting the

reformist theory that revolution would result in

partition. The first article entitled 'Those who

fear revolution would lead to partition are ignorant

 103

4. ( continued)

of w o r l d a f fa i r s ' ( ^

a p p e a r e d o n 12 September 1908. The sec on d, which

appeared t h re e days later in the Chung Using J i h P a o ,

was entitled 'P'ing-shih still does not admit his

errors )•

5» The team consisted of W a n g Ching-wei, H u Han-min,

Ch'en T'ien-hua and Chu Chih-hsin. Both Hu Han-min

and Wang Ching-wei f ollowed Dr Sun Y a t - s e n to H a n o i

and Singapore in the m i d d l e of 1 9 0 7 to p l a n the

revolts in S o u t h C h i n a . See M a n - h u a (T 1a n g T s ^ n g - p i ) ,

1T u n g - m e n g - h u i shih tai M i n - p a o s h i h mo chi' , KMWIl,

Vol. 2, pp. 82, 8 6- 88 . H u Han-min, Autobiography,

pp. 2 2- 2 3, in K M W H , Vol. 3-

6. An article 'A c o m p a r i s o n b e t w e e n r e f o r m i s t s and

p ro s t i t u t e s ' appeared in the

' i n t e r e s t i n g N ot es ' column o n 17 a n d 18 F e b r u a r y

1908, in the C h u n g U s i n g J i h Pao. A similar article

entitled 'The difference and similarities between

prostitutes and revolu t i o n a r i e s '

was published on 13 A u g u s t 1908 in the U n i o n

Time s .
 104

7. The Union Times had brought two lawsuits against

the Chung Hsing J ih P a o : one was on 8 August 1908,

the other on 13 July 1909. The manager of the Chung

Hsing Jih Pao, Wu Wu-sou, and one of the managing

directors, Teng Tzu-yu, filed a counter-claim

against the Union Times for deliberate defamation.

See The Union T i m e s , 8 August 1908, 13 July 1909;

Churifi Hsing J ih Pao, 20 October 1909» 25 October 1909*

8. Kao Liang-tso, ’The Polemics Between the

Revolutionaries and the Monarchists Before the

Commencement of the Chinese Republic', CKYK , Vol. 7»

No. 4, pp. 7-31» No. 5» pp. 1-10.

9. The fourteen articles are listed in the following

table.

Author Title Date Newspaper

Yün Rebuttal of K 'ang l4, 16 Chung
Y u - w e i ’s false theory September Using
that Chinese and 1907 Jih Pao
Manchu share the
same fate
Lung- Refutation of Cheng 2-11 t!

t 'eng Wen She's declaration December

1907
Wang The revolutionary 24, 2 6 , n

Ching- radicalism 27 Dec­

we i ember
1907
P'i-wei Review of Wang's 21-22 1!

’The radical January

rev ol ut io n ' 1908
 105

9. ( continued)

Author Title Date Newspaper

K 1un- The most shameless 10-11 Chung
lun are those who hope February Using Jih
for a constitutional 1908 Pao
monarchy
Hsing- On revolution 17-18 M

huang March
1908
Hen-hai Hearty advice to 20-21, M

those who hope for 2 3 - 2 6 , 31,

a constitutional March 1908
monarchy
Tzü-chu Comparison of 2 2 May It

simplicity and 1908

difficulty between
revolution and
cons titutional
monarchy
Hen-hai The psychology of 5 June It

revolution 1908
Wang The determination of 4 Sept­ IT

Ching- staging a revolution ember 1908

we i
Yeh- Revolution is 29 J u n e ; The Union
shih impracticable at the 1-2, 4, Times
present time 6-7, 9,
11, 13,
16-18, 20
July 1908
P ’ing- The only means to 5 Sept­ M

shih save China is a ember 1908

constitutional
monarchy, not
revolution
Revolution could not 9, 11 11
be forced through September
1908
Ch'u Rejection of 16, 19, it
revolution could 23-24 O c t ­
save China ober 1908
 106

10. K'ang strongly defended Manchu rule in China. He

repeatedly quoted Chinese and European history to

prove that alien rulers were not really harmful to

the people. Chinese ancient saints like Shun and

Chou Wen-wang were of barbarian stock, but they

ruled the country with justice and wisdom. Thus,

K'ang emphasized that good rulers should not

necessarily be Chinese by race, but Chinese by

culture and tradition. He further declared that

since the Manchu conquest in 1 644, the ruling class

fully accepted Chinese political institutions and

preserved Chinese culture and tradition. Most of

the Manchu rulers were wise, able and enlightened.

The recent cession of lands and indemnity to the

foreign powers should be attributed to the Empress

Dowager Tz'u Hsi herself, but not to the Manchu as

a whole. See K'ang Yu-wei, 'Pien Ko-ming s h u ' ,

Hs i n Min Tsung P a o , Vol. 1 6 (l6 September 1902);

Chang Nan and Wang Jen-chih (ed. ) , Ilsin-hai ko-ming

ch'ien shih-nien chien shih-lun h s ü a n - c h i , Vol. 1,

Pt. 1, pp. 212-15.

11. Chung Hsing Jih P a o , l4 September 1907, p. 2.

12. Ibid.
 107

13. I b i d . , 1 6 September 1907 , p. 2.

l4„ Cheng Wen She was planned and founded by Liang

Ch'i-ch'ao and other reformist leaders like Ilsii

Ch'in, Chiang Chih-yu (alias Chiang Kuan-yiin) , Hsü

Kung-mien, Me Meng-hua and Ma Liang. Although Liang

Ch'i-ch'ao was the master-mind of the movement, his

name did not appear in the Executive Committee of

the Cheng Wen She. That was probably due to the

fact that as he was a political refugee wanted by

the C h ’ing government, his formal association with

the organization would jeopardize its standing.

See Ting Wen-chiang, Liang-jen-kung hsien-sheng

nien-pu chang pien c h ’u k a o , pp. 214-17, 2 3 0 -3 1 ;

'List of the Executive Members of the Cheng Wen

S h e 1 , H H K M , Vol. 4, pp. 119-20.

15* ’The Declaration of the Cheng Wen S h e ' , Yin-pin-she

w e n - c h i , Vol. 20, pp. 19-21, H H K M , Vol. 4, pp. 105-08.

16. I b i d . , Yin-pin-she w e n - c h i , Vol. 20, pp. 25-27,

H H K M , Vol. 4, pp. 111-14.

17. Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 2 December 1907, p. 2,3 December

1907, p. 2 , 4 December 1907 , p. 2, 5 December 1907,

p. 2 , 6 December 1907, p. 2, 7 December 1907, p. 2,

9 December 1907, p. 2, 10 December 1907 , p. 2,

11 December 1907, p. 2.
 108

CO
11
— Ibid., 2 December 1 9 0 7 , p . 2 .

19. Ibid., 6 December 1 9 0 7 , p . 2 .

20. Ibid., 4 December 1 9 0 7 , P . 2 .

21. Yeh-shih, 'Revolution is impracticable at the

present time’, The Union Times, 13 July 1 9 0 8 ,

— i1
cu

22. To accommodate some ex-Ming generals who helped

Manchus to conquer China, the Ch'ing government

created four feudatories in South China, $aiaely

Wu San-kuei in Yunan, K'ung Yu-teh in Kwangsi,
Shang K ’o-hsi in Kwangtung and K§ng Ching-chung
in Fukien, among them Wu was most powerful. After
the collapse of the regime of the last king of
the Ming royal family, Kuei Wang (also known
as the Yung-li Emperor) in 1662, Wu was promoted

to Ch'in-wang, with his jurisdiction extending

to Kweichow. He also extended his influence
to Hunan, Szechwan, Shensi and Kangsu. Apart
from increase in power, Wu also sought to enhance
his wealth; he increased taxes, established monop­

olies on salt wells, gold and copper mines, and

trade in ginseng and rhubard. The increase of

 108a
22. (continued)
power and wealth of Wu San-kuei and, to less
extent, other three feudatories, threatened the

security of the empire. The Ch’ing government

under its able leadership of Emperor K Tang-hsi,

sought to reduce their influence by cutting

military funds and otherAprovisions. Thus, the

conflict between the court and its feudatories

began. In 1673, Shang K'o-hsi memorilized the

throne of his desire to pass his last days in
Liaotung, Manchuria, his request was granted,
and his feudatory in Kwangtung was abolished.
Threatened by the court’s move of abolishing
feudatories, Wu San-kuei revolted against the
Ch’ing government in December 1673, and founded
his own new dynasty, Chou. At the outset, Wu
was quite successful in his military operation,
his troops occupied Kweichow and Hunan at the
beginning of 167*1. His victory won the support
of other feudatories who joined him against the

Manchus. This united front has almost controlled

most provinces south of Yangtze (except Chekiang).
At the zenith of his power Wu made a strategic

mistake of not marching his troops northward

to central China, the key region to control of

 108b

22. (continued)
the North. This gave Manchus an opportunity to

gather their forces in Hupeh. In 1677 5 the tide

took a sharp turn. Shang Chih-hsin, son of Shang

K ’o-hsi, surrendered to the Manchus, and Wu himself

suffered several defeats in Kiangsi and Hunan.
Retreating to Heng-chou, Hunan, he proclaimed

himself Emperor of the Chou dynasty on March 23

1678 with the reign-title of Chao-wu. But he could

hardly win the support of gentry class and the
Ming loyalists, and the situation grew increasingly
unfavourable. Five and half months later, he died
of dysentery, and was succeeded by his eldest
grandson, Wu Shih-fan who carried on his military

operations. But the rebels’ influence was only

confined to Yunan, Kweichow and parts of Hunan,
Szechwan and Kwangsi. Late in 1679 Kwangsi went
over to the Ch’ing side, and early 1680 Szechwan

was also taken by a Ch’ing general. In 1681,

the capital of the rebels in Yunan was beseiged
for several months, Wu Shih-fan committed suicide
on December 7 of the same year, thus ending the
nine years’ rebellion. This war was mainly con­

ducted by three of the Four Vassals: Wu San-kuei,

Shang Chih-hsin (son of Shang K ’o-hsi) and Keng
 108c
22. (continued)
Ching-chung, and is known in Chinese history
as the San-fan chih luan (The Rebellion of the

Three Vassals). See M§ng Sen, ChVing-tal shih

(A History of Ch'ing), pp.131-38.; Fang Chao-
ying, ’Wu San-kuei ', in Hummel, A.W. (ed.),

Eminent Chinese of the ChTing Period (Washington,1941|)

vol.2,pp.877-80.; Eberhard,W.A History of China(London

I960), pp.269-72.

23. This religious sect had been active in the >e Yuan
and M m g periods. It became widespread in Central

China in the Chia-ch’ing and Tao-l uang reigns.

24 . The Rebellion of the Three Vassals resulted

in the occupation of more than six provinces
and lasted for nine years; the White Lotus five
provinces and nine years: and the Taiping Rebel­
lion sixteen provinces and sixteen years. See
The Union Times, 16 July 1908, p.l.

25. Historical examples such as the British Revol­

utions in 1642 and 1688 , the French Revolution in 1789
 109

25- (continued)

the Han Kao T s u ’s occupation of the capital of the

Ch'in Dynasty, the Ming T ’ai Tsu's success in

driving out the Mongol Emperor, and the Li Tzu-

ch'eng’s capture of Peking proved that the success

of a revolution or a rebellion should come from

revolts in the capital. See Yeh-shih, ’Revolution

is impracticable at the present time’, ibid.

26. What the author implied was peasant revolution.

The typical example he gave was the peasant

uprising led by C h ’en She and Wu Kuang at the end

of the Ch'in Dynasty. Ibid, 17 July 1908, p. 1.

J
27. Y«h-shih, op. c i t . , The Union T i m e s , 18 July 1908,

p. 1; 20 July 1908, p. 1.

28. Ch'u, 'Rejection of revolution could save China’ ,

ibid., 23 October 1908, p. 1.

29« Wang Ching-wei, ’The determination of staging a

revolution', in Chung Using Jih P a o , 4 September

1908, p. 2.

30. Ibid.

31. Ibid.

32. Ibid.
 110

33* H§n-hai, 'The Psychology of Revolution', ibid.,

5 June 1908, p. 2.

34. According to Wang Ching-wei, there were two causes

of revolution: Revolutionary Radicalism and

Revolutionary Universalism. The former emphasized

action irrespective of existing conditions, whereas

the latter stressed the spread of the cause in

enlisting popular confidence in revolution. These

two causes should not be carried out at different

stages, but should be enforced in unison. See

Wang Ching-wei, 'The revolutionary radicalism',

ibid., 2k December 1907, p. 2.

35. The revolutionaries gave several historical facts

to prove their points. The French Revolution, the

Unification of Italy and the Greek Independence

took only a matter of months. The longest, like

the American Independence War, lasted only eight

years. Turning to Chinese history, the founder of

the Han Dynasty spent twelve years in overthrowing

the Ch'in Dynasty, and the founder of the Ming

Dynasty, took only seven years to end the Mongols'

rule in China. See TzH-chu, 'Comparison of

simplicity and difficulty between revolution and

constitutional monarchy', ibid., 22 May 1908, p. 2.

 Ill

36 . Ibid.

37* K'un-lun, 'The most shameless are those who hope Tor

a constitutional mona r c h y ' , i b i d . , 10 February 1908,

p. 2.

38. Ibid.

39* In a memorial to the throne, a high-ranking Manchu

officer, Tu a n Fang, proposed to end the prohibition

oT intermarriage between Chinese and Manchu, and to

give more opportunities to Chinese in entering

imperial bureaucracy. Apparently, these proposals

were aimed at easing the growing tension between

the two races. As a result, an edict permitting

intermarriage and promising racial equality was

proclaimed in August 1907• See Tuan Fang, 'A

Memorial to the Throne dated August 1906' , H H K M ,

Vol. 4, pp. 39-47; Huang H u n g - s h o u , Ch'ing-shih

chi-shih p e n - m o , Vol. 73» W S N W H , Vol. 1. Pt. 8,

p. 4 7 6 .

40. Hen-hai, 'Hearty advice to those who hope for the

constitutional monarchy', Chung Hsing Jih P a o ,

21 March 1908, p. 2.

41. I b i d . , 24 March 1908, p. 2.

 112

42. Hsiurig was a junior officer in Hunan. After his

return to China from Japan, where he completed a

university course, he petitioned for the early

adoption of a constitution. Thereupon, he was

considered as a subversive element and ordered to

be arrested. Hsiung fled without trace. Ibid. ,

21 March 1908, p. 4.

43» Hen-hai, op. cit., 23 March 1908, p. 2.

44. Op. cit., 21 March 1908, p. 2.

45« In the edict on the proposed constitutional

monarchy, the Empress Dowager stressed '...In view

of frequent contact with other nations, China has

to change its traditional systems for survival.

Therefore, ministers have been sent out to learn

about other nations. According to them, those

nations became wealthy and powerful because of

adopting a constitution within which political,

judicial and financial administrations of the nation

are shared by the people... However, the present

conditions in China are not yet suitable for the

introduction of a constitution. In order to lay

a solid foundation for the ultimate introduction

 113

45• (continued)

of a constitution, we have to reform the official

system first, and then the laws, education, finance,

military organization and police. I therefore

order all ministers, governors and high-ranking

officers to direct all their efforts to this object.

The time for the introduction of the proposed

constitution will depend on the results of all these

preliminary refo r m s . ...’ See the original text in

Ta-ch'ing t e - 1sung ching-huang-1i shih-lu, Vol. 562,

pp. 8-9; Chu Shou-peng, Kuang-hsii-ch*ao tung-hua l u ,

Vol. 5» PP* 5563-5564; Shen P a o , 3 September 1906.

46. In November 1906, the cabinet was reorganized, the

traditional six boards were expanded to ten

ministries. In April 1907 , it began political

programmes with provincial governments, the old

governor-generalship of Fengtien was reorganized

into the viceroyalty of the three Manchurian

provinces. See Cameron, M . E . , The Reform Movement

in China, 1 8 9 8 - 1 9 1 2 , pp. 105, 108.

47* In Singapore, the Imperial Edict was published on

13 September 1906 in the Lat Pao. The proposals

to revise the official system and the cabinet were

 Il4

47* (continued)

also published in detail in that newspaper. Further,

the chief editor, Yeh Chi-yün, under the pen name

Hsing O-sheng, wrote a long editorial commenting on

the Edict. Although he enumerated ten possible

defects of the proposed constitutional monarchy, he

hailed the pronouncement of the Edict. See Lat P a o ,

13 September 1906 , p. 1, 20 September 1906, p. 10,

21 September 1906, pp. 1, 10, 22 September 1906,

p. 1, 24 September 1906, p. 1, 25 September 1906,

p. 1.

48. In a letter to K 'ang Yu-wei, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao

stated that the promulgation of the Edict had

provided the reformists with their best opportunity

to win support. See 'Letter from Liang Ch'i-ch'ao

to K 'ang Yu-wei written in December 1906', Ting

Wen-chiang, Liang Jen-kung hsien-sheng nien-p'u

ch'ang-p'ien ch'u k a o , pp. 215-1 8 .

49. Hen-hai, op. c i t . , Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 31 March

1 9 0 8 , p. 2 .

50. See footnote l4.

51. Ting Wen-chiang, op. c i t . , p. 230.

52. Ibid, p. 2 6 5 .
 115

53• 'Letter from Chang Chia-sen to Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and

others dated 25 March 1908', ibid., pp.273-74.

54. Shen P a o , 3 July 1908.

55» Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 9 June I9O 8 ; Chu Cheng, Chu

Chüeh-sheng hsien-sheng c h 'üan-chi, Vo1.1,

p p .1 2 5- 2 6 .

56. Ibid.

57. The Union T i m e s , 8 July, 10 July, l4 July,

15 July, 29 July, 30 July, 31 July 1908, p.l.

58. Chia, 'An appeal to the people to demand with all

their effort for a parliament', ibid., 8 July 1908,

p.l.

59. Ch'u, 'The trend to Parliament', ibid.,

5 August 1908, p.l.

60. Ibid.

61. Yung, 'Fixing a time for the establishment of a

Parliament is the foundation of China's self­

strengthening' , The Union T i m e s , 26 September

1 9 0 8 , p.l.

62. The article was written under the pen name of Ch'i-

fei, and appeared continuously in the Chung Hsing

J ih Pao from 10 to 2.1 August 1908.

 116

63» This article was written by a revolutionary under

the pen name of Che-jen. It appeared in the editorial

column of the Chung Hsing J ih Pao from l6 to 24

September 1908. But the editor of the Chung-hua

min-kuo k 1ai-kuo wu-shih. nien wen-hsien mistakenly

gives the date from 13 to 24 September 1908. See

Chung Hsing Jih Pao, l6 September, 19 September,

24 September 1908, p. 2; W S N W H , Vol. 1, Pt. 15,

pp. 223-29.

64. Chü— fei » ’Refutation of the Union Times on the

trend to P a r l i a m e n t ’, Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 10

August, 17 August 1908, p. 2.

65. Chü-fei » °P- cit., 12 August 1908, p. 2.

66. See Ta-ch'ing te-tsung ching-huang-ti shih-lu,

Vol. 593» PP* 3-4; Chu Shou-peng, Kuang-hsii-ch ' ao

tung-hua l u , Vol. 5» P* 5933*

67. Chü— f e i , op. c i t . , 17 August 1908, p. 2.

68. This remark was made by an influential Manchu noble,

Kang-i. See Li Chien-nung, Tsui chin san-shih nien

Chung-kuo cheng-chih s h i h , p . 126

69. C h u - f e i , op. c i t . , 15 August 1908, p. 2.

 117

70. The author claimed that since the petitions of the

reformists failed to restore the Emperor Kuang Hsü

in 1899 and 1900, the same result could be predicted,

ibid., 18 August 1908, p. 2.

71. The Sun Pao had eleven agencies throughout

Southeast Asia. They were Liu Sung-t’ing in Batu

Pahat, Liu Ching-shan in Muar, Ch'an Chan-mooi in

Kuala Lumpur, Feng Tzü-yün in Lembing, Hsü Hui-chih

in Kuantan, Ch'en Tseng-po in Ipoh, the Penang

Philomatic Society in Penang, Hua Hsüan Jih Pao in

Bangkok, Kuang Hua Pao in Rangoon, Tu Tso-chou in

Batavia and Chiang Ch’ing-shui in Pontianak. There

were five more in Hong Kong, Canton, Honolulu, San

Francisco and Paris. See The Sun Pao, 17 February

1910, p. 1.

72. The pen names used were many, such as Tz'u-p'ing,

Chung-kuo-min , Kung-sheng-ming, Cheri-hsing-t 1ang

A ckk
Chli-jen, T~z£L-kung, Pin^-ch'eng yu-ke, I-hsiu,

P 'ing-liang-hsin etc. But some of them used their

real names, such as Liu Yun-t’ing, Ch’en Ch’i-shih,

Ch’en Hsin-cheng, Li Chieh and others. See Chung

Hsing J ih Pao, 28 July , 30 July, 3 August,

4 August, 8 August 1908, p. 5*

 118

73* In December I9 0 7 , an imperial edict prohibited

students from interfering in political affairs.

In the same month, the Ministry of Posts and

Telecommunications issued regulations for the

general public and overseas Chinese who intended

to cable and petition the government. In July 19O8 ,

a member of the Cheng W en She, C h ’en Ching-jen,

who was concurrently the Secretary of the Ministry

of Jurisdiction, was dismissed because of his

petition for the early introduction of the

proposed parliament. See Li Chien-nung, Political

History of China, 1 8 ^ 0 - 1 9 2 8 , p . 218; Lat P a o ,

3 January 1908, p. 9j Chu Shou-peng, Kuang-hsil-

c h 1ao tung-hua l u , Vol. 5 > P « 5951*

lk. On 28 August 1908, the Bureau for Compilation of

a Constitution submitted the draft of a constitution

to the throne. It was approved and proclaimed on

22 September 1908. The original draft and text

can be seen in The Chting Government G a z e t t e ,

Vol. 11, pp. 59-68; Chu Shou-pJeng, Kuang-hsu-ch !ao

tung-hua l u , Vol. 5 , pp. 5979~84; Li Chien-nung,

The Political History of China 1 8 ^0 -1 92 8,

pp. 218- 2 0 .
 119

75* Hu Han-min, the edit or of the Chung Hsing J ih Pao,

wrote a long article entitled 'What the Manchu

call a constitution' )
which appeared intermittently in the newspaper from

21 September to 9 October 1908. in the article,

Hu compared the Manchu Constitution with those of

Britain, Prussia and Japan, and then fiercely

attacked the Manchu Constitution. See Chung Hsing

Jih Pao, 21 September, 23 September, 2k September

26 September, 28 September 1908, p. 2, 29 September,

30 September, 1 October, 2 October, 5 October,

7 October, 8 October, 9 October 1908, p. 1.

76. Sheri Pa o. 1^4 August 1908.

 Notes for Chapter VI
In a letter to the Governor of Hong Kong,

Sir Henry A. Blake, Dr. Sun urged the British

govenrment to help reform China. See 'Letter

from Dr. Sun Yat Sen to the Governor of Hong

Kong written in 1900’, KFCS, p.358; 'The True

Solution of the Chinese Question' (an article

written for an American newspaper published in

1904), ibid., pp. 369-71; Hu Han-min, 'Min Pao

chih liu ta chu-i’, Min Pao, no.3, p p . 19-21.

Chang Ping-lin, the leader of the Chekiang-

Anhwei group, doubted the value of parliamentary

system, and regarded it as a form of oligarchy

worse than despotism. See Chang Ping-lin,'Tai-i

jan fou-lün' (ftfj| ^ Min Pao, no. 24,

p.10; Liew Kit-siong, Sung Chiao-jen, A Study
of his; Revolutionary and Political Career (un­
published Ph.D. thesis, Australian National

University), p.150.

See'The List of the Executive Members of the

T'ung Meng Hui Headquarters in Tokyo’, WSNWH,

vol.l, pt.ll, pp.233-34.

Due to personal ties with their provincial heads,

rank-and-file members were closer to their own leader

than to any other T ’ung Meng Hui officials.

 121

4. (continued)

Also, because they were sworn into the T'ung Meng

Hui by their provincial heads, these men would

certainly feel they owed allegiance more to their

leaders than to anyone else. In other words, party

obligation seemed to be less important to them than
friendship with their ’big brothers', the heads of
their provincial branch offices in Tokyo. See

Cheng, S.H., The T'ung M£ng Hui: Its Organization,

Leadership And Finance, 1905-1912 (unpublished Ph.D.
thesis, University of Washington, 19^2), p.118.

5. In early 1907, the Japanese government asked Dr Sun

Yat-sen to leave Japan at the request of the Ch'ing
government. Fifteen thousand yen were given to Sun
by the Japanese government and a Japanese merchant

in token of compensation with which Sun left 2,000

to finance the Min Pao. Chang Ping-lin, the chief
editor of the Min Pao, felt dissatisfied about the
amount left, and started a campaign to topple Sun's
leadership. With the support of some leaders of the
Hunanese group, Sung Chiao-jen, T'an Jen-feng and

Chang Chi, he planned to call a general meeting to

elect Huang Hsing (the leader of the Hunanese group)
to replace Sun as the party's leader. Their attempt
 122

5. (continued)

was unsuccessful because the proposal was rejected

by Huang. A second attempt to oust Sun as the

cha i r m an of the pa rty occurred in the same year, In

June, 1907» when Chang Pin g- lin learned that a

Japanese confidant of Dr Sun, Kayano Chochi had

bought obsolete weapons for the C h 'i n- Li en Uprising,

he took the o pp or t un it y to accuse Dr Sun for

p u r p os e ly e nd an g e r i n g the lives of the

revolutionaries, H a vi ng obtained some support from

other leaders, this an t i- S u n group went to force

the A c t i n g Chief of the Ex ecutive Section, Liu K'uei-

i to call a special m e e t i n g to expel Dr Sun. Things

had gone so far that Liu was hit by Chang Chi, an

a n ti - S un leader, when he refused to do so, See Liu

K'uei-i, H u a n g H s in g c h u a n - c h i , p.l6; Hu Han-min,

Au t o b i o g r a p h y , p ,2 7 , in _KMWH , v o 1.3

6. T e n g Wen-hui, 'Ku ng = ch i n -h u i ti y ü a n - c h 1i chi c h •i

jo-kan c h i h - t u v, C T S T L , n o .3 (1956), p p . 10-11; Ch ang

Ping-lin, !Ch’iao T a - f e n g c h C a n 1 , in Chang, Chih-

c h i h - l u , p ,2 3 2,

7. Chang H u a n g - h s i , ?K ua ng -f u-h ui ling-hsiu T ao C h ’eng-

chang k o - m in g shihJ , H H K M 9 vol.l, p.524.

 123

8. Hu Man-min, Aut obi o gr ap h y , p,28, in KM W H , vol.3*

9. Teh L a y - s e n g , Hua-ch iao ko-ming chih chiien-yin

h o u - k u o *, in Huang Ching-wan (ed. ) , Nan-yang p ^ - l i

h u a - c h 1iao ko-ming shih-ch i , p ,3 •

10. Teng Tzu-yu, i-shih , vol.2, p.235*

11. T ’ao had shown his enthusiasm in advocating the

T !ung M£ng Hui during his short stay in Singapore

and Penang. T ao wrote several articles under the

pen name of Ch-era-« in the Chung Hsing Pih Pao to

attack the reformists when the newspaper was engaged

in a heated polemics with the Union T i m e s . But he

still did not succeed in both aims. See Chang Huang-

hsi, op. cit,, H H K M , vol.l, p.525.

12. These leaders were Koh Soh-chew, Ch en Yun-sheng and

Ch'en I - t !ao from Singapore; Li Chu-chung (Li Hsieh-

h o ), Wang Wen-ching, and Shen Chun-yeh from Dutch

East-Indies. Both Koh and C h ’en were Teochew, Li, Wang

and Shen were Hunanese. See Feng Tzö-yu, i- s h i h ,

vol.2, pp.199» 23^, Koh H a n - h u i , The Biography of A

Revolutionary Martyr-Koh Soh-chew , p .6,

13. Hu Han-min, op. cit, pp.26-27, in K M W H , vol.3; Koh

Han-hui, op. cit,, pp.l3~l6,

 124

14. Fe ng Tzü-yu, k o - m i n g shih, vol.2, p,31? Feng, i-shih,

v o 1.5 , p - 7 2 .

15. Anonymous, *T ao C h ?e n g - c h a n g ' F u nd - r a i s i n g

Reg ul at ion s in So utheast Asia*. See original article

kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung, Taiwan, pp.1-2.

16. M i l i t a r y bonds were sp e ci f i c al l y stated to be used

in the uprisings in the five pr ovinces (Chekiang,

Kiangsu, Anhwei, Ki angsi and Fukien). See Feng

Tzu-yu, tsu-chih_sh i h , p,l65.

17» Anonymous, op. cit., pp,l~2.

18. Chang Huang-hsi, op. cit,, in HHKM, vol.l, p.525.

19« The original letter is no longer available.

Fortunately, it was reproduced b y the Un io n T i m e s , the

refor mi st organ in Singapore, to frustrate the

revolutionaries, and thus it comes to light. But

its title was changed to "A Ci rcular of De cl ar i n g the

Crimes of Sun Yat-sen by the R e vol ut ion ar ies in

Southeast Asia* See the

U n i o n T i m e s , 11 November, 27 November, 29 November,

1909, p.2.

20. The letter gave many examples to prove their points?

af ter the defeat of the H o k ’ou U p r i si n g in 1908,

 125

20. (continued)

some revolutionary refugees from Yunnan could hardly

earn a living in Singapore. They tried to mortgage

themselves to the coolie-depots, but Dr Sun did not

try to help them although he knew it. Sun, so the

letter alleged, was so evil that he tried to poison

some of his comrades whom he disliked. Further, he

was supposed to have asked the British colonial

authorities in Singapore to arrest some of his

comrades who were under some suspicion of committing

crimes. Sun was further accused of spreading

personal influence among the overseas Chinese. He

gave special favour to the Chung Hsing Jih P a o .and

the Chung Kuo Jih Pao in Hong Kong over the party’s

main organ - Min Pao in Tokyo. He was accused of

giving special authorities to the T'ung Meng Hui

Southeast Asia Headquarters in Singapore, which was

put under the control of his faithful follower - Hu

Han-min. Moreover, Sun was charged with being

corrupt. It was said that he had HK$200,000 in his

bank account in Hong Kong, and that his elder

brother had built a new house in Kowloon with S u n ’s

financial support. See A Circular of Declaring the

Crimes of Sun Yat-sen by the Revolutionaries in

Southeast Asia’, ibid.

 126

21, Ibid,
22, This statement was widely circulated in Japan and
overseas. The Union Times reproduced it on 6

November 1909». It was reproduced too in the Jih

Hua Hsin Pao in Japan in January 1910 and was

quoted in the New Century , no.117 (30 January 1910),

See the Union Times, 6 November 1909? P-2; also see

Cheng, S.H., T'ung M£ng Hui: Its Organization, Leader-

Ship and Finance, chapter 3» note 42,

23, See Chang Ping-lin, TWei Min Pao chien-chü chuang',

the Union Times, 6 November 1909» p*2.

24, See Anonymous, ’Rules of Fund Raising of T ’ao
Ch'£ng-chang in Southeast Asia', pp.1-2.

25» F§ng Tzö-yu, i-shih, vol.5» p.73» also see HHKM,

vol.l, p,5l8,
26. Sun Yat-sen, 'Sun W§n hsueh-shuo', KFCS, p,36.
27. 'Letter from Dr, Sun Yat-sen to Wu Ching-h^ng dated
12 November 1909’» ibid,, pp,419-20,
28. Chung Hsing Jih Pao, 3 January 1910,p.l,

29. Ibid,, 22 November 1909» p.l,

30. This statement was entitled as 'A Reply to Those
 127

30. (continued)

Slande re rs Who Sent the A n o n y m o u s Letters in

S u r a h b a y a ', i b i d . , 8 D e c e m b er 1909» p.l.

31. Two e ditorials were written b y Ho Te-ju, the chief

editor of the newspaper. The first one was entitled

'Condemn Chang Pi ng-lin and Th ose Who Sent Anon ym ous

L e t t e r s ' ; the second was en t it l e d '0! The Small

Clown'. I b i d . , 6 December, 7 D e ce m b e r 1909, p.l,

3 Ja n u ar y 1910, p.l.

32. In this attack, the author pro du ced Ch'en's letters

to C h ' i u Ts 'an g-hai, the leader of the T ' u n g Meng

Hui br an ch of Lembing, as evidence. Ibid., 3

J a n u ar y 1910, p.l.

33- I b i d . , 7 December 1909» p.l.

34. In Ch u ng Kuo Jih P a o , the edit or ial was entitled

'To R e p l y Re aders C o n c e r n i n g the D e f e c t i o n of Chang

Ping -l in from the P a r t y ' . The article in K un g I P a o

was entitled 'A Lette r to C h a n g P i n g - l i n ' ; in the

Ji h Hua Hsin Pao the article was 'Concrete Proof of

C h a n g Ping-lin's Betrayal of the Party'. Ibid.,

30 November, 2 De ce mb e r 1909» p.l, 18 J a nu a r y 1910,

P •7 •

35« Ibid., 18 J an u a r y 1910, p.7*

 128

36. Teng, throughout his life, was proved to be one of

the most faithful followers of Dr Sun Yat-sen, He

was the chairman of the T !ung Meng branch in Kuala

Pilah, and had close connections with the Seremban

and Malacca T'ung M£ng Hui. See T 5an Hui-ch 'iian,

’A Brief Biography of Teng Tse-ju', in KMHLHCC,

pp.811-12; Teng Tse-ju, Chung-kuo kuo-min-tang erh-

shih nien shih-chi, pp.1-2.

37* See 'Letter from Dr Sun Yat-sen to Teo Eng-hock and

Tan Chor-nam dated 29 August 1908', 'Letter to Wu

Wu-shou dated 20 October 1908s, 'Letter to the

Comrades of Thailand dated 7 April 1909' , in K F C S ,

pp.409-11, 4l5-l6.

38. 'Letter to Teo Eng-hock and Tan Chor-nam dated 29

August 1908', ibid., pp.409-10.

39* See 'Letter from Dr Sun Yat-sen to Huang Chia-yüan

dated 24 July 1908', 'Letter to Teng Tse-ju dated

10 October 1908', 'Letter to Teo Eng-hock and Tan

Chor-nam dated 25 March 1909’, 'Letter to T s 1eng-

Jen-lung in 1909', ibid., pp.408, 4ll, 4l4.

40. Chung Using Jih P a o , 23 February 1909, p.2.

 129

41. The newspaper closed down in February 1 9 1 0 . See

Chung Hsing Jih P a o , February 1 9 1 0 ; Feng mistakenly

put it in the summer of 1 9 1 0 . Feng Tzd-yu, k 'ai-kuo

s h i h , p .85.

42. The Union T i m e s , 6 November 1909, p.2, 11 November

1909, p.2.

43. Sun Yat-sen, ’Sun Wen h s ü e h - s h u o 1, K F C S , p. 36 ;

’Letter from Dr Sun Yat-sen to Teng Tse-ju and

Others dated 17 March 1 9 0 9 ’, in Teng Tse-ju (ed.),

Sun Chung-shan hsien-sh&ng nien-nien lai s h ou -c ha ,

v o .2, p.10, same letter appeared in K F C S , p.4l5,

but the date was put to 17 May which must be a

mistake.

44. ’Letter From Dr Sun Yat-sen to Wu Ching-heng dated

25 November 1909', K F C S , p.420.

45. Feng Tzu-yu, k'ai-kuo s h i h , p p . 66- 67 .

46. The old oath of the T ’ung M§ng Hui consists of four

important sentences, i.e. '...to work for the

explusion of the M a n c h u , the restoration of Chinese

sovereignty, the establishment of the Republic and

equalization of land r i g h t . . . ’. The new oath cut

down to three sentences and differs slightly in

wording, i.e. ’...to work for the explusion of the

 130

46. (continued)

Manchu, to found a Chinese Republic and to carry out

the principle of People Livelihood....’ See ’Letter

from Dr Sun Yat-sen to Wang Yueh-chou dated 10

November 1910’, KFCS, pp.430-31.

47. Feng TzCi-yu, op. cit., pp.37-38.

48. 'Letter From Dr Sun Yat-sen to the Comrades in

Honolulu in 1910’, ’Letter to the Comrades in New

York dated 22 June 1910', KFCS, pp.426-27.

49. See KFNP, vol.l, p.285.

50. ’Letter From Dr Sun Yat-sen to the Comrades in Ipoh

dated l4 July 1910’, photostat of this original
letter appeared in Huang Ching-wan (ed.), Nan-yang
p ’ili hua-ch’iao ko-ming shih-chi, p.23; also see

KFCS, p.427.

51. 'Letter to Wu Ching-heng dated 20 July 1910’, KFCS,

pp.427-28.

52. Yang Han-hsiang, ’Chung-hua min-kuo k'ai-kuo ch'ien-

hou chih pen-she ko-ming shih’, in The Souvenir of

the 24th Anniversary of the Penang Philomatic Society,

p.21; Feng Tztt-yu erroneously put the date of

shifting to April 1909* See k ’ai-kuo shih, p.87,
ko-ming shih, vol.2, p.l40.
 130a

52a, The major cities in the Federated Malay States

did not have such service. Although a Tetegraphic

line was extended from Singapore to Kuala Lumpur

in 1909, It subjected to frequent breakdown, (See

Makepeace, W. , Brooke.C.E. & Braddell, R.J. (ed.),

One Hundred Years of Singapore, London, 1921),

vol.2, p p . 151-52,

52b. Soon after its inception in 1910, Kuang Hua Jih

P a o Ts three chief editors were all expatriate

revolutionary leaders, they were Lui T ’ieh-yai

(Szechwanese), Fang Shih-kang (Cantonese, born in

P ’u Ling District, Kwangtung) and Tai T ’ien-ch’ou

(chi-tao). A number of other staff members were

also expatriate revolutionaries, such as Fang

C h ’iu, Lin Fu-ch’uan, Hsieh San-ti, Hsieh Tz'ü-

p ’ien, and Chang Tu-chuan. (See Yang Han-hsiang,

'Chung-hua min-kuo k'ai-kuo c h ’ien-hou chih p§n-

sh§ ko-ming shih’, in The Souvenir of the 2^th

Anniversary of the Penang Philomatic Society, p.20

Feng Tzü-yu, ’A Reporter of the Nanyang Kuang Hua

Jih Pao— Fang Nan-kang’, in i-shih, vol.3, p p .276

80,; see also two histroical photographs of Kuang

Hua Jih P a o 1s editorial board and staff members

in Liu Wen-chii (ed.), This Half Century: Souvenir

of the Golden Jubilee of the Kuang Hua Jih Pao,

 130b

52b. (continued)

pp .282-83,

52c. In 1908, the Chung Hs.ing Jih Pao accommodated

some of revolutionary refugees. See ’Letter

of Sun Yat-sen to Wu Wu-sou dated 20 October

1908’, in KFCS., p .411.

 131

53* Yang Han-hsiang, op. cit., in The Souvenir of the

24th Anniversary of the Panang Philomatic Society,

p .21.

54. There was no particular statute for the T 'ung Meng

Hui Southeast Asia Headquarters when it was first

set up in Singapore in 1908. The statute it

adopted was mainly based on the statute of the

Singapore T'ung M&ng Hui branch. This new statute

for the Headquarters in Penang was reproduced in
Yang Han-hsiang 'Chung-hua min-kuo k'ai-kuo

ch'ien-hou chih pen-she ko-ming shih’ See Teo Eng-

hock, Nanyang and the Founding of the Chinese
Republic; Yang Han-hsian, op. cit., p.22.

55* See the Statute, ibid.

56. Ibid.

57. Ibid., p.21; Ch'en Hsin-cheng, Hua-ch1iao ko-ming

hsiao shih, p.21.

58. Ibid.

59* Teng Tse-ju, Chung-kuo kuo-min-tang erh-shih nien

shih-chi, pp.1-3; also see WSNWH, vol.l, pt.ll,

p p .581-82.
 132

60. In explaining the change of the name of the party to

some of his important followers, Dr Sun said that

most colonial governments in Southeast Asia strictly

banned secret societies, and the British and French

had already recognized Chinese revolutionary

organization as a political party. If the party

still appeared under the name of T'ung Meng Hui, it

probably would be mistakenly regarded as a Chinese

secret society rather than a political organization.

Therefore, the change of name to Chung Hua Ko Ming

Tang (The Chinese Revolutionary Party) was

desirable and would avoid any possible interference,

See 'Letter from Dr Sun Yat-sen to Teng Tse-ju

dated 24 August 1910', in Teng Tse-ju (e d .), Sun

Chung-shan hsien-sh£ng nien-nien lai s h o u - c h a , v o 1.

2, pp.46-47. Also see K F C S „ p.428.

61. Yang Han-hsiang, op.cit., in The Souvenir of the_24th

Anniversary of the Penang Ph ilomatic S o c i e t y , p .21.

62. 'Letter from Dr Sun Yat-sen to Teng Tse-ju dated

3 November 1910' Teng Tse-ju (ed.), op.cit., vol.2,

p .33. Also see K F C S , p,429.

63 . This uprising was popularly known as t h e ‘Huang Hua

Kang Revolt*. It was because all the seventy-two

 133

63 . (continued)

martyrs of the Revolt were buried in the Huang Hua

Kang (Mount of Yellow Flowers) near Canton.

64. Mei Ch'iao-lin, ‘Kwang-chow san-erh-chiu ch"i-i

ch 'i en -ho u! , in WSNWH , vol.l, p t .l 4 , p.22,

63 . ’Letter from Dr Sun Yat-sen to Chao Kung-pi dated

20 January 1910', K F C S , p.422.

66. Teng Tse-ju (ed.), op. cit. vol.2, p p .33-56, KFCS,

p.429; Chou Lu , A History of the ’Canton March 29

R e v ol ut io n' , p .3.

67 . &4ou L u , op. cit,, p.3; Yang Han*hsiang, op. cit.,

in The So uvenir of the 24th A n n i v e r s a r y of the

P e na ng Philomatic S o c i e t y , p p .32-33•

68. In Ma rc h 1910 Wang Ching-wei and a n ot h e r r e v o l u t i o n a r y

leader, H ua n g Fu-sheng, who failed to as sa ssinate the

Man ch u Regent, were arrested. R e a l i z i n g that

e x e c u t i o n of these two as sa ssins would provoke more

v i ol en ce at home and a b r o a d , the Ma nchu government

imprisoned them for life, See Feng Tzü~yu, ko-ming

shih, vol.2, p p . 230-34, also see W S N W H , vol.l, p t .13 ?

p p . 6 3 1 -6 8 ; Anonymous, ’Hu a n g F u - s h e n g k o ~m i n g hui~i -

lu', WSNWH, vol.l, pt.13, p p . 668-77.

 134

69 . In 1908 and 1909 r ev ol u t i o n a r y leaders in Singapore

and Malaya ge ne r al ly faced fi na ncial d if fic ul ty

caused by the drop of tin price. Enthusiastic

leaders like Loke Chow-kit in Kuala Lumpur, Goh

Sa y -en g and Ng K i m- k en g in Pe n an g were unable to

contribute large sums of m on ey to save the p a r t y ’s

m ai n organ, the Chung Hs ing Jih P a o . See Chung H s i n g

Jih P a o , 5 June 1908, p.4, k F e br u a r y 1909, p.l,

l6 August 1909, p.2; 'Letter F r o m Dr Sun Yat -s en to

T e n g - T s e - j u dated 3 N ov emb er 1908 ' , ’Le tt er to Teng

Ts e - j u and Others dated 10 N o v e m b e r 1 9 0 8 ’, ’Lette r

to Wa ng Fu dated 2 M arc h 1909', in K F C S , pp,4l2-13;

Chou L u , op. cit., p .3.

70. See ’The Address of Dr Sun Y a t- s e n to the Comrades

in P a n a n g ’, K F C S , p.482.

71. Ibid.

72. Y a n g Han-hsiang, op. c i t . , in The So uvenir of the

24th A nn i v e r s a r y of the Pe na ng Phil om ati c Society,

p .33 ; T e n g Tse-.ju, Chung-kuo k u o - m i n - t a n g erh -s hih

nie n s h i h - c h i , W S N W H , vol.l, pt.l4, p.4l.

73* The re ason for this assignment was because Hu a n g

had b een o rg an i z i n g revolts in Hunan, and had close

contact w ith the r e v o l u t i o n a r y leaders in Hupei, and

 135

73* (continued)

was in the best p o si t io n to do so. Whereas Chao had

b e e n the c om ma nde r of the N e w A r m y in Nanking, and

had good relations wi th its leaders. See T e ng Tse-ju,

op.cit., Tsou L u , op. c i t . , p .4.

74. Tsou Lu» op. c i t . , p.3.

75* M a n y books and memoirs did not m e n t i o n this meeting,

even not in the memoirs of T e n g Ts e -j u and Hu Han-

min, the two impo rta nt pa rt ici pa nts of the Pe n an g

Conference. But it was recorded in Y a n g Ha n- hsi an g's

work. It seems Y a n g ’s record is acceptable, for he

based his w r i t i n g on the ar chive of the T ' u n g M ^n g

H u i ’s Sout hea st Asiai He a dq u a r te r s in Penang. See

Y a n g Ha n-hsiang, op. c i t . , in The Sou ve nir of the 24th

A n n i v e r s a r y of the Pe na n g Philo ma tic S o c i e t y , p.35*

76 . Ibid.; C h ’en Hsin-cheng, H u a - c h ’iao k o - mi n g h s i a o -

s h i h , p.23, also see Ch ' en Hsin-cheng, ' H u a - c h ’iao

k o - m i n g s h i h ’, in C h ’en H s i n - c h e n g i - c h i , vol.2, p.12.

77* Y an g Han-hsiang, op. c i t . , in The Sou ve nir of the 24th

A n n i v e r s a r y of the P e n a n g Philomatic S o c i e t y , p .35•

78 . Sir John A n d e r s o n to the S e c r e t a r y of State for the

Colonies dated 29 D e c e m b e r 1910, GD (confidential),

110/ 1 9 1 0 .
 136

79* In his speech, Dr Sun called upon his fellow-

cou ntrymen to support the Ch inese revolution, for

the success of it would also serve their interests.

He urg ed them not always to depend on the b en evo le nce

of the Br itish colonial government, and, a c c o r di n g

to his analysis, they would be ex pelled from

S in gap or e and Ma laya when the colonies grew with

eno u gh white population. He further p o in te d out

that all overseas Ch inese were t e mp o r a ri l y u s ed by

the white men to d ev elo p colonies, but the fruits

were not to be shared by them. He gave the cases in

A me r i c a and A u s t ra li a as concrete examples to support

his argument. See 'The Sp ee c h D e li v e r ed by Dr Sun

Y a t - se n at the C h ’ing F a n g Ko Club, P e n a n g ' , in The

S ouvenir of the 24th A n n i v e r s ary of the P e n a ng

Philomatic S o c i e t y , pp.l43~44.

80. Anonymous, 'The D ep or ta ti on s of Dr Sun Y a t - s e n from

Singa po re and P e n a n g ' , p.l. (Original ma n u s cr i p t

kept at the KMT Archives, Taichung, Taiwan); Chou

L u , A H i s t o ry of the 'Ca nt o n Ma r c h 29 R e v o l u t i o n ' , p.5«

81. In an editorial ent itl ed 'Dr Sun Yat-sen' in wh ich

the news pap er r id ic ule d Sun as ' . . .a r e v o l u t i o n a r y

who does not r e v o l u t e . ...' It also r e pr o d u c e d the

main points of Sun's speech. See Straits Echo,

2 No v e m b e r 1 9 1 0 , p.4.
 137
82. Tsou Lu, op.cit., p.5; Ch ren Hsin-cheng, Hua-
ch’iao ko-ming hslao-shlh, p.29.

82a. After the abortive uprising in Canton in l8953

Dr. Sun Yat-sen and some of his followers took

refuge in Hong Kong. But their presence has

been considered by the local government as a

source of public disorder in the Colony. In

order to safeguard the peace and stability of

Hong Kong, as well as appeasing the Canton

authorities which had constantly urged to extradict

the rebels, the Hong Kong government decided to

banish Sun from the Colony for five years. The
order of exile of Sun was issued on 4 March 1896.
See Mary Chan Man-yee, "Chinese Revolutionaries

in Hong Kong 1895-1911" (an unpublished M.A. thesis

of the University of Hong Kong), pp.63-64.

82c. Sun was deported from the Straits Settlements in

1900 for five years. See p.30 and Chapter 2,
note 14.

82c. Four public speeches (this excluding those talks

and speeches given to members of the T ’ung Meng
Hui) which the writer has traced were given by

Dr, Sun Yat-sen in Malaya before 1910, None of

 137a

82c. (continued)

them had touched on British colonial rule. See

the table below:

Table Public Speeches Delivered by Dr. Sun

Yat-sen In Malaya (1906-1908)

Date Place Topic Content

1. July 1906 Grand Republican- Sun used modern

Theatre ism & Unity company to compare
Kuala with a republic,
Lumpur and emphasized
Importance of unity
among Chinese in
Kuala Lumpur.

2. July 1906 Youth unknown

League
Club j
K.L.

3. March or P ’ing Anti- Manchus massacred

April^.907 Chang Manchuism & and oppressed
Asso. Nationalism Chinese, Manchus
Penang gave away Chinese
territories and
brought China to
the brink of part­
ition by the Powers.
Manchus should be
driven out so as to
save China.

4. 1908 Hsiao Ant i- Manchus enslaved

Lan Manchusim Chinese, Manchus
T Ting were frequently
Club, defeated by foreign
Penang powers and were quite
prepared to hand over
China to foreigners.
The only means of
C h i n a ’s salvation was
the overthrow of Manchu
rule.
 137b

8 2 c , (continued)

(Sources: Teng Mu-han, ’Record of Dr. Sun Yat-

S e n ’s visit to Kuala Lumpur in 1906 T (Manu­

script kept in KMT archieves in Taichung), p.l;

C h ’en Chi-yuan, ’Mr, P ’eng Tse-min and the

Revolutionary Activities of the Overseas Chinese

in Kuala Lumpur before and after the 1911 Rev­

olution', in HHKMHIL, p p .395-96; C h ’en Hsin-

cheng, Hua-ch’iao ko-ming hsiao-shih (manuscript),

p.2; Yang Han-hsiang (ed,), The Souvenir of the

24th Anniversary of the Penang Philomatic Society,

p p , 141-43; Wang Gungwu, ’Sun Yat-sen and

Singapore’, in J S S S , vol.15, pt.2, pp.59-62;

Lo Chia-lun, Kuo-fu nlen-p'u t s ’u - kao, p p . 161-

209; Chang Ch'i-yün (ed.) KPCS, p p . 482-83.)

 137c

82d, This can be seen from the fact that Sun planned

to go to Singapore to speed up the fund-raising

campaign. See the following note 84.

82e. Anonymous, "The Deportation of Dr, Sun Yat-sen

from Singapore and Penang’ (original manuscript),

p.l.

82f, Quoting a Hong Kong newspaper (Hua Tzü Jih Pao ?)

dated 24 September 1910, the hat Pao in Singapore

noted that Dr. Sun’s eldest brother Sun Mei was
f
banished from Hong Kong, (see Lat Pao 3 October
1910, p.2.) I have been unable to check with
the Hong Kong government’s archives concerning
this action. The event was mentioned in Dr. Sun’s
correspondences with his close comrades of this
period. But Yang Han-hsiang, a revolutionary
leader of the T ’ung Meng Hui Southeast Asia
Headquarters in Penang, did mention the partici­
pation of Sun Mei in the Penang Conference (see
page 242) . Judging from the fact that Sun Mei

was never an important revolutionary leader (al­

though he had constantly supported his younger
brother with money and encouragement), his

presence in the conference may be the result of

his taking refuge in Penang after his exile from
 137d

82f, (continued)

Hong Kong. See Yang Han-hsiang, "Chung-hua

min-kuo k'ai-kuo ch'ien-hou chlh p6n-she ko-

ming shih', in Yang Han-hsiang (ed.), The

Souvenir of the- 24th Anniversary of the Penang

Philomatic Society, p p . 32-33; Chang Ch'i-yün

(ed.), KFCS, p p „ 427-31.

83 . It was said that Dr. Sun was summoned by the

Resident Councillor of Penang to his office and

was informed that his further stay would be un­

desirable. But there was no definite date of this

event taking place. According to my tentative

judgement based on indirect evidence, this could

have happened between 20 and 26 November 1910.

For on 20 November Sun promised Li Guan-sui, a

revolutionary leader in Ipoh, to go to Singapore

to step up the fund-raising campaign, but in the

letter dated 26 November, he told Li that he had

to go to Europe and America because something

happened unexpectedly. See 'Letter from Dr. Sun

Yat-sen to Li Guan-sui and Teh Lay-seng dated 26

November 1910', see photostats of the original

letter in Huang Ching-wan (ed.), Nan-yang p'ili

hua-ch'iao ko-ming shih-chih, p, 25 ; also see

KFCS, P.431.
 137e

84. Ibid.

85. ’Letter From Dr, Sun Yat-sen to Li Guan-sui

and Teh Lay-seng dated 26 November 1910’, in

Huang Ching-wan (ed.) , op. cit., p.25; KFCS 3

P. 431.
 138

s(
86. Hu Chü-fei , 'Tsungli shih-lüeh' , in WSNWH, vol.l,

pt.l4, p.5 7 •

87. Yang Han-hsiang, 'Chung-hua min-kuo k'ai-kuo ch'ien-

hou chih pen-she ko-ming shih', in The Souvenir of

the 24th Anniversary of the Penang Philomatic Society,

p .42 .

88. 'Letter From Dr Sun Yat-sen to Miyazaki Torazo and

Others dated 27 November 1910', 'Letter to Teng Tse-

ju and Others dated 10 December 1910', KFCS, pp.431-

32; Teng Tse-ju (ed.), Sun Chung-shan hsien-sh&ng nien-

nien lai shou-cha, vol.2, pp.68-6 9 .

89. Teng Tse-ju, Chung-kuo kuo-min-tang erh-shih nien shih-

ch i , pp.39-^+0; Chou L u , A History of the ^Canton

March 29 Revolution*, pp.6-7*

90. 'Letter From Dr Sun Yat-sen to Teng Tse-ju dated 28

November 1910', see Teng Tse-ju (ed.), op.cit., vol.2,

p.66, also see K F C S , p.^32.

91. 'Letter From Hu Han-min to Teng Tse-ju dated l4

December 1910 (13 November in the lunar calendar)',

see W S NWH, vol.l, p t .l 4 , p.8 5 .

92. 'Letter From Dr Sun Yat-sen to Teng Tse-ju dated

28 November 1910', see Teng Tse-ju (ed.), op. cit.,

v o l .2, p .66.
 139

93* Tsou Lu, op. cit., p,8.

94. In this meeting, Shen Lien-fang, one of the leaders

of the T'ung M£ng Hui branch in Singapore, donated

S$1,000. He was elected as the cashier in charge of

the fund-raising of the branch. Although Dr Sun did
send a letter to the branch to appeal for generous
donations on his way to Europe, it seems that the

letter was brushed aside. Ibid., pp.8-9; 'Letter

From Dr Sun Yat-sen to the Comrades of the Singapore

T ’ung Meng Hui branch5, in KFCS, p.433> also see

WSNWH, vol.l, pt.l4, pp.71-72.

95. Teng Tse-ju, op. cit,, p.4l.

96. 'Letter From Hu Han-min to T e n g Tse-ju dated 31

December 1910 (30 November in the lunar calendar)5,

WSNWH. vol.l, pt.l4, p .85.

97* Tsou Lu, op. cit,, p,105

98. Ibid., Teng Tse-ju, op. cit., pp.42-43.

99. Ibid.

100. When the news of Wang's imprisonment was known in

Singapore and Malaya, Hu Han-min (one of the closest

friends of Wang) and Ch'en Pi-chiin (later became the
wife of Wang) started a campaign to raise funds for
 i4o

100. (continued)

saving Wang and his colleague. The campaign was

quite successful, some leaders were touched by Wang's

action and donated large sums of money. Several

thousand dollars (Straits) were collected. See Ch'en

Hsin-cheng, H u a ^ch'iao ko-ming h s i a o - s h i h , pp.18-20;

Hu Han-min, Autobiography, p p .34-35» in KMWH, vol.3;

Yang Han-hsiang, op. cit., in The Souvenir of the

24th Anniversary of the Penang Philomatic S o c i e t y ,

p p .16-18.

101. See Huang Hsing and Hu Han-min, ’Report of the Canton

March 29 Uprising to the Comrades in Southeast Asia',

in WSNWH, vol.l, pt.l4, p.253.

102. ’Letter From Huang Hsing to Li Guan-sui, Teh Lay-seng

and Li Hau-cheong dated 10 January 1911’ in Huang

Hsing, Huang K'o-ch'iang hsien-sheng shu-han mo-chi,

pp.33-34, also see Huang Ching-wan (ed.), Nan-yang

p ’ili hua-ch'iao ko-ming shih-chi, p ,27 *

103. 'Letter From Huang Hsing to Li Guan-sui and Others

dated 21 January 1911 (21 December of the Ken-Shp

year in the lunar c a l en d a r ) ’, Huang Hsing, op. cit.,

p p .41-42, also see WSNWH, vol.l, pt.l4, p „83.

104. See Chapter VIII, table 5.

 l4i

105. Teh Lay-seng, 'Hua-ch'iao ko-ming chih c h ’ ien-yin

h o u - k u o ’, in Huang Ching-wan (ed.), op. cit., p.5»

106. Yang Han-hsiang, op. cit., in The Souvenir of the

24th Anniversary of the Penang Philomatic S o c i e t y ,

p .6 l .

107. Ibid.

108. The cable received from Wuchang reads as follows:

'Wuchang has been occupied, transmit money

immediately, inform other b r a n c h e s . ' The cable

from Shanghai was sent by Ch'en C h ’i-mei, the famous

revolutionary leader and general. This cable mainly

asked for financial help. See i b i d . , p.62; C h ’en

Hsin-cheng, H u a - c h ’iao ko-ming h s i a o - s h i h , p.32,

also see the same author, ’H u a - c h ’iao ko-ming s h i h ’,

in C h ’en Hsin-cheng i - c h i , vol.2, p p . 15-16.

109. On 14 November 1911 C h ’en C h ’i-mei acknowledged the

receipt of S$20,000. See The Souvenir of the 30th

Anniversary of the Penang Philomatic S o c i e t y , sN ^ ,f\

29.

110. C h ’en Hsin-cheng, Hua-ch'iao ko-ming h s i a o - s h i h , p p .

32-33.

111. Yang Han-hsiang, op. c i t . , in The Souvenir of the 24th

Anniversary of the Penang Philomatic S o c i e t y , p.62.

112. Different figures of the attendants were given. In

the Penang Hsin P a o , a reformist newspaper in Penang,

the figure was only four hundred. But in the

revolutionary organ in Singapore, the Nan C h 'iao Jih

P a o , the figure was more than a thousand. Apparently,

both had some bias in their own estimates. See

Penang Hsin P a o ,3 November 1911; Nan C h ;iao Jih P a o ,

7 November 1911* p.9*

113. Foo Chee-choon, the prominent reformist leader in

Ipoh, changed side to the revolutionary camp after

the Wuchang Uprising. The analysis of his change of

loyalty will be discussed in Chapter VII.

1 1 4 . At the meeting, Foo Chee-choon was the chairman. He

made a very important speech in which he called upon

his compatriots not to stand aloof from the national

struggle against the Manchu. He emphasized that what

the revolutionaries had done was not for any

individual, but for the interests of all Chinese and

China. And he declared to put his support behind the

revolutionaries. After the speech, he donated

S$5»000 to set a good example for the fund-raising.

See Penang Hsin P a o , 6 November 1911, p.6; Nan

C h 'iao Jih P a o , 7 November 1911, p.9.

 l43

115» See Chapter VII.

Il6. This rumour was entirely unfounded. It might have

been spread by the local revolutionaries to enliven

the sentiment of the general public. It stimulated

more Chinese to cut their queues off and burn the

C h ’ing flags. See the Straits T i m e s . 7 November,

I 9 II, p.9.

117* K F N P , vol.l, pp.3^7”60; Ghou L u , Chung-kuo kuo-min-

tang shih-kao, vol.3» pp.9^5> 956-57* 96 O- 6 I; Chou

Su-yiian, 'Kuei-chou hsin-hai kuang-fu te shih - s h i h ’

(manuscript in KMT Archives); T s ’ao Ya-po, Wuchang

ko-ming chen-shih, vol.2, p.231; Kuan P'^ng, ’Anhwei

ko-ming chi-shih' (manuscript in the KMT Archives);

C h ’en C h 1un-sheng, ’Hsin-hai Kwang-si kuang-fu c h i ’

(manuscript in the KMT Archives); Hu H a n - m i n ,

Autobiography , pp.4l-45 in KMWH, vol.3.

Il8. The sponsors were Tan Chor-nam, Teo Eng-hock, Shen

lien-fang, Tan Kah-kee, C h ’en Tzu-ying and C h 'en

hsien-chin and Ho Te-ju. See Nan C h ’iao Jih P a o ,

13 November 1911, p.5*

119. The Straits T i m e s , 11 November 1911, p . 8 .

 l44

120. The sum donated by the audience was only S$1239* But

add to the amount collected from the things sold on

the s p o t , the funds raised in the meeting came to

several thousands; see Nan Ch'iao Jih Pao , 13

November 1911* p.5*

121. The committee consisted four cashiers, two each from

the Kwangtung and Fukien communities, and several

fund-raisers. Ibid.

122. Ibid.

123* Penang Hsin P a o , 13 November, l4 November 1911* p.3.

124. One hundred and three members of the committee were

elected from the audiences. These members included

representatives of each street in Penang. Ibid.

125* The temple was founded by the Fukien community in

Singapore. Although it was primarily built for

religious purposes, it also provided a place for

other social functions of the community.

126. Nan C h ’iao Jih P a o , l4 November 1911, p*5*

127. Nine out of the twenty members of the committee were

revolutionaries. They were Tan Kah-kee, Teo Eng-

hock, Tan Chor-nam, C h ’en Hsien-chin, Yeh Tun-jen,

Ch'en Chen-hsiang, 1'an Boo-liat, Liu Hung-shih, and

 145

127. (continued)

Ch ’en Tzu-ying. Tan Kah-kee was elected as the

chairman, Ibid,, 17 November 1911, p«5; Lim Ngee-

soon, ’Chung-hua min-kuo k !ai=kuo ko»ming shih chih

i - y e h ? (original paper kept in the KMT Archives),

128. Nan C h ’iao Jih P a o , 1^4 November 1911» p.5; Tan Kah-

k e e , A ut ob iog r a p h y , v o 1.1, p .3•

129. Nan ChJiao Jih Pao, 21 November 1911, p.5*

130. Although the chairman, Lo Cho-fu and the vice-

chairman Liao Cheng-hsing were non-revolutionaries,

four out of the ten members of the standing

committee were revolutionary leaders. They were

Shen Lien-fang, Wang Pang-chieh, Teo Eng-hock, and

Tan Chor-narn, It is noticeable that Tan Chor-nam,

a Fukien, was included in this committee, and Teo

Eng-hock, a Teochew, was included in the committee

of the ’Fund-raising for Fukien S e c u r i t y ’,

Apparently, both Tan and Teo were elected in their

capacity as leaders of the Singapore T'ung Meng Hui

branch rather than communal leaders. Ibid.,

23 November 1911, p.5»

131* The women representatives held a meeting at the Thong

Chai Medical Institution on 29 November to work out

 146

131* (continued)

ways and means to raise funds for the Kwangtung

province. A committee under the same title of

'Fund-raising for the Security and Relief of

Kwangtung Province' was set up. Ibid., 4 December

1911, p.2; Penang Hsin Pao , 4 December 1911» p.6.

132. A group of mechanical workers in Singapore gathered

in the Chen I Night School to discuss ways to

support the revolution; more than three hundred

dollars was donated. The students in the Tuan Meng

school started to raise funds to finance the

revolutionary army in Hupeh. The Pu Ch’ang Cliun drama

troupe in Singapore gave charity performances to

raise money for 'Fund-raising for the Security and

Relief of Kwangtung Province'. See Nan Ch'iao Jih

P a o , 2 December, 11 December, 12 December, l4

December 1911» P*3*

133* Chou Hsien-jui, 'A History of the Singapore Public

Speaking G r o u p ’, p.l (original text kept in the KMT

Archives); also see V S N W H , vol.l, pt.ll, p.333*

134. The regular speakers were mostly members of the Tung

Te Reading Club and the Singapore Reading Club, the

two revolutionary or ga ni za ti on s. The better known

 1147

134. (continued)
figures were Ho Hsin-t’ien, Kuo Yüan-ku, Wu
Feng-ch'ao, Hsieh K ’un-lin, Chang Jen-nan and

Li Chao-chi. Chou Hsien-jui, Ibid., pp. 4-6.

135. Ibid.

136. Ma Fu-i was a native of Hsiang T ’an district

of Hunan province, and was a member of the Ko

Lao secret society which had strong influence
in the provinces along the Yangtze valley.

After the death of Wang SWrh-chueh, Ma succeeded

him as head of the Ko Lao in Hunan in 1900. Ma

was introduced to Huang Hsing by Liu Kuei-i,

a Hunanese revolutionary leader, and joined the
revolutionary front for the purpose of overthrowing

the Manchus. With the combined effort, a secret semi-

jnilitary organization named T ’ung Ch'ou Hui was estab­
lished with Huang Hsing as its Chief Commander, Liu

Kuei-i and Ma Fu-i his deputies. The society drew

its membership mainly from Huang’s Hua Hsing Hui
and M a ’s Ko Lao Hui, and its main function was to
prepare a revolt in Changsha, Hunan in November 1904

on the occasion of Empress Dowager’s sixtieth

birthday, The plot was revealed to
 147a
136. (continued)

local officials and suppressed, Huang and Liu

escaped to Shanghai, while Ma took refuge in

Kwangsi province. In March 1905» another plot

was planned by Huang, Liu and Ma, but failed

again. Ma Fu-i was captured and executed by

the Governor of Hunan, Tuan Fang. See "A Bio­

graphy of Ma Fu-i” , in KMHLHCC, p. 87- 88.

137. The Straits Times , 23 October 1911, p.7; the

Times of Malaya, 30 October 1911» p.9.

138. The only revolutionary newspaper existing

during that period was the Kuang Hua Jih Pao in

Penang which thus served as the main organ of

the revolutionary movement in Singapore and

Malaya. See Yang Han-hsiang, ’Chung-hua min-

kuo k'ai-kuo c h ’ien-hou chih pen-she ko-ming

shih', in The Souvenir of the 24th Anniversary

of the Penang Philomatic Society, pp.19-21,

 l48

139. All of them were members of the Singapore T'ung M£ng

Hui branch. See Feng Tzü-yu, k'ai-kuo shih, pp.86-
87; Lim Ngee-soon, 'Chung-hua min-kuo k ’ai-kuo ko-

ming shih chih i-yeh!, (original text in the KMT

Archives); Nan ClUiao Jih Pao, 16 November 1911» p.2.

140. Feng TzS-yu mistakenly put the date of publishing

in April 1911» the time after the Canton March 29

Uprising. Actually, the newspaper was first

published on 27 October 1911» about a fortnight after

the outbreak of the Wuchang Uprising. See Feng Tzu-

yu, op. cit., pp.86-87; Nan Ch'iao Jih Pao, 27

October 1911.

141. See the notice of the Nan Ch’iao Jih Pao issued by
Lu Wei-hang on l4 November 1911. Nan Ch;iao Jih Pao,

16 November 1911» p.2.

142. Ibid., l4 November, l4 December 1911, p.5; Penang

Hsin Pao, 6 December, 23 December 1911, p.3*

143. All these revolutionary dramas were aimed at stirring

up the feeling of the audiences. For example, a
drama troupe in Singapore presented a play of the
assassination of the Ch'ing Admiral in Canton, Li
Chun, by a revolutionary. The object was apparently
to agitate the audiences and to glorify the
 149

l 4 3 . (continued)

martyrdom of the assassin. See N an C h ’iao Jih P a o ,

l4 December 1911» P»5> Penang Hsin P a o , 25 December

1911, p.3.
 150

NOTES FOR CHAPTER VIT

1. Such as Teo Eng-hock (chairman) Tan Chor-nam (deputy)

in Singapore; Loke Chow-tyhe (chairman) Wang C h ’ing

(deputy) of Kuala Lumpur branch; Goh Say-eng

(chairman) Ng Kim-keng (deputy) of Penang branch;

and Teng Tse-ju (chairman) of Kuala Pilah branch.

See Chapter III.

2. Loke was born in a peasant family in 1846 at his

native district Ho Shan of Kwangtung province.

During his childhood, his native district suffered

harassment from the T ’aiping rebels, and its economy

was ruined to a large extent. Thus, Loke was forced

to go overseas as a coolie. He worked in Singapore

for eleven years, and moved to Larut in 1868. His

aim of moving to Larut was to try his luck for finding

fortune, for Larut was by that time the most important

tin mining centre in Malaya. It appeared that Loke

failed to achieve his goal after struggling for

fifteen years. He moved to Kuala Lumpur in 1883, and

found his way in tin mining, planting and other

commercial ventures. After two decades struggle, he

rose as one of the most prominent commercial magnate^

 151

2. (continued)

in his time« He possessed hundreds of tin mines,

rubber, coffee, pepper and coconut plantations, and

commercial enterprises. See T s 'ao Yao-fei, 'A Brief

Biography of Loke Yaw', in The Souvenir of Ku-kang-chou

liu-yi tsung-hui of M a l a y a , pt.II, p.51-52®

3. C h 'en Ch'i-yüan, 'Mr P'eng Tse-min and the Revolutionary

Activities of the Overseas Chinese in Kuala Lumpur

Before and After the I 9H Revolution', HHKMHIL,

v o l .1, p .3 9 6 .

4. 'Letter from Dr Sun Yat-sen to Teng Tse-ju in 1908',

see Teng Tse-ju (ed.) Sun Chung-shan hsien-sh^ng nien-

nien lai shou-cha, v o l .1, pp.42-43; see also K F C S ,

p .407.

5. Hu Han-min (recorded by Chang Ch^n-shih) 'Nanyang and

the Chinese Revolution' (original text kept in the

KMT Archives in Taichung, Taiwan). See also W S N W H ,

vol.l, pt.ll, pp.479-80.

6. Dr Sun Yat-sen's words. See C h 'en Ch'i-yüan, op. c i t , ,

H H K M H I L , vol.l, p«396.

7. Hu H a n - m i n 's words. See Hu Han-min (recorded by Chang

Ch£n-chih) op.cit., (original), also WSNWH, vol.l,

pt.ll, pp,479-80.
 152

8. C h 'e n Hs in- c he ng ' s words. See Ch 'en Hsin-cheng,

Hua - c h ' i a o ko - m in g h s i a o - s h i h , p .3 6 .

9. Hu H a n - m i n (recorded by C h a n g Chen-chih) op.cit.

(original). See also W S N W H , vol.l, pt.il, p.482.

10. This po licy was cl early spelled out by Ch a n g Chih-

tung, the G o v e rn or - Ge ne r a l of H u n a n and -Hupeh 3.

in 1887. It was prac ti sed throughout the late

nineteenth and early t we nti et h centuries. See W a n g

Chin-ch'ing (ed.) Ch a n g W e n - h s i a n g k u n g c h ' ü a n - c h i ,

vol.l, p p . 473-75.

11. The best example was the case of Ch an g Chen-hsün

(Chang P i - s h i h ) . C han g was a na t iv e of T a P'u district

of Kwangtung. He went to B a t a v i a to try his fortune

at the age of eighteen. Af t e r m a n y years' struggle,

he emerged as one of the we al th i es t Chinese merchants

in Sou theast Asia. His nu m er o u s tin mines, factories,

coconut and coffee estates spread throughout M a l a ya

and the Du tch East Indies. In I 89 O, he was appointed

as the first Ch inese Consul in Penang, after four

years, he was promoted to A c t i n g Co n s u l- G e n er a l in

the Straits Settlements. In I 8 9 8 , he was appointed

to take charge of p r e p a r a t o r y w or k for the c o n st r u c ti o n

of the C a n t o n - H a n k o w Railway. In 1903? he became the

 153

11. (continued)

Minister in charge of Mining and Railways in the

Fukien and Kwangtung provinces. Next year, he was

again honoured as the Minister for Investigating

Commercial Affairs in Southeast Asia. Apart from

his several positions held in China, Chang was also

involved in economic developments in China. He

invested large amounts of money in planting grapes

and set up wineries in Shangtung province, and in

coal and gold mines in Kwangtung province. See

K ’uang Kuo-hsiang, ’A Short Biography of Chang

Pi-shih’, in Ping-chJeng san-chi, pp. 97-107;

Hsing Pao, 15 July 1895» PP* 4-5; T 'ien Nan Hsin Pao,

5 September 1898, pp. 3-4; 28 February 1899, P* 2;

1 and 2 March 1899, p* 2; 29 December 1899,

2 and 4 January 1900, p. 2; 7 November 1903, p* 2;

K *uang Wu Tang, vol. 5, PP* 3005-006.

 154

12. Foo's investment in China can be seen in the

following table;
Nature of Capital($)
Place Year Enterprise Partner
Fan Yü,K .T „ July 1907 Coal 30,000 Ou Chao
Mining j§n
An Hsi,F.K. July 1907 Coal, iron 2 , 000,000 Wu Tzti-
& others ts'ai

Hainan,K.T. Dec.1907 Tin 400,000 Ou Chao

jen

Amoy, F.K. Aug.1908 Fukien 6 , 000,000 Ch'en

Railway Pao-shen

(Source: Sun Yiieh-t'ang (ed, ) Chung-kuo chin-tai

kung-yeh shih-liao, vol.2, p.986).

13» See Chapter III, Note 45.

l4. See 'Petition of Gentries in Fukien to the Wai Wu Pu

(Ministry of Foreign Affairs)', in K'uang Wu Tang,

v o l . 5 , pp.3062-065.

15. Nan Ch'iao Jih Pao, 7 November 19H, p.9; Hua TzG
Jih Pao, 15 November I9H , p.2.

16. Full text of Foo's speech in the rally was published

in the local newspapers. See Penang Hsin Pao,

6 November I9H , p.6.

17. In his suggestion, Foo spelled out details of purpose,

organization, fund raising and other functions of

the Security Council. He further suggested how to

organize local militia and to help to establish
 155

17. (continued)
revolutionary governments in the three
territories. See Nan Ch'iao Jih Pao, 20

November 1911, p.9.

18. 'Letter from Hu Han-min to Foo Chee-choon', in

Hua Tzü Jih Pao, 12 December 1911, p.2.

19. Chua Hui-seng, the vice-chairman of the

T ’ung Te Reading Club, Singapore, accused Teo

Eng-hock to be opportunistic. According to Chua,

Teo became indifferent to revolution after series

of defeats of the revolutionary uprisings in

South and Southwest China, because he saw no
prospect for revolution. Chua further stated
that after the overthrow of the Manchu govern­
ment in 1912, Teo went to Nanking to urge Dr.

Sun Yat-sen to make him the Administrator of

Hainan Island, or as the Minister for Railway.
But he was rejected. Chua Hui-seng, interview on 27

February, 1965 at the T'ung Te Reading Club Singapore

19a. Before the defeat of China in the First Sino-

Japanese War in 1.895 , many Chinese still viewed
 155a

19a. (continued)
Japan with contempt. Their image of Japan was

a tiny island kingdom, Inhabited by ’dwarfs’,

and was culturally inferior and politically

subordinate to China. To a large extent, this

image reflects partial truth of the Sino-Japanese

relations in the pre-Ming period. Culturally,

Japan borrowed extensively from China, particularly

in the Sui (590-618) and T ’ang (618-906) periods.

Politically, Japan also became one of China's

tributary states. The image of Japan as a tiny

kindgom was relatively true when compared with
China. Since the middle of the 16th century (mid-
Ming period), there was substantial change in
Japan's political and cultural relations with
China. After 1551j Japan ceased to send trib-
utory missions to the Ming court and there was
a trend to borrow Western culture after a period
of contact with foreign traders and missionaries.
This trend was intensified in the min-19th century
when the country was engaged in such massive

reform under the Meiji Emperor. It soon emerged

as a formidable power in East Asia in l880s. All
these rapid changes of Japan's ascendancy to

power did not substantially alter its image in

 156
19a. (continued)

the minds of majority of Chinese. The overseas

Chinese in Malaya and Singapore who were as

ignorant as their countrymen, inherited such

old image of Japan which was, in their eyes, a

tiny, inferior and contemptible nation. In

some editorials published on the eve and in the

progress of the Sino-Japanese War, the editor

of the Hsing Pao (which was one of the two

Chinese newspapers in Singapore) strongly

advocated war against Japan on the ground that
’the greed of such tiny island kingdom should

be curbed’. In another editorial after the

defeat of China in the war, the same editor
considered that’the defeat of China, the biggest
nation on earth, by the dwarfs of kingdom of
several islands was the humiliation unprecedented
in Chinese history’. All these remarks reflect
high degree of ethnocentrism of some of over­
seas Chinese intellectuals. See Hsing Pao 11
July, 20 and 28 December, 1894 , p.l.; Fairbank,
J.K. & Teng, S.Y., ”0n The Ch'ing Tributary

System”, in the same authors, Ch’ing Adminis­

tration: Three Studies, pp. 107-246.; see also

Fairbank, J.K., The Chinese World Order (Mas-

 156a

19a. (continued)
sachusetts, 1968),
20. The ill-treatment of Chinese in Dutch East
Indies, Thailand and America particularly the

Chinese in Honolulu, received wide publicity

in Chinese newpspaers in Singapore. The Lat

Pao had several editorials commenting on the

Dutch policy towards the Chinese. Jih Hsin Pao

which was published by Dr. Dim Boon Keng for

advocating the reform movement reproduced a

long open letter written by a Chinese in Hon­

olulu who witnessed the so-called 'The White-

men's atrocity— the burning of China Town in

Honolulu' at the beginning of 1900. The news­

paper also strongly criticized the restrictions

imposed by the East Indies government on new

Chinese immigrants, on physical checking at
quarantine in Semarang, and the proposed head-
tax on Chinese by the Thai government. The
Union Times and the Chung Hsing Jih Pao (the
reformist and revolutionary organs in Singapore)
also frequently drew their readers' attention
to the maltreatment of Chinese in the Dutch

East Indies, and to issues such as quarantine

checking on Chinese female (in nude?), labour

 156b

20. (continued)
conditions in Banka and appeal of abolition
of the passport system. See Lat Pao, 25 July,

15 September 1888, p.l.; Jih Hsin Pao, 13-16

March 1900, pp.4 & 7, 24 May 1900, p.6, 16 June

1900, p.l; Chung Hsing Jih Pao, 1-2 September

1909, p.l; The Union Times, 14-15 June 1910,

p.4, 21-24 September 1910, pp . 3 & 6, 14 February

1911, p.4.

20a, For instance, the open letter written by a

witness of the so-called ’The Whitemen’s atrocity’
wrote that Chinese in Honolulu were treated worse
than criminals and slaves. He quoted an example
the way Chinese were treated during an epidemic
of black death. The were in large number confined
to compounds, forced to remove and give up their
clothing and possessions which burned while they
were forced to bathe in pools disinfectant. Added
to this humiliating treatment, the writer reported

that more than a thousand Chinese shops and houses

were burned down, and a loss was estimated to

US$4,000,000, He argued that because of weakened

China, the Chinese overseas were subject to such

disgraceful treatment. See the Jih Hsin Pao,
13-16 March, pp.4 & 7.
 157
21. Ch'en T'ien-hua, ’The Bell of Awakening', in
HHKM, vol.2, p.119; also in WSNWH, vol.l, pt,l6,

P.149,

22. Ch’en T^ien-hua, 'Sudden Awakening', in HHKM,

vol.2, p.152; also in WSNWH,vol,1, pt.16, p.179.

23. Ch'en, op.cit,, WSNWH, vol.l, pt.16, p.194.

24. I have been unable to find more biographical

informations of Yen Ying-yüan in available sources.

He was known as a district Gaol-Warden (Tien-shih).

He was captured after the fall of the district

fortress, and was persuaded to surrender to the

Manchus who promised to reward him with high rank.
He bluntly rejected such offer, and was cooped up
in a monastery where he committed suicide. Ibid.

25. Chung Hslng Jih Pao, 14 August 1909, p.l.

26. Hsü was executed on 6 July 1907 (26 May in the

Lunar calendar). The day 13 July 1909 (26 May in
the Lunar calendar) was the second anniversary of
Hsü's sacrifice,

27. This sentence prevailed in the seventeenth

century when the Manchu first conquered China.
At that time, the Manchu conqueror required all
 157a

27, (continued)
Chinese to shave off half of their hair to
make a queue in token of submission. Those who

refused were regarded as loyalists of the

toppled dynasty - Ming - and were to be be­

headed, Thus, those who wished to preserve

their heads had to sacrifice their hair, and

vice versa.

28, Chung Hsing Jih Pao, 17 November 1909, p.2.

 158

29. Under the instructions of Dr Sun Yat-sen and Wang

Ching-wei, these revolutionary activists made public

speeches in the evening. Their propagation not only

drew many audiences, but also attracted the attention

of the local government. Some of them were detained

and charged with agitation. See Lat P a o , 13 and 20

May I 9 O 8 , p .5.

30. Chou Hsien-jui, 'A History of the Singapore Public

Speaking Group' (original text kept in the KMT

Archives in Taichung, Taiwan) pp.1-6. See also

WSNWH, vol.l, pt.ll, pp.555-59.

31. Too Nam and his son, Too Kwuii-hung, founded a

circuitous movie troupe named 'The Great Chung H u a '

^ ^ ) in 1910. It toured extentively

throughout Malay Peninsula. Movies with strong

revolutionary orientation, such as 'The Revolutionary

History of Napoleon Bonaparte', 'The Revolutionary

History of George Washington' etc. were shown. See

C h 'an Chan-mooi, 'A Brief Biography of Mr Too Nam',

p.6; Ch'an Chan-mooi (ed,) Obituries on Mr Too N a m ,

illustration 7.

32. Lin was often invited to make speeches in reading

clubs, mass rallies and Chinese Christian

 159

32. (continued)

Associations. See Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 13 January

1908, p. 5; 1.6 March 1908, p.5; 10 June 1908, p, 2;

The Sun P a o , 6 and 9 November I 909 , p . 2 e

33» Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 25 March 1909» p .2.

34. Chou was a reporter of the Chung Hsing Jih P a o ,

and was a clerk of the T'ung M^ng Hui Southeast

Asian Headquarters in Singapore, later in Penang.

See Tsou Lu, 'A Biography of Chou Hua' in ^hou Lu,

U
A History of the Canton March 29th R e v o l u t i o n , p .163.

See also K M H L H C C , p.150.

35» Lin performed the main actor of Chung Kuo-hsing,

and T 'an acted as the Madam Chung in the famous play

’The Bell After the D r e a m ’. See The Sun P a o ,

28 December 1909» p.3»

36 . See Chapter III.

37« The Sun P a o , 21 October 1910, p.3»

38 . Ibid., 20 October 1910, p»3»

39* Tsou Lu , ’A Biography of C h 'en W e n - p a o ’, KMHLHCC 9

P.154.

ho. In the Canton March 29th Uprising, nine martyrs from

Singapore and Malaya belonged to the middle class.

 l6o

4o. (continued)

They were Lo Chung-huo (teacher) Kuo Chi-mei (student)

Yü Tung-hsiung (student) Lin Hsiu-ming (student from

Japan) Chou Hua (reporter) Lao P'ei (reporter) Lo

K'un (trader) Ch'en Wen-pao (petty trader) and Li

Ping-hui (missionary). Apart from these martyrs,

another patriot, Ch'en Ching-yo (teacher) who failed

to assassinate the Admiral of Kwangtung, was also

from the middle class. See W S N W H , vol.l, pt.ll,

PP. 564-67; KMHLHCC , pp.1 5 0 , 154, 1 56-5 7 , 163-64,

167-68, 195-98.

4.1. Hu Han-min (recorded by Chang Chen-chih) ’Nanyang

and the Chinese R e v o l u t i o n ' (original text kept in

the KMT Archives, Taichung, Taiwan). See also

W S N W H , vol.l, pt.ll, p.

42. See Chapter IV.

43. See Chapter 1, Note 20.

44. At the end of the nineteenth century, a large number

of new Chinese immigrants were kidnapped by rascals

and secret society members. The kidnapping was so

rife in the eighteen eighties that there was an

outcry in the Chinese community. In 1871 and 1873,

Chinese merchants petitioned the Governor of the

 l6l

44. (continued)

Straits Settlements to take action to deal with the

secret societies. (See Eunice T h i o , 'The Singapore

Chinese Protectorate: Events and Conditions Leading

to its Establishment, 1823-1877', J S S S , vol. XVI,

pts. I & II, pp. 63-64). Most of the victims were

cooped up and tortured by the members of the secret

societies if they showed any resistance. For

instance, Chuarig To-k'an, a new immigrant from

Ch'iian-chow, Fukien, was trapped by three gangsters

when he arrived in Singapore harbour. When he resisted

to be sent to Deli in Sumatra, he was cooped up and

tortured. His skin was burned by acid. See Hare,

G .T ., The Text Book of the Documentary C h i n e s e ,

Singapore, 1894, pt. 1, vol. 1, pp. 4-5*

45. A form of resistance by those ill-treated new

immigrants was escape. It was recorded that a large

number of new immigrants jumped into the sea before

the coolie-ship anchored at the Singapore harbour.

For instance, when a coolie-ship from Hong Kong

arrived at Singapore in December 1 8 8 7 , five Cantonese

immigrants jumped into the sea before the ship

entered the Singapore harbour. See Lat P a o ,

3 December 1887 , p. 5; 12 December 1888, p. 2.

 162

46. Ch'en Ch'i-yüan, 'Mr P '£ng Ts^-min and the

Revolutionary Activities of the Overseas Chinese

in Kuala Lumpur Before and After the 1911

Revolution', in HH K M H I L , vol.l, p p . 393-94.

47. It was said that Huang Yang would like to mortgage

his house for S$10,000 which he intended to

contribute to the uprising. This seems unreliable,

for a worker was only able to earn S$5 to $10 per

month. Thus, this figure is not used in my text.

Ibid., p .394; salary scale for workers during

1906-1907 can be seen in SSBB, (1906-1907) p.X3=

48. Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 25 November 1909> p.2;

14 December 1909» p.2.

49« Ibid., 2 February 1910, p.2.

50. When Wen was caught and was put on trial after the

assassination, he alleged to be a native of Shün Te

district of Kwangtung. But later the Ch'ing officers

found out that he was a native of Chia Ying Chou.

See 'Cable from the Governor of Kwangtung to the Wai

Wu Pu* in WWPC, 1911; Hua Tztt Jih P a o , 12 April I9 I I ,

p.2.

51. See 'The Allegation of Wen S h e n g - t s 'a i ', Hua Tzfi Jih

P a o , 11 April I 9H , p.2.
 163

32. ’The Allegation of Wen S h £ n g - t s ’a i ’, reproduced in

the Penang Hsin P ao, 27 April 1911» p.2.

33. Tsou L u , ’A Biography of Wen S h e n g - 1 s ’a i ' , in KM H LHCC ,

pp.189-90.

54. Ibid., p. 1 9 0 .

55» Evidence shows that W£n was strongly influenced by

revolutionary speeches, he might have listened to

speeches of Dr Sun Yat-sen, Wang Ching-wei and other

leaders. See Hua Tzifl Jih P a o , 12 April I 9II» P°2;

’Cable from the Governor of Kwangtung to the Wai Wu

Pu dated 13 April 1911'» in W W P C , I 9H ; ’Allegation

of Wen S h e n g - t s ’a i 1 reproduced in the Penang Hsin P a o ,

27 April I9I I » p . 2.

56. In his letter to Li Hau-cheong (one of the T ’ung

M3ng Hui leaders) in Perak, Wen declared that he

would follow Hsti's and W a n g ’s steps, because there

was no other assassin to uplift the spirit of

martyrdom after the failure of their attempts. See

Wen S h e n g - t s ’ai, ’Letter to Li Hau-cheong and Others

dated 17 February I 9 II (19 January in the Lunar

c a l e n d a r ) ’ (original letter kept in the KMT Archives

in Taichung, Taiwan). See also C K Y K , v o l .5» pt„6,

illustration; K M H L H C C , p.192; Hsiao P'ing, Hsin-hai

ko-ming lieh-shih shih-wfen h s h a n , pp . l 60-6l.

 164

57. Teh L a y - seng, ’H u a - c h ’iao ko-ming chih ch'ien-yin

h o u - k u o ' , in Huang Ching-wan (ed. ) Nan-yan g p ’i-li

hua-ch'iao ko-ming shih-chi, pp.4-5.

58. On 8 April 1911 (lO March in the Lunar calendar) the

general went to inspect the display of aeroplane

flying. After that, he returned home by sedan chair

escorted by his bodyguards. But he was shot dead by

Wen who was hiding at the road side. See ’Cable from

the Acting Governor of Kwangtung to the Wai Wu Pu

dated 9 April 1 9 1 1 ’, W W P C , 1911.

59. Min Li P a o , 18 April 1 9 H , P-3.

60. Ibid., 22 April 1911, p.3.

6 1. They were Li W e n - k ’ai (printing worker) Li Wan

(tailor) Lo Kan (tailor) Huang Ho-ming (mechanic)

and Tu Feng-shu (mechanic). See W S N W H , v o l .1 pt.ll,

PP . 564-67; K M H L H C C , pp. 1 5 8 , l 60 - 6l, 165 - 6 6 .

62. South China Morning P o s t , 29 April 1911» P«7.

63. S ingapore Free P r e s s , 9 November 1911? P°6;

Nan C h ’iao Jih P a o , l4 November l9ll, p .9 -

64. Ibid.

65 . At the turn of the present century, tin-mining workers

in Malaya could earn S$5 to $8 per month. In I 9H ,

 165

65» (continued)

agricultural workers could get $5 to $9 in Singapore,

$6 to $12 in Penang. Domestic workers could get $6

to $15 with food in Singapore, $8 to $18 with food in

Penang, and $5 to $12 with food in Malacca, See

J a c k s o n , R .N . , Immigrant Labour and the Development of

Malaya, 1786 - 1 9 2 0 , p.89; S S B B , 1911, p .W 3 .

66. In 1911> prices of the daily necessities in Penang

were as follows: fish 8 to 35 cents (per kati)

pork 24 to 32 cents (per kati) rice 24 to 32 cents

(per gantang) sugar 7 to 10 cents (per kati), If a

worker had to consume 6 gantang of rice, two kati

of pork and fish respectively, he had roughly spent

$3 for his food, add up the clothes, wine, opium and

other entertainments, at least he had to spend $4

to $5 per month. See SSBB 1911» p.W6-7.

67. Hu Han-min (Chang Chen-chih recorded) 'Nanyang and

the Chinese R e v o l u t i o n ’, W S N W H , vol.l, p t .11, p.482.

68. Purcell, V., The Chinese in Southeast A s i a , p . 2 9 4 0

69* Nan C h ’iao Jih P a o , 4 December I 9 H » p .5 •

70. Ibid., 1 December I 9 H > P»9«

71. Ibid., 11 December I 9 II, p«5»

 166

7 2. Wang Gungwu, 'Sun Yat-sen and Singapore', -JS S S , vol .

15, pt.2, po6?.

73» See Chapter II.

74. The involvement of the revolutionaries in this

movement was apparent that the chief editor of the

Chung Hsing Jih P a o , T'ien T'ung, was summoned to

question by the Protector of Chinese of the Straits

Settlements. See Chung Hsing Jih P a o , 12 October

1909, p.l.

75• H a n r a h a n , G .Z . The Communist Struggle in M a l a y a , p p .

8-9.

76. After the Manchurian Incident, there was a protest

meeting held in Singapore,chaired by Tan Kah-kee, the

famous Chinese merchant. The meeting cabled the

League of Nations in Geneva and the President of the

United States to maintain justice and peace. Apart

from this, there was a surge of boycotting Japanese

goods in Singapore. See Tan Kah-kee, A u t o bi og ra ph y,

v o l .1 , p .3 i •

77. Afte r the outbreak of the Japanese invasion in China

in 1937, all Kuomintang organizations, Chinese guilds,

associations and schools were mobilized to support

the resistance. Thousands of youth went back to China

 167

77. (continued)

to take up arms, and about S $146 million was remitted

to China between July 1937 and November 1940 from

Singapore and Malaya. See Peng Poh-seng, 'The

Kuomintang in Malaya, 1912-1941', in J S A , vol.2,

no .1 , pp .2 7 - 2 8 .

78. Teng Mu-han, 'Dr Sun Yat-sen's Visit to Kuala Lumpur

1 9 0 6 ' , (original manuscript kept in the KMT

in .

Archives in Taichung, Taiwan), p.lj Kuomintang*s

historians even claim that Dr Sun's speech in I 9 0 6

had eased factional clashes in the local Chinese

community. See Committee of Kuomintang Historical

Records (ed.) 'Historical Records of Dr Sun Y a t - s e n ' ,

in Pao Tsün-p'eng (ed.) Chung-kuo chin-tai- shih

lün-ts’u n g , vol.l, pt. 8 , p. 8 .

79» Among 32 first batch members of the Singapore T'ung

Meng Hui branch, 15 were Cantonese, 11 Fukien, 4

Teochew and 2 from Chekiang province. In Kuala

Lumpur branch, 27 were Cantonese, 3 Fukien and

1 Teochew. See 'A List of the Members of the Early

Period of the China's T'ung M$ng H u i ', in KMWH,

v o l . 2 , pp. 7 0 - 7 5 .
 168

80. See Chapter IV, Note 43°

81. The content of the 'Song of Unity*. See Chung Hsing

Jih Pao, 26 June 1909? p.l.

82. In a public performance sponsored by the Kuala Lumpur

Anti-Opium Society in 1909? girl students of the Too

Nam School sang 'Song of Unity' and 'Song of

Patriotism' to entertain audiences. Ibid.

83« Chung Hsing Jih Pao, 13 November 1909» p.2°

84. The Chamber was inaugurated on 8 April 1906

(.15 March in the Lunar calendar). See Minutes of

the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce

(manuscript) vol.1, p.l; Lat Pao, 19 April 1 9 0 6 , p.3°

85. Ch'ing policy of competing in gaining support from

overseas Chinese was clearly spelled out in an edict
issued in 19 OI. It instructed Chinese Ministers
abroad to make known the government's goodwill and
to stamp out the influence of the reformists and
revolutionaries. Following this policy, the Ch'ing
Minister for Investigating Commercial Affairs in

Southeast Asia, Chang Pi-shih, encouraged the

establishment of the Chamber when he visited

Singapore in I 9 0 5 . In a meeting held at the Thong

Chai Medical Institution, Chang donated S$3?000 for-

 169
85. (continued)

for the funds. See Ta-ch'ing te-tsung ching-

huang-tl shih-lu, vol. 479, p.3; Minutes of the

Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce (manu­

script) vol.l, p.l. See also ’Historical Records

of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce',

in Souvenir of the Opening of the Newly Completed

Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce Building, p.150

86. For instance, the Tao Nan School explicitly

spelled out in the notice that ’ ... those children

of our Fukien group who are between seven and

fifteen years old should come to be enrolled in

time ...'» See Lat P a o , 2 January 1908, p.6;

9 July 1908, p.l; 14 July 1908, p.l; 2? July 1908,

p.l,

87. In August 1909> the Tao Nan school (Fukien) and

Yang Cheng school (Cantonese) omitted the sentence

of 'children from our own group' in their enrol­

lment notices. In the following year, the Tuan

M§ng (Teochew) and Ch'l Fa (Hakka) and Bacon Girl

schools followed the same step in abolishing the

restriction. See The Union Times , 3 August 1909a

p.2; 17 February 1910, p.2; 18 February 1910, p.2.

 169a

88, Khor Eng-hee, The Public Life of Dr. Lim Boon

Keng (an unpublished B.A. Honours thesis of the
University of Singapore, 1958), p.28.; Roberts,
J.A., "Criticism on ’The Chinese Revolutionary

Movement in Malaya’ by Dr. Lim Boon Keng", in

Proceedings of the Straits Philosophical Society

1912-1913» p.63.

88a. Khor Eng-hee, op.cit., p.28.

88b. Straits Budget, 18 July 1907.

88c. For instance, in a speech to a feast attended by

members of Cantonese and Teochew communities, Hsü

Ch’in emphasized the importance of unity among

many dialect groups and races in China. He called

upon his audience that for the sake of making a
new China, regionalism and provincialism should
be broken down and gave way to a new concept of
Chinese nationhood, See the editorials of The

Union Times, 16, 17 & 25 February 1909» p.l.

K ’ang Yu-wei also appealed strongly to overseas

Chinese to bridge regional and provincial dif­

ferences for the solidarity of all Chinese in
China, and encouraged establishment of Confucian

temples. See Hsü Su-wu, The Chinese Education in

 169b

88c. (continued)
Singapore (Singapore, 1950), p,8.; Tan Yeok-
seong, ’Hundred Years' History of the Malayan

Chinese Education', in Liu W^n-chii (ed.), This

Half Century: Souvenir of the Golden Jubilee of

the Kuang Hua Jih Pao, p,l68,; Lee Ah Chai,

Policies and Politics in the Chinese Schools
in the Straits Settlements and the Federated

Malay States 1786-19^1 (an unpublished M.A.

thesis of the University of Singapore, 1958), pp.

31-32.

89. Ibid. , 3 July 1908, p.l,

90. Lat Pao, 17 July 1908, p.3. Chung Hsing Jih Pao,
7 August 1908, p.2.
91« See Chapter III,
92, The first Chinese girls' school was founded in 1900 ir
Singapore. It was followed by the K'un Ch'eng
 170

92. (continued)

G i r l s ’ School in Kuala Lumpur in September 1908 and

the Chung Hua G i r l s ’ School in Penang at the end of

1908. At the beginning of I 9IO, another g i r l s ’

school named the Bacon G i r l s ’ School was founded in

Singapore. See Song Ong Siang, One Hundred Y e a r s *

History of the Chinese in S i n g a p o r e , p .3 05 ; The

Straits B u d g e t , 15 October I 9O 8 , p. 8 ; The Union T i m e s ,

13 February 1909, p.l, 13 January 1910, p.2; Penang

Hsin P a o , 8 January 1909» p.3«

93» Nan C h ’iao Jih P a o , 27 November I 9U » p .5«

94. Ibid., 4 December I 9II, p.2.

95» The girl was Miss Yti Tai-eb.ung who had been a

revolutionary activist in Singapore. Ibid,

28 November I 9H , p.5*

96. See Yao Yti-hsiang, 'A Biography of Hu H a n - m i n ’ , in

K M H L H C C , pp. 640-4.1; Hu Han-min, Autobiography,

pp.10-12, in K M W H , v o l .3; Chung Hsing Jih P a o ,

21 March 1908, p.2.

 171

NOTES FOR CHAPTER VIII

1. Wang G u n g w u , 'Sun Yat-sen and Singapore', J S S S ,

V o 1. 15, Pt. 2, p. 6 6 .

2. After the establishment of the T'ung Meng Hui

branches in Singapore, Kuala Lumpur and Penang in

1906, Dr Sun visited Singapore again once in 1907

(February), once in 1908 (March) and once in 1910

(July). He had been staying in Singapore and Malaya

for about l4 months between March 1908 and May 1909,

and another five months between July and December

1910. See K F N P , Vol. 1, pp. 239, 2 6 3 , 284, 292.

3’ Feng Tzu-yu, k 'ai-kuo s h i h , p. 50*

4. These included the T'ung Meng Hui branches in

Batavia, Surabaya, Semarang, Pontianak and Medan in

the Dutch East Indies; Rangoon in Burma and Bangkok

in Thailand. I b i d . , p. 52; also Feng, tsu-chih s h i h ,

p. 9.

5. Feng Tzu-yu, i-shih, Vol. 3, PP* 142-44.

6. Skinner, G.M. , Chinese Society in Thailand: An

Analytical H i s t o r y , p. 1 5 6 .

7. Teo Eng-hock, Nanyang and the Founding of the

Chinese R e p u b l i c , p. 21.
 172

8. Feng Tzu-yu, tsu-chih shih, p. 9*

9. Lin and Hsü distributed famous pamphlets such as

'The Revolutionary Army', 'T'ien T 'a o ■ and Min P a o .

See Hsii Shih-yin, The Revolutionary History of the

T'ung Meng Hui in Burma, Vol. 1, p. 4; Feng Tzü - y u ,

'A Brief Biography of Lim Ngee-soon' , in i~shih,

Vol. 1, p. 176.

10 Hu Han-min, Autobiography, p. 31» in K M W H , Vol. 3j

KFNP, Vol. 1, p. 254.

11. On an original written oath of Chang Hsiang-fang of

the Dutch East Indies, Lim Ngee-soon noted that he

himself was the Section Head of External Affairs of

the Headquarters in Singapore, and thus had the

responsibility to keep all written oaths of other

branches. See the original copy kept by Mr Lim

Eng-kuan (grandson of Lim Ngee-soon) in Singapore.

12. 'Letter from Dr Sun Yat-sen to Teng Tse-ju in 1908',

see Teng Tse-ju (ed.), Sun Chung-shan hsien-sh^ng

nien-nien lai shou-cha, Vol. 1, pp. 72-74; also

see K F C S , p. 408.

13. Ibid.

14. Ibid.
 173

15- In an interview with Mr Teh Min-wei (eldest son of

Teh Lay-seng) in Ipoh, I was told that all military

news or other secret instructions from China were

cabled in cipher to the T'ung Meng Hui Southeast

Asia Headquarters in Singapore, and then were

transmitted to other branches either by cable or

through correspondence. Teh Min-wei, interview on

8 October 1966 at his residence in Ipoh.

16. In February 1907, Waseda and other Japanese

universities expelled 39 Chinese students who had

close associations with the T'ung Meng Hui. In

the same month, the Japanese government deported

Dr Sun under the request of the Ch'ing Minister for

Japan. See Feng Tzü-yu, ko-ming shih, Vol. 1,

p. 201; KFCS, Vol. 1. p. 210.

17. Hu Han-min, Autobiography, pp. 27-28, in KMWH,

Vol. 3 .

18. See Chapter VI.

19- In May 1908, when the Hok'ou Uprising was badly in

need of money, Wang Ching-wei and Teng Tzü-yü were

sent to raise funds in Bangka and Batavia, but were

countered by the anti-Sun group and failed. See

 174

19* (continued)

Feng Tzti-yu, 'Kuang Fu H u i ' , in HH K M , Vol. 1,

p. 518; Hu Han-min, A u t o b i o g r a p h y , p. 28, in K M W H ,

Vol. 3.

20. Lin Feng-wen, ’A Brief History of the Singapore

Teochew and the Chinese R e v o l u t i o n ' , in P 'an Hsing-

lung (e d .) , A Directory of the Teochew in M a l a y a ,

p. 238; Lin Feng-wen and Liu Po-ch'iu (ed.), 'The

Huang Kang Uprising in 1907 and the Chinese

Revolutionaries in Southeast Asia' (original

manuscript kept in the KMT Archives in Taichung,

T a i w a n ) , p . 3•

21. Apart from accommodating them in the Wan C h 'ing

Yiian and Teo Eng-hock's shops, Lin Shou-chih had to

rent two shops to accommodate them. See Lin Feng-

wen, op. cit., in P !an Hsing-lung (ed.), A Directory

of the Teochew in M a l a y a , p. 2 3 8 ; Teo Eng-hock,

Nanyang and the Founding of the Chinese R e p u b l i c ,

pp. 38-39.

22. Some of the refugees went to Lim Ngee-soon's farm,

some to his rubber estates. See Lin Feng-wen and

Liu Po-ch'iu (ed.), op. cit., p. 3; Feng TzÜ-yu,

i - s h i h , Vol. 1, p. 1 7 8 ; Chua Hui-seng, interview

 175

22. (continued)

on 25 F e b r u a r y 1965 at the T ' u n g Te R e ad in g Club,

Singapore.

23* The plot was des ign ed to capture arms and a m m u n i t i o n

fr om the F r e n c h troops for a p l an n e d revolt. It was

car rie d out by the employees who wo rk ed in the

barracks. T h e y put arsenic into drinking water;

more than two h un dr e d troops were poisoned, and

about se venty of them died. W h e n the F r e n c h colonial

aut ho ri t i es found out, curfew was imposed, and a

large n u m be r of suspects were detained. Be cause of

the involvement of some r e vo l u t i o n a r y refugees,

about one tho usa nd of them were detained. This

event was kn own as the 'Arsenic Case'. See Teo

Eng-hock, op. c i t . , pp. 62-63»

24. Hu Han-min (recorded by C ha ng C h e n - c h i h ) , 'Na n y a ng

and the Ch inese Revolution' (original ma nu script

kept in the KM T Ar chives in Taichung, Taiwan),

pp. 8-10; also see W S N W H , Vol. 1, p t . 11, pp. 467-68 ,

and K F N P , Vol. 1, p. 239»

25» In this agreement, the F r e n c h g ov ern me nt p r o m is e d

to dissolve r e v o l u t i o n a r y o r ga n iz at ion s, to suppress

re v o l u t i o n a r y propaganda, to d e t a i n and deport

 176

25» (continued)

ringleaders, to extradite criminals or those who

plundered in Chinese territories (revolutionaries),

and to check smuggling of arms and ammunition on

the border. This agreement was attached to the

’Despatch from the Wai W u Pu to the Governor-General

of Liang-Kwang, Governor? of Yunnan and Kwangsi

dated 4th January, 1 9 0 9 ’• See C h ’ing-chih wai-chiao

shi h~liao, Vol. 218, p. l4.

26. At first, Sun cabled several times to the French

authorities in Tongkin asking for release, his

demands were brushed aside. Later, Sun sent a long

cable directly to the Governor in Saigon proving

that all the detained refugees were revolutionary

soldiers. They should not be treated as criminals,

but as political refugees who could seek asylum in

Singapore. See Teo Eng-hock, op. c i t . , p. 63*

27* According to Teo, the first batch which arrived in

Singapore numbered about four hundred. But a

contemporary newspaper and the Straits Settlements

g ov er n me nt ’s records only put it at sixty. See

Teo, op. cit., p. 63; Lat P a o , 20 May 1908, p. 5;

’J. Anderson to Secretary of State for Colonies

dated 4th June, 1908', G D , 226.

 177

28. When these refugees arrived in Singapore, they were

at first detained in a camp waiting for the normal
procedure for release. Teo Eng-hock and other
leaders had to prepare clothes and to hire a few

barbers to cut their hair in the camp. Later, they

were released on bail of S$200 each. They were
accommodated in three shops owned by Tan Chor-nam.

Teo Eng-hock, op. cit., pp.63-64.

29* Teo Eng-hock, Fbng Tzü-yu and Chua Hui-seng all
claimed that the refugees numbered more than six

hundred. But Dr Sun in a letter only gave the

number as more than four hundred. I think Sun's
figure is more reliable, because it was written
during that time. See Teo Eng-hock, op. cit.,

p .6 5 ; Feng Tzu-yu, ko-ming shih, Vol. 2, pp. 127-28;

Chua Hui-seng, interview on 25 February 1965 at
T'ung T& Reading Club, Singapore; 'Letter from

Dr Sun Yat-sen to Wang Fu dated 2nd March, 1909',

KFCS, p. 413.
30. One kati is equivalent to 1 — lbs. Thus, they had

to consume almost 1333 lbs. of rice per day. See

Teo Eng-hock, op. cit., p. 65.
31. See 'Letter from Teo Eng-hock, Tan Chor-nam and

Others to Lan Jui-yüan in Dutch East Indies dated

 178

31. (continued)

14th November, 1908', in W S N W H , Vol. 1, pt. 13,

pp. 4 0 5 -0 6 .

32. Teo Eng-hock, op. c i t . , p. 65* The figure given by

Teo was 500, but if we accept the total number of

refugees at 400, the remainder unemployed was only

300.

33- ’Letter from Dr Sun fat-sen to Lim Ngee-soon dated

11th October, 1 9 0 8 ’ , KEGS, p. 4ll.

34. ’Letter from Dr Sun to the Comrades in Thailand

dated 7th April, 1 9 0 9 ’, ibid., P* 4l5.

35. The Union Times, 3 March 1909, P- l.

36. Teo Eng-hock, op. cit., p p . 6 5 -66.

37. In a letter to Lim Ngee-soon, Dr Sun pressed him to

take measures to put the plan into practice. See

'Letter from Dr Sun Yat-sen to Lim Ngee-soon dated

11th October, 1 9 0 8 ’ , KFCS, p. 4ll.

38. After the opening of the quarry, Dr Sun, in his

letter to Wang Fu, stated that there were still

about a hundred refugees unemployed. Deducting a

hundred previously employed from the total number

of 400, the quarry must have given jobs to about

 179

38. (c ontinued)

two hundred, refugees. See 'Letter from Dr Sun to

Wang Fu. dated 2nd March, 1909* , K F C S , p. 4l3 •

39* Hu H a n - m i n , Aut ob iography , p p . 28-29, in K MWH ,

Vol. 3.

40. Yang H a n - h s i a n g , 'Chung-hua min-kuo k ’ai-kuo

c h ’ieri-hou chih pen-she ko-ming s h i h ' , in Yang (ed.),

Souvenir of the 24th Ann iversa ry of the Penang

Philomatic Society , p. 35; Chou Lu, A History of the

Canton March 29th Rev ol u t i o n , p . 4.

41. It was reported in Hong Kong that no fewer than

five hundred supposed members of secret societies

had arrived in the colony from the Straits

Settlements on the eve of the Canton March 29th

Uprising. It is probable that most of them were

revolutionary refugees. See South China M o r n i n g

Post, 29 April 1911, p. 7-

42. Hu Han-min, op. c i t . , p. 33, in K M W H , Vol. 3;

W S N W H , Vol. 1, pt. 13, p. 507; Hua Tzti J ill P a o ,

17 May 1911, p. 1.

43* In September 1910, Sun Mei, the elder brother of

Dr Sun Yat-sen, was deported from Hong Kong. After

 180

43. (continued)

the defeat of the Canton March 29th Uprising in

April 1911 , the Hong Kong government took strict

measures to clear up revolutionary refugees on

repeated requests from the Ch'ing government. Huang

Hsing, the main figure in the uprising, was nearly

caught in Hong Kong. See Lat P a o , 3 October 1910,

p. 2; 'The Escape of the Revolutionaries Involved

in the Canton March 29th Uprising from Hong Kong'

(original manuscript kept in the KMT Archives in

Taichung, Taiwan), p. 1.

44. The Ch'ing spies repeatedly reported to the Kwangtung

government about traces of the revolutionary

refugees. See 'Cable from the Governor of Kwangtung

to the Wai Wu Pu dated 11th May, 1911», W W P C , May

1911.

45. It was reported by a Hong Kong Chinese newspaper

that most of the refugees left for Southeast Asia,

only one-tenth or two-tenths remaining in Hong Kong.

See Hua Tztl J ih P a o , 17 May 1911, p. 2.

46. Teng Tse-ju, Chung-kuo kuo-min-tang erh-shih nien

shl h- ch i, pp. 80-81; Yang Han-hsiang, op. c i t . , in

Yang (ed.), Souvenir of the 24th Anniversary of the

Penang Philomatic S o c i e t y , p . 6 1.
 181

47- For instance, Tan Chor-nam disclosed that Khoo

Teh-shiong, the younger brother of Khoo Seok-wan,

donated a large sum of money and declined to have

his name recorded. Tan Chor-nam, interview on

7 August 1966 at his residence in Singapore.

48. Dr Sun did not put down the currency unit.

According to Dr Shelley Hsien Cheng, the money

could be in Hong Kong dollars, for most of the money

was remitted to Hong Kong. Moreover, the Hong Kong

dollar, Mexican silver dollar, Straits dollar and

Japanese yen had almost the same exchange rate.

See Cheng, S . H . , The T 1ung M@ng Hui: Its

Organization, Leadership and F i n a n c e s , 1905-1912,

pp. 163, 175.

49. 'Letter from Dr Sun Yat-sen to Wu Ching-heng in

1909', K F C S , p. 419.

50. Teng Mu-han, 'Supplementary Notes to Dr Sun

Yat-sen's Autobiography', CKY K , Vol. 1, pt. 4,

pp. 84-85; Feng Tzti-yu, 'Ch'ao-hsien ko-ming chiin',

W S N W H , Vol. 1, pt. 13» PP* 81-82.

51. This figure is a minimum estimate. According to

Teo Eng-hock, S$20,000 to S$30,000 was collected

only for the immediate use of the first uprising.

 182

51. (continued)

He implies that the amount did not include the

expenditure on the preparation from 1904 to 1 9 0 6 .

The money spent on the preparation mainly came from

private sources. For example, with financial

assistance from leaders in Singapore and his

daughter (wife of Dr Lim Bo o n - k e n g ) , Huang Nai-

shang was able to engage in revolutionary activities

in South China. See Teo Eng-hock, Nanyang and the

Founding of the Chinese R e p u b l i c , pp. 27-28; Lim

Ngee-soon, ’The Historical Records of the Relations

between the Huang Kang Uprising and the

Revolutionaries in Southeast A s i a ’ , in W S N W H , Vol. 1,

pt. 1 3 , p. 5 9 .

52. Teo Eng-hock, op. c i t . , pp. 27-28.

53* This amount of money was spent only on preparation,

excluding expenditure on buying arms and ammunition.

See 'Letter from Koh Soh-chew to Tan Chor-nam and

Teo Eng-hock dated 12th August, 1907 (4th July in

the lunar calendar)', i b i d . , p. 1 1 9 *

54. 'A Brief Biography of Lin Shou-chih' (original

manuscript kept in the KMT Archives in Taichung,

Taiwan), pp. 2-3; Lin Feng-wen, 'A Brief History

 183

54. (continued)

of the Singapore Teochew and the Chinese Revolution’,

in P ’an Hsing»lung (ed.), A Directory of the Teochew

in Malaya, p . 236.

55• The Ch'ing Consul-General in Singapore reported to

the Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi that

revolutionary military bonds were widely sold in

Southeast Asia, particularly in the Dutch East-

Indies, Kuala Lumpur and Perak. See ’Cable from

the Acting Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi

to the Wai Wu Pu dated 2nd October, 1906 (15th August

in the lunar calendar)', in IIHKM, Vol. 1, pt. 1,

p. 134.

56. ’Letters from Dr Sun Yat-sen to Teng Tse-ju dated

7th March, 1908, 22nd April, 1908, 9th June, 1908,

13th June, 1908, 1st August, 1908.’ See Teng

Tse-ju (ed.), Sun Chung-shan hsien-sheng nien-

nien-lai shou cha, Vol. 1, pp. 18, 29, 64, 67, 68;
KFCS, pp. 405-406, 4o8.

57* Among S$5,7GO, Singapore contributed only S$l,000.

The rest came from Kuala Pilah (S$3,500), Seramban

(S$1,000) and Muar (S$200). Ibid.

 184

58. It was said that Teo Eng-hock was greatly

disappointed after the failure of the First Ch ’ao

Chou Uprising. Chua Hui-seng, interview, on

27 February 1 9 6 5 » at the T'ung Te Reading Club,

Singapore.

59* Teng Tse-ju, Chung-kuo kuo-min-tang erh-shih nien

shih-chi, in WSNWH, Vol. 1, pt. l4 , p. 41; Chou L u ,

A History of the Canton March 29th Revolution, p. 3*

60. Teng Tse-ju, op. cit., WSNWH, Vol. 1, pt. l 4 ,

p p . 55-56; Feng Tzu-yu, ’The Activities of the

Fund Raising Bureau and the Fund Raising Overseas

for the Canton March 29th Uprising', in W S NWH,

Vol. 1, pt. 14, pp. 102-03.

61. The Headquarters in Penang received a cable from

the Fund Raising Bureau in Hong Kong stating that

the Ch'ing troops in Hupeh could be won over, and

urging financial help. Soon afterwards, another

cable from Shanghai indicated that the railway

dispute in Szechwan could be used to stir up an

uprising, and money was urgently needed. The same

cables were received by the leaders in Kuala Pilah,

Seremban and Ipoh. See Yang Han-hsiang, 'Chung~h.ua

 185

61. (continued)

min-kuo k !ai-kuo ch'ien-hou chih pen-she ko-ming

shih!, in Yang (ed.), Souvenir of the 24th

Anniversary of the Penang Philomatic Society,

pp. 6 1 - 6 2 .

62. Huang Hsing and Hu Han-min, 'A Report on the Canton

March 29th Uprising’, in W S N W H , Vol. 1, pt. l4,

p. 2 5 2 .

63* Cheng, S.H., op. cit., pp. 200-01.

P«- M«(,
64. This figure is derived from the money received by

Li Hai-yiin in 1911* It came from Perak

(S$112,353•30), Seramban and Kuala Pilah

(S$45,728.6 0 ), Singapore (S $ 2 0 ,030.00), Penang

(S$43,000.O O ) , Kuala Lumpur (S $ 9 >200.00), Kuantan

(S$3 »322.5 0 ), Muar (S$700.00). See Teng Tse-ju,

Chung-kuo kuo-min-tang erh-shih nien shih-chi,

p. 103.

65- Shao YUan-ch’ung, 'A Brief Revolutionary History of

Ch'en Ying-shih', in K F N P , p. 3 4 7 .

66. See ’Cable from Ch'en C h ’i-mei (Ch'en Ying-shih)

and Yang P'u-sheng to Teng Tse-ju Asking for

Financial Help, dated 30th November (lOth October

 186

66. (continued)

in the lunar calendar), 1911', in Teng T s e - j u ,

ibid., p . 82.

67. Ibid.

68. 'Cable from C h 'en C h ’i-mei to the Revolutionaries

in Penang dated 4th December (l4th October in the

lunar calendar), 1911' , in. Souvenir of the 30th

Anniversary of the Penang Philomatic Society,

p.£i29; Yang Han-hsiang (ed. ) , Souvenir of the 24th

Anniversary of the Penang Philomatic Society, p . 62.

69* Shao Yuan-ch'ung, op. cit. , in K F N P , Vol. 1, p. 347.

70. Kuo Hsiao-ch'eng, 'A Record of the Recovery of

Kwangtung', in H H K M , Vol. 7, pp. 227-32.

71. The cable was sent to Teng Tse-ju. It ran as

follows: 'Kwangtung became independent, Hu Han-min

was elected as the Governor. Lack of money. Please

raise funds for h e l p . ' See Teng Tse-ju, op. cit.,

p. 81.

72. See Chapter VI.

73* Ts'ao Ya-po, Wuchang ko-ming chen-shih, Vol. 2,

PP* 375-83; Chou Lu, Chung-kuo kuo-min-tang shih-kao,

Vol. 3, P* 1013*
 187

74. Cables were received by the Penang Philomatic

Society and the Cantonese Commercial Association

ft) W ) in Singapore. See Souvenir of

the 30th Anniversary of the P enang Philomatic Society,

p. 29; Nan C h 1iao Jih P a o , 9 December 1911, p. 5*

75- Ibid.

7 6 . 'Letter from Hu Han-min to Foo Chee-choon' , in Ilua

Tzü Jih P a o , 12 December 1911, p. 2.

77 • Kuo H s i a o - c h ’eng, 'A Record of the Recovery of

Fukien', H H K M , Vol. 7, p. 281.

78. Huang Nai-shang, a revolutionary leader who played

an important part in planning the revolt in Fuchow,

listed four causes for the delay: lack of money,

resistance of the Manchu officers and troops,

disagreement among the revolutionary troops, and

((
departure of some leaders from Fuchow. See 'Letter

from Huang Nai-shang to the Revolutionaries in

Southeast Asia dated 15th November (25 th September

in the lunar c a lendar), 1 9 1 1 ’, in Nan C h 'iao Jih

P a o , 2 December 1911, p. 2; also see Penang Hsin

P a o , 4 December 1911, p. 2.

79. Ibid.
 188

80. See Chapter VI.

81. Tan Kah-kee, Autobiography, Vol. 1, p. 3*

82. In a cable to Teh Lay-seng, Li Hau-cheong and other

revolutionary leaders in Ipoh, the Governor of the

Fukien Revolutionary government, Sun Tao-jen, and

the Minister for Transport, Huang Nai-shang, called

for urgent help, and stated that the government had

received only HK$20,000 from the Fund Raising Bureau

in Hong Kong, which was not enough to maintain its

functions. See Penang Hsin Pao, 20 November 1911»

P. 3.

83. The letter was widely publicised in the local

Chinese newspapers. See Nan Chdiao J ih Pao,

18 December 1911» p. 11; Penang Hsin Pao,

19 December 1911, pp. 6-7*

84. Ibid.

85. The representatives were Li Hui, Chang Ch’i and

Huang Ken-nien. See Penang Hsin Pao, 21 December

1911, p. 3.

86. Tan Kah-kee recalled that the first S$20,000

remitted from Singapore was of tremendous importance

to the stabilization of the finance of the

 189

86. (continued)

revolutionary government, for its treasury was

empty. When it received the money, it exaggerated

by declaring that ’...Overseas Chinese in Singapore

had remitted S$200,000 to our aid, and a million

dollars more will fol l o w . ..’. This helped to

improve the unstable situation. See Tan Kah-kee,

op. c i t ., V o l . 1, p. 3.

87. 'A Brief Biography of Lin Shou- c h i h ’ (original

manuscript kept in the KMT Archives in Taichung,

Taiwan), pp. 2-3*

88. According to Teo Eng-hock, daily consumption of

rice for those refugees was about 1,000 kati. The

price of rice in Singapore was S$4.40 to S$6.00 per

133*3 lbs. Thus, the money spent on rice alone

was about S$50 per day, and about S$l,500 per month.

See Teo Eng-hock, Nanyang and the Founding of the

Chinese R e p u b l i c , p. 65; SSB B , 1908, X 6 - 7*

89* Vii was one of the main figures in the Huang Kang

Uprising in 1907* When he escaped to Kowloon after

its failure, he was detained by the Hong Kong

government under the charge of piracy, and was to

be extradited to the Ch'ing government for

 190

89. (continued)

execution. The revolutionaries in Hong Kong had

tried every means to save him from extradition.

Lawyers were hired to fight his case. With the

financial help from Singapore, Yü won the court

case and was released. See Teo Eng-hock, op. cit.,

pp. 38-44; South China Morning P o s t , 18 February

1908, p. 2, 26 February 1908, pp. 2-3; Lat P a o ,

29 February 1908, p. 9; Mary Chan M a n - y u e , Chinese

Revolutionaries in Hong Kong, 1895~19H (an

unpublished M.A. thesis of the University of Hong

K o n g ) , pp. 187-90.

90. There were Madam Wei Yueh-lang and Madam Ou P ’ in-

chen, the mothers of Miss Ch'en P ’i-chlin, a female

revolutionary activist in Penang who later became

the wife of Wang Ching-wei. See Ch'en P'i-ch’

un

and Li Churig-shih, ’Letter to Dr Sun Yat-sen dated

7th May (28th March in the lunar c a l e n d a r ) , 1 9 1 0 ’

(original manuscript kept in the KMT Archives in

Taichung, Taiwan); Yang Han-hsiang, ’Chung-hua

min-kuo k'ai-kuo c h ’ien-hou chih pen-she ko-ming

s h i h ’ , in Yang (ed.), Souvenir of the 24th Anniversary

of the Penang Philomatic Society, p . 1 6 .

 191

91. Yang, ibid. , pp. 16*17; Hu Han-min, A.utobiography,

pp. 34*35, in KMWH, Vol. 3> Ch'en Hsin~cheng,

Hua-ch1iao ko*ming hsiao*shih., pp. 18-20.

92. Yang Han-hsiang, op. cit. , in Yang (ed, ) , Souvenir

of the 24th Anniversary of the Penang Philomatic

Socie t y , p. 27*

93« Cheng, S . H . , The T'ung Ming Huis Its Organization,

Leadership and Finance, 1905-1912, p. 162.

94. Teo Eng-hock, op. cit., p. lj C h ’en Chung-shan,

’The Contribution of the Overseas Chinese of

Southeast Asia to the Revolution' , in Pao Tslln*

p ’§ng and Others (ed.), Chung-kuo chin-tai shih

lün-1 ijung, Vol. 2, pt. 4, p. 134.

 192

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 20 6

(c) Unpublished Works.

Chan Man-yue, Chinese Revolutionaries in Hong Kong,

1895-1911 (M.A. thesis, Hong Kong University, 1963 ).

Cheng, Shelley Hsien., The T *ung Meng Hui: Its Organization?

Leadership and Finance, 1905-1912 (Ph.D. thesis,

University of Washington, 1962).

Freedman, M . , The Sociology of Race Relations in Southeast

Asia, with Special Reference to British Malaya

(M.A. thesis, University of London).

....Kinship, Local Grouping and Migration: A Study in

Realignment Among Chinese Overseas (Ph.D. thesis,

University of London, 195&).

Gasster, M . , Currents of Thought in the T'ung Meng Hui

(Ph.D, thesis, University of Washington, 1962).

Minutes of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce

(I9 Q6 -I9 H ) (2 volsl Original manuscript kept in

the Chinese Chamber of Commerce, Singapore).

Li Ah Choi, Policies and Politics in Chinese Schools in

the Straits Settlements and the Federated Malay

States, 1786-19^1 (M.A. thesis, University of

Singapore).

Wang Gungwu, Chinese Reformists and Revolutionaries in

the Straits Settlements, 1900-1911 (B.A. thesis,

University of Malaya in Singapore, 1953)*

 207

....'Traditional Leadership in a New Nation: The Chinese

in Malaya and Singapore' (in UNESCO East-West Major

Project-Symposium on 'Leadership and Authority',

December 1963)•

(d ) Books, Articles, Pamphlets and Letters.

Anonymous, 'A Biography of Teh I-/a>^*senS , (Manuscript

kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung, Taiwan). Also

in WSNWH, vol.l, pt.ll, pp.567-6 8 .

. .. . *A Brief Biography of, Lin Shou-chih' (Manuscript kept

% i-/f
in the KMT Archives, Taichung, Taiwan).

.... 'A Brief Biography of Mr C h 'an Chan -moo i ,

in The Obituries on Mr loo N a m , Appendix.

• • • • 'A Brief Biography of Mr Lee Fuong-yee

in Ke C h l a , p.551.

..'A Brief Revolutionary History of Ch*in Li-shan and

Yang Cnen-hung' (Original text kept in the KMT

Archives, Taichung, Taiwan).

..'A Short Biography of Foo Chee-choon' ,

in Ke C h i a , p.570.

..'A List of the Members of the Early Period of the

China 's T 'ung Meng Hui ’$$ $ /p f in KMWH ,

v o l .2, pp.18-77•
 208

.'Deportations of Dr Sun Jat - s e n from Singapore and.

Penang' (Manuscript kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung,

Taiwan).

mate,of Numbers of the Revolutionaries

. ’An Es t im*

Overseas’ (Manuscript
t I Monn crrn
„,
A if I %>i k hfl i\ |54$a
'A , t ö rr~»T n..
kept in n the
TVi
...
o KKMT
MT' Archives,
A i \ r f * <3

Taichung, Taiwan).

•C hung-k. uo chin-tai-shih shih-chi rj? jt^

(Shanghai, 1961).

.Chung-kuo li-tai che-hsueh wen-hsüan ij? \$\fl ^ .

(2 vols. Peking, 1963)»

.'Chung-kuo T 'ung-meng-h.u i oen-pu chih-yiian lu”

"ipt kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung, Taiwan).

(Manuscript

. 'Fu-chien kuang-fu c h ’ien ko-ming yiin-tung chih ko

she-t'u a n 1 jilj]

in WSNWH, vol.l, pt.12, pp.68-84.

. ’Historical Records of the Singapore Chinese Chamber

of Commerce' $$-]>& , in Souvenir of the

Opening of the Newly Completed Singapore Chinese

Chamber of Commerce Building, pp.150-210.

•Hsin-hai ko-ming wu-shih chou-nien chi-nien lun-wem chi.

JIJ JtÜ7M (Peking?).

.'Hsuan.-lp huarch,1iao T ’ung-mSng-hui lueh-li’

(Manuscript kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung, Taiwan).

 209

’Huang Fu-sheng ko-ming hui-i lu ’^ £jjf

in ¥ S N ¥ H , vol.l, pt.l3> p p . 668 - 7 6 .

’A Brief History of the Hung Le ague '

(Manuscript kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung, Taiwan)

'Kuang-fu i.ch'ien te, c.hung-yao hsüan-ch'üan p ’i n ’

(Newspaper cutting kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung,

Taiwan).

'Li-hsien c h i - w e n ’ß % l'fl in HHKM, vol.4,

p p . 12-23.

’Nan-yang lieh-shih hslin i p i a o ’ jf):

A

(Manuscript kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung,

Taiwan). See also ¥ S N ¥ H , vol.l, pt.ll, pp.564-67*

1’Notes on the Chinese of P e n a n g ' , in J I A , vol.8.

,'Notes on the Chinese in the S t r a i t s ' , in J I A , vol.9

(1855), p.113.

Taiwan)-

.’Revolutionary Movement in Singapore Before the

Founding of the Chinese Republic ’ 1%/f^j vpjjLffi

(Manuscript kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung,

Taiwan).
 210

’Sixty Years of the Chamber of Commerce’ 'f7'

in Souvenir of the Diamond Jubilee of the Singapore

Chinese Chamber of Commerce, pp.237=378.

The Boycott of the Nanyang.Kung Hs.ueh Students and

m- akjo>ia fi ®J
H'
the Ai Kuo Hsueh She iri 1902’

in HHKMHIL, vol.4, pp.63-77*

....’The Constitution,of China’s T ’ung Meng Hui’

(Manuscript kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung,

Taiwan).

....’Ting-wei Huang-kang erh-i pieh-chi’'J ßj 'faß1]tU

(Manuscript kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung,

Taiwan). Also in WSNWH, vol.l, pt.13, pp.72-80.

Allen, G.C. & Donnithorne, A.D. Western Enterprise in

Indonesia and Malaya (London, 1957)*

Blythe, W.L., ’Historical Sketch of Chinese Labour in

Malaya’, in JMBRAS, vol.20, pt.l, pp.64-114.

Bradell, T . , Statistics of the British Possessions in

the Straits of Malacca (Microfilm kept in the

Menzies Library of the Australian National University,

Canberra).

Britton, R S., The Chinese Periodical Press, 1800-1912

(Shanghai, 1933)

Buckley, C.B., An Anecdotal History of Old Times in

Singapore (2 vols. Singapore, 1902).

 211

C a m e r o n , M .E . , The Reform Movement in China, 1898« 1912

(New York, 196.3) .

Campbell, P C. Chinese Coolie Emigration to Countries

Within the British Empire (London, 1923)*

Chai Hon-chan, The Development of British Malaya, 1896-1909

(Kuala Lumpur, 1964).

Chai Nan-ch'iao (ed , A Biography of

Dr Sun Yat-sen k y\ i \kfa

li (Shanghai, 1937)

Ch'an Chan-mooi (ed. ) 5 , Obituries on

Mr Too Nam (Kuala Lumpur, 1940).

. ... 1 Brief Biography of Mr Too N a m ’jf} jfjji* ,

in Obituries on Mr Too Nam.

Chang Chi Chung-kuo kuo-min-tang shih

(Taipei, 1952).
f it] h p t

. . . .Chang P ' u - c h ’uan hsien-sheng ch'lian-chi

(Taipei ?, 1951)

in hsien-sheng
• • • »Chang P 1u - c h 1üar^ hgien-sheng ch;
ch/'üan-chi pu-pien

(Taipei, 1952).

Chang Ch ’i-yiin ^ $>} Chung-hua min-kuo ch'uang-li

shih (Taipei, 1956).

Chang C h 'i-yün and Others Chung-hua

min-kuo k ’ai-kuo wu-shih nien shih lun-chi ft

(Taipei, 1962). /J
 212

Chang C h i n g -1u (e d . ) » Chang-kuo c h i n - t a i ch *u -

pan shih- 1 iao tjf fjßjfr £ rffcjtfe' (Shanghai, 1954).

C h ang Ching-sheng^Jr£, .£ , 'Ting-wei C h !a o - c h o u H u a n g -

k a n g ko -m ing 'j in H H K M , vol.2, p p . 550-53.

Chang C h ' u - k ’u n & Fang C h o u ,

'Kuo-fu vü hua»ch'iao' (Newspaper cutting kept in

the K M T Archives, Taichung, Taiwan)

Ch'ang-fu-^ ^
& , 1L i - h s i e n yiin-tung chih c h i n - h s i n g ’

$ H , in H H K M , v o l .4 , p p . 3-9 .

Chang H s i - j o , H s iLn
ri--h
haai
i ko-ming
ko-ining h u i - i lu

(Shanghai, 1947).
fTJfivfi-0
Chang H s i n g - y e n Su- pao^a.n .shih-mo ch i hsii ’

in H H K M , vol.l, p p . 387-90.
it
Chang H u a n g - h s i , 1Su- p a o - a n shih lu 'jljfejf'fjfy ,

in H H K M , vol.l, p p . 367- 8 6 .

'Kuang-fu-hui ling-hsiu T ’ao C h 'e n g - chang ko-ming

s h i h ’/ t ^ f ^ ^jL , in H H K M , vol.l, p p . 321-29-

. .. . ’Chi T z ü - 1 i - h u i ' -faß f in H H K M , vol.l, p.253-

C h a n g Jen-nanj^L/ol^ , ’C h ang J e n - n a n chiin sh’

ii kou

te wan-ch ’ing-yiian ch ih shih-mo

(Manuscript kept in the K M T Archives, Taichung,

Taiwan).

C h ang Li-ch' ienj|./f 'f , A H i s t o r y of M a l a c c a ^ ^

(Shanghai, 194l ) .
 213

» in H H K MHIL, v o l.2, pp. 358 - 6 2 .

Chang Nan & Wang Jen-chih (e d . ) ^ ,

Hsin-hai ko-ming ch ien s hih n i e n c h i e n shih-lun

hsllan-chi
i' * t'I$ $ 7 h(2 ivols.
# tfrj&f
Hong Kong, 1962-1963).
,
Chang N a n - h s i e n , H u p eeii k o -
-mm jj-ng
ng c hi
chili-chih lu

(S h a n g h a i , 1946).
M & If i'l#
:
.... 1J i h - c h i h - h u i shih-mo ’ 0 fa ^ fafi jfa in H H K M , vol . l ,

P P . 555-71.

C h a n g P 1§ng~yiian /?/Jif] , L i a n g C h 1 i -ch 1ao yii

Ch* i n g - c h i ko-mingj^ i^^/ft^ ^ ^ ( T a i p a i , 1964).

C h a n g P i n g - l i nfal , T ' a i - y e n w e n - l u c h ’u - p 1i e n

pieh-lu h t (Shanghai, n.d.)

. . . .T ' a i - y e n w e n - l u shii-p? i e n ||jj||||j/ (Taipei, 1958).

. ...'Tai-i-i j a n f o u - l u n 1 ^ ^ , in M i n P a o , no. 24.

. . . .The P u i n of the Inaugural Meeting of the Cheng Wen She’

, in M in P ao , no. 17*

. . . . 'A B i o g r a p h y of C h ’ in L i - s h a n 1 j] , in H H K M ,

vol.l, p p . 282-83.

....'Biography of H s ü H s i - l i n , Ch'en Po-p'ing and Ma

Chung-han» , in H H K M , vol.3,

p p .178-81.

C h a n g P ’i n g - 1 z Ö faji # \ , 'Ma Fu-i, the M a n W h o m I Know*

, in H H K M H I L , vo l . 2 , p p . 239-44.
 2l4

Chang Po-chen , N a n -hai K 'a rig h sieri-s he n g c h iia n

( P ek i n g , 1932).
fl
, ’O n »The Spirit of the Y e l l o w

, in H H .KMHIL, vol.l, p p . 217-304.

, A B i oig
grapny
raphy ___
of ¥ u Ch.'ih-hui

(Taipei, 1965).
^ wM /IID
Chang Yu - j e n ^ 'Ken-tzu H u i - c h o u s a n - c h o u » t ’ ien

ch'i-i fang-wen 1 u. 3- | ft) % , in H H K M H I L ,

vol.2, pp.263-8 0 .

Chang Yü-shan , The Relationship Between

China and Malaya During the

9ft TyTWTJJJ
he M nig D y n a s t y

( T a i p e i , 1964) .

Chao L i e n - c h *eng Jljll $ ^ , »The T »u n g M § n g H u i ’s

Activities in H o n g K o n g , Macao and the Participation

of K w a n g t u n g W o m e n in the 1 9 11 R e v o l u t i o n ' j;

, in HHK M H I L , vol.2, pp.302-22.

w'r *
Ch'en An-jen , Ihung-kuo chin-1 ai shih-yao

( H o n g Kon g)

C h 'e n C h ’i - m e i , 'L e t t eb^t ,to Te

to .Teh Lay-tseng fan
and
)
Li H a u - c h e o n g Urging for Remittance (Photostat

kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung, Taiwan).

Ch'en Ch'i-ping I
fjJS »C h i e n - f u nii-hsieh C h ' i u Chin

chiian , in H H K M , v o l . 3 , p p . 184 -8 6.
 215

C h ' e n C h 'i - y ü a n ^ ’M r P ’eng T s e - m i n and the

f fjf\JjL>)/f li
Revolutionary,. A c t i v i t i e s of the O v e r s e a s Chinese in

K u a l a L u m p u r Before and After the 1911 R e v o l u t i o n ’

in H H K M H 1 L , vol.l, p p . 392-96.

C h ’en Chi-yiin, ’Liang Ch ’ i-ch ’ao ’s M i s s i o n a r y Education!

A Case Study of M i s s i o n a r y Influence on the R e f o r m e r s ’

in Papers on C h i n a , vol.l6, p p . 40-65«

C h ’en Ch i n g - y o tjfjfc , ’Lett e r to,> Li Hau-cheong'

(Photostat kept in the K MT Archives, Taichung, Taiwan)

C h ’en Ch' u n - s h e n g fjf'Jtjl ^ > 1T i n g-we i H u a n g - k a n g

I f
c h ’ i-i chi
J , in W S N W H , vol.l, p . 13,

p p .64-72.

. . . . 'Overseas,
s, Chinese in/Southeast
m /bp Asia a nd the Chinese

Revolution*
n n 1
h h .?4Sjf4
(Manuscript
I M o r u l a r»>■> H r, kept in the K M T Archives,

Taichung, Teiwan).

. . ’J e n - y i n Hung ,Ch ’uan-rf u, k w a n g-chow c h ’i-i chi'

C >:<n X u ü & jJ 1/ x i
in HHJM, vol.l, p p . 315-21. Also in C K Y K , v o l . 5, pt.2.

. . . . 'Ken-tzö H u i - c h o u ch'i-i chi’ •AkL>0

in HHKM, vol. pp. 235-4*4.

. . . . 'Hsin-hai K w a n g s i kuarig-fu c h i ’ (Manuscript

kept
if/. U r n t o
in the K MT Archives, T a i c h u n g , Taiwan).

C h ’en C h u n g - s a , ’The C o n t r i b u t i o n of the Overseas

Chinese in S o u t heast Asia to the 1911 R e v o l u t i o n ’

lb/0{ , in C K C T S L T , v o l . 2, pt.4, pp.119

39.
 216

Ch'en Hsiao-fen ’Hsin-hai Wu-chang shou-i

hui-i’^ f i in Hsin-hai shou-i hui-i lu

vol.l, pp.68-75*

C h ’en Hs in-cheng fa l , Ilua - c H ’iao ko-ming hsiao-shih

(Manuscript copied and prefaced Wu Tee-jen) .

. . . .C h ’en Hsin-cheng i-chi |/jf $

(2 vols. Manuscript kept in the KMT Archives,

Taichung, Taiwan).

. . . .Hua-ch' iao ko-ming shih'-^ if] •'f ■!— , in Ch ’en

Hsin-cheng i-chi , v o 1.2.

.... ’Undated Le.tter to Te h Lay-seng and Li Guan-sui

Relating to Fund R a i s i n g ’ (Manuscript kept in the KMT

Archives, Taichung, Taiwan).

C h ’en Kung-lu Chung-kuo chin-tai shih

(Shanghai, 1935)*
f wanta
Ch'en Mong-hock, The Early Chinese Newspapers of

Singapore, 1881-1912 (Singapore, 1967).

Ch'en P'i-chlin & Li Chung-shih fj

'Letter to Dr Sun tat-sen dated 7 May (28 March in

the Lunar calendar) 1910' (Manuscript kept in the

KMT Archives, Taichung, Taiwan).

C h ’en Shao-pai ffij/fo , ’Hsing Chung-hui ko-ming

shih pieh-lu'j^ (fj?if jt-ß] , in HHKM , vol.l,

pp.76-84.
 217

. . . . 'Hsing C h u n g -hui ko-ming sh ih-y ao ? 'j7 ^ sf 'jjr ,

in H H K M , vol.l, pp.21-76.

Ch'en Shao-pai hsien-sheng chin-shang wei-yiian-hui (ed. )

, C h ’en Shao^pai hsien-sheng ai-ssu lu

l l , « , . tfmjmr
C h 1en T a , Emigration Communities in South China: A Study

of Oversease Migration and Its Influence on Standards

of Living and Political Change (New York, 19^0).

Ch'en T ' ien~h.ua fjj^ , 'Sudden Awakening'

Jfc (d |jjf , in HHKM, vol.2, pp. 144-70.

. . . . 'Bell of A w a k e n i n g ’ , in H H K M , vol.2,

pp . 112-43.

C h ’en Tse-nan b it- > 'The Escape of the Chinese

Revolutionaries from Hong Kong After the Canton

March 29 th Upr is ing' tß fftufa,

(Manuscript kept in the K M T Archives, Taichung,

Taiwan) .

Ch'en Wei ffcjjyb , 'The Early Period of Activities

of the K u e i n g - f u - h u i ' J j f a y $ J / j t i t f f o r f f l f , in H H K M H I L ,

vol.4, p p.127-30.

Cheng C h 'ang-kan j f j $ Chung-jih chia-wu chan-

cheng (7 ß ^ j (Peking, 1937)

Che ng H e - sh e ng $ )>fyfjj' Chung-hu.a min-kuo chien-

kuo shih ^ 1$) JL (Shang h a i , 19^6).

 218

///
Cheng Hui-ch' i and 0 thers , 'Chen-nan-kuan ch'i-i

c h i e n - w e n 1^ jf ) j t ] f a j f ] , in H H K M H I L , vol.2,

pp.430-39.

Cheng U-wen, ’Opium in the Straits S e t t l e m e n t s ’ , in ISA,

vol.2, no.l, pp.52-75*

C h ’eng C h ’i-lu 'J ih-chih-hui tsai Iluang-kang

te fuo-tung' 11 in H H K M H I L , vol.2,

PP*75-79*

C h ’eng C h ’ien a$ >L >u

Hsin-hai ko-ming c h ’ien-hou

hui-i p 'ien- t u a n ’ > //> j t f f ß 1\ V / . in H H K M H I L ,

vol.l, p p . 70-93.

C h i - c h ’en £ /'$,k> ’A Comparison Between Loyalty and

Patriotism- /.> i-ß>h in The Sun P a o ,

23 September 1910, p.2.

Chiang Hsing-te j f y , Kuo-fu Sun Chung-shan hsien-

shSng chüan |l] ^ f ( T a i p a i , 1950).

Chiang T ’ing-fu , Chung-kuo chin-tai shih

(Shanghai, 1939)-
f
Chiang W e i - c h ’iao jff , ’Chung-kuo chiao-yli-hui

chih hui-i' ij7 if)faf)fa &fjt~ , in H H K M , v o l . 1,

pp.485-96.

Chiang Yung-ching jltf fa , 'Chronology of H u H a n - m i n ’s

Life \ , in CKHTSTK , vol.3, pp. 79-320.

 219

. . . .H u a - c h ’ iao ch ih t su.riff-c b ih (Taipei, 1956) .

Chien Yu-w e n jrf] yL , A History of T ’aiping H e a v e n l y

K ingdom (.3 vols. Hong Kong, 1962).

C h ' i e n Mu 4^ , C hun g -kuo chin s a n - p o ~ n i e n hsfleh-

shii shih Z ]?!ft (2 vols. Shanghai, 19^8).

Ch 1ien Shih - f u | | || ’Supplementary Note of the T ’u

N a n J ih Pao ’
'j
r | ] ( N e w s p a p e r c u t t i n g kept in the

K M T Archives, Taichung, Taiwan).

C h ’ien T u a n - s h e n g , The G overnment and Politics of China

(Massachusetts, 1950).

Chih P i n g - f e n g jf , C h 1ing~mo k o - m i n g yli chlin-

hs ien t e liin- chan bfi % ifcfk (Taipei, 1966) .

Chin T s u - h s ü a n W- , ’Some R e m e m b r a n c e of the 1905

Anti-American Movement in K w a n g t u n g ’ in C T S T L ,

n o . 5, p p . 52-55-

C h ’in L i - s h a n fjj"}jb K o - m ing ch e n - y e n J ^

(Rangoon, 1906).

C h ’in W e i - j u % C h u n g -kuo chin-1ai shih

ft
(Kao Hsiung, 1962)

Ching-cheng^l^/ ^ , 'A Biography of Kuo C h i - m e i ’Jf'J

in K M H L H C C , p .163

.... ’A B i o graphy of Yu T u n g - h s i u n g ’ t\i\\ , in KM H L H C C

p p .163- 6^4.
 220

Ching M e i - c h i v
uJj.f y lv ’The Expulsion of Chinese

Students and the Suicide of C h ’en T ’ien-h.ua’

k % in W S N W H , vol.l, pt.ll, pp.362-64.

C h ’iu Cheng-ou.ß ß , ’Hua=»ch’iao tui tsu-kuo ch ih

kung-hsien'^l if) fftß- $\ , in Chung-hua min-kuo

k'ai-kuo wu-shih nieri sh ih Ihn-c h i , vo 1.1, p p . 384-94.

Ch ’iu Ch in-chi rigßßsj \. , ’The> 1911 Revoituion in

Amoy ’ in HHKMHIL, v o l . 4 , p p . 469-74.

Chou Chen-1

and he /Relat ipns ,Between Huang arid Dr Sun Yat-sen

MU »#f,
After the 1911 R e v o l u t i o n ' , in H H K M H 1L , vol.l,

p p.330-41.

Chou Han- jen )ky/fs A- , Nan-yang C h ’a o - c h ’iao .ien-wu

r -
chih yü Ch'ao-chou ko-hsien
in yen-ko shih

ä£jsm,s).
(Sin,
~W>

Chou Hsien-juiy i%)Jot 'A History of the Singapore

Public Speaking G r o u p ’ fj- ß /: f t j j j l f ]

(Manuscript kept in KMT Archives, Taichung, Taiwan).

See also W S N W H , vol.l, pt.ll, pp.555-59»

. ...T'ien T'ung tsai Hsing shih-shih' $ jf.f] jß Iff' sß ,

in W S N W H , vol.l, pt.ll, p p . 539-60.

Tsou Lu §f/tf , Chung-kuo kuo-min-tang shih-kao

(3 vols. Shanghai, 1947)» '

 221

Chung-kuo k u p -min-tang k ’a i-shih

(Taipei, 1958).

. • • «A History of the Ca n ton March 29th Revolution

(Hong Kong, 1939)

JfÄ
Chou Su-yiian , ’Kuei-chou hsin-hai kuang^fu te

shih-shih'
7 * i fji
(Manuscript kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung, Taiwan)
Tc 4 >p
45tiou Yung tfP /$■ , ’The Revolutionary A r m y ’

in H H K M , vol.l, p p . 331-64.

Ch'ou , 'Hsin-hai ko-jjning chVien-hou t s a - i ’

in H H K M H T L , vol.l, pp.437-35.

Chu Chen-hsin (e d . ) , Collection of Essays of

K'ang Vu-we i and Liang Ch' i-chTao/^ pj/L^

(24 vols. Double leaves. Shanghai, 1915).

Chu C h i e h - c h ’in '-ify » 'TsoLP^

°>Pj! i^-^u^g an/
an^l Tseng

Chi-tse'
A ft rV wff vJ fp 'i/ovnn
/>
in The Hanyang M i s c e l l a n y , vol.'l, n o .4,

PP.75-76.

Chu Ho-chung 1-W Lg Hi

, ’The T ’ung Meng Hui yn Europe'
Qß
in KMWH, vol.2, pp.111-30.

Chu Po-wei
3# k raphy of Lim
, A Biography Li Ngee-soon

(Shanghai, 1921). IfTWf

Chu Yen-chiajj^ jt, , 1Wu Lu-chen and the Chinese

Revolut i o n ' l l $ Jg , in CKHTSTK , vol.6, pp. 161-232

 222

Chü Cheng/| , Chü Chueh-sheng hsien-shen^ c h ’üan-chi

„ Taipei, 195.) . * 1 **> < H

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P A -Z -fy tfjr in C K Y K , (vol.3, pt.l).

.

.... 1Chui-sui kuo-fu chih hui-i' \J) ,

(Newspaper cutting kept in the KMT Archives in

Taichung, Taiwan).

....’Supplementary Notes of Dr Sun Yat-sen’s Autobiography’

’ i n CKYK- (vol.l, p t .4,

p p .80-85) •

T§ng Ssu-yii fy ’The Contribution of Secret

Societies to the 1911 Revolution’^ ti

* 97$
in CKHTSTK, (vol.5, pp.1-22).

Teng Tse-ju Jfrd , Chung-kuo kuo-ming- tang erh-shih

nien shih-chi jf) 0 j fa ^ ^ \ ^ ^ » (Taipei, 19^8).

....(e d .) Sun Chung-shan hsien-sheng nien-nien lai shou-cha

/$ ' ^ ^ » (^ vols. Double Leaves.

Canton, 1927)

Teo E n g - h o c k ^ j i j('\f , Nanyang and the Founding of

the Chinese Republic Jp '/( JfJ l$\ » (Shanghai, 1933)*

Th i o , Eunice, ’The Singapore Chinese Protectorate: Events

and Conditions Leading to Its Establishment, 1823-1877

in J S S S , (vol.l6, pts. 1 & 2, pp.40-80).

 257

T i e h Lang f h f p ü , 'Erh-shih shih-chi ,chih H u n a n ’

*r] -ff
in H H K M , (vol.2, p p.195-208).

T ’ien Ju-k'ang, The Chinese in Sarawak, (London, 1953)*

....’Early History of the Chinese in Sarawak’ in The

Chinese in Sarawak. Appendix.

T ’ien T ’ung $ j-)pj , Ko-ming h s i e n - h u a | ^ jjj) ,

(Manuscript kept in the KMT Archives in Taichung,

Taiwan).

.... 'T’ung-meng-hui c h ’eng-li chi' /f) ^ Z > in

K M W H , (vol.2, pp.2-5) also in WSNWIl, (vol.l, pt.ll

p p . 157-160).

Ting Wen-chiang (ed.) T i , Liang-.j £n-kung hsien-

sheng nien p'u ch ’ang p'ien ch'u kao

WffTJM ,

ZMW%59)
Ting Yu 'J , ’The 1905 Anti-American Movement in

Kwangtung’ jjf j)? » inCTSTL, (no.5,

pp.8-52)

Tingle, E . J . , China's Revolution (London, 1912)

Tregonning, K . G . , A History of Modern Malaya (Tokyo, 1964).

....(ed.) M a l a ysian Historical Sources ( S ingapore, 1962).

....'The Chinese and the Plural Society in M a l a y a ' , in

Proceedings of the Symposium on Economic and Social

Problems of the Far E a s t , pp.1-9*

 258

Tsai Tse and Others 'A Memorial to the Court in

Urging Declaration of a Constitution’ Ulfa9/J

b S S L b S . Hi , in H H K M , (vol.4, pp.24-26)
7* H
Tsai Tse, ’A Confidential Memorial to the Court in

Urging Declaration of a C o n s t i t u t i o n ,

in H H K M , (vol.4, pp.27-30).

Ts'ao Ya-po ijf \ß, {\3 , Wuchang ko-ming ch^n-shih ^

P , (Shanghai, 1927).
i k ,
Ts'ao Yao-fei y ^ , 'A Brief Biography of Loke Y a w ’

i # f |> , in The Souvenir of Ku-kang-chou liu-i

tsung-hui of Malaya, (pt.2, pp.51-52).

Tso P 'ing-lung C h ’in-mien-t'ang shih ch'ao

(Hong Kong, 1959)•

Tso Shun-sh^ng (ed.)^ ^ > Chung-kuo chin po-nien

shih tzü-liao , (2 vols.

T aipei, 1958).

. . . .(e d .) Hsin-hai ko-ming shih ^ ^ £j , (Shanghai,

1934)

Tu C h ’eng-hsiang ^ » 'The Developments

of Chou Yung's Thought and his Role in the Modern

Chinese Revolutionary History ' ft

, in CKHTSTK , (vol.l, pp.189-208).

 259

i*
Tu-li Ch ’ang-mang t zu ^ ’Tung-ching

hsiieh-chieh kung-fen shih-mo kao hsiang-j£n fu-lao

hsing-hsüeh s h u ' j f U f | ^ ^ J

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) il '
Tuan Fang , 'A Confidential Memorial to the

Throne Urging to Bridge the Difference Between the

Manchu and Chine se r jjjj jj '/^ 'Jjfo^ ß, ]'j?

in H H K M , (vol.4, pp.39-47)*

Tuan Yiin-chang & Others » 'The Struggle

Between the Revolutionaries and Reformists in

Overseas Chinese Communities Before the 1911

R e v o l u t i o n ’ jf fr t 4\ f.fa ft

( 4 ^ f in Hsin-hai ko-ming wu-shih

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Based on the Sources of the Hoover Institution.

(Stanford, 1959)*

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the Straits Settlments, (Singapore, 1879)«

h *i
Wan Wu ’The Uprising of the Ma F u - i ’

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Wang Chao-j an drf fj}, Chung-hua min-kuo k ’ai-kuo

ming-jen chuan )j? /$)jf] |f) J

/0

(Taipei, 1957).
 2 60

Wang Chih-yüan 1%I , A B i o g r a p h y of Y ah Ah.

L2Z ^ if- f
(Kuala Lumpur, 1 9 5 7 )«

Wang G u n g w u , A Short History of Nanyang C h i n e s e ,

(Singapore, 19 5 9 )*

....(e d .) M a l a y s i a , ( M elbourne, 1964).

.... 'Sun Ya t - sen and S i n g a p o r e ' , in J S S S , (v o l .15, p t .2,

p p . 55-68).

Wang H s i - 1 'ung f ^ 7 fyj , 'Hsin-hai chi-shih'

jjf 'f/b'jf ’ in Hsin-hai ko-ming tzü-liao ,

p p . 517-522.

Wang Hsing-jui ß , An E p i s o d e of Dr Sun

s^Struggle
Y a t - s e n 's. against the Reformists' jß]

^ 'jU$ 'r ^ ^ j (Newspaper cutting kept in

the K M T Archives, Taichung, Taiwan)

Wang Hsiu-ch'u ß jjß > 'Ten Days of Yan g

Chou’ M frj \ , in Y a n g Chou

shih-jih c h i , p p . 229-243*
^ f ft
W a n g I and Others Jß C h 'ing-mo

tui-wai chiao-sh^ t 'iao-yueh chi

(Taipei, 1 9 6 3 ).

Wang Kuang-ch'i ß , Hsin-hai ko-ming yu lieh-

c h i a n g t'ai-tu ß */j iP ^

(Shanghai ?, 1929)*
 261

Wang Liu Hui-chen, The Traditional Chinese Clan R u l e s ,

(New Y o r k , 1959)
^ £ ;.
J4
J
Wang Mai-ch'ang J,jßj% , 'The Attack of

Revolutionaries on the office of the Governor-General

of Liang-Kwang ' £ t A jjl ikA, Ü ’^ 0 j il

in H H K M H I L , (vol.2, pp. 327-3.30 ) .

Wang Po-hsiang ^ >L ii , 'Hsin-hai ko-ming t§

h u i » k u !I I I ^^
in T'ung-fang t s a - c h i h , (vol.29, pt.19)*

Wang Shu-huai j; ßj j-Jffrj , Wai-jen yii Wu-shu pien

— !t\ A\) ^ ^
(Taipei, 19 6 5 ).

Wang Shih-ts£ ^ 'fy » 'in Remembrance of C h 'iu

Chin' 15? f|-/'/'/!

in H H K M H I L , (vol.4, pp.223-232).

Wang Teh-chao ^ , A Study on Dr Sun Yat-sen's

Revolutionary Thought
>
yv (Taipei, 1962).

..'A Study on Dr Sun Yat-sen's Revolutionary Thought,

1912-1919' Jf-i i * t tt 0
in C K H T S T K , (vol.2, pp.119-275).

. . 'A Study on Dr Sun Yat-sen's Revolutionary Thought

During T 'ung M£ng Hui Period' ßJ $ /fj i)jßJf] . ij?jb

, in CKHTSTK, (vol.l,

pp.65-188) .
 262

Wang Tzü-ch’ien ^ -j^ , 'The Purchase of Arms and

Ammunition in Japan before the Canton March 29th

Uprising, 1911 ’^ ^ )* fa iL
in HHKMHIL, (vol.l, pp.528-535).

Wang Ying-lou ^ ^ ^ , 'The Activities of the

Waichow Middle School Students During the 1911
Revolution Period1 'j7/Jf ^
, in H H K M H I L , (vol.2, p p .348-351) .

Wang Yiin-wu and Others ^ , How Did I

Come to Know Dr Sun Yat-sen

$ jii (Taipei, 1965).

Wei Chien-yu , 'Secret Society Activities

in Chekiang on the Eve of the 1911 Revolution'

ft'ty#fjt
in Hsin-hai ko-ming wu-shih chou-nien liin-wgn-chi,

(vol.2, pp.519-544).

Wen Ch'u-hgng ^ 9 j- ^c^-n^ing shih-chien

chi' in Hsin-hai shou - i h u JMitK pp.48-63)

W§n ShSng-ts 'ai Jj , 'Letter to Li Hau-cheong

and Others dated 17 February 1911 (l9 January in the

Lunar Calendar)' ^ ^ f jf $-1

(Original text kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung,

Taiwan). See also KMHLHC C , p.192.

 263

Westerhaut, J.B., ’Notes on M a lacca’, in JIA (vol.2).

....’Notes on the Chinese of P e n a n g ', in JIA (vol.8).

Wickberg, E . , The Chinese in Philippine Life 1850-1898

(New Haven & London, 1965)-

Williams, Lea, Overseas Chinese Nationalism: The Genesis

of the Pan-Chinese Movement in Indonesia, 1900-1916 ,

(Glencoe, i960).

Willmott, D.E., The Chinese of Semarang (ithaca, i960).

Wong, C.S., A Gallery of Chinese Kapitäns (Singapore, 1964).

Wong Lin-ken, The Malayan Tin Industry to 1914 (Tucson,

1965).

...'Western Enterprise and the Development of the Malayan

Tin Industry’, in The Economic Development of South

A s i a , pp.127-153.

Wright, A. Studies in Chinese Thought, (Chicago & London,

1967)

Wright, A. & Cartwright, H A. (ed.) Twentieth Century

Impressions of British Malaya (London, 1908).

Wright, A. & Reid, T H , The Malay Peninsula: A Record

of British Progress in the Middle East (London, 1912).

Wu Chih-hui , 'Shanghai Su-pao-an chi-shih'

'i-fJtlf , in H H K M , (vol.l,

p p . 401-407).
 264

Wu C h i n g - h e n , Kuo-fu nien-hsi chi hsing-i

]Q ld flA ftii , (Taipei, 1952)

Wu Ching-hong, fA Study of References to the Philippines

in Chinese Sources from Earliest Times to the Ming

Dynasty’ in Philippine Social Sciences and Humanities

R eview, pp.l-l8l.

Wu-Hsiang-hsiang $ , A Biography of Dr Sun

y a t ~ s e n

(vol.l, Taipei, 1965)*

.... Chin-tai shih-shih liln-1 s4mg ^ ,

(2 vols. Taipei, 1965 )«

....’New Sources on Contemporary History of China Overseas'

4
: jbf$fjMHl#
in CKHTSTK, (vol.l, pp.47-63).

.... (ed.) Chung-kuo hsien-tai shih tsung-kan

» (v o l s ‘ 1“Z+’ Taipei,
1960- 1962).
. . . .Wan-ch’ing kung-t'ing jen-wu
ntijjb
(Taipei, 1964).
1
Wu Hsien-tzÜ ^ , 'K ’ang Yu-wei yii Nanyang

hua-ch'iao’ j\) 7^' f Ir) ,

in Chinese Reformists and Revolutionaries in the

Straits Settlement, 1900-1911» Appendix B.

(unpublished thesis, University of Malaya in Singapore).

 265

Wu I-1 in (ed.) Ko-ming lao-jen ¥u

Tzu-yiian hsien-sheng wen-chi y yL

(n .p . 1962).

Wu Tee-jen 4 » The Pioneers of the Rubber Planting

ln_Malaxa ft ffc ßft $ ftoA

(Hong Kong, 1966)

. .. . 'In Memory of an Old Comrade, Goh Say-eng'

tl
f| t- % I ft $ ^ **

(Mansucript given by Mr W u ) .

....'Tsungli hai-wai sheng-huo p'ien-tuan'

ft- it % f t i ft
(Manuscript kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung,

Taiwan).

Wu Yu-chang ^ 'Wu-chang ch'i-i ch'ien-hou

tao erh-tz ' ü ko-ming' $ jjifj//j£ti^

in HHKMH1L, (vol.l, p p .94-129)
\)
Wu Yen-nan ft\i ftp , 'The Main Contradiction

in the Chinese Society During the 1911 Revolution

Period' ^ fr ^ jft] ]\ 0) H if$

in Hsin-hai ko-ming wu-shih chou-nien chi-nien lün-wen

c h i , (vol.2, pp. 676- 696).

Wu Yen-yün (ed.) , Huang Liu-shou

S h u ~ t u ^ f
(Shanghai, 1912)
¥ y n n e , M .L . , Triad and Tabuts A Survey of the Origin and

Diffusion of Chinese and Mohamedan Secret Societies in

The Malay Peninsula, 1800-1935 (Singapore, I94 l ) •

Y a n g , C .K ., Chinese Communist Society: The Family and the

Village (Massachusetts, Paper Back edition, 19 6 5 )*

Yang-chou shih-fan hsueh-yiian li-shih hsi (ed.)

4
I- , Hsin-hai ko-ming

chiang~su ti- c h ’i shih-liao ^ 7^ jf/'

, (Kiangsu, 1961)

Yang Fu-shih ^ ^ ’Tsungli t 'ung chih

^ * L

Kang-liang chih shih-shih1 ffj%C ''Jj ^

(Manuscript kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung,

Taiwan).

Yang Han-hsiang '/I , 1Chung-hua min-kuo

k'ai-kuo ch'ien-hou chih pen-she ko-ming s h i h ’

f-fAD töU i\ i-Jt Ifi

in Souvenir of the 24th Anniversary of the Penang

Philomatic S o c i e t y , pp.4-108.

Yang Sung (ed. , Chung-kuo chin-tai shih

ts'an-k'ao tzü-liao

(Hong Kong, 19 6 7 )»
j
Ht ij ’

Yang Tuan-liu ffy f' , Ch'ing-tai ho-pi chin-yung

shih-kao yfj fak ji Jjj)

(P e k i n g , 1962).
 267

Yang Yü-ju (ed.) )('jp , Hsin-hai ko-ming

hsien-chu chi ß j/Lß ßfßiß)ht>

(Peking, 1957)•

Yao Nan }ß\^ frfj' , Chung-nan pan-tao hua-ch'iao shih

kang-yao \
(Shanghai, 19^6).

Yao Yü-hsiang and Others

Historical Data Concerning Sun Yat-sen

kA f ^ ^ ^ ßß ’ (Taipei, 1965 )•

Yao Yü-hsiang, A Biography of Hu Han-min

(Taipei, 1954).

Yao Y ü - p ’ing jjj ^ , ’The New Army Uprising and

the Canton March 29 Uprising, 1911' Jjs j\ ß

j&fyi6ßfr2ft'\^ ^— /£
in HHKMH1L, (vol.2, pp.287-298).

Ch'u-ts’ang (ed.) ßß •> Ko-ming shih-wen

hsüan
}jt t
fci)fn t
<1JL
(Taipei, 1966).

Yeh Hsia-sheng

chi- lueh'
4
gj
II , ’Kuo-fu min-ch’u ko-ming

'All Ji/7- ^ 414

(Manuscript kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung,

Taiwan).
 268

Y i n g « shu H s i n - c h i a - p 'o ti-erb f£n-pu (ed.)

44
'A History of the Second Branch of the Singapore

Kuo-min-tang’ ^ / $ ) fff}^
(Manuscript kept in the KMT Archives, Taichung,

Taiwan).
^ j Jr

Ying T£=ming , 'Huang-hua~kang c h 1i-i c h ’ien-

hou tsa-i ■ $o$ b 4 $ ) b bi ji-

in H H K M H I L , (vol.2, p p . 323-326).

Yong Ching-fatt, 'Chinese Leadership in Nineteen Century

Singa p o r e ' , Journal of Island S o c i e t y , vol.l.

Young, E.P , 1C h ’en T ’ien-h.ua (1875-1905) A Chinese

Nationalist' in Papers on C h i n a ,(v o l .13> p p . 113-162).

Yu Ping-kuen , Chinese History: I n d e x to

Learned Articles 1902-1962

---* HMJSiM 63) •

Yiian C h 'a n g - c h *ao , Chung--kuo chin-tai chih-pao-yeh

(Hong Kong, 1 9 6 7 ).
' ft ' x
Yung Meng-yiian /jj. Chung-kuo li-shih chi-nien

>\>if) $ 1^
(Peking, 1956).

. . . .Chung-kuo chin-tai shih-li-piao

^ (Peking, 1953).

. .. .Chung-kuo chin po-nien ko-ming shih-liieh

ifiDL $1/ (Peking, 195^)*

 269

( c) Interviews:

Mrs Au Nai Sun f)f^\ (daughter-in-law of Au Shen-kang)

on 10 October 1966 at her residence (10, Lau Yat Ching

Road) Ipoh.

Ang Lock Khuan ^||| (T’ung M£ng H u i ’s member, age 7 6 )

on 11 October 1966 at Embassy Hotel, Ipoh.

Chan Kwong Hon & Chan Keong Hon '/jp

(Sons of C h ’an Chan-mooi, age 57 and 42) on 6 October

1966 at Lee Wong Kee Restaurant, Kuala Lumpur.

Ch'en K . T . , (nephew of Miss Ch'en Pi-chun) on 12 October

1966 at his shop in Penang.

Chua H u i - s e n g ^ ^ | i (Old Boy of the Tuan Meng School,

and the Vice Chairman of the T ’ung Te Reading Club,

Singapore) on 25 February 1965 at the T ’ung T§ Reading

Club, Singaporeo.

Foo Yin Fong ^j) (grand-nephew of Foo Chee-choon,

age 65 ) on 7 October 1966 at his residence (l80, Lahat

Road) Ipoh.

C h ’en Yu-i pjjt 1^-^’ (brother of C h ’en Hsin-cheng, age 70 )

on 13 October 1966 in the Penang Chinese G i rls’ Primary

School, Penang.

Mrs Goh Say-eng A (wife of Goh Say-eng, age 90) on

l4 October 1966 at her residence (Soon Kee, 34, Jones

Road) Penang.
 270

H u a n g Shih-yüan^, fuJ (member of the Malacca T ’ung M§ng

Hui branch, age 84) on 3 October 1966 at his residence

in Malacca.

) Boon Eng & Khoo Boon Hanjßjj ^ ^ (sons of Khoo

Ming Chiang, age 68 and 5 M on October 1966 at

their office (3 6 , Beach Street) Penang.

Khoo M i n g - k u a n j ^ (eldest daughter of Khoo Seok-

wan) on 4 and 11 September 1966 at her residence

(l48-G, Dunearn Road) Singapore.

Khaw Sen Lee ^ (member of the Penang T ’ung M§ng Hui,

and now the Chairman of the Penang Philomatic Society,

age 79) on l4 October 1966 at his residence (134,

Carnarvon Street) Penang.

Koh Sam Pow (nephew of Koh Ying-cheong,age 44) on 10

October 1966 at the Embassy Hotel, Ipoh.

^ /

Koh Kai Tung ^ )fj) ,6 (son of Koh Ki-chuan) on 3 October

1966 at his residence (8 , Jalan Dato Klana) Seremban.

Fuong Y e e | " ( m e m b e r of the Seremban T ’ung Meng

Hui branch) on 3 October 1966 at his residence

(2l4F, Temiang Road) Seremban.

Lim Chin Han

i
(Second son of Lim Tay K e e , age 45)

on 11 October 1966 at Hua Lim National Type Secondary

School, Thomson Road, Taiping.

 271

Lee Ah Weng i& (member of the Ipoh T ’ung Meng Hui

branch, age 88) on 10 October 1966 at his residence

(122, Anderson Road) Ipoh.

Loke Yaik Chee (son of Loke Chow-thye, age 71.) on

6 October 1966 at Lok Ann Hotel, Kuala Lumpur.

A
Sim Mok-wu '/Jj ty~ ^ (son of Sim Hung-pek) on 2 October
1966 at the P ’ing Min Primary School, Malacca.

Tam Chim Bock (son of Tam Yung) on 3 October 1966 at his

residence (2^ miles, Rasah Road) Seremban.

Tan Chor-nam A 'W (Chairman of the Singapore T ’ung

Meng Hui branch, age 82) on 7 August 1966 at his

residence, Singapore.

Teng An-yung k (nephew of Teng Ts£-ju) on

6 October 1966 at his shop (68, Lister Road)

Kuala Pilah.

Teh Min-Wei^j^ (eldest son of Teh Lay-seng, age 70)

on 8 October 1966 at his shop (l6, Treacher Street)

Ipoh.

Too Chee-cheong (grandson of Too Nam) on 6 October 1966

at his clinic (l60, High Street) Kuala Lumpur.

Too, T.M. (daughter of Too Kwung-hung, eldest grand­

daughter of Too Nam, age 65) on 7 October 1966 at

Lok Ann Hotel, Kuala Lumpur.

 272

Wong Siong-ngie (fifth son of Dr Wong I-ek, age 71)

on 8 October 1966 at his residence (100, Jalan Haji

Y u s o f f ) Ipo h.

Yuen Si-foon (son of Yuen Tak-sam) on

6 October 1966 at his shop (99» Jalan Bandar)

Kuala L u m p u r .
 272a

Supplementary Bibliography

(A) Periodicals.

Far Eastern Quarterly (vol.l4, Penna, 1955).

Journal^or the-Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic

Society (no.1-85, Singapore, 1878-1922) .

Monthly Review of Chinese Affairs (Singapore ? 193*0

Monunrent a Serica (vol,l8, 1959)

Proceedings^of the Straits Philosophical Society,

1912-1913 (Singapore),
Straits Chinese Magazine, 1897-1907 (Singapore).
Studies on Asia (vol,4, Lincoln, 1963)
The Chinese Repository (vol,l-20, Canton, 1833-1851,
reprinted edition),

The Journal of Tropical Geography (vol,15, Singapore 1961)

(B) Unpublished Works.
Tsungli Yamen Archives: The Mission of Lo F§ng-lu to
England in the 28th year of Kuang Hsü, Ch’ing No.399

Khor Eng Hee, ’The Public Life of Lim Boon Keng? (B.A,
Honours thesis, University of Singapore, 1958)
Lee Yong Hock, ’A History of the Straits Chinese British

Association 1900-1959' (B.A, Honours thesis, University

of Singapore, i960).
 272b

Lim Pui Huen, 'A Survey of Newspapers Published in

the Malayan Areas; With a Union List of Local
Holding’ (Paper for the International Conference

on Asian History 5th-10th August 1968, Kuala

Lumpur),
Ooi, Diana, ’A Study of the English-speaking Chinese

of Penang, 1900-19^1’ (M.A, thesis, University

of Malaya, 1967).
Saw Swee-Hock & Pearl Chu, ’The Population of Nine­
teenth Century Penang’ (Paper for the Internation

al Conference on Asian History 5th-10th August

1968, Kuala Lumpur).

Wen Chung-chi, ’The Nineteenth Century Imperial
Chinese Consulate in the Straits Settlements
(M.A. thesis, University of Singapore, 1964),

(C) Books, Articles, Pamphlets and Letters.

Abdullah, Munshi, 'Concerning the Tan Tae Hoey in
Singapore' (trans, by T, Braddell in JIA, vol.6,
1852 , pp,5^5-48) .
Alisjahbana, S.T., Nayagam, X,S,T, & Wang Gungwu(ed.)
The Cultural Problems of Malaysia in the Context

of Southeast Asia (Kuala Lumpur, 1967).

 272c

Anonymous, 'Rules of Fund Raising of T'ao Ch’eng-

chang in Southeast A s i a ' j % >

(Original article kept in the KMT Archives in

Taichung, Taiwan).
....'A List of Founding Members of the Board for
the Founding of Confucius' Temples and Modern
Chinese Schools in Singapore', in T 'ien Nan

Hsin Pao, 19 March 1902, p.l,

,,,,'Historical Notes on Chinese Political Societies'

in Monthly Review of Chinese Affairs (May, 1934,

pp,1-22).

,,,,'Chinese Emigrants', in Chinese Respository, (vol,2,

pp,230-31).
,,,,'Oath Taken by Triad Society and Notices of its
Origin', in Chinese Respository, (vol.18, p p ,281-95).
,,,,'Secret Societies among the Chinese in Singapore,

with Particulars of some of their late proceed­

ings' , in Chinese Respository, (vol.15, pp.300-06).
,,,,'An Ordinance for the Suppression of the Triad
and other Secret Societies in the Island of Hong
Kong and its Dependencies', in Chinese Respository,

(vol,14,pp.57-9).
 272d

Anson, A.E.H,, About Others and Myself, 1745-

1920 (London, 1920)

Beighton, T,, ’Description of Penang, and Protestant

Missions Established in the Island', in Chinese

Hespository, vol.3, pp,221-30.

Bernal, M, , ’Chinese Socialism before 1913', in

Modern China's Search for a Political F o r m ,

pp,66-95,

Biggerstaff, K , , "Modernization— and Early Modern

China', in JAS_, , vol,25, no.4, pp,607-19,

Board for the Founding of Confucius' Temples and

Modern Chinese Schools in Singapore, 'An Announce

ment for Soliciting Contribution for Founding

Confucius' Temples and Modern Chinese Schools in

Singapore* ' f f f / t J' ßßZ , in T'ien Nan

Hsin P a o , 10 March 1902, pp,2,7.

Bremmer, M,J, (trans,), 'Report of Governor Balthasar

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SUPPLEMENTARY GLOSSARY (£ )

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 Supplementary CIoscary (#)

Bin Chan
Chen Yuan Chan
ChTen Chih
Ch1en Ch1iu
Cheng P’an-yao
Chua Hui-seng
Tf
Hai San
Han Wen-chi
Hen-hri
Ho Hsin-t’ien
K ’un-ltin & g
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Poke Chow-tyhe
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Liu tfSn-chi
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Sung Shao-tung
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Tan Boo Liat dfI
m - / . 1 ? an
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