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Southern Cross University

ePublications@SCU
Theses

2013

Emotional labour and the job satisfaction of


adventure tour leaders in Australia
Monica Torland

Publication details
Torland, M 2013, 'Emotional labour and the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders in Australia', PhD thesis, Southern Cross
University, Lismore, NSW.
Copyright M Torland 2013

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Emotional Labour and the Job
Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders
in Australia

Monica Torland
Bachelor of Tourism Management
(University of Stavanger, Norway)
Master of Organisational Development & Training
(Southern Cross University, Australia)
Graduate Diploma in Secondary Education
(Southern Cross University, Australia)

School of Tourism & Hospitality Management


Southern Cross University, Australia

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of


Doctor of Philosophy

August 2012
Certification

I certify that the work presented in this thesis is, to the best of my knowledge and belief,
original, except as acknowledged in the text, and that the material has not been submitted,
either in whole or in part, for a degree at this or any other university.

I acknowledge that I have read and understood the University’s rules, requirements,
procedures and policy relating to my higher degree research award and to my thesis. I certify
that I have complied with the rules, requirements, procedures and policy of the University
(as they may be from time to time).

Print Name: Monica Torland

Signature:

Date: March, 2013

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Abstract

Adventure tourism has become an increasingly popular form of special interest tourism and,
consequently, the industry has experienced considerable growth both in Australia and
overseas. In line with this development, there are a growing number of adventure tour leaders
in the workforce. Adventure tour leading is an occupation that requires the exertion of
substantial physical and emotional energy by employees due to the inherent dangers and risks
that are associated with the job role. As such, adventure tour leading necessitates employees
engage in emotional labour in order to manage clients’ emotional needs and physical safety in
high risk adventure environments.

The concept of emotional labour was first developed by Arlie Russell Hochschild in her
influential book, The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling, published in
1983. According to Hochschild, emotional labour requires employees to induce or suppress
their emotions in order to generate a visible facial and bodily display that produces a desired
emotional state in clients and other people. A small number of researchers have examined the
emotional labour of adventure tour leaders and one qualitative study has linked the emotional
labour of white-water rafting guides to their job satisfaction. However, there has been no
critical analysis of the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of
adventure tour leaders using both quantitative and qualitative methods of inquiry. This study,
therefore, addresses a substantive gap in the research literature by critically examining these
relationships.

The aim of this thesis is to critically examine the relationships between emotional labour and
job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders employed within Australia. In order to address this
aim, a mixed methods approach was employed, which included the use of complementary
quantitative and qualitative research methods. The quantitative component involved the
administration of a self-completed on-line survey to a sample of 137 adventure tour leaders.
The survey comprised demographic questions, the surface acting and deep acting subscales of
the Emotional Labour Scale, and the Job Satisfaction Index. Data from the survey were
analysed using multiple regression, ANOVAs and general linear modelling. The data were
used to examine the effects of surface acting and deep acting on adventure tour leaders’ job
satisfaction. The qualitative component comprised asynchronous e-mail interviews with a
sub-sample of 25 of the adventure tour leaders who participated in the survey. Data from the
interviews were analysed using thematic analysis and expanded upon and complemented the

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survey data, providing greater depth of understanding of adventure tour leaders’ attitudes,
perceptions and experiences. The interview data were used, for example, to identify in which
situations adventure tour leaders performed surface acting and deep acting, respectively.
Furthermore, both survey data and interview data were utilised to investigate how gender and
identity construction may relate to the emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour
leaders.

The findings reveal that adventure tour leaders perform deep acting in situations that involve
managing and supporting difficult or inexperienced clients, promoting enthusiasm among
clients, and managing risk. Deep acting was found to have a statistically significant positive
effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction. This effect appears to be derived from a
sense of authenticity of self that could be attributed to the low level of emotional dissonance
associated with the performance of deep acting. The sense of authenticity of self could also be
due to a close alignment between adventure tour leaders’ ‘person identities’ (i.e. how they
view themselves as unique and distinct individuals with idiosyncratic personality attributes)
and the organisational values of their employer. In addition, the positive effect is influenced
by a positive feeling of achievement, which is likely to have dominated the negative feelings
of frustration and emotional exhaustion that are frequently experienced by adventure tour
leaders.

The findings also show that adventure tour leaders predominantly perform surface acting in
situations that require them to manage risk. Somewhat surprisingly, there is no statistically
significant relationship between surface acting and adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction.
One explanation for this non-significant result could be that adventure tour leaders in this
study only occasionally engage in this type of emotional labour. Another explanation for the
result could be that adventure tour leaders experience a positive feeling of achievement after
performing surface acting. This feeling of achievement is likely to have reduced the negative
effects of feeling drained and the negative sense of inauthenticity derived from the high
emotional dissonance linked with performing surface acting and non-verification of adventure
tour leaders’ person identities. Regarding gender, no statistically significant differences were
found between female and male adventure tour leaders in relation to surface acting, deep
acting, job satisfaction, or the effects of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction.

This thesis contributes to a more nuanced understanding of emotional labour and job
satisfaction within the occupational context of adventure tourism. It is the first study to

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examine the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour
leaders by including both quantitative and qualitative methods to gain a deep understanding of
the phenomena under study. Moreover, the study has implications for the ways by which
adventure tour operators manage their human resources in order to assist future success of the
adventure tourism industry. Human resource management programs that emphasise the
fostering of deep acting skills, particularly in risk management situations, could prove to be
helpful in ensuring client safety and preventing the occupational health and safety risk of
adventure tour leaders experiencing burnout and low levels of job satisfaction.

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Publications and Awards Associated with This Thesis

The following publications and awards are associated with this thesis:

Double-Blind Refereed Journal Articles

Torland, M 2011, ‘Effects of Emotional Labor on Adventure Tour Leaders’ Job Satisfaction’,
Tourism Review International, vol. 14, no. 2/3, pp. 129-142.

 This paper is based on the findings and discussions in Chapter Four of this thesis.

Torland, M 2011, ‘Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders: Does
Gender Matter?’, Annals of Leisure Research, vol. 14, no. 4, pp. 369-389.

 This paper is based on the findings and discussions in section 6.2 in Chapter Six of
this thesis.

Double-Blind Refereed Conference Papers

Torland, M 2010, Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders,
Proceedings of the New Zealand Tourism and Hospitality Research Conference:
Adding Value through Research, 24-26 November 2010, Auckland, New Zealand.

 This paper is based on the findings and discussions in Chapter Four of this thesis.

Torland, M 2011, Adventure Tour Leaders – A Brilliant Blend of Identities?, Proceedings of


CAUTHE (Council for Australian University Tourism and Hospitality Education)
National Conference: Tourism: Creating a Brilliant Blend, 8-11 February 2011,
Adelaide, Australia.

 This paper is based on the findings and discussions in section 6.3 in Chapter Six of
this thesis.

Awards

CAUTHE 2011 PhD Bursary Winner

The award was for the above paper titled Adventure Tour Leaders – A Brilliant Blend of
Identities? The paper was presented at the CAUTHE conference in Adelaide, 10 February
2011. The award was based on the merits of the paper and comprised a total of $1500 toward
conference fee, PhD workshop, travel, and accommodation.

v
Acknowledgements

The completion of this thesis would not have been possible without the support and guidance
of many individuals who have contributed in a variety of different ways.

First and foremost, I would like to express my deep gratitude to my three supervisors.
Associate Professor Kevin Markwell – thank you so much for your continued encouragement,
patience, and valuable feedback throughout the course of my PhD. You were always very
approachable and willing to help, even in times when your own workload was bigger than Mt
Everest. Associate Professor Michelle Wallace – thank you for your encouragement,
thoughtfulness and for keeping me on the right track straight up to the finish line. Your advice
and guidance have been invaluable to me and it has been a privilege for me to be able to
expand our mentor relationship during my Masters degree into my PhD journey. Professor
John Jenkins (Jenko) – thank you for your support, detailed feedback and ability to keep me
enthused. You are a great inspiration to me and really understand how harrowing the process
of pursuing a PhD can be. Thank you for restoring my enthusiasm and perspective in times
when my motivation was low and I could not remember why I was doing a PhD in the first
place.

A special thankyou goes to my very dear friends, Jenko and Julie Lynne Hodges, for helping
me out in well… pretty much all possible ways you could. Thank you for providing me with
houseroom when I was changing houses. Thank you for all the cinema outings, bushwalks,
paddle trips, and conversations over dinner. Thank you for getting me massages when my
body hurt from endless hours in front of the computer. But most of all, thank you for being
such thoughtful and caring people. I’m lucky to have you as my friends.

Thank you to my lovely PhD and Honours friends at Southern Cross University (SCU) – you
have engaged me in interesting discussions to solve the world’s problems, provided
constructive feedback on my academic work, and offered moral support over a drink or two
when the going went tough: Alison Watts, Theresa Mason, Mucha Mkono, Sabine Muschter,
Jessica Taplin, Mirjam Wiedemann, Melanie Edelhoff, Rod Caldicott, Shaaron Kapcelovich,
Joshua Hills, Nadine White, Stephen Smith, and Sharen Nisbet. I would also like to thank all
my friends and colleagues at the School of Tourism and Hospitality Management and SCU. In
particular, thank you Erica Wilson, Kay Dimmock, Mieke Witsel, Betty Weiler, Craig
Wilson, Matt Lamont, Damien Jacobsen, and Pascal Scherrer for your valuable support,

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encouragement and feedback. Thank you Grant Cairncross for providing me with feedback on
my confirmation paper, Professor Nerilee Hing (Night-time Nerilee) for all the late evening
conversations in the office (with Midnight Monica) and for assisting me with my
methodology chapter, Dr Lyndon Brooks for helping me out with the statistical challenges of
my study, and Maree Walo for looking after me post-surgery in Ballina, functioning as my
‘second mum’. Thank you also to Diana Sims and Dianne Cahill for your encouragement and
for looking after all the paperwork relating to conference support and my PhD in general.

In the early days of my academic studies leading up to my PhD, thank you to Professor Svein
Larsen who was my lecturer at the University of Stavanger, Norway. Your enthusiasm for
how rewarding it can be to conduct research has been an inspiration for me in regards to
pursuing further academic studies and conducting my own PhD study. Thank you to Dr Don
McMurray for being such a helpful and caring mentor during my Masters degree. Among all
the things you taught me, the one I remember best is how to exchange all my ‘25 cent words’
into ‘50 cent words’. I would also like to express my gratitude to Professor Martin Hayden.
Thank you for encouraging me to conduct a PhD study during my time as a student in the
Graduate Diploma of Education.

A huge thankyou goes to the adventure tour leaders who participated in this study. Thank you
for sharing your unique experiences and opinions in regards to how you manage your
emotions on the job. Thank you to my cherished friends in Australia who have supported and
encouraged me in all my stressful moments: Linping Zheng, Duncan Fowler, Anna Tonkin,
Gary White, Kathryn Eikenhorst, Branislava Mircev (Branca), and Sara Sekulic. A thankyou
also goes out to the people who provided me with feedback on my pilot test, the people
working in the SCU Gym & Pool for keeping me from going insane and climbing my office
wall, and to the people in the Northern Rivers Bushwalking Club for the same reason.

Last but not least I would like to thank my family and friends in Norway for encouraging me
to follow my dream of living in Australia and completing a PhD, although they must be
missing me as I am missing them: my dad Arne Torland, my mum Vigdis Cederløv, my sister
Camilla Torland, my stepmum Agnes Høien, my cousins Anita Torland and May Renate
Torland Bringedal, Hilde Sande Hovland, Anne Jorun Gudmestad, Hilde Beate Årsland, and
Solveig Høien. I love you all very much.

I am truly blessed to have all you beautiful people in my life. Thank you!

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Contents

Certification ……………………………………………………………………………… i
Abstract ………………………………………………………………………………….. ii
Publications and Awards Associated with This Thesis ……………………...………….. v
Acknowledgements ……………………………………………………………………… vi
Contents …………...……………………………………………………………………... viii
List of Appendices ………………………………………………………………………. x
List of Figures …………………………………………………………………………… xi
List of Tables ……………………………………………………………………………. xii

Chapter One: Introduction …………………...…………………………………………. 1


1.1 Background ……………………………………………………………………….. 1
1.2 Significance, Research Aim and Objectives ……………………………………… 5
1.3 Defining Adventure Tourism ………...…………………………………………… 12
1.4 Characteristics of Adventure Tourism and Study Context ……………………….. 15
1.5 Study Design ……………………………………………………………………… 19
1.6 Outline of the Thesis ……………………………………………………………… 20

Chapter Two: Literature Review ………………...……………………………………… 22


2.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………………. 22
2.2 Emotional Labour in the Context of Adventure Tour Leading …………………… 23
2.2.1 Hochschild’s Theory of Emotional Labour and Its Critique ……...………. 23
2.2.2 Dimensions of Emotional Labour ………………………………………… 31
2.2.3 Surface Acting and Deep Acting …………………………………………. 36
2.2.4 Emotional Dissonance and Emotional Labour …………………………… 41
2.2.5 Authenticity of Self and Emotional Labour ………………………………. 43
2.2.6 Antecedents and Outcomes of Emotional Labour ………………………... 48
2.2.7 Situations in which Adventure Tour Leaders Perform Emotional
Labour …………………………………………………………………….. 61
2.3 Job Satisfaction in the Context of Adventure Tour Leading ……………………… 63
2.3.1 Development of the Concept of Job Satisfaction …………………………. 63
2.3.2 Ways of Measuring Job Satisfaction ……………………………………… 74
2.3.3 Antecedents and Outcomes of Job Satisfaction …………………………… 76
2.3.4 Job Satisfaction and Adventure Tourism …………………………………. 88
2.4 Relationships between Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction ………………….. 89
2.5 Emotional Labour, Job Satisfaction and Gender ………………………………….. 91
2.6 Emotional Labour, Job Satisfaction and Identity Construction …………………… 94
2.7 Conceptual Framework ………………………………………………………….... 98
2.8 Chapter Summary …………………………………………………………………. 101

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Chapter Three: Methodology …………………………………………………………….. 103
3.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………………… 103
3.2 Research Paradigm …………………………………………………………………. 103
3.2.1 Mixed Methods Approaches ……………………………………………….. 105
3.2.2 Research Design……………………………………………………………. 110
3.3 Quantitative On-line Survey ……………………………………………………….. 113
3.3.1 Pilot Test …………………………………………………………………… 114
3.3.2 Procedures and Sampling ………………………………………………….. 115
3.3.3 Measures …………………………………………………………………… 115
3.3.4 Analyses of Survey Data …………………………………………………... 117
3.4 Qualitative E-mail Interviews ……………………………………………………… 119
3.4.1 Procedures and Sampling ………………………………………………….. 121
3.4.2 Interview Questions ………………………………………………………... 123
3.4.3 Analyses of Interview Data ……………………………………………….... 124
3.5 Methodological Limitations ………………………………………………………... 128
3.6 Ethical Considerations ……………………………………………………………… 129
3.7 Chapter Summary …………………………………………………………………... 130

Chapter Four: The Effects of Emotional Labour on Adventure Tour Leaders’ Job
Satisfaction ……………………………………………………………………………...... 131
4.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………………… 131
4.2 Analysis of Survey Data ……………………………………………………………. 131
4.2.1 Profile of Adventure Tour Leaders …………………………………………. 131
4.2.2 Survey Results ……………………………………………………………… 140
4.2.3 Survey Data Analysis ………………………………………………………. 142
4.2.4 Summary of Survey Findings ……………………………………………… 144
4.3 Analysis of Interview Data ………………………………………………………… 145
4.3.1 Effects of Performing Surface Acting for Adventure Tour Leaders ………. 145
4.3.2 Effects of Performing Deep Acting for Adventure Tour Leaders …………. 153
4.3.3 Summary of Interview Findings …………………………………………… 159
4.4 Conclusion …………………………………………………………………………. 160

Chapter Five: Adventure Tour Leaders’ Application of Emotional Labour……………..... 163


5.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………………… 163
5.2 Analysis of Interview Data …………………………………………………………. 164
5.2.1 Risk Management …………………………………………………………... 166
5.2.2 Create Enthusiasm ………………………………………………………….. 171
5.2.3 Difficult and/or Inexperienced Clients ……………………………………… 173
5.2.4 No Surface Acting ………………………………………………………….. 178
5.2.5 An Emotional Labour Continuum? ………………………………………… 179
5.3 Conclusion …………………………………………………………………………. 182

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Chapter Six: The Effects of Gender and Identity Construction on Adventure Tour
Leaders’ Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction …………………………………. …….. 184
6.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………………… 184
6.2 The Effect of Gender on Adventure Tour Leaders’ Emotional Labour and Job
Satisfaction ………………………………………………………………………… 184
6.2.1 Analysis of Survey Data ……………………………………………………. 185
6.2.2 Analysis of Interview Data …………………………………………………. 190
6.2.3 Summary ……………………………………………………………………. 197
6.3 The Effect of Identity Construction on Adventure Tour Leaders’ Emotional
Labour and Job Satisfaction ………………………………………………………………. 198
6.3.1 Analysis of Interview Data …………………………………………………. 199
6.3.2 Summary ……………………………………………………………………. 208
6.4 Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………….. 209

Chapter Seven: Conclusions ……………………………………………………………… 210


7.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………………… 210
7.2 Profile of Adventure Tour Leaders ………………………………………………… 211
7.3 The Effects of Emotional Labour on Adventure Tour Leaders’ Job Satisfaction …. 212
7.4 Adventure Tour Leaders’ Application of Emotional Labour ………………….…… 213
7.5 The Effect of Gender on Adventure Tour Leaders’ Emotional Labour and Job
Satisfaction ………………………………………………………………………… 213
7.6 The Effect of Identity Construction on Adventure Tour Leaders’ Emotional
Labour and Job Satisfaction ……………………………………………………….. 214
7.7 Synthesis of the Components of the Study ………………………………………… 215
7.8 Contributions to Knowledge ………………...……………………………………... 220
7.9 Implications for Practice …………………………………………………………… 223
7.10 Limitations and Avenues for Future Research ……………………………………... 226

References

List of Appendices
Appendix 1 Survey Invitation ………………………………………………………….. 261
Appendix 2 Survey Questionnaire ……………………………………………………... 264
Appendix 3 E-mail Interviews Instead of Face-to-Face Interviews Inquiry ………….. 272
Appendix 4 Interviews Invitation ……………………………………………………… 273
Appendix 5 Interviews Information Sheet …………………………………………….. 274
Appendix 6 Interviews Questionnaire …………………………………………………. 275
Appendix 7 Detailed Descriptive Statistics of Sample ………………………………… 277

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List of Figures
Figure 2.1 Emotional Labour as a Continuum …………………………………………. 39
Figure 2.2 Three Types of Emotional Disharmony ……………………………………. 42
Figure 2.3 The Relationship between Role Identification and Levels of Authenticity… 45
Figure 2.4 The Antecedents and Outcomes of Emotional Labour ……………………... 50
Figure 2.5 Comparison of Content Motivation Theories ………………………………. 71
Figure 2.6 Integration Model of Content and Process Theories of Motivation ………… 72
Figure 2.7 The Antecedents and Outcomes of Job Satisfaction ………………………... 78
Figure 2.8 Hypotheses Relating to Gender, Deep Acting, Surface Acting and Job
Satisfaction ………………………………………………………………….. 94
Figure 2.9 The Operation of an Identity with Its Four Components …………………… 97
Figure 2.10 Conceptual Framework of the Relationships between Emotional Labour
and Job Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders …………………………… 99
Figure 3.1 The Three Subtypes of Mixed Methods Research ………………………….. 110
Figure 3.2 Mixed Methods Research Design for This Study …………………………... 112
Figure 4.1 Effects of Deep Acting and Surface Acting on Adventure Tour Leaders’
Job Satisfaction as Derived from Survey Findings …………………………. 145
Figure 4.2 Effects of Deep Acting and Surface Acting on Adventure Tour Leaders’
Job Satisfaction as Derived from Survey and Interview Findings ………….. 160
Figure 6.1 Hierarchical Model for Three Identities within a Person ………………...….. 203
Figure 6.2 Integration Model of Emotional Labour and Identity ………………………. 206
Figure 7.1 Model of the Relationships between Emotional Labour and Job
Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders ……………………………………. 216

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List of Tables
Table 1.1 Classifying Adventure Tourism ……………………………………………… 14
Table 2.1 Methods of Performing Deep Acting ………………………………………… 38
Table 3.1 Positivist and Interpretivist Research Paradigms and Their Assumptions …... 105
Table 3.2 Summary of the Methods Applied in This Study ……………………………. 113
Table 3.3 Items of the Surface Acting and Deep Acting Subscales ……………………. 116
Table 3.4 Advantages and Disadvantages of Asynchronous E-mail Interviews ……….. 121
Table 4.1 Profile of Adventure Tour Leaders …………………………………………... 133
Table 4.2 The ANZSCO Unit Occupation Group Outdoor Adventure Guides …….….. 134
Table 4.3 Descriptive Statistics of Continuous Variables ……………………………… 140
Table 4.4 Multiple Regression Analysis ………………………………………………... 141
Table 4.5 Tests of Observed Power …………………………………………………….. 142
Table 4.6 How Does Performing Surface Acting Make Adventure Tour Leaders
Feel? …………………………………………………………………………. 146
Table 4.7 How Does Performing Deep Acting Make Adventure Tour Leaders Feel? …. 154
Table 5.1 The Kinds of Job Situations in which Adventure Tour Leaders Perform
Surface Acting and Deep Acting ……………………...……………………… 165
Table 6.1 Gendered Descriptive Statistics of Deep Acting, Surface Acting and Job
Satisfaction …………………………………………………………………... 186
Table 6.2 Univariate ANOVAs ………………………………………………………… 186
Table 6.3 General Linear Model ……………………………………………………….. 187
Table 6.4 Tests of Observed Power ……………………………………………………. 187
Table 6.5 Adventure Tour Leaders’ Gender Roles …………………………………….. 191
Table 6.6 Adventure Tour Leaders’ Identity Construction…………………………….. 200

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Chapter One: Introduction

After starting a long remote day hike where making good time is important so as not to be
hiking after dark along cliff tops, the client reveals they have a ‘gammy’ knee, i.e. it’s not 100%
and may impede their progress. This should have been revealed in the planning stages where a
different, less challenging hike would have been selected. However, at this particular time you
are committed – it is necessary to hide any feelings of annoyance. This ‘stays with you all day’
– mentally it is tiring because you are continually thinking of possible scenarios and what to do
at each stage of the hike should something happen – i.e. the client cannot continue. On the
surface you need to be enthusiastic (Gary, aged 55–59).

1.1 Background
The quote above illustrates a situation in which an adventure tour leader who participated in
this study was required to manage his emotions on the job. Adventure tour leading is a
challenging and often extreme form of occupation as adventure tour leaders are responsible
for the safety both of themselves and of their clients in situations where there is a real
possibility of injury or death. Adventure tour leaders encounter a variety of risks and dangers
in their job given that clients find themselves in often unfamiliar settings and there is a level
of unpredictability about the adventure experience itself (Carnicelli-Filho, Schwartz & Tahara
2010; Cater 2006; Dickson 2004; Dickson & Dolnicar 2004). Unsurprisingly, climbing a
mountain or rafting down a river is a much more unpredictable activity than, say, serving food
in a restaurant, as there is a range of factors such as weather conditions, track conditions and
water levels that are outside the control of adventure tour leaders in high-risk adventure
environments. In such unpredictable settings, adventure tour leaders might experience
negative emotions like anxiety but as professionals they are required to mask their true
emotional states by appearing calm and in control and, thus, project the type of image of
themselves that will inspire confidence into their clients. In other words, adventure tour
leaders need to manage their own emotions as well as the emotions of their clients while at the
same time managing risk (Sharpe 2005a). This act of managing emotions and projecting a
positive and credible image in order to inspire confidence in clients has been referred to as
‘emotional labour’.

The concept of emotional labour was first developed by Arlie Russell Hochschild (1983) in
her book The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling. Based on her empirical
studies of flight attendants and debt collectors, Hochschild explored the ways by which these
workers managed their emotions in the context of their work practices. According to
Hochschild (1983), emotional labour requires employees to induce or suppress their emotions

1
in order to generate a visible facial and bodily display that produces a desired emotional state
in other people (i.e. clients). She identified two different strategies that employees can utilise
to perform emotional labour: surface acting and deep acting. While surface acting refers to
‘faking’ emotions that are not really felt and hiding emotions that are inappropriate to display
to clients, deep acting refers to changing one’s true emotions so that they align with the
emotions that are required to be displayed to clients. In the professions of flight attendants and
debt collectors, employees invest a great deal of their time to manage their emotions through
both surface acting and deep acting in order to deal with demanding clients. Similarly,
adventure tour leaders need to deal with demanding clients. However, they also need to take
the element of risk into consideration when controlling their emotions on the job so as to
manage clients’ safety, welfare and emotional states. Hence, adventure tour leading is a high-
skilled occupation that requires adventure tour leaders to be competent in managing their
emotions in situations that often involve considerable risk in order to be successful in their
jobs (Sharpe 2005a).

If, on the other hand, adventure tour leaders are not able to manage their emotions on the job,
this could have detrimental consequences for the satisfaction and possibly safety of clients as
well as themselves. Dissatisfied clients may have a negative effect on business revenue and
dissatisfied employees could lead to staff burnout and turnover (Cordes & Dougherty 1993;
Gelade & Young 2005; Volker et al. 2010; Williams & Skinner 2003). Consequently,
dissatisfied clients and employees are likely to have a negative impact on individual adventure
tour operators and the adventure tourism industry as a whole. In the worst-case scenario,
adventure tour leaders who are not capable of managing their emotions in risky, potentially
dangerous situations could be a contributing factor to incidences involving serious injuries or
death of themselves and/or their clients.

This unpredictable and risky setting of adventure tour leading creates a very interesting and
rich context for an examination of how adventure tour leaders manage their emotions on the
job. Adventure tour leaders operate within a high-risk environment which requires close
proximity to their clients, often over an extended period of time (Sharpe 2005a). This
proximity to clients and the extended duration of some adventure tours give little room to
retreat to a backstage area (e.g. an office) where the leaders can ‘relax’ and ‘step out of
character’ (Goffman 1959) by not having to perform emotional labour. In other words, the
extended, affectively charged and intimate nature of adventure tourism indicates that
adventure tour leaders could be performing emotional labour in its most intense form (Sharpe

2
2005a). Because of this intense level of emotional labour, adventure tour leaders represent
good subjects for an examination of the phenomena under study in this thesis, namely the
relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction. Examining these relasionships in
the occupational context of adventure tour leading is important in order to gain critical
insights into how the satisfaction and safety of adventure tour leaders and their clients could
be maximised in the future.

It is acknowledged that all tourism contexts may involve a certain element of risk to
employees and clients. However, the context of adventure tour leading generally involves a
higher level of risk that employees need to manage in order to ensure clients’ physical safety
and emotional well-being than other, less ‘risky’ tourism contexts (Bentley & Page 2008;
Buckley 2006a, 2006b; Carnicelli-Filho, Schwartz & Tahara 2010; Dickson & Dolnicar 2004;
Guerrier & Adib 2003), such as the context of hospitality workers (Chu 2002; Duygu &
Duygu 2010; Erickson 2004; Johanson & Woods 2008; Quinn 2008) or tour guiding
involving activities relating to sightseeing, culture and heritage, museums, or zoos (Guerrier
& Adib 2003; Hillman 2003, 2006; Van Dijk, Smith & Cooper 2011; Wong & Wang 2009).
For example, when establishing the context of their study on the emotional labour of zoo
guides, Van Dijk, Smith and Cooper (2011) did not identify risk management as an important
contextual factor relating to tour guiding in zoos. On the contrary, there are several studies
that have explored the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders where the authors have
highlighted the important role that risk plays when adventure tour leaders manage their
emotions on the job (Arnould & Price 1993; Carnicelli-Filho 2011; Holyfield 1997, 1999;
Holyfield & Jonas 2003; Sharpe 2005a). Thus, it is the element of risk management that is
inherent in adventure tour leading that makes this context unique and different from other
tourism contexts in regards to the performance of emotional labour and subsequent effects on
job satisfaction.

On a personal note, the main driving forces behind me conducting this PhD thesis are my
passion for adventure and the outdoors as well as my academic background in human
resources and tourism studies. Originally from Norway, I moved to Australia in 2005 and
soon discovered the abundant opportunities that this country has to offer for outdoor
enthusiasts and adventure seekers. In particular, my special interest in bushwalking has been
further cultivated through visiting a variety of national parks all over Australia. I also engage
in kayaking on a recreational basis. While I have had limited experience working as an
adventure tour leader (a 4WD outback trip for international university students, and

3
bushwalks for children aged 6 to 12 at a rainforest retreat), I have a deep interest in the
emotional implications of performing this type of job, and a wish to work in an outdoors-
related occupation alongside my academic career at a later stage.

Specifically, it was the element of risk inherent in adventure tour leading that sparked my
interest to conduct a study on the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders. In particular, I
found Erin K. Sharpe’s (2005a) paper ‘“Going Above and Beyond:” The Emotional Labor of
Adventure Guides’ especially compelling. Sharpe, twenty years after Hochschild and indebted
to her, found that whereas adventure tour leaders perceived deep acting as a vital part of their
job, they saw surface acting as an insult and ‘moral flaw’ to the trip-leading process and
referred to a trip based on it as a ‘canned trip’. Adventure tour leaders’ preferred way of
emotion regulation was to mobilise deep acting approaches because this was viewed by them
as the more ‘authentic’ and ‘real’ way to interact with clients. Indeed, adventure tour leaders
reported that mastering the emotional demands of their job through deep acting installed in
them a feeling of personal achievement and pride (Sharpe 2005a).

Given the risky nature of much adventure tourism, where clients may be invited to step out of
their comfort zones (Carnicelli-Filho, Schwartz & Tahara 2010), it may be that deep acting
could facilitate a more ‘authentic’ social interaction between adventure tour leaders and their
clients. As a result of this more authentic interaction, close and personal relationships of trust
are more likely to develop between the leaders and their clients (Arnould & Price 1993;
Grayson 1998; Kruml & Geddes 2000; Zammuner & Galli 2005). Surface acting, on the other
hand, may cause frustration for both parties in the leader-client relationship due to the
‘inauthentic’, more ‘shallow’ interaction that is involved in this form of emotional labour
(Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Sharpe 2005a; Van Dijk & Brown 2006; Van Dijk & Kirk-
Brown 2007). If performed frequently, the performance of surface acting could lead to
emotional exhaustion in employees (Bono & Vey 2005; Diefendorff, Croyle & Gosserand
2005; Hochschild 1983). This means that the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders may
be performed at a deeper level than some other professions where the employee–client
relationships are more ‘superficial’ and short-lived in nature (Sharpe 2005a). This deeper
level of emotional labour, in turn, may impact on the job satisfaction of adventure tour
leaders.

I was intrigued by Sharpe’s (2005a) finding that adventure tour leaders favoured deep acting
over surface acting. Sharpe’s sample of adventure tour leaders, however, was restricted to

4
canoeing and kayaking guides, and therefore I wanted to explore whether this preference for
deep acting was the case for other adventure tour leaders and, if so, why this might be the
case. Sharpe’s study also made me curious about how emotional labour differed between the
occupation of adventure tour leading and occupations that do not include the same element of
risk. In this thesis I investigate adventure tour leaders’ performance of deep acting and surface
acting and extend Sharpe’s research by examining the effects that these two types of
emotional labour might have on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction. I hope this study will
provide valuable insight for theorists as well as practitioners concerning the domains of
emotional labour and job satisfaction as they relate to the occupational context of adventure
tour leading.

1.2 Significance, Research Aim and Objectives


While many studies have examined the concept of emotional labour in the context of
hospitality workers (Chu 2002; Duygu & Duygu 2010; Erickson 2004; Johanson & Woods
2008; Quinn 2008), there is a growing number of studies examining the emotional labour of
tourism workers (Guerrier & Adib 2003; Hillman 2003, 2006; Van Dijk, Smith & Cooper
2011; Wong & Wang 2009). For example, Guerrier and Adib (2003) found that tour
representatives working in Mallorca, Spain, for a British budget-tour operator, were prepared
to manage holidaymakers’ complaints and excesses through the use of emotional labour. This
was because, in exchange for their emotional labour, they were able to buy into the laidback
lifestyle of being a tour representative where the boundaries between work and leisure were
blurred (Guerrier & Adib 2003). In addition, Van Dijk, Smith and Cooper (2011) found that
zoo guides were so competent at performing emotional labour that when they reported that
they applied surface acting on the job, visitors perceived that they applied deep acting.
Moreover, Hillman (2003, 2006) found that guides who were leading interpretive tours in the
Australian outback applied emotional labour by integrating the emotional side of their
interpretive work into the tourist experience. The tour guides were required to appear in
control of the group at all times; to recognise tourists’ emotions and interact accordingly; and
to assure, encourage and endorse all responses and questions from tourists (Hillman 2003,
2006). Finally, Wong and Wang (2009) suggested that the job of Taiwanese tour guides
involved a high degree of emotional labour because the tour guides were required to keep
clients satisfied by entertaining them and dealing with their problems and complaints. Tour
guides in Wong and Wang’s (2009) study were often required to display both positive and
negative emotions to clients in order to conduct a tour successfully. Situations that induced
tour guides to perform more emotional labour included an increase in tour participants; an

5
increase in trip duration; the presence of cliques among tour participants; and the sale of
optional tours and souvenirs (as commission was an important source of income for the tour
leaders) (Wong & Wang 2009). From the above studies, then, it is clear that emotional labour
represents an important dimension of the job of many employees in the tourism industry.

The specific segment of the tourism industry that represents the context of this study is
adventure tourism. Adventure tourism is a form of special interest tourism (SIT), which can
be defined as ‘the provision of customised leisure and recreational experiences driven by the
specific expressed interests of individuals and groups’ (Douglas, Douglas & Derrett 2001, p.
3). As such, SIT is a rapidly growing segment of the tourism industry offering tourists special-
interest or activity holidays relating to areas such as education, art, culture, heritage, sport,
and outdoor pursuits (Weiler & Hall 1992). Despite this growth, the amount and quality of
empirical research conducted in relation to adventure tourism is relatively limited (Buckley
2006a, 2006b; Swarbrooke et al. 2003). While adventure tourism is referred to in some
scholarly books on ecotourism, outdoor recreation and park management (Eagles & McCool
2002; Hammit & Cole 1998; Hendee & Dawson 2002; Page & Dowling 2002), there is a
limited, albeit growing, number of scholarly books whose titles refer specifically to adventure
tourism (Bhatt & Badan 2007; Buckley 2006a; Chawla 2008; Hudson 2002; Malik 1997;
Swarbrooke et al. 2003) and/or adventure sports (Arora 2007; Easson 2006; McNamee 2007;
Negi 2001). Most of the empirical and theoretical research that has been conducted within
adventure tourism to date, however, is within the area of risk and its management (Bentley &
Page 2008; Bentley, Page & Macky 2007; Carnicelli-Filho, Schwartz & Tahara 2010; Cater
2006; Coxon, Dimmock & Wilks 2007; Dickson 2004; Dickson & Dolnicar 2004; Fluker
2005; Hall & McArthur 1991). In addition to risk management, there are some researchers
whose attention has been devoted to the psychological aspects of the adventure tourism
market. The majority of this research, however, has concentrated on the experience and
behaviour of participating tourists (Gilbert & Hudson 2000; Gyimothy & Mykletun 2004;
Pomfret 2005). Indeed, research within adventure tourism has generally focused on the
demand side rather than the supply side of the tourism experience (Williams & Soutar 2005).

However, some researchers have examined the perspective of the employees who work in the
adventure tourism industry. Parker and Avant (2000), for example, have explored the way
mountain climbing guides and backcountry horse packers perceived their roles as guides.
While climbing guides regarded their role as being educational, horse packers perceived
themselves merely as providing a service to clients. In addition, Beedie (2003) has described

6
mountain guides as being the ‘directors’ or ‘choreographers’ of operations given that they do
most of the trip planning and preparation. This ‘choreography’ is based on the guides’
qualifications and experience in the field and thus the guides are often perceived by their
clients as being the ‘experts’ of the mountain. Some research has also been conducted on the
service aspects of adventure tours. Lopez (1980), for instance, has investigated the effects of
adventure tour guides’ leadership style on client satisfaction. More recently, Arnould and
Price (1993) have explored the extended service encounter of river rafting trips, and O’Neill,
MacCarthy and Williams (2002) have examined the service quality of diving tours.

In regards to the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders, there are some researchers who
have examined this topic (Arnould & Price 1993; Holyfield 1997, 1999; Holyfield & Jonas
2003; Sharpe 2005a). Arnould and Price (1993), for example, found that river guides used
emotional labour to create a sense of community among participants of rafting trips by
developing emotionally charged and boundary-open relationships with clients (i.e. clients
perceive the guide as an equal who represents an integral part of the group). As a result,
clients viewed each guide as a ‘friend’ rather than a commercial service provider. Indeed,
Carnicelli-Filho (2011) found that these emotionally charged relationships sometimes
developed into romantic encounters between adventure tour leaders and their clients.
Similarly, Holyfield (1999) proposed that ‘good’ river guides must engage in the appropriate
level of emotional labour and never reveal to clients that the job could be mundane and
routine. Furthermore, Holyfield and Jonas (2003) reported that commercial river guides were
required to perform emotional labour in that they had to suppress any emotions of fear and
create a sense of excitement in interactions with clients. Holyfield (1997) also found that
guides who facilitated ropes courses used emotional labour to engender particular emotions,
like excitement, in their clients by, for example, providing encouragement during perceived
risky activities.

The study that arguably has examined the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders in most
detail is Sharpe’s (2005a) research on the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders who
were leading canoeing/kayaking tours within the USA. Further to the above-mentioned
studies (Arnould & Price 1993; Holyfield 1997, 1999; Holyfield & Jonas 2003), Sharpe
(2005a) found that adventure tour leaders applied emotional labour in three different types of
situations: ensuring safety; generating fun; and encouraging a sense of community (a feeling
of equality, community and togetherness) among their clients. In addition, Sharpe found that
adventure tour leaders preferred to use deep acting in favour of surface acting on the job as

7
this was perceived to be the more ‘authentic’ and ‘real’ way of interacting with clients. This
was because deep acting does not involve the ‘faking’ of one’s emotions to the same extent as
surface acting.

While Sharpe (2005a) and others (Arnould & Price 1993; Holyfield 1997, 1999; Holyfield &
Jonas 2003) explored the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders, they did not link this to
their levels of job satisfaction. There is one study (Carnicelli-Filho 2011), however, that has
linked the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders to their job satisfaction. In his PhD
study on the emotional labour of white-water rafting guides in New Zealand, Carnicelli-Filho
(2011) found that guides performed emotional labour in order to enhance client satisfaction
which, in turn, led to enhanced job satisfaction for the guides. Still, Carnicelli-Filho did not
measure the guides’ job satisfaction quantitatively and, as such, it is not clear ‘how’ satisfied
the guides were with their job or whether there were any guides who were not satisfied with
their job in his sample. Furthermore, Carnicelli-Filho did not examine the potentially different
effects that surface acting and deep acting may have on adventure tour leaders’ job
satisfaction. Hence, the topic of job satisfaction as it relates to the emotional labour of
adventure tour leaders was not explored in any depth in Carnicelli-Filho’s study and was
based on purely qualitative data from a limited number of research participants. It should also
be noted that Carnicelli-Filho’s sample of adventure tour leaders consisted entirely of white-
water rafting guides and is thus not representative of a wide range of adventure tour leaders.

It follows that there is no research to date that has investigated the relationships between
emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders by including both quantitative
and qualitative methods to gain a deep understanding of the phenomena under study. As
opposed to Carnicelli-Filho’s (2011) study, the study presented in this thesis includes a wide
range of adventure tour leaders and does examine whether deep acting and surface acting had
differential effects on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction. Hence, the overall aim of this
study is to:

 Critically examine the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of
adventure tour leaders employed within Australia.

By examining these relationships, this thesis fills an important gap in the literature regarding
emotional labour and job satisfaction within the context of adventure tour leading, and
thereby makes an original contribution to knowledge within the special context of adventure

8
tourism, which is located within the broader field of tourism studies. Tourism studies can be
considered as an interdisciplinary field that builds on a variety of disciplines, such as
organisational behaviour and human resource management. Emotional labour and job
satisfaction represent two study areas within the discipline of organisational behaviour, which
is closely related to the disciplinary field of human resource management. While the area of
organisational behaviour looks at various issues relating to what people think, feel and do in
and around organisations (McShane & Travaglione 2005), human resource management is
more closely related to the overall management of the organisation and could be applied
strategically as a means to achieve organisational goals and outward success (De Cieri, Cox &
Fenwick 2006; De Cieri et al. 2008). Overall, this study falls under the umbrella of social
science research.

In terms of applied outcomes, gaining a more holistic understanding of the relationships


between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders is important because
of the implications for business and client satisfaction as well as employee retention and
burnout. Moreover, exploring how adventure tour leaders manage their emotions on the job
could assist in adding to knowledge on how the physical safety of adventure tour leaders and
their clients could be maximised during adventure tours. As such, this study has applied
implications for the manner in which adventure tour operators manage their human resources
in areas such as recruitment and selection, performance appraisal, and, in particular, training –
all of which relate to factors that foster job satisfaction and retention. Overall, it is important
to study the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour
leaders in order to ensure the satisfaction and safety of employees and their clients which, in
turn, could assist future success of the adventure tourism industry.

Given the above-mentioned research aim, five objectives were developed for this study. Each
objective is presented and discussed in turn below.

1) Develop a profile of adventure tour leaders based on statistical descriptive data


relating to a number of characteristics such as gender, age, nationality, level of
education and training, relationship status, children, job-specific factors, and
experience, in order to better describe the population under study.

This objective is important in relation to the aim of the study because limited statistical data
are available that describe the main characteristics of adventure tour leaders employed within

9
Australia. Some statistical data and related research findings can be found in publications
from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS), the Department of Education Employment
and Workplace Relations (DEEWR), as well as the academic literature in regards to gender,
age, and workload of adventure tour leaders (see subsection 4.2.1 for more details). However,
this study is the first to collect descriptive data in regards to adventure tour leaders’
nationality; level of education and training; relationship status; children; job type; job
perception; type of activities; seasonality; payment; commercial versus non-commercial
employer; compensation; levels of difficulty; and experience in the organisation and the
industry. This means that the findings relating to Research Objective One can be utilised for
comparison by other researchers in the future who are examining adventure tour leaders both
within Australia and overseas. Importantly, creating a profile of adventure tour leaders
provides a basis for understanding the characteristics of the participants in this study, which is
essential in order to gain a contextual and holistic understanding of the phenomena under
investigation, namely the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of
adventure tour leaders.

2) Examine the potential effects of the two dimensions of emotional labour, surface
acting and deep acting, on the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders.

This objective is important in relation to the aim of the study because surface acting and deep
acting may have differential effects on employees’ job satisfaction. While surface acting
generally has been shown to have a negative effect on job satisfaction (Bono & Vey 2005;
Grandey 2000; Hochschild 1983; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009), deep acting has been shown to
have a positive effect on job satisfaction (Ibanez-Rafuse 2010; Ozturk, Karayel & Nasoz
2008; Sheetal 2010). Moreover, while deep acting is antecedent-focused or proactive, surface
acting is response-focused or reactive (Gross 1998a). These differences between surface
acting and deep acting have implications for the physical safety of adventure tour leaders and
their clients as the use of surface acting is more likely to compromise the safety on a tour than
deep acting because being reactive involves less forethought and planning than being
proactive. In other words, deep acting seems to be a less harmful and a safer way of
performing emotional labour for employees than surface acting which, in turn, has
implications for the human resource management of adventure tour leaders. This study is the
first to examine the differential effects of surface acting and deep acting on adventure tour
leaders’ job satisfaction.

10
3) Identify the types of situations in which adventure tour leaders apply surface acting
and deep acting.

This objective is important in relation to the aim of the study because the types of situations in
which adventure tour leaders apply surface acting and deep acting represent the unique
context of emotional labour performance within this particular occupation. Although Sharpe
(2005a) identified particular situations in which adventure tour leaders performed emotional
labour, Objective Three helps to fill a central gap in the literature by distinguishing between
situations in which adventure tour leaders apply surface acting versus deep acting (as opposed
to emotional labour as a whole). As such, this thesis is the first to identify ‘separate’ situations
for the performance of surface acting and deep acting of adventure tour leaders. This
extension to previous research (Sharpe 2005a) contributes toward an enhanced understanding
of what types of situations may lead adventure tour leaders to perform one form of emotional
labour over the other, taking into consideration the differential outcomes (e.g. job satisfaction)
that are associated with surface acting and deep acting, respectively.

Objective Three is also important for the adventure tourism industry because identifying the
types of situations in which adventure tour leaders apply surface acting and deep acting could
assist in the development of training programs for emotional competence of adventure tour
leaders in the future. By identifying the types of situations in which adventure tour leaders
perform surface acting, it is possible to pinpoint the particular situations in which surface
acting is used despite it potentially being a more harmful (i.e. it could lead to burnout) and
unsafe (i.e. it could lead to physical injury or death) way of performing emotional labour than
deep acting (Bono & Vey 2005; Grandey 2000; Gross 1998a; Hochschild 1983; Judge, Woolf
& Hurst 2009). By identifying the types of situations in which adventure tour leaders perform
deep acting, on the other hand, the particular situations in which adventure tour leaders are
applying emotional labour in a more harmless and safe manner (through deep acting) can be
made out.

4) Examine potential gender differences between adventure tour leaders in regards to


surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effects of surface acting and deep
acting on job satisfaction.

11
This objective is important in relation to the aim of the study because it contributes toward an
enhanced understanding of how gender differences may impact on the relationships between
emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. In other words, Objective
Four helps to fill a significant gap in the literature since no other research to date has
examined the effects of gender on these relationships. Objective Four is also important for the
adventure tourism industry because possible differences in gender have implications for the
development of training programs for emotional competence of adventure tour leaders. If
there is a difference between female and male adventure tour leaders in regards to the above-
mentioned variables, this needs to be taken into consideration when constructing such training
programs.

5) Explore how adventure tour leaders comprehend their identity construction in terms of
possessing one core ‘self’ and/or multiple identities.

This objective is important in relation to the aim of the study because there is a possible
relationship between the concept of identity and emotional labour. This relationship is
indicated by findings suggesting that surface acting as well as a mismatch between
employees’ person identities (i.e. how they view themselves as unique and distinct individuals
with idiosyncratic personality attributes) and their jobs could lead to emotional disharmony
and a feeling of inauthenticity in employees (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Burke & Stets 2009;
Torland 2011a). These negative emotional states, in turn, may have implications for the job
satisfaction and human resource management of adventure tour leaders in areas such as
recruitment, selection, and training. While some research has been conducted on adventure
tour leaders’ comprehension of their identity construction (Carnicelli-Filho 2011; Sharpe
2005a), no research has been conducted that explores the role that adventure tour leaders’
identities may play in regards to performing emotional labour on the job from a social
psychological perspective of identity as put forward by Burke and Stets (2009).

1.3 Defining Adventure Tourism


Adventure tourism is an industry sector that has grown rapidly in recent years in Australia
(Hossain 2004). This growth is possibly due to the country’s unique natural environments,
such as ‘vast deserts, snow-capped mountains, sea-sculpted coastlines and ancient rainforest’
(Tourism Australia 2010), which make up the resource foundation for a variety of adventure
activities like bushwalking, kayaking, caving, and rock climbing (Hossain 2004). The
organisation of the adventure tourism industry in Australia is quite complex and a number of

12
classifications have been applied, such as outdoor recreation, adventure recreation, adventure
tourism, outdoor education, adventure education, ecotourism, and NEAT (nature, eco and
adventure tourism) (Buckley 2006a). The boundaries between each of these categories are
often blurred and in many cases overlap. The similarities and differences between outdoor
recreation and outdoor education, for instance, were questioned in 2003 when a merger was
formally launched between the Outdoor Recreation Council of Australia (ORCA) and the
Australian Outdoor Education Council (AOEC) to form a new national body – the Outdoor
Council of Australia (OCA) (Dingle 2006; Mann 2002). Thus, the boundaries between
outdoor recreation and outdoor education appear to be quite indistinct.

This study, however, will focus on the non-educational aspects of adventure tourism and
adventure recreation. This is because outdoor education and adventure education build on an
academic literature base that is somewhat different from adventure tourism/recreation in that
it puts the focus on maximising students’ learning outcomes rather than providing recreational
experiences for tourists. Still, it is acknowledged that some elements of education could be
present in some of the adventure organisations examined in this study due to potential
overlaps between outdoor recreation and outdoor education. This is particularly true given
that some of these adventure organisations normally would provide services for students as
well as adventure tourists/recreationists. In addition, it is reasonable to believe that some
elements of environmental education would be incorporated into the tour experiences of most
adventure companies in order to protect the often fragile natural environments in which the
tours take place (Ewert & Jamieson 2003).

Table 1.1 shows that adventure recreation has its origin in the area of outdoor recreation since
both involve activities and specific skills in outdoor settings. The difference between these
two areas seems to be the element of risk and uncertainty that is sought by adventure
recreationists as opposed to outdoor recreationists. Adventure tourism, on the other hand,
could be viewed as an extension of adventure recreation. This is because adventure tourism
activities take place away from people’s home region, while adventure recreation activities
occur within people’s home region (Weber 2001).

13
Table 1.1 Classifying Adventure Tourism
Description
Outdoor Recreation  Involves activities and specific skills in outdoor settings
Adventure Recreation  Has its origin in outdoor recreation
 Involves activities and specific skills in outdoor settings
 Differs from outdoor recreation due to adventure recreationists’
deliberate seeking of risk and uncertainty of outcome
 Adventure recreation activities take place in people’s home region
Adventure Tourism  Could be viewed as an extension of adventure recreation
 Involves activities and specific skills in outdoor settings
 Adventure tourists deliberately seek risk and uncertainty of outcome
 Adventure tourism activities take place away from people’s home
region
(Adapted from Weber 2001).

In addition to the characteristics described in Table 1.1, adventure tourism is based on natural
landscapes as the setting for adventure activities and thus offers clients contact with nature-
based experiences (Williams & Soutar 2005). Moreover, while adventure tourists
predominantly engage in adventure activities that are facilitated and managed by
commercialised organisations, adventure recreationists generally take part in adventure
activities that they plan and carry out themselves outside the domain of commercial
operations (Hall 1992). Accordingly, adventure tourism can be defined in the following
manner:

A broad spectrum of outdoor touristic activities, often commercialised and involving an


interaction with the natural environment away from the participant’s home range and containing
elements of risk; in which the outcome is influenced by the participant, setting, and
management of the touristic experience (Hall 1992, p. 143).

It should be noted, however, that sometimes adventure recreationists may participate in


adventure activities that are provided by a commercialised organisation within their home
region, such as a kayak tour in their local area. For this reason this study will concentrate on
both adventure tourism and adventure recreation given that most adventure tour leaders who
work in adventure organisations would provide services to recreationists as well as tourists.
Thus, Hall’s (1992, p. 143) definition of adventure tourism as presented above was modified
so that it also fits adventure recreation by excluding his ‘away from the participant’s home
range’ notion. Additionally, a notion was included which stated that the touristic experience
needs to be managed by an adventure organisation. This was because tourists/recreationists
who plan and manage their own adventure activities do not require the assistance of adventure
tour leaders who, of course, represent the participants of this study. Still, the term ‘often
commercialised’ was left in the modified version of Hall’s (1992) definition as there might be
14
a small number of adventure organisations that are not commercial (i.e. they are not-for-
profit). For the purpose of this study, then, adventure tourism/recreation is defined in the
following way:

A broad spectrum of outdoor touristic activities, often commercialised and involving an


interaction with the natural environment and containing elements of risk; in which the outcome
is influenced by the participant, setting, and management of the touristic experience by an
adventure organisation (Adapted from Hall 1992, p. 143).

While this definition incorporates both adventure tourism and adventure recreation, the term
‘adventure tourism’ will be used rather than ‘adventure recreation’ or ‘adventure
tourism/recreation’ in the rest of this thesis. This is done for the sake of consistency and
simplicity. Hence, from this point on in the thesis, whenever the terms ‘adventure tourism’
and ‘adventure tourists’ are used, it is intended that these terms include ‘adventure recreation’
and ‘adventure recreationists’. Furthermore, while the terms ‘adventure tour leader’,
‘adventure tour guide’, ‘adventure leader’, ‘adventure guide’, ‘adventure instructor’, and
‘outdoor adventure guide’ are used interchangeably in the literature on adventure tourism, in
this thesis the term ‘adventure tour leader’ will be used throughout (except in subsection 4.2.1
where the Australian and New Zealand Standard Classification of Occupations term ‘outdoor
adventure guide’ is used when comparing national data with the sample of adventure tour
leaders in this thesis). Finally, the term ‘adventure tour’ that is utilised in this thesis also
encompasses adventure trips and adventure courses.

1.4 Characteristics of Adventure Tourism and Study Context


Adventure can be defined as ‘an experience where the outcome is uncertain because key
information may be missing, vague or unknown’ (Haddock & Wisheart 1993, p. 8). While
this definition of adventure indicates that risk and uncertainty of outcome is inherent in the
adventure tourism experience, it is acknowledged that adventure tourists may not necessarily
deliberately seek risk and uncertainty of outcome. For the purpose of this study (and in
accordance with Table 1.1), however, it is assumed that the clients of adventure tours would
usually seek risk and uncertainty of outcome as a crucial ingredient of their leisure or
recreational experience.

There are two types of activity risk: 1) objective risk (the number of accidents reported for a
specific activity); and 2) subjective risk (the number of accidents perceived by the participants
of the activity) (Cheron & Richie 1982). This classification of risk is further highlighted by
Haddock (1993), who suggested that there is a difference between ‘real’ and ‘perceived’ risk.
15
The former refers to the level of risk that is actually present in a situation at any given
moment, while the latter refers to an individual’s subjective evaluation of the real risk that
exists in a situation at any given time (Haddock 1993). Adventure tourism activities usually
contain far more perceived risk than real risk (e.g. a client who participates in abseiling for the
first time may be terrified of the height despite the real risk of injury or falling being very
low) (Cater 2006; Priest & Gass 1997).

Risk can be used as a parameter to divide adventure activities into ‘hard’ or ‘soft’ activities
(Ewert & Jamieson 2003). On the one hand, hard activities require that clients have a high
degree of physical fitness, previous experience, and skills (Millington 2001). In addition,
clients must be prepared to accept a high level of risk involved with the activity (Lipscombe
1995). Some examples of hard activities include rock climbing, mountaineering, and
paragliding (Shephard & Evans 2005). On the other hand, soft activities require only basic
levels of physical fitness and no previous experience or skills (Lipscombe 1995). Only a very
low level of risk needs to be accepted by clients choosing to take part in soft adventure
activities, and the risk can be influenced by the adventure tour leader (Williams & Soutar
2005). Some examples of soft activities include cycling, camping, and escorted trekking
(Shephard & Evans 2005). Fluker and Turner (2000) also proposed that adventure activities
could be arranged along a spectrum from soft to medium to hard.

However, given that the perception of risk is subjective, different people will have different
perceptions of risk (Dickson & Dolnicar 2004). For example, while one person may think that
rafting down an easygoing river is not very risky, another person who is scared of water may
perceive this activity to be very risky. As a result, different people will also have different
perspectives of what constitutes a soft, medium or hard adventure activity. Moreover, the
classification of adventure activities into soft, medium and hard could be criticised because it
does not allow an adventure activity to be soft, medium, and hard. Instead, Fluker and
Turner’s (2000) classification implies that an adventure activity can only be soft, medium, or
hard. In reality, however, an activity like bushwalking would normally differ depending on
the difficulty and risk involved with the walks and could, for example, be divided into easy
walks, medium walks, and hard walks. Furthermore, one adventure tour could include several
different adventure activities, such as bushwalking, canyoning and abseiling. These activities
may be intertwined and thus they could be difficult to classify in the stringent manner
suggested by Fluker and Turner (2000).

16
It should also be noted that an adventure activity that normally would be perceived as easy
can rapidly turn into a medium or hard activity depending on variables such as changing
weather conditions, which add elements of uncertainty and unpredictability to the activity. For
example, an easy paddle on a quiet lake could soon turn into what could be perceived as a
hard adventure activity if a violent storm arrives (Patterson 2002). Based on these notions
and, in particular, the idea that risk perception is subjective, the researcher decided to include
adventure tours and activities of all levels of difficulty and risk. As such, it was left up to the
participants in this study to report what type/s of adventure tour/s they were conducting in
their job as adventure tour leaders, including easy/beginner (no previous experience required
from clients); medium/intermediate (some previous experience required from clients); and
hard/advanced (extensive previous experience required from clients).

On the topic of difficulty and risk relating to adventure activities, SCARRA (skilled
commercial adventure recreation in remote areas) represents the edge of the commercial
tourism industry in the sense that it provides high-cost services which require clients to
possess extensive previous skills, involve a high level of risk for clients, and operate in remote
and rugged areas (Buckley 2004). On the other hand, there is a current trend in the market
toward reducing risk, remoteness and skill requirements, which means that some adventure
activities that were previously only available to very skilled and experienced clients are now
available to the mainstream market (Buckley 2004). For example, commercial adventure tour
operators can now lead inexperienced clients in climbing 8000-metre peaks, kayaking flooded
rivers in the Himalayas, diving under the ice in Antarctica, skydiving onto the North Pole, or
skiing across Greenland (Buckley 2004). In regards to this present study, the researcher
decided to include both SCARRA and mainstream adventure tourism. Given that Australia is
a vast country, some adventure organisations would operate in remote areas, such as the
Kimberleys or the Red Centre. Regarding ecotourism and NEAT (nature, eco and adventure
tourism) (Hall 2007; Weber 2001), only adventure organisations that suit the classification of
adventure tourism presented in Table 1.1 are included in this study. This means, for instance,
that those tour operators who mainly provide activities where the clients do not deliberately
seek risk and uncertainty as part of the experience will not be considered as adventure tourism
in this study.

This study examined adventure tour leaders employed in adventure organisations that catered
for the following sub-segments of international and/or domestic adventure tourists: corporate
groups; sporting clubs; leisure groups; family and friends; couples; and/or individuals. This

17
criterion was applied in order to exclude adventure organisations that only offered outdoor
education and/or adventure education to students from the study. As previously mentioned,
this was because outdoor/adventure education builds on an academic literature base that to
some extent differs from adventure tourism. The adventure tour companies in this study were
located in Australia. While there might be some variations between different states in
Australia, this geographical boundary was applied in order to ensure some consistency in
regards to the cultural, political, educational and legislative contexts (e.g. accreditation) in
which adventure tour operators and adventure tour leaders work.

The particular adventure activities included in this study are abseiling, bushwalking,
canoeing, canyoning, caving, kayaking, mountain biking, river rafting, and rock climbing.
These nine activities were chosen as a representation of the range of outdoor adventure
activities available within Australia. Even though diving and snorkelling represent two of the
most popular adventure activities in Australia, these activities were not included in this study
due to the implications that putting on a real mask (i.e. a diving mask, which conceals parts of
the face) and underwater communication (which mainly involves non-verbal hand gestures
and signs) may have for the performance of emotional labour. Given the way in which diving
and snorkelling instructors use the body as a vehicle for emotional expression underwater,
their emotional labour is likely to be communicated differently to that of other adventure tour
leaders who do not make use of underwater communication. In addition, the use of specific
adventure activities as key words instead of the more general ‘adventure tourism’ facilitated
data collection in that it alleviated the identification of suitable adventure organisations via
on-line searching functions. Moreover, while the duration of service encounters between
adventure tour leaders and their clients and tour duration was not explicitly measured in this
study, the nine above-mentioned adventure activities were chosen also because they generally
involve service encounters and tours of a longer duration than some other adventure activities,
such as skydiving and bungee jumping, which do not require a ‘leader’ per se given their
relatively short duration. Hence, a longer duration of service encounters and tours, in
combination with the affectively charged and intimate nature of adventure tourism (Sharpe
2005a), meant that adventure tour leaders in this study were likely to utilise emotional labour
in a more demanding form than adventure tour leaders who lead activities of a shorter
duration. It was important to focus on this more demanding form of emotional labour in order
to effectively capture the effects of emotional labour on adventure tour leaders’ job
satisfaction.

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Given the definition of adventure tourism in section 1.3, the adventure tours in this study were
also nature-based (Hall 2007). This meant that the tours took place in natural settings and thus
depended on natural resources (i.e. mountains, canyons, soil, caves, boulders, waterfalls,
cliffs, trees, rivers) as a foundation for conducting the adventure activities (Williams & Soutar
2005). It is acknowledged, however, that there could be many different interpretations of what
is ‘natural’ depending on the eye that sees. For example, some people may consider a dam-
regulated river as being natural, while others may think it artificial. Hence, it was left largely
up to the potential participants in the study to decide what they considered as natural and,
consequently, whether they were eligible to participate in the study or not.

1.5 Study Design


This thesis adopted a mixed methods research approach. This approach was chosen because
the researcher was interested in using qualitative data to help explain and build upon the
initial quantitative findings. As such, the qualitative data in this thesis served to create a more
nuanced picture of the phenomena under investigation, which added richness and depth to the
quantitative data. Given this complementary mixed methods approach, the qualitative data
addressed the same research aim and objectives as the quantitative data, with the exception of
Research Objectives Three and Five which were addressed by analysing purely qualitative
data. However, since the goal of collecting the qualitative data was to complement and
expand on the insights gained from the quantitative data, no separate research questions were
developed in regards to the qualitative part of the study.

The research design for this study comprised a quantitative on-line survey and qualitative e-
mail interviews. The particular research design that was applied is based on Creswell and
Plano Clark’s (2007) quantitatively accentuated, sequential explanatory design of mixed
methods research. This research design consists of three stages comprising quantitative data
collection and analysis; qualitative follow-up data collection and analysis; and combined
interpretation of quantitative and qualitative findings. In the first stage of the research process
in this thesis, then, quantitative data relating to Objectives One, Two and Four were collected
through the on-line survey. These data were then analysed and the results were used as a basis
to develop follow-up questions for e-mail interviews in the second stage of the research
process. The data that were collected through e-mail interviews related to Objectives Two to
Five. The interview data were analysed and the qualitative interview results together with the
quantitative survey results made up the foundation for interpretation of these findings in the
third stage of the research process.

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The on-line survey of adventure tour leaders contained demographic closed-end questions as
well as questions generated from the Emotional Labour Scale (Brotheridge & Lee 1998,
2003) and the Job Satisfaction Index (Brayfield & Rothe 1951). A purposive sampling
strategy was used and 137 adventure tour leaders responded to the survey. The size of the
total population was unknown given the particular sampling procedures (as described in
subsection 3.3.1) where adventure tour operators were approached instead of contacting
adventure tour leaders directly. The quantitative data collected from the survey were analysed
through the use of descriptive statistics, a multiple regression analysis, univariate ANOVAs,
and general linear modelling. Furthermore, qualitative e-mail interviews of adventure tour
leaders were conducted which comprised four open-ended questions along with follow-up
questions. A purposive sampling strategy was utilised and a subsample of 25 adventure tour
leaders participated in an asynchronous e-mail interview. The qualitative data collected from
the e-mail interviews were analysed through the means of thematic analysis.

1.6 Outline of the Thesis


The research foci of emotional labour and job satisfaction will be critically examined in the
context of relevant literature in Chapter Two of this thesis. The emergence of the emotional
labour concept is explored before discussing the dimensions of the concept, including surface
acting and deep acting. Then, emotional labour is discussed as it relates to the concepts of
emotional dissonance and authenticity of self, before providing an overview of the
antecedents and outcomes of emotional labour as derived from the literature. This is followed
by a discussion of situations in which adventure tour leaders are likely to perform emotional
labour on the job. In regards to job satisfaction, a discussion of the development of this
concept in the academic literature is provided before discussing different ways that job
satisfaction can be measured. An overview of the antecedents and outcomes of job
satisfaction is presented as derived from the literature and job satisfaction is discussed as it
relates to adventure tourism. Literature on the relationships between emotional labour and job
satisfaction is reviewed, and a discussion follows on how these concepts may relate to gender
and identity construction. The result of this literature review is the development of three
hypotheses and, as such, Chapter Two concludes by providing a conceptual framework based
on these hypotheses.

Chapter Three describes and justifies the methods and procedures applied in this study. The
research paradigm and mixed methods approaches used in the study are discussed and the

20
chosen research design is presented. Next, the methods that were chosen for this study,
namely a quantitative on-line survey and qualitative e-mail interviews, are described and
justified. Finally, the methodological limitations and ethical considerations associated with
the research are acknowledged.

Chapter Four presents the results and analyses of data relating to Research Objectives One
and Two, respectively. While Research Objective One aims to develop a profile of adventure
tour leaders based on statistical descriptive data relating to a number of characteristics,
Research Objective Two examines the potential effects of surface acting and deep acting on
the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. Chapter Five presents the findings and analyses
of data associated with Research Objective Three, which identifies the types of situations in
which adventure tour leaders would apply surface acting and deep acting. Chapter Six
presents the results and analyses of data relating to Research Objective Four and Five.
Whereas Research Objective Four examines potential gender differences between adventure
tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effects of
surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction, Research Objective Five explores how
adventure tour leaders comprehend their identity construction in terms of possessing one core
‘self’ and/or multiple identities.

Chapter Seven concludes the thesis by first offering a summary of the key findings of the
research in light of the five research objectives, followed by a synthesis which shows how
these research objectives relate to the overall aim of the thesis. A model based on the findings
of the study is presented, before discussing the contributions of the thesis to knowledge and
practice. Finally, the limitations of the study are acknowledged and several avenues for future
research are identified for which this thesis may act as a springboard.

21
Chapter Two: Literature Review

2.1 Introduction
Research Objective One is to develop a profile of adventure tour leaders based on statistical
descriptive data relating to a number of characteristics such as gender, age, nationality, level
of education and training, relationship status, children, job specific factors, and experience, in
order to better describe the population under study. Given the limited amount of research that
has been conducted on the characteristics of adventure tour leaders in Australia, literature
relating to Research Objective One will be discussed in Chapter Four. This is done in order to
avoid duplication of information in this thesis. In Chapter Four, statistical data from the ABS
and DEEWR as well as some academic studies are used for comparison with data collected in
this study.

In this chapter, relevant literature relating to emotional labour and job satisfaction is critically
reviewed in the context of adventure tour leading. While section 2.2 reviews literature relating
to emotional labour, section 2.3 reviews literature relating to job satisfaction. Section 2.4 then
examines literature on the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction. The
literature that is covered in these three sections is linked to Research Objective Two, which is
to examine the potential effects of surface acting and deep acting on adventure tour leaders’
job satisfaction. In regards to Research Objective Three, which is to identify the situations in
which adventure tour leaders would apply surface acting and deep acting, literature relating to
this topic is covered in subsection 2.2.7.

The literature presented in section 2.5 relates to Research Objective Four, which is to explore
potential gender differences between adventure tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep
acting, job satisfaction, and the effects of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction.
Furthermore, the literature reviewed in section 2.6 is linked to Research Objective Five,
which is to explore how adventure tour leaders comprehend their identity construction in
terms of possessing one core ‘self’ and/or multiple identities. A number of hypotheses which
predict the nature of the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of
adventure tour leaders are proposed in sections 2.4 and 2.5 based on pertinent academic
literature. The chapter concludes by incorporating these predictions into a visual model in
section 2.7, which then forms the conceptual framework for the empirical study described in
this thesis.

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2.2 Emotional Labour in the Context of Adventure Tour Leading

2.2.1 Hochschild’s Theory of Emotional Labour and Its Critique


In many occupations, employees are required to perform not only physical and mental labour
as part of their job, but also what has been termed ‘emotional labour’ (Sharpe 2005a).
Emotional labour is an important concept because it has been linked with employee outcomes
such as job satisfaction, burnout, and retention (Brotheridge & Lee 2003; Hochschild 1983;
Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009; Rubin et al. 2005) which, in turn, could have significant effects
on client satisfaction and business revenue (Cordes & Dougherty 1993; Gelade & Young
2005; Volker et al. 2010; Williams & Skinner 2003). The term emotional labour was first
used by Arlie Russell Hochschild (1983). Prior to this, Hochschild published a journal article
in 1979, a precursor to her book, in which she argued that individuals can and often do induce
or inhibit their feelings in order to render them ‘appropriate’ to a particular situation, both in
the workplace and at home. In her 1983 book, Hochschild expands on these ideas by
providing a more detailed thesis relating to the performance of deep acting and surface acting
in private life (i.e. outside work) as well as public life (i.e. at work). The main argument of her
book is that people’s management of their emotions at work has become a saleable
commodity because organisations seek to regulate workers’ emotional labour in order to
maximise their revenue in capitalist economies.

Hochschild, a Professor of Sociology at the University of California, Berkeley, first became


interested in how people manage their emotions at the age of twelve as she was observing
how her parents interpreted various gestures when communicating with diplomats through the
US Foreign Service. As a graduate student at Berkeley some years later, Hochschild was
intrigued by the work of the American sociologist Charles Wright Mills. In particular, one
chapter titled ‘The Great Salesroom’ in Mills’ (1951) book White Collar got Hochschild’s
attention. Mills argued that when one’s personality is ‘sold’ through the process of service
delivery, individuals can become estranged from themselves as a person. However,
Hochschild thought something was missing from Mills’ work as he appeared to assume that
‘in order to sell personality, one need only have it. Yet simply having personality does not
make one a diplomat, any more than having muscles makes one an athlete’ (Hochschild 1983,
p. ix). What Hochschild thought was missing from Mills’ analysis was the element of active
emotional labour involved in the service encounter, where workers actively manage their
emotions by attending to social ‘feeling’ rules during service exchanges with clients.

23
Hochschild was also inspired by the research of Erving Goffman, who argued that individuals
often try to control their outward appearance in order to adhere to rules about how they ought
to appear to others. Again, however, Hochschild felt that something was missing from
Goffman’s work because ‘How does a person act on feeling – or stop acting on it, or even
stop feeling?’ (Hochschild 1983, p. x). Hochschild wanted to understand what it is that people
are acting upon and, consequently, decided to explore how emotion can work as a messenger
from the self in that emotion provides individuals with information about what they see, what
they had expected, and what they are planning to do about it. Hochschild (1983, p. x)
suggested that it is these instant emotions that individuals feel when they see something they
had or had not expected that are impaired when private emotion management is ‘socially
engineered and transformed into emotional labour for a wage’. This management of instant
emotions represented an aspect of emotion management which Goffman had not elaborated
on in his work.

Based on Mills’ and Goffman’s ideas, then, Hochschild was inspired to develop the concept
of emotional labour in her 1983 book in which she conducted qualitative research on flight
attendants and debt collectors. The aims of her study were to explore what emotional labour
is; what people do when they manage their emotions; what emotion is; and what the costs and
benefits may be of managing emotion, both in private life and at work. Hochschild (1983, p.
7) defined emotional labour as ‘the management of feeling to create a publicly observable
facial and bodily display’ which requires the worker to ‘induce or suppress feeling in order to
sustain the outward countenance that produces the proper state of mind in others’. As such,
emotional labour refers to employees putting on a ‘mask’ of emotions that they need to
display to their clients in order to meet organisational expectations entailed in their job roles.
Such organisationally expected emotions have been referred to as feeling rules or display
rules in the literature. The term ‘feeling rules’ was coined by Hochschild (1979, 1983) and
refers to rules that guide one’s social life through normative role expectations about how one
ought to feel in different contexts. In this sense, feeling rules are embedded both in one’s
private life (e.g. roles at home) and in one’s public life (e.g. roles at work) (Hochschild 1983;
Sharpe 2005a). ‘Display rules’, on the other hand, refer to organisational norms or
expectations regarding how one ought to behave in job-related situations (Ekman 1973;
Rafaeli & Sutton 1989) – adventure tour leaders, for instance, may be expected to show
empathy with difficult clients and stay calm in risky situations, regardless of what their true
feelings may be at the time. Display rules may be implicit and informal, and/or explicitly

24
stated in formalised training manuals and company slogans (Hochschild 1983; Rafaeli &
Sutton 1989).

Generally, display rules comprise societal norms (expectations from clients about the type of
emotions and the manner in which they should be expressed during service interactions),
occupational norms (expectations within a specific occupation about what constitutes
appropriate emotion display in interactions with clients), and organisational norms
(expectations within a specific organisation about the expression of suitable emotions when
interacting with clients) (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Rafaeli & Sutton 1989). While it is
possible for societal, occupational and organisational norms to differ, generally they tend to
be consistent with each other because employees in a particular organisation and occupation
would usually try to meet clients’ expectations as part of the service exchange in order to
maximise business revenue (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993). Consequently, when
organisationally sanctioned emotions and display rules are referred to in this thesis, it is
assumed that organisational norms coincide with occupational and societal norms. While
feeling rules and display rules are somewhat similar in construct, the term display rules is
preferred in this study given its main focus on organisational life rather than private life. This
was considered appropriate since emotional labour and job satisfaction, which are the two
main focus areas of this study, occur within the public domain of work.

Working from her findings, Hochschild (1983) suggested that emotional labour has a potential
negative impact on employees’ well-being. She suggested that employers impose a pressure
on workers to display particular feelings in public, through the strategies of surface acting or
deep acting, when interacting with clients or customers. Consequently, workers might
experience identity confusion, self-estrangement and self-alienation which, in turn, could lead
to feelings of anxiety, frustration and exhaustion. Other consequences could include a
decrease in job satisfaction, withdrawal and scepticism, and feelings of ethical failure
(Hochschild 1983). These negative outcomes of emotional labour, Hochschild suggested,
came about as a result of the emotional disharmony that may arise when employees perform
surface acting – that is, they show one feeling to clients on the outside (e.g. empathy), while
feeling differently on the inside (e.g. annoyance). Hochschild also argued that the
performance of deep acting could have negative consequences for employees because, over
time, they may have trouble distinguishing between who they are as a person and the person
they are enacting as part of their job role.

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However, contrary to the suggestions of some researchers who have claimed that she
exclusively painted a negative picture of emotional labour (Conrad & Witte 1994; Rafaeli &
Sutton 1987; Tolich 1993; Wharton & Erickson 1993; Wouters 1989), Hochschild (1983) also
proposed that emotional labour could have positive consequences for workers. In particular,
she stated that a worker, by successfully performing emotional labour, may feel ‘somehow
satisfied in how personal her service actually was’ (Hochschild 1983, p. 136). Such positive
outcomes of emotional labour, Hochschild (1983) suggested, were more likely to occur when
workers made an effort to change their feelings inwardly to fit with display rules (i.e. deep
acting by, for example, reappraising difficult clients as children to avoid becoming angry with
their infantile behaviours), as opposed to only changing their outward displays of emotion
(i.e. surface acting).

Hochschild (1983, p. 147) proposed that jobs that involve emotional labour need to fulfil the
following three requirements:

1) face-to-face or voice-to-voice contact with the public (i.e. clients);


2) the worker must produce an emotional state in another person (i.e. a client), for
example gratitude or fear; and
3) the employer, through training and supervision, can exercise a degree of control over
the emotional activities of employees.

Accordingly, most jobs that contain an element of client service involve some degree of
emotional labour. In the words of Sharpe (2005a, p. 3): ‘…every job with an interactive or
service component has emotional labour demands and implications’. However, the notion that
emotional labour requires employees to engender an emotional state in another person
indicates that the employees are not only managing their own emotions, they are also to a
certain extent managing the emotions of their clients. Adventure tour leaders who are dealing
with an emergency on the job, for example, may be showing a calm outward face and body
language toward clients while, at the same time, managing a feeling of fear or even panic
inwardly. In this instance, the adventure tour leaders’ calm behaviour communicates to
clients, who may otherwise panic or feel afraid in such a situation, that the situation is under
control and thus they should feel calm and safe. In this way, the adventure tour leaders are
managing not only their own feelings of fear, but also those of their clients. As such, it is
possible that the adventure tour leaders, through training and experience, have learnt that
staying calm in an emergency is more appropriate than expressing fear when interacting with

26
clients. This may assist the adventure tour leaders to enhance their professional competence
by handling an emergency through effective emotion management, and it is also likely that
their employer will benefit in the form of satisfied clients who are more likely to return to the
business. If the opposite ensues, if adventure tour leaders appear to panic instead of staying
calm in the occurrence of an emergency, it is likely that their clients will feel scared and
unsafe. In the worst-case scenario, clients may be severely injured and/or lives may get lost
(Hovelynck 1998). As a consequence, the adventure tour operator may choose to reprimand or
lay off the adventure tour leaders in question. Clients, in turn, may elect to seek legal action
against the adventure tour operator and/or the adventure tour leaders for not following
occupational health and safety procedures (Kozlowski 1998).

It is clear then, as suggested by Hochschild (1983) above, that an employer may desire to
have a relatively high degree of control over the emotion management activities of its
employees. One way the employer could achieve this level of control is by communicating
display rules to employees that indicate accepted emotion management procedures, either
through informal communication channels (e.g. ‘over the coffee machine’) or more formal
communication channels (e.g. training manuals). This level of control is necessary from the
point of view of the employer in order to provide clients with a safe and satisfying experience
which, in the long term, could help to generate success for the organisation.

While Hochschild (1983) built her theory of emotional labour on the work of a number of
different researchers who examined the notion of emotion in their studies (Darwin 1965;
Dewey 1922; Freud 1952; Gerth & Mills 1964; James & Lange 1922; Mills 1951), Goffman’s
(1959, 1969) research on emotion display in service organisations is arguably the most
notable predecessor to Hochschild’s work. According to Goffman’s (1959) dramaturgical
perspective, client interactions in service organisations could be compared to a theatre, where
the workplace is the stage, the employees are the actors, and the clients are the audience.
From this perspective, emotional labour can be thought of as a form of impression
management, where the employees actively attempt to direct their own behaviour toward
‘impressing’ clients so as to engender favourable perceptions of themselves and the
organisation they represent (Gardner & Martinko 1988; Grove & Fisk 1989). In this sense,
emotional labour is one means service workers can use to encourage repeat business for the
organisation in which they work and thus obtain organisational goals (Grandey 2000).

27
According to Hochschild (1983), however, Goffman’s work is limited because he examined
only how employees may display their feelings outwardly (on the surface) in order to
engender the appropriate impression toward clients. Hochschild felt this view was limited
because it only explored how employees managed their emotions at a surface level (similar to
Hochschild’s surface acting) but not at a deeper level (similar to Hochschild’s deep acting).
Indeed, when it comes to the workers’ ability to manage their emotions internally, Goffman’s
work did not pay any attention to this deeper form of emotional labour. In response to this
shortcoming in Goffman’s work, then, Hochschild (1983) developed her theory of emotional
labour which encompassed both surface acting and deep acting. Surface acting is most closely
related to Goffman’s dramaturgical perspective since it refers to the act of faking feelings that
are not really felt, or hiding feelings that are inappropriate to display (Hochschild 1983). Deep
acting, on the other hand, refers to the act of aligning one’s true feelings with those required
by the job (i.e. if one’s true feelings differ from the required ones) (Hochschild 1983). Hence,
deep acting covers the aspect of emotional labour that Hochschild thought was missing in
Goffman’s work, namely the ability of workers to manage and change their inner feelings, not
only their outward expressions. In order to make this distinction between surface acting and
deep acting, Hochschild (1983) drew on the work of the theatrical director Konstantin
Stanislavski (1965), who had previously introduced the notion of deep acting to the world of
theatre. According to Stanislavski, actors on the theatre stage need to carry with them so-
called ‘emotion memories’ – that is, memories that will help them recall emotions that they
need in order to show their feelings ‘from the inside out’ to create a credible performance for
the audience. Notably, however, Hochschild was the first researcher to apply the term of deep
acting to the context of service industry workers.

Hochschild’s (1983) theory of emotional labour, however, has received some criticism in the
literature. For example, Hochschild has commonly been criticised for constructing a
dichotomy between managing one’s emotions in the ‘private self’ sphere versus the ‘public
self’ sphere. This dichotomy generates a one-dimensional view of emotional labour because,
from this perspective, emotional labour belongs more to the organisation than to the
individual employees in the context of the workplace (McClure & Murphy 2007; Wouters
1989). Similarly, Hochschild has been accused of overrating the level of ownership and
control that management in organisations have over employees’ emotions (McClure &
Murphy 2007; Theodosius 2006); thus portraying employees as being emotionally ‘crippled
actors’ (Bolton & Boyd 2003; Lewis 2005). In particular, Bolton made a sustained criticism
of Hochschild’s work and even suggested that her theory of emotional labour should be

28
abandoned. In a series of articles, Bolton (2000a, 2000b, 2001, 2003; Bolton & Boyd 2003)
argued that Hochschild’s theory of emotional labour is ‘absolutist’ because it assumes that
management in organisations will be so successful in controlling employees’ emotions at
work that their emotions eventually are ‘transmutated’ (i.e. employees’ emotions are
transferred from being the private property of individual employees to being a commodity that
belongs to the organisation). Bolton (2005, p. 61) also maintained that employees ‘own the
means of production and, therefore, the capacity to present “sincere” or “cynical”
performance lies within the emotional labourer’. In other words, Bolton downplayed the
degree of ownership and control that management in organisations have over workers’
emotions because she regarded emotional labour to be the complete property of employees.

However, Bolton’s critique of Hochschild’s work on emotional labour has been refuted by
Brook (2009) who claimed that Bolton’s critique is flawed because she assumes that the
means of producing a service is entirely human. On the contrary, Brook (2009) stated that all
service production also depends on a variety of other factors, such as capital, technical, and
support work inputs (e.g. buildings, technical equipment, display rules, and ‘back-office’
support). Furthermore, Brook (2009) pointed out that political and economical forces like
market competition, labour market conditions and new technology influence the structure,
design and standards of the service labour process. Hence, Brook (2009) suggested that
employees do not have complete ownership and control over their emotions in the workplace
because the element of emotional labour is closely intertwined with other means of service
production which are controlled by the organisation and external forces. As such, Brook
(2009) proposed that Hochschild’s notion of the politicised workplace where management
could potentially exploit the emotional labour of workers is still valid. Yet, Brook (2009) also
remarked that the transmutation of employees’ emotions would always be incomplete because
employees still have the power to resist aspects of emotional labour that they do not like
through the means of, for instance, sales sabotage, the use of humour to ridicule managers and
unpleasant clients, work avoidance, absenteeism, and high turnover.

Bolton (2005, p. 53) also criticised Hochschild’s concept of emotional labour in regards to
what she referred to as ‘the emotional labour bandwagon’ where emotional labour has been
applied to a multiplicity of different occupational groups without questioning the conceptual
adequacy for capturing the complexity of emotion management in professions such as caring
professionals. According to Bolton (2005), Hochschild’s theory of emotional labour is only
applicable to commercial organisations (i.e. where the overarching organisational goal is to

29
make a profit). Brook (2009), however, pointed out that Hochschild herself, in the new
afterword of her 20th anniversary edition of her book published in 2003(a), welcomes the
application of the concept of emotional labour to other occupational contexts within non-
commercial organisations such as hospitals. It follows that Brook (2009, p. 39) refuted
Bolton’s notion that the concept of emotional labour can only be applied to commercial
organisations because employees who work in a non-commercial organisation would still be
‘sold for a wage’, which fits with Hochschild’s definition of emotional labour.

Still, both Brook and Hochschild can be criticised for not mentioning that the concept of
emotional labour can also be applied in occupational contexts where employees do not get
paid for the work they do, such as adventure tour leaders who work for an adventure
organisation on a voluntary basis. While their emotional labour may not be ‘sold for a wage’,
as per Hochschild’s definition of the concept, they are still controlled by the organisation to a
certain extent in that they are required to adhere to particular display rules of the organisation
when interacting with tour participants. Moreover, in order for non-paid volunteers to perform
emotional labour on the job, they also depend on other means of the service production
process such as technical equipment and buildings belonging to the organisation, as pointed
out by Brook (2009). Thus, the power relations between management of the organisation and
employees still exist. While these power relations may not be based on exchange of labour for
remuneration, non-paid volunteers will still need to perform emotional labour in accordance
with the organisation’s prescriptions in order to receive other privileges such as rewarding
volunteering experience.

In regards to applicability of the concept of emotional labour to the occupation of adventure


tour leading, the researcher deemed emotional labour to be adequate for capturing the
complexity of emotion management in this occupation. This was because adventure tour
leaders have been found to perform both surface acting and deep acting on the job (Holyfield
& Jonas 2003; Sharpe 2005a). Whereas the emotional labour of Hochschild’s flight attendants
and debt collectors might be different to the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders (i.e.
adventure tour leaders may apply more deep acting on the job than flight attendants and debt
collectors), Hochschild (1983) acknowledged that different occupations require different
levels of emotional labour and, thus, different amounts of surface acting and deep acting.
Accordingly, Hochschild’s fundamental concepts of surface acting and deep acting were
considered to be appropriate to utilise in order to examine the emotional labour of adventure
tour leaders in this thesis.

30
In more recent years, Hochschild has conducted additional research on emotional labour. For
example, in a book chapter published in 2003(b), she highlighted the paradox that health care
workers, who perform a large amount of emotional labour on a daily basis, often do not
receive the emotional care that they, themselves, need to manage the emotional labour
demands of their job (Hochschild 2003b). Furthermore, in an invited commentary for the
International Journal of Work Organisation and Emotion in 2010, Hochschild suggested that
while emotional labour can be rewarding for health care workers if they take pride in
gradually building trust and developing warm relationships with their patients, it is harder to
enjoy emotional labour in broken care systems which are ‘understaffed, hyper-bureaucratised
facilities, maintained by migrant workers torn from their families, where care itself is
rendered invisible’ (Hochschild 2010, p. 112). This more recent research by Hochschild
(2003b, 2010) represents an expansion of her previous work in that she explores other
occupational groups; this time within the area of health care, including nannies, elderly care
workers, ‘ritual workers’ (funeral parlour directors and wedding planners), doctors, and
nurses. Nevertheless, Hochschild does not seem to have refined her theory of emotional
labour any further through this research. Consequently, her notions of surface acting and deep
acting remain largely the same as in her study on flight attendants and debt collectors.

For the most part, however, Hochschild’s later work has focused on so-called emotion work
(which involves emotion management that happens in people’s private lives, as opposed to
emotional labour that takes place in the public arena of work) and the overlaps between
people’s private and public lives (Hochschild 1997, 2009; Hochschild & Machung 1989).
More specifically, many of Hochschild’s latest publications have, from a feminist perspective,
examined the commercialisation of private and intimate life in the contemporary global
economy through the use of nannies, maids, and sex workers (Hochschild 2000, 2003c, 2006;
Hochschild & Ehrenreich 2002). One of her recent journal articles titled ‘Rent-A-Mom and
Other Services: Market, Meaning and Emotion’, for instance, highlights the overlaps that
nannies can experience between their ‘public’ job as a nanny and their ‘private’ role as a
‘temporary mum’ that comes with this position (Hochschild 2005).

2.2.2 Dimensions of Emotional Labour


Since Hochschild’s (1983) introduction of the term emotional labour, an extensive body of
literature has emerged within this domain. To date, there is an array of different ways that
emotional labour has been conceptualised. As a result, there has been, not surprisingly, a great

31
deal of confusion among researchers in regards to what constitutes the main dimensions of
emotional labour. Thus, an overview of the different ways that researchers have
conceptualised emotional labour and its dimensions is presented below. This is followed by a
statement and justification of the particular conceptualisation of emotional labour that was
used for the purpose of this thesis.

While Hochschild (1983) proposed that surface acting and deep acting represent two ways
that employees could perform emotional labour, she also described a dimension of emotional
labour that she referred to as ‘passive deep acting’. Passive deep acting occurs when
employees manage their emotions automatically rather than consciously so as to adhere to
organisational display rules. Hochschild contrasted this with ‘active deep acting’, which refers
to the process employees go through when they deliberately and consciously manage their
inner emotions to fit with organisationally expected emotions. To illustrate the distinction,
adventure tour leaders who initially are annoyed with a difficult client may use active deep
acting by consciously imagining that the client had a really bad day (e.g. health problems or
death in the family) and thus actively change their feelings of annoyance into empathy. On the
other hand, if the adventure tour leaders have used active deep acting to deal with difficult
clients a few times before, they may start to internalise the deep acting so that the
management of emotions becomes automatic and ‘unconscious’. In other words, the
adventure tour leaders, when faced with a difficult client, may now use passive deep acting to
change their initial annoyance into empathy without consciously being aware of this
happening. It should be noted, however, that Hochschild (1983) believed that passive deep
acting, like surface acting and active deep acting, still required a certain amount of exertion
from the employee performing the emotional labour. Hence, while the employee may
spontaneously express organisationally desired emotions, it seems like passive deep acting
still contains an element of ‘acting’ rather than representing ‘pure’ genuine emotion display
(Hochschild 1983).

Similar notions of passive deep acting came out of research conducted by Ashforth and
Humphrey (1993) who examined the emotional labour and identity of workers in service
roles. Unlike Hochschild’s suggestion that passive deep acting requires an element of acting,
however, Ashforth and Humphrey (1993) proposed that it is possible for employees to express
natural emotions on the job without necessarily having to apply any form of acting. From this
perspective, genuine emotion display represents a third dimension of emotional labour (in
addition to surface acting and deep acting) because there may be cases where employees

32
genuinely and spontaneously experience and display organisationally expected emotions,
without having to apply surface or deep acting (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993). For example,
adventure tour leaders may naturally feel empathy for a client who is afraid of doing an abseil
for the first time. Thus, there would be no need for the adventure tour leaders to manage their
emotions through surface or deep acting in order to display this feeling of empathy to the
client.

Consistent with Ashforth and Humphrey’s proposal, Diefendorff, Croyle and Gosserand’s
(2005) study on the dimensionality and antecedents of emotional labour strategies showed
that the expression of genuinely felt emotions represents a distinct third option that employees
can use to meet display rules sanctioned by the employer. Correspondingly, Martinez-Inigo et
al. (2007, p. 32) applied a third dimension of emotional labour in their study on emotional
labour and emotional exhaustion which they called ‘automatic regulation’ and defined as ‘the
automatic display of an organizationally desired emotion deriving from an emotion that is
spontaneously felt’. Furthermore, Tews and Glomb (2003), although omitting deep acting as a
dimension of emotional labour in their study on emotional labour and personality, supported
the notion of what they called ‘genuine emotional expression’ as a dimension of emotional
labour. Hence, there is a number of researchers who have defined genuine emotion display as
a dimension of emotional labour.

There are other researchers, however, who have suggested that genuine emotion display
cannot be considered a dimension of emotional labour. Van Dijk, Smith and Cooper (2011),
for instance, pointed out that since the expression of genuine or natural emotions does not
require any emotion management, genuine emotion display cannot be considered as ‘acting’
per se. From this perspective, Martinez-Inigo et al.’s (2007) notion of automatic regulation is
somewhat problematic given that it would be unnecessary to regulate an emotion that is
spontaneously felt and automatically displayed to clients in accordance with organisational
display rules. Another argument that is often put forward to exclude genuine emotion display
as a dimension of emotional labour is that it does not involve the experience of emotional
dissonance (Mann 1999), which refers to a state of emotional discomfort that employees
might experience as a result of incongruence between their displayed and genuine emotions
(Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Van Dijk & Brown 2006; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007). This
perception that genuine emotion display is not a dimension of emotional labour is contrary to
the viewpoint of some other authors, who have argued that genuine emotion display is a

33
dimension of emotional labour because it contributes to the adherence of organisational
display rules (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Tews & Glomb 2003).

Furthermore, Kruml and Geddes’ (2000) findings suggested that there are two dimensions of
emotional labour: emotional effort (similar to Hochschild’s active deep acting) and emotive
dissonance. The latter dimension placed Hochschild’s surface acting and passive deep acting
on opposite ends of a continuum ranging from high emotive dissonance (high level of surface
acting) to low emotive dissonance (high level of passive deep acting) (Kruml & Geddes
2000). Chu and Murrmann (2006), on the other hand, while identifying the same two
dimensions of emotional labour as Kruml and Geddes (emotional effort and emotive
dissonance), found what they considered to be a better model fit when measuring emotive
dissonance as two separate factors (surface acting and genuine acting) rather than as one
composite factor (high surface acting versus high genuine acting). The debate as to whether
genuine emotion display should be included as a dimension of emotional labour is ongoing.

For the purpose of this thesis and in keeping with research conducted by Van Dijk, Smith and
Cooper (2011), Mann (1999) and Brotheridge and Lee (1998; 2003), the dimensions of
emotional labour are defined to be surface acting and deep acting. This is because surface
acting and deep acting involve ‘acting’ which, in turn, represents the core of the emotional
labour construct as it is defined in this study. Recalling the discussion in subsection 2.2.1 of
this thesis, emotional labour is defined as the management of feelings that workers carry out
in order to display the appropriate emotions to their clients. Hence, genuine emotion display is
not considered to be a dimension of emotional labour in this study because showing one’s
genuine emotions to clients does not contain an ‘acting’ element and thus does not require any
management of employees’ emotions. For instance, adventure tour leaders who feel excited
that clients completed a task and display this feeling of excitement to the clients are, by
definition, not performing emotional labour since there is no acting involved and the feeling
of excitement does not need to be managed before it is displayed. Another reason why surface
acting and deep acting are taken as the dimensions of emotional labour in this study, unlike
genuine emotion display, is because deep acting does not involve emotional dissonance.
Adventure tour leaders who feel enthusiastic and display this feeling to clients, for example,
do not experience a state of emotional discomfort as a result of emotional dissonance since
their genuine emotions are congruent with the displayed emotions.

34
In addition to the discussion about display of genuine emotions, a number of researchers have
proposed that emotional dissonance is a dimension of emotional labour. Morris and Feldman
(1996a), for example, suggested that emotional labour had four dimensions: 1) frequency of
interactions between service workers and clients; 2) attentiveness (involving intensity and
duration of interactions); 3) variety of emotions required; and 4) emotional dissonance.
Accordingly, many other researchers have measured emotional dissonance (often instead of
surface acting) as a dimension of emotional labour in their studies (Abraham 1998; Kruml &
Geddes 1998; Zerbe 1998). In an attempt to reconceptualise emotional labour in a new way,
however, Grandey (2000, p. 97) pointed out that emotional dissonance is a ‘state of being,
rather than an effortful process’ and, as such, emotional dissonance is an affective state of
tension between felt and required emotions rather than a dimension of emotional labour.
Regarding the other three emotional labour dimensions (frequency, attentiveness, and variety)
that were proposed by Morris and Feldman (1996a), Grandey (2000) suggested that these
represent situational antecedents rather than dimensions of emotional labour since they may
increase the likelihood of workers to perform surface or deep acting. Employees who
experience frequent interactions with clients (e.g. supermarket attendants), for instance, may
perform more emotional labour than employees who experience less frequent interactions
with clients (e.g. manufacturing workers).

Consistent with this view and building on Grandey’s (2000, 2003) research, Rubin et al.
(2005) proposed that perceived emotional dissonance (caused by a difference between
perceived expected emotions and genuine emotions) is an important precursor to emotional
labour in the sense that it represents the affective state of tension which is needed for the
behavioural response of emotional labour to occur. Rubin et al. (2005) also agreed with
Grandey, that frequency, duration and variety represented situational factors rather than
dimensions of emotional labour. Brotheridge and Lee (1998; 2003) shared this view of
emotional labour as a process rather than an emotional state and maintained that the main two
dimensions of emotional labour are surface acting and deep acting, with the four dimensions
of frequency, duration, intensity, and variety functioning as situational factors in their model.
Yet, Hartel, Hsu and Boyle (2001, 2002) as well as Van Dijk and Kirk-Brown (2007),
seemingly contrary to Rubin et al.’s (2005) suggestion that emotional dissonance is a
precursor to emotional labour, proposed that emotional dissonance (caused by a difference
between displayed emotions and genuine emotions) is an outcome of emotional labour.

35
As will be seen in subsection 2.2.4 of this thesis, which further unravels the relationships
between emotional dissonance and emotional labour, it is possible that researchers who
consider emotional dissonance as a precursor to emotional labour and researchers who regard
emotional dissonance as an outcome of emotional labour are both partly right, depending on
how emotional dissonance is defined. Accordingly, and in line with research conducted by
Grandey (2000), Rubin et al. (2005), Hartel, Hsu and Boyle (2001, 2002), and Van Dijk and
Kirk (2007), this study defines emotional dissonance as being both a precursor to and an
outcome of emotional labour rather than a dimension of emotional labour (see subsection
2.2.4).

2.2.3 Surface Acting and Deep Acting


The distinction between the surface acting and deep acting dimensions of emotional labour is
important because each dimension suggests an essentially different internal state that could
have differential effects on employees’ well-being and therefore would require emotional
effort in different forms (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Brotheridge & Lee 2003). Surface acting
is generally believed to be the most draining for employees as this type of emotional labour
entails the largest amount of emotional dissonance (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Van Dijk &
Brown 2006; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007). Zammuner and Galli (2005, pp. 283-284) shed
some more light on why this might be so:

…frequent surface acting is a psychologically ‘unproductive’, dysfunctional regulation process


in that, instead of reducing emotional dissonance (between the felt and prescribed emotion), it
aggravates it because the worker expresses an ‘untrue’, ‘false’ emotion (dissonant with the felt
one), causing distress and psychological ill-being. Instead, the worker’s activation of deep
acting, a process of intrapsychic regulation whose goal is to feel the context-required emotions,
not only is effective in reducing emotional dissonance but facilitates the ongoing social
exchange, making it both subjectively more pleasant, and more in line with the organization’s
prescriptions.

Consistent with this quote, Zammuner and Galli (2005) suggested that surface acting triggers
a ‘vicious’ circle of emotion regulation, while deep acting triggers a ‘virtuous’ circle of
emotion regulation. In other words, while surface acting leads to negative outcomes and
increased emotional dissonance, deep acting leads to positive outcomes and decreased
emotional dissonance (Zammuner & Galli 2005). Given the difference in emotional
dissonance between the two types of emotional labour, then, several researchers (Diefendorff,
Croyle & Gosserand 2005; Grayson 1998; Kruml & Geddes 2000) have suggested that while
surface acting could convey a sense of inauthenticity of self in employees, deep acting could

36
convey a sense of authenticity of self in workers (a link discussed in more detail in subsection
2.2.5).

One example of surface acting occurs when employees put on a ‘mask’ of calm in a
potentially dangerous situation when, in reality, they are feeling afraid. In this case, the
employees would manufacture a feeling of calm while simultaneously hiding their fear. One
example of deep acting is when employees, although initially feeling scared in a potentially
dangerous situation, manage to change their feelings of fear into calm by repeating in their
mind that they feel calm and in control of the situation. As opposed to surface acting,
however, there are many different methods or ways of performing deep acting (see Table 2.1).

Surface acting and deep acting were conceptualised as discrete categories in this study
because, according to the literature, they have differential effects on employee outcomes, such
as job attitudes and psychological well-being (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Brotheridge & Lee
2003). Thus, it makes sense to examine surface acting and deep acting separately rather than
examining emotional labour as a whole since deep acting generally is considered to be a more
productive and less taxing strategy for employees to manage their emotions than surface
acting (Zammuner & Galli 2005). From a longitudinal perspective (i.e. when examined over
an extended period of time), however, it is likely that emotional labour could be better
envisaged as a continuum (Brotheridge & Lee 2002). Figure 2.1 shows that emotional labour
could be envisioned as a continuum ranging from surface acting, through deep acting, to
genuine emotion display. Using employees who have recently been hired as adventure tour
leaders with limited experience in the occupation as an example, it is likely that they initially
would perform surface acting since this is perceived to be the ‘simplest’ type of emotional
labour which requires limited emotional competence (McShane, McShane & Travaglione
2007). The drawback, however, is that surface acting involves the display of emotions that are
not generally felt and the suppression of genuine emotions that are inappropriate to display
(Ashforth & Humphrey 1993). This, in turn, could lead to a high level of emotional
dissonance with the associated negative feeling of inauthenticity of self (Van Dijk & Brown
2006; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007).

37
Table 2.1 Methods of Performing Deep Acting
Method of Description Example
Deep Acting
Attentional Thinking about events that call up - Singers who are passionate about opera
deployment feelings that one needs to interact whistle arias while serving customers in
with clients in a particular situation a coffee house to help them feel good
– known as ‘method acting’ in and express positive emotions at work.
theatre. Involves changing the
focus of personal thoughts.
Cognitive change Perceiving a particular situation in - Flight attendants reappraise difficult
a different way so that negative passengers as children to avoid
emotional impact is reduced. becoming angry with their infantile
Involves changing appraisals of the behaviours.
external situation. - Busy office workers reappraise work
events as challenging rather than
stressful.
Imagery Imagining oneself handling a - Supermarket attendants imagine
particularly challenging situation in themselves smiling and conversing in a
an exemplary manner. genuinely friendly manner with
annoying customers.
Mantras Repeating mantras for oneself that - Adventure tour leaders who are scared
help generate the emotions when a thunderstorm approaches during
necessary for a particular situation. a rock climb may repeat in their mind a
mantra such as ‘I feel calm, strong and
relaxed’.
Rationalisation Trying to come up with an - Adventure tour leaders imagine that a
understandable reason as to why particularly difficult client had a very
clients are behaving like they do in bad day (e.g. death in the family, health
order to understand their problems).
motivation.
Underlying Generating the emotions needed - Adventure tour leaders who normally are
motivation for a particular situation based on not particularly excited to see a
an underlying motivation, such as threatened animal species that they have
helping others, contributing to spotted numerous times before, show
making people happy, or being a genuine enthusiasm toward clients when
compassionate human being. spotting this animal. They show
enthusiasm because this may be the only
chance the clients have to take part in
such a unique and wondrous experience.
(Adapted from Folkman & Lazarus 1991; Grandey 2000; Gross 1998b; Hochschild 1983;
Lane, Seskevich & Pieper 2007; Lazarus 1991; Stanislavski 1965).

38
Time
Internalising Experience

SA DA GE
 High emotional  No or low emotional  No emotional
dissonance dissonance dissonance
 Feel inauthentic  Feel mostly authentic  Feel authentic

Figure 2.1 Emotional Labour as a Continuum


SA = surface acting; DA = deep acting; GE = genuine emotion display.

Over time, however, as the employees gain more experience in the field, they may start to
internalise the emotions that are required to be displayed to clients (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000;
Van Maanen & Kunda 1989). What this means in practice is that, due to the discomfort of
emotional dissonance and the feeling of inauthenticity of self that comes with surface acting,
there may be a certain pressure for the employees to align their genuine emotions with the
required emotions (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000). In other words,
the employees may internalise the emotions that are required by the job through deep acting,
where they make an effort to change their true emotions into the required emotions
(Collishaw, Dyer & Boies 2008; Grandey 2003; Grandey et al. 2005; Van Dijk, Smith &
Cooper 2011). By performing deep acting then, emotional dissonance could be reduced or
completely eliminated, with the result that the employees feel mostly authentic (i.e. a more
authentic sense of self) (Brotheridge & Grandey 2002; Brotheridge & Lee 2002). Deep acting
generally requires more advanced emotional competence than surface acting (Brotheridge
2006a) and, while the ability to deep act may be partly inherent (Dubrin, Dalglish & Miller
2006), formal training is likely to enhance the employees’ skills level and effectiveness in
performing this type of emotional labour (Anderson 1993; Brotheridge 2006b; Grandey
2003).

After many years of gaining experience in the job as adventure tour leaders, the employees
may come to a point where they generally do not perform emotional labour anymore. At this
stage, the employees may display their genuine emotions to clients without first going through
the process of managing these emotions as they already match the required emotions. This

39
genuine emotion display, in turn, makes the employees feel authentic (i.e. an authentic sense
of self) since there is no emotional dissonance present. That is, the emotions that the
employees display to clients represent what they genuinely feel on the inside (Brotheridge &
Grandey 2002; Chu & Murrmann 2006; Diefendorff, Croyle & Gosserand 2005).

It is acknowledged, however, that people who get hired as adventure tour leaders could be
positioned at any point along the continuum in Figure 2.1 depending on the composition of
their previous experience and emotional competence. For example, employees who have a
great deal of experience from working in client service roles and then get hired as adventure
tour leaders may already be quite competent at performing deep acting on the job.
Additionally, it is possible for employees to ‘jump’ along the continuum, thereby applying
surface acting, deep acting, or genuine emotion display depending on situational
circumstances (e.g. experienced adventure tour leaders may occasionally perform surface
acting due to factors such as fatigue, time pressure or emergencies).

One recent study of the emotional labour of massage therapists and body work practitioners
offers some support for the notion of an emotional labour continuum (Blau et al. 2010).
According to Blau et al. (2010, pp. 192–3), there are five dimensions of emotional labour,
including: 1) basic surface acting (BSA, defined as ‘changing one’s display but not the felt
emotion’); 2) challenged surface acting (CSA, defined as ‘changing one’s display but not the
felt emotion when dealing with a difficult client’); 3) basic deep acting (BDA, defined as
‘changing one’s display and also the felt emotion’); 4) perspective taking deep acting (PTDA,
defined as ‘changing one’s display and also the felt emotion by taking the customer’s point of
view’; based on cognitive change); and 5) positive refocus deep acting (PRDA, defined as
‘changing one’s display and also the felt emotion by going beyond a difficult client to find
something positive’; based on attentional deployment). These five dimensions can be
arranged from BSA (which they considered the ‘easiest’ form of emotional labour to perform
but with most negative outcomes), through CSA, BDA and PTDA, to PRDA (which they
considered the ‘hardest’ form of emotional labour to perform but with most positive
outcomes) (Blau et al. 2010). Blau et al.’s (2010) study, however, was exploratory and not
longitudinal in nature. Hence, as noted by Brotheridge and Lee (2002), more longitudinal
research is needed to examine how emotional labour evolves over time when it comes to
surface acting, deep acting, and genuine emotion display.

40
2.2.4 Emotional Dissonance and Emotional Labour
In the emotional labour literature there is some confusion in relation to how the concept of
emotional dissonance relates to emotional labour. In the words of Van Dijk and Kirk-Brown
(2007, p. 167): ‘Emotional dissonance has been “loosely” defined in academic research to
date’. From their perspective, it is conceivable that the concept of emotional dissonance is just
‘an incomplete re-definition and application of a construct with a well-established history’,
namely cognitive dissonance. Cognitive dissonance was introduced by Leon Festinger (1957)
over fifty years ago and refers to an inharmonious state that individuals may experience as a
result of behaving or saying something that is divergent from their beliefs, attitudes, values or
feelings (Harmon-Jones & Mills 1999; Van Dijk & Brown 2006). According to Van Dijk and
Kirk-Brown (2007), emotional dissonance may be a misnomer which, in reality, merely
corresponds to the affective consequences of cognitive dissonance. This is because the use of
cognitive management coping techniques (such as viewing obstinate clients as children unable
to exert self-control in order to prevent anger from emerging) could be used to manage the
state of emotional dissonance (Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007).

However, Van Dijk and Kirk-Brown (2007) did not clarify in their paper how, exactly, they
imagine that the relationship between cognitive dissonance and emotional dissonance
operates. Indeed, Van Dijk and Kirk-Brown noted that there is a rich research area when it
comes to examining distinctions between cognitive dissonance and emotional dissonance and
their consequences. Thus, it is clear that more research is needed to unravel the relationship
between cognitive dissonance and emotional dissonance. It is outside the scope of this thesis,
however, to examine this relationship in any more depth than to acknowledge that there may
be a link between the two theoretical constructs.

On a different note, as mentioned in subsection 2.2.2, some studies have suggested that
emotional dissonance is a dimension of emotional labour (Abraham 1998; Kruml & Geddes
1998; Morris & Feldman 1996a, 1996b; Zerbe 1998). This proposal, however, has later been
refuted by studies maintaining that emotional dissonance is an outcome of emotional labour
and, as such, emotional dissonance and emotional labour are related but distinct constructs
(Hartel, Hsu & Boyle 2001, 2002; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007). From the latter
perspective, emotional dissonance refers to a state of emotional discomfort that employees
might experience during and/or after their performance of emotional labour as a result of
incongruence between their displayed and genuinely felt emotions. Thus, emotional
dissonance can be said to be an outcome of emotional labour. However, one recent study

41
which aimed to reconceptualise the constructs of emotional dissonance and emotional labour
argued that emotional dissonance is a precursor to emotional labour and refers to a state of
discomfort that workers might feel before performing emotional labour when there is a
disconnect between their genuinely felt emotions and emotions that are expected for the job
situation (Rubin et al. 2005).

Zerbe’s (2000) research could explain the discrepancy between different definitions of
emotional dissonance presented by different researchers in the literature. In his study on
emotional dissonance and well-being, Zerbe suggested that there are three types of emotional
disharmony that employees might experience: 1) emotive dissonance (a difference between
genuine and expected emotions); 2) emotive deviance (a difference between displayed and
expected emotions); and 3) emotive faking (a difference between genuine and displayed
emotions) (see Figure 2.2). Emotive dissonance is a precursor of emotional labour because it
occurs before performing emotional labour due to a difference between expected and genuine
feelings. Furthermore, emotive faking is an outcome of emotional labour because it occurs
during/after performing emotional labour due to a difference between genuine feelings and
feelings that are actually being displayed. Finally, emotive deviance generally occurs when
employees display feelings that do not adhere to the expected feelings required by their job
and, thus, they are not performing emotional labour.

1. Emotive Dissonance 2. Emotive Deviance

ED

G D
3. Emotive Faking

Figure 2.2 Three Types of Emotional Disharmony


ED = emotional disharmony; E = expected feelings; G = genuine feelings; D = displayed feelings.
(Adapted from Zerbe 2000).

42
Emotional dissonance as theorised by Hartel, Hsu and Boyle (2001, 2002) and Van Dijk and
Kirk-Brown (2007) (emotional dissonance as an outcome of emotional labour), is thus
equivalent to Zerbe’s (2000) construct of emotive faking. Rubin et al.’s (2005) understanding
of emotional dissonance (emotional dissonance as a precursor to emotional labour), on the
other hand, