You are on page 1of 9

The Stranger and The City

Author(s): Julie Meyer


Source: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 56, No. 5 (Mar., 1951), pp. 476-483
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2772808 .
Accessed: 10/07/2013 23:28

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
American Journal of Sociology.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 132.234.251.230 on Wed, 10 Jul 2013 23:28:58 PM


All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE STRANGER AND THE CITY
JULIE MEYER

ABSTRACT
In- and outsidersconceiveofthe moderncityas a conglomerate ofstrangers, theindividualsbeinganony-
mous and traditionsand conventionslacking.Social relationsare governedby the two divergentaims of
avoidingidentityand establishingcells ofcommunity.Unlikethatof the rootedcommunity, theorientation
of the city is to time and not to place. Consequently,the traditionalsocial order disintegrates,
and new
groups,whichare not classes,emerge.This urban developmentwillspreadfromthe cityto the countryand
changetheways oflifeand patternsofvalues.
This paper attemptsto apply the socio- into a native.Even if he sharesmoreand
logicalconceptofthestranger to thatofthe moreexperienceswith the others,the un-
city. The city under considerationis the knownpart of his life differentiates him
modernmetropolisas we know it in the fromthatof thepeoplewho are rooted.He
Westernworld. may findhimselfan equal at one timeand
The conceptofthestranger'willbe used a partialstranger at another,but therestill
here in its broadestsense. In its original lurksthe possibilityof his beingagain the
narrowmeaningit is based on locality.The total stranger,eitherby the attitude of
nativeis one whois rootedin a givenplace. otherstowardhim or by his own attitude
The strangeris a migrant,and even if he towardthemor by both together,as the
settlesdown,he remainsa migrantby back- situationarises.
ground.The native'sfamilycan be identi- In itsbroadermeaningtheconceptofthe
fied,and so can his individualpast ex- strangerconnotesa relationof remoteness
perience. to any fieldin whichpeoplecan be rooted,
Nothingis knownabout the stranger's suchas thecommunity ofthefamily,a given
ancestryand his individualpast, and the culture,ora faith.It can meantotalorrela-
unknownas such is strange.He may tell tive remoteness;it can be permanentor
thestoryofhisownpeopleand life,but this changingin its degree.The strangercan be
self-identificationis differentfrom that an immigrant or an emigrant, one who has
gained by mutually shared experience. comeor one whohas left,but notnecessari-
Deviation fromthe values establishedin a ly in the physicalmeaningof the word.A
givenplace does notnecessarily changethe man can become a strangerin his own
native into a stranger.The man with the family,a strangerin his own country.The
bad background, the criminal,is knownto stranger can be a stranger becausehe is not
theneighbors, hiswaysarefamiliar to them. accepted or because he does not accept.
In about I848 two neighboring towns in The total strangerof the lattertypeis the
Germany correspondence.one who forhis way of lifetakes his own
had an interesting
The one toldtheotherthattheyhad caught guidance only and refuseseither to be
a thiefand politelyasked forpermission to guided by othersor to guide them. The
hanghimon thegallowsownedby theother Americanlanguagehas the word "maver-
town.Whereupon thistown'sfathers refused ick" forthiskindofman,thestronganimal
therequestbecause,as theywrote,"we have that has leftthe herd.This indicatesthat
builtthesegallowsforourownbelovednative the strangeris not alwaysconsideredan in-
sonsonly." ferioror one whois discriminated against.2
On the otherhand,acceptanceof estab- The conceptof thestrangermustnotbe
lishedvalues does not changethe stranger confusedwith that of the outsider.The
I For a recent discussionof the problemsee an 2 There is, however,a tendencyto ascribe indi-
article by Dr. Alfred Schuetz in the American vidual characteristicsof strangers to the whole
Journal of Sociology,XLIX, 499-507. groupfromwhichtheycomeand to do so by singling
476

This content downloaded from 132.234.251.230 on Wed, 10 Jul 2013 23:28:58 PM


All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE STRANGER AND THE CITY 477
strangeris an outsider,but not everyout- covered by modern sociology3and has been
sideris a stranger.Outsidersand insiders discussedmainlyin sociologicalterms.The
differfromeach otherwithregardto the problemof themoderncityor,in our case,
specifictraitsthateachhas developedapart of themetropolis has foundmanyinterpre-
fromthosethat all men have in common. tations;and historic,legal, biological,an-
Whetheror not the outsideris a stranger thropological,and social-workconcepts
dependson the respectiveemphasisput on make it necessaryto emphasizethat socio-
difference and commonness in his relation- logicallythe citycan be explainedonly in
shipto theinsiders. Mutualawarenessofthe termsofsocialaction.(The term"socialac-
differenceand commonnessis generally tion"willbe used herein the senseofMax
presentin thisrelationship, but the deter- Weber;i.e.,socialaction,thatis,anyhuman
miningcircumstance is whichof the two is behavior-acting,tolerating, not acting-is
consideredbasic and whichaccidental.For an actionwhich,accordingto its meaning,
instance,in the case of the outsiderwho is is relatedto the actionsof othersor, ac-
called in to investigatea problemor to cordingto theconceptoftheactor,is related
arbitratea dispute,the emphasisis on his to the actionof others.In its courseit is
being basically the same person as the orientedtoward the behaviorof others.)
others. Their views and judgment are The conceptof thestrangerseemsessential
marredbecause theyare too close to the forunderstanding the orientationand de-
scene and too involvedin it. But forthis termination of suchactionand theinterac-
accident,theywouldsee and decidethings tion between city and country.This, of
as clearlyas any thirdperson.Therefore, a course,does not implythat the complex
thirdpersonhas to be selectedwhose re- problemcan be unraveledsolelyon thebasis
motenessfromthe situationguaranteeshis ofthisconceptofthestranger. The concept
objectivity.He can function as theforemost is onlyan isolatedagentamongthe many
among equals and understandtheirprob- which constitutethe phenomenonof the
lem,and his interpretation of the problem city.
can be understood and acceptedby them. The cityis conceivedby insidersand out-
In thecase of thestranger, however,the sidersas a conglomerateof strangers,of
emphasisis on his being a personunlike people who do not knowone another,who
those he approaches.In this relationship have no identitybut mustseek to acquire
differences in views and judgment,in ap- it in order to emergefrom anonymity.
pearanceand mores,are consideredto be Wallsbetweenand in housesnotonlysepa-
basic,impairing mutualunderstanding. The ratetheneighbors' homesbut also themen-
area oflikenessis considerednegligibleand tal communications between the people,
accidental.It is truethattheselectionofan whoare inhabitants and notneighbors.
outsiderto functionas a thirdpersondoes Thereexist,however,in everycity-be it
not restsolelyon his beingan outsiderbut London,Paris, Rome, New York, or San
also on his personalprestigeas knownto Francisco-districtsor streetswhich are
those who select him. But absence of neighborhoods in the truemeaningof the
prestigeis not what characterizesan out- word,wherepeopleknowone another,are
sideras a stranger.The strangeralso can identifiedby a definitelocal status, and
enjoyprestigeand be calleduponforthat- presentin themselveslittlesocietieswith
the classicalcase of the healer-and be all markedsocial stratification and a recogniz-
themorea stranger. able publicopinion.The arrivalofthewash-
The problemof the strangerwas dis- ingmachinein apartment housessometimes
has changed tenantsfromstrangersinto
outtheonewiththehighestpersonal
qualitiesinthe 3 Jurisprudence
has dealtfromtimeimmemorial
caseofgroups
whichareconsideredsuperior
andthe withsomecases of thestranger, notablywiththe
onewiththelowestin thecase ofthoseconsidered foreignerand theheretic,
butnotwiththeproblem
inferior. as such,

This content downloaded from 132.234.251.230 on Wed, 10 Jul 2013 23:28:58 PM


All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
478 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY
neighbors. Womengatheraroundthewash- group.It is a well-stratified societymade
ing machineas theyonce did aroundthe invisibleto the outsiderby the anonymity
villagewell,exchangegossip,developleader- in whichtheconglomerate ofstrangers veils
shipand followings; and notinfrequently a theindividual.
hierarchy of power,influence, and prestige Less conspicuousbut moresignificant is
emergesfromthe launderingwomenfolk,the same courseof action taken by those
transforming an apartmenthouse into an who value beingstrangers amongstrangers
organizedsocietyof women. In all this, forthe sake of freedom.As, underfeudal-
people are consciousof belongingtogether ism,thecityfreedfromthebondsof servi-
because they live in the same place and tudethemanwhoreachedit,so themodern
orienttheirsocial action towardthis con- cityoffers freedom fromthebondageofthe
sciousness. Such districts,streets, and neighbors' watchfulness, the conventions of
houses are scatteredcells of community,class, and the demandsof public opinion,
whose existence,however,does not make which shackle the individualeverywhere
the city.The citycannotbe understoodas else.
theaggregateofsuchcommunities, as a big The secondkind of social action,based
townofmanytownsora bigvillageofmany on the desireto overcomestrangeness, is
villages. This assumption,however,still obvious in the significance which an as-
plays a vital role in politicalcampaigns, sociationfrequently has forits membersin
under electionsystemsestablishedbefore the city. It expressesitselfin the related
thegreatcitiescameintoexistence.In New phenomenonthat city associationsmore
York City,forinstance,a candidate'sresi- oftenthanothersmay adopt characteristic
denceand durationof residencein his dis- featuresof community, at least for some
trict,the questionof whetherhe sendshis periodsof theirexistence.The word "as-
childrento a public school thereor to a sociation"is usedherein itsordinary mean-
privateschooloutside,are issuesraisedby ing, such as one finds in the Classified
friendor foe. TelephoneDirectory.It is thena socialrela-
If people are consciousof the city in tionship, orientedtowarda specificinterest,
whichtheylive and orienttheirsocial ac- be itmaterialorideological.Thisassociation
tions toward this consciousness-as they is motivatedby rationalconsiderations and
cannotfail to do-the conceptof the con- is organizedon the basis of rulesthatbind
glomerateof strangers generatesactionsin themembers. In contrastto it,a community
twodivergent directions: actionsbased in its commonmeaningis a social relation-
first,
on thedesireto preserveanonymity, notto ship,whichis orientedtowardthe feeling
become identifiable, to remaina stranger of its membersofbelongingtogether and is
amongstrangers; and,second,actionsbased heldtogether by thisfeeling.In spiteofthe
on thedesireto overcomestrangeness, to be emotionalcharacterof any community, ra-
recognized by othersand to recognizethem, tionaldevicesmaybe usedin orderto evoke
to be rooted. thisfeelingand to keep its flameburning.
The firstkindof actionis veryobvious Community and stranger excludeeachother
in thecase ofpeoplewhowantto disappear. by theirverymeaning.The stranger whois
This is the attractionwhichthe cityexer- accepted by a communityceases to be a
cises forthe professional criminal.Organ- stranger.On the otherhand, the stranger
ized crimecan hide out onlyin thewilder- who is acceptedby an associationmay still
nessofa sparselypopulatedcountryside or remaina strangerto thosewithwhomhe
in the wildernessof a denselypopulated sharesthe same interest,be it in a world
city.But onlyin thecitycan an underworld unionorinstamp-collecting. On themeeting
takeshapethatis largerinscopethanorgan- groundsof the associationhe may be an
ized crime,as it includesboththecriminals esteemedmemberwhoseindividualcontri-
and thoseengagedin illegaland antisocial bution is valued, whose voice is heard,
practices.It is more than an organized whose advice is sought.Outsideits walls,

This content downloaded from 132.234.251.230 on Wed, 10 Jul 2013 23:28:58 PM


All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE STRANGER AND THE CITY 479
however, all doorsthatareopento theother longed.In othercountriesthe labormove-
membersmay be closed to him and his mentneededan ideologyin orderto unify
family. its membersand to be a representative of
On the otherhand, membershipin an theworkers as individualsand notonlythat
associationmay be thechannelwhichleads of theireconomicinterests.Furthermore,
thestranger intothecommunity and trans- the fact that the Americantrade-union
forms himfromonewholivesinourmidstto servedas a means of identification forits
one who belongsto us. In the city,among members workedin thedirection ofpreserv-
theconglomerate ofstrangers, acceptancein ing status by excludingall those whose
an associationvery oftenmeans for the lowerstatuscould decreasethe prestigeof
individualthathe emergesfromtheanony- the union.This may be one of the factors
mousconglomerate, thathe is partofsome- whichpreservedthe identification of the
thing,identified and identifiableby it. This Americanlabormovementwiththe skilled
social relationshipby associationcan ac- workersand maintainedthe aristocracy of
quire thismeaningforhim because all the laborfora muchlongerperiodoftimethan
otherswithwhomhe joins are in the same was the case with trade-unionsin other
situation.In sucha case,associationaround countries.
a commoninterest tendsto shiftorientation If peopleorienttheiractionstowardthe
fromtheobjectiveinterest to thesubjective conceptof the conglomerate in
of strangers
socialrelationship, to becomethe pivotfor a positiveand in a negativedirection, does
all actionsof its members.The presencein it mean that in the courseof such actions
the cityofmanycompetinginterests, how- theyremainnecessarily and actuallystran-
ever,acts as a centrifugal forceand, as a gersto one another?Or can an area of like-
rule,preventsassociationsofthiskindfrom ness develop,different fromany otherarea
developinginto establishedcommunities. in whichpeople are alike? Can citypeople
They are temporarysubstitutesfor com- recognizeoneanotheras citypeople,as peo-
munity. ple who thereby"belong,"and, in turn,be
In othersituations, thatofthesmalland recognized as citypeoplebyoutsiders? True,
middletown,forinstance,thesameshiftof thesocialrelationship whichconstitutes the
orientationcan occur. Here, however,the citydoes not involveany consciousness or
orientationtoward the social relationship awarenessofcommonroots,be it in a given
as suchis notmotivatedby thedesireto be place orin anyarea whichcan be clearlycir-
identifiedbutby thefactthattheindividual cumscribed.
is identified, that he has a givenstatusin In characterizingthe stranger,Georg
the community, and that conventionand Simmelpoints out that, historicallyand
publicopinionin thiscommunity tie status essentially,the strangeris not "the owner
to membership in givenassociations. of landed property"or in the figurative
The difference betweencityand noncity meaningof this termthat the stranger's
associationsis less markedin thiscountry, "substanceof life" is not "fixed"eitherto
a nationofimmigrants, thanin othercoun- an actual or to an ideal place in thesociety
tries.Perhapssome of the uniquefeatures which surroundshim.4 This absence of
in thehistoryof theAmericanlabormove- boundaries,however,evidentlyoffersa
mentcan be partiallyexplainedby the de- uniqueopportunity ofaction;theconglom-
scribedrelationshipbetweenthe stranger erate,by its veryconcept,presentsto each
and the association.Its characteris prag- and all unlimited oforientation.
possibilities
maticand is combinedwitha strongfeeling All theresulting actionsand rela-
diversified
of brotherhood. The Americantrade-union tionshipscontain one commonbasic ele-
gave identification to theworkerwho came ment: theyare dominatedby a particular
as a stranger to thiscountryand, withit, a orientationtowardtime.The rootedcom-
definitestatus in society.The trade-union 4 Georg Simmel, Soziologie (Leipzig, I908),
became the communityto which he be- pp. 686-87.

This content downloaded from 132.234.251.230 on Wed, 10 Jul 2013 23:28:58 PM


All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
480 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY
munity directs action primarilytoward literallytranslated-"melon" and "sweet
place.Timeplaysa partonlyin so faras it is potato."
"inclosed"in place as theperiodsin which It is the absence of orientationtoward
its establishedvalues and ways have been place and, rather,the orientationtoward
formed.Time is connectedto place by the timewhichmakesthecitythecenterofnew
past, and this connectionserves as yard- movements. Orientation towardplacemeans
stickforthepresentand thefuture. an established,change-resistant patternof
The city, on the other hand, directs life. Orientationtoward time means not
actionprimarily towardtime.The one thing onlyconstantchangebut actionin the di-
that peoplehave in commonis the experi- rectionof change.Nearly all nationaland
ence of the presentand the expectationof international movements have originatedin
futureexperienceswhich,like the present the city;and, evenifthecitywas not their
ones,cannotbe "inclosed"in theplacefrom initiator, theygainedmomentum whenthey
whichthe strangercame.5They are never- reachedthe cityand spreadfromthereall
thelesshis and thusconstantly enlargeand over the countryor all over the world.
transform his verysubstanceof life.Thus Modern nationalism,probably the most
place, as the spot where this constant significant movement inourtime,is definite-
transformation happenstohim,becomessub- ly an offspring of thecity,and, whenit in-
ordinatedto time. vades a people,thispeople's citiesbecome
City people consequentlyconceive of the centerof the new nationalism.Even
themselvesas those who are "ahead of peasant movementsneed the streetsand
things,"the bearers of thingsto come, squaresofthecityto gathertheirfollowers
more advanced than the outsidersand and to proveand showtheirstrength.
knowingmore than they. The underlying Orientation towardplace or towardtime
feelingis one ofmarching withtime,and,in probablyaffectsthe emergenceor non-
its intensityand power to determinethe emergence ofpublicopinion.Whyis it that
wayoflife,it equalsthefeeling ofbelonging we speakofthepublicopinionin a country
to and beingrootedin a place.That is,the (public opinion in England sounds quite
citysubstitutestimeforplace as the basis reasonable),ina geographical area,ora coun-
forsocialrelationship. He whomarcheswith ty; publicopinionin the South,in Nassau
his timeis no longera migrantin a strange County,in a town;butneverpublicopinion
country butonewhoknowshisroadand his in thecity,in New York,London,or Paris?
mates.Even thosecitydwellerswho never Public opinionmeansan opinionexpressed
go outsidethe narrowcircleof home and on an issueand so expressedthatit is con-
workingplace and their immediatesur- sideredrepresentative oftheopinionofpeo-
roundings,who neitherparticipatein nor ple in a givenlocality.Certainly,it is not
are awareofmovements and changesin the representative becauseit is theopinionofa
widerworld,considerthemselvessuperior majorityof the people in this localitybut
to people in the country,more advanced because it is that opinion to which the
and moreversedin thewaysoflife.An ex- majorityofthepeoplewillconform. If that
pressionof this attitudeis the use of the is correct,thenpublicopinionpresupposes
same wordforthe countrydwellerand the orientation towardplace, the existenceofa
backwardor ignorant,or despicable,man, rooted community;and where these are
such as the English "boor," the German absent,publicopinioncannotform.To illus-
Bauer, the Frenchvillain,the Hebrewam trate the case: When the United Nations
ha-arez and the Chinese synonymsof-
considered establishingitself in West-
justas chesterCounty,publicopinionin Westches-
5 Thisholdstruefortheold cityfamilies
muchas forthe others.Theybelongto the con- terwas againstit.WhentheUnitedNations
glomerate as smallindividualunitswithan indi- to thismovewas
vidualpast,which,as such,has notthe powerto finallymoved New York,
valuesand attitudes. neitherfavorednor disapprovedby public
recognized
establishgenerally

This content downloaded from 132.234.251.230 on Wed, 10 Jul 2013 23:28:58 PM


All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE STRANGER AND THE CITY 48I

opinionin the city.Public opinionsimply establishedvalues and ways of lifeof the


did not crystallize. countryside.Moreover,if a man is not
An issuewhichdirectlyconcernedevery rooted,can one trustthat what he holds
NewYorkeris theincreaseofthe5-centsub- truetodayhe willholdtruetomorrow? Con-
way fare.Aroundthisissuepartiesformed sequently,thestranger fromthecityis sus-
infavororagainstit; onewon,theotherwas pectedofbelonging to themovement which
defeated.In the afore-mentioned case of is consideredtheworstthreatto the estab-
WestchesterCountyan articulateopposi- lishedvalues and withthe groupwhichis
tion to public opinionexisted.It could, mostdistrusted by the natives.Duringthe
however,notbe conceivedas an opposition last war,workerssentfromthebig citiesto
or minority party;it was a groupof dissi- industrial warcenterswerequitefrequently
dents.Thispointsagainto thestrongpossi- consideredby thenativesas foreigners and
bilitythat publicopinionis dependenton as saboteurs.Today the identification is
the existenceof a communityin a given with communism,which case needs no
locality.In Belgiumthe issueof the return furtherillustration.The resentmenthas
of thekinghas occasioneda publicopinion been strengthened by thememoryof revo-
in everypartof thecountry, everycounty, lutionaryperiodswhenthemassesfromthe
town,and viLlage-butnot so in Brussels. citydescendeduponthecountryside and of
The metropolis of Belgiumdid not develop periodsof miserywhen the same masses
a public opinion,but onlypartiesforand swampedthecountryside as beggars.
againstthereturn. As faras politicalparties On the otherhand, the countryand es-
were the core of this bipartisandivision, peciallyits townsimitatecitymannersand
theirmembersoutsideBrusselsbecame,as styles of appearance which demonstraet
such,supporters of,or dissidentsfrom,pub- urbanity, themodernagainstthebackward,
lic opinion. the world against the backwoods. Con-
Althoughthe cityhas no publicopinion, sciouslyorunconsciously, thecity'sorienta-
it frequently formulates the issues around tiontowardtimeis the sourceof favorable
whichpublic opinioncrystallizesin other responseand acceptanceas it is the source
places.This,ofcourse,is relatedto thefact of resentment and rejection.Broughtto its
thatthecityis thecenterofmovement. Or- mostgeneralformulation, the strangercan
ganizedopinionsin thecity-partisanopin- be an object both of discrimination and of
ions-frequentlyinfluencepublic opinion admirationto the same people and forthe
outside,mainly throughthe propaganda same reason, accordingto the aim of a
devicesat thecity'sdisposal.Summarizing,specificsocialaction.In ourexample,in the
one may state: The city,in which,by its firstcase, the objectiveis the preservation
verynature,no publicopinioncan develop, oftheestablishedvaluesand waysoflife;in
functionsnevertheless as the disk-throwerthesecond,thepreservation oftheirprestige
to publicopinion. (notto "appear" backwardorbackwoodsy).
It is exactlytheorientation towardtime, As its masses symbolizethe resentedcity,
the absenceof rootsin place and its estab- the membersof its society,knownto the
lishedpattern,whichmainlycauses the re- country fromstoriesandpictures,symbolize
sentmentof the countrysideagainst the thefavoredcity.
city.The manfromthecitywhoapproaches The mentionofthemassesand ofsociety
a town,a village,or a farmcommunity is leads us to thelast point.Does theconcept
likelyto be considerednot onlya stranger ofthestranger and theorientation resulting
buta dangerous stranger. Consciously orun- fromit permita social orderand, if so,
consciously, the nativesand neighborsare which one? The city under consideration
aware that the pulse of the city beats in exists in a societywhichhas been estab-
tempowithtime,thatthecityas suchwel- lishedon a class order.The old city,still
comeschange.Anycityman,therefore, can oriented toward being rooted in place,
be an agentof changeand a menaceto the added to thisorderthebourgeoisclass; the

This content downloaded from 132.234.251.230 on Wed, 10 Jul 2013 23:28:58 PM


All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
482 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY
youngercity,withlesserrootsand in transi- cies of the timeand crystallizes them.Thus
tionfromorientation towardplace to that it was highlyconservativein the Victorian
towardtime,added the proletarianclass; periodand inclinedtowardtheextravagant
and themoderncity,orientedtowardtime, afterthefirstWorldWar. Perhapsone can
addedthenewmiddleclasses,ofwhichmore say that in this respect"society"triesto
has tobe said. Classesexistinthecity.Their functionas a substituteforpublicopinion.
individualmembersare consciousof their Thisis quiteobviousintheroleitassumes-
statusin societybecause theybelongto a or pretendsto have assumed-of beingthe
givenclass,and,becauseofthis,theirstatus arbiterof urbanity,whichone may loosely
is recognizedby others. defineas theculturalexpression ofthecity.
Do, however,consciousnessand recog- In this context"society" has taken over
nitionstillhave the same meaningforde- fromtheupperclassesthefunction ofspon-
termining theirsocial actions?Does status soringart and science,once sponsored by
have the same significance in the cityas it thearistocracy and laterby thebourgeoisie.
has outside?Take English society,which The diversity ofthebackground ofitsmem-
identifies
the upperclass withthe aristoc- bers and theirindividualstatusmake "so-
racy.The presenceof thecountrysquirein ciety"themainchannelforcarryinginfor-
a villageis of greatsignificance forall its mationand requeststo othergroupsand
social relationships and has a greatimpact individualsofthecity,to its ownmembers,
on the villageas such. The presenceof an and to outsiders.This creates a clientele
aristocracy inLondonis oflittlesignificancearound "society." Thus "society" holds
and has no impacton the citywhatsoever. positionsbothon the top and in the center
An examinationof social classesas they of thecity.
existin thecityrevealsthattheydetermine The new middle classes have already
socialrelationships onlyso faras theirmem- been mentioned. The nonmanual em-
bersindividually insistthattheydo so and, ployees,clericalworkersof all kinds,semi-
further,that class has lost the power to professionals, andprofessionals,exceptthose
make its membersconformto its pattern. in highmanagerialpositions,have become
Moreover,new strataof societyare emerg- discernibleas a groupin the social strati-
ingin thecity. ficationof thecity.Even theterm"middle
Somewhereon the top is what is called classes" indicatesthattheyare not a class.
"society."Althoughit originatedprobably Nor can theybe determined as a class by
as a "set" of the upperclass, it is neither any yardstickof class definition, be it eco-
identicalwiththe upperclass noraffiliated nomic,social, or the consciousnessof be-
withit. Nor is it,by any definition, a class longingtogether.No cohesion whatever
by itself.The highstatusof its membersis existsamongthegroupsthemselves-sales-
not derivedfromtheirbelongingto "so- girls,engineers, and nursesdo not compare
ciety"but ratherthe statusof "society"is theirstatuswithone anotherbut withthat
derivedfromthehigheconomic,family,or ofclassesabove and below.
professional standingofeachofitsmembers. Orientation towardclassconceptsbrought
All "society"as a closelyknitgroupdoes is themiddleclassesintoexistence.Its mem-
to publicizethestatusofits members. This bers have in commonthat theywereem-
already indicates an orientationtoward ployeeswho consideredthemselvesdiffer-
the conglomerateof strangers.The indi- entfromlaborand yetwererejectedby the
vidual is not borninto "society"and can old middleclass of smallbusinessmen and
leave it at will. Individual status or as- artisansbecausetheywereemployees. Inev-
sumedstatusis a prerequisite forbeingac- itably,theybecamea unitbecause,in the
cepted,but joiningis a matterofvoluntary framework ofclassconcepts,classesclaimed
decision.No traditionalconventions deter- and rejectedthem.This courseof actionis
mine the directionsof social action. "So- significant becauseitprovesthat,in thecity
ciety" adjusts its directionto the tenden- at least,theold classorderno longerhas the

This content downloaded from 132.234.251.230 on Wed, 10 Jul 2013 23:28:58 PM


All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
THE STRANGER AND THE CITY 483
powerto cast the strangerout intothe un- massesin the citywhichexpressesstrange-
knownortheabilityto assimilatehiminthe nessin its mostradicalmeaning.lWhenthe
formof a new class. Like the existenceof massescome to life,theychangethe indi-
"society,"it reveals a tendencytowarda vidual whojoinsthemintoa nonindividual,
new social stratification whose strata will a strangerto himself.To the outsider,the
notbe classes.Whatwe shallcall themI do individualdisappearsin themasses.
notknow. In conclusionone may ask ifin the city
The matterbecomeseven morecompli- the significance of the class structurehas
cated by the phenomenonof the masses. decreasedand if new statusgroupsemerge
Once thisconceptmeantthe lowestin the like "society"and the middleclasses,does
class structure,the proletarianclass. This thatmeanthedisintegration ofoursociety?
class is extinguished in the city, whereit One cannotpredictin whichdirectionsthe
originated.Its remnants-commonlabor- new groupswill develop,whichotherswill
ers,who shiftfromindustryto industry- emerge,and whatwillbe theircommonde-
experiencelongintervalsof unemploymentnominator. It seems,however,thatthe old
and livein slumsand arenota classbecause and new status groupscan exist side by
class-consciousness is absent amongthem. side in the same societyuntilthe newones
What, then,are the masses? They are have linkedin a newstructure.
conceivedto be at thebottomofsocietyas Anotherquestionis: Is the decreaseof
its large component,the people as such. class significance a cityphenomenon or is it
But "people as such," unidentified and at a generaldevelopment, unfolding in thecity
the same timea discerniblegroup,do not onlyat a fasterpace? TentativelyI believe
exist.The existingconcept,however,makes it is a cityphenomenon, but one that,with
the appeal to the nonexisting massespos- increasing urbanization,willspreadaIl over
sibleand can call themto life,althoughnot society,reachinglast those communities
to a permanent existence.The masseswhich most remotefromthe city and most re-
surgeup in responseto an appeal are always sistantto change.The existenceof classin
thesamein appearanceand actionand dif- our days dependson the insistenceof the
ferentin theirindividualcomposition. We peopleon beinga class and on nothingelse.
do not know what the masses reallyare, A thirdquestionis: If,withthestructural
and, althoughwe do knowthe incentiveof changein society,the communities in this
the appeal, we do not know what makes society,those rooted in place and those
individualsa mass. Thinkingis the ability rootedin otherthings,change,what hap-
oftheindividual, and oftheindividualonly. pensto theestablishedvaluesand theways
The massesdo notthink,and theindividual of life they guard? For societythis may
does not existin themasses. clear the road towardthosevalues we call
If a man startsto think,he separates the values commonto all mankind.Any
himself fromthemasses.This is beautifully establishedpattern is a deviation from
illustratedby the Germanwriter,Mueh- thesevalues. Even whenthe patternpre-
sam's, story of the street-lampcleaner. servesthemin substance,theyare notcom-
During a revolutionthe masses parade mon to all because the insistenceon ex-
throughthe city, singing,shouting,and pressingthemby a different patternmakes
throwingbricks.The street-lampcleaner themunrecognizable to outsiders.The pul-
is amongthem.Suddenlyhe catchessightof verizationofhumansocietyin rootedcom-
the brokenglass of a streetlamp. Out he
munitiesis one of the greatestthreatsto
steps and startsto think.He ponderson
our values. The otherone is the giving-
how a man can do both at once; make
a revolutionand clean lamps ("wie man away ofindividuality as exemplified by the
revolutztund dabei doch Lampen putzt"). masses.
It is the latentforceof the nonexisting NEw SCHOOL FORSOCIALRESEARCH

This content downloaded from 132.234.251.230 on Wed, 10 Jul 2013 23:28:58 PM


All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

You might also like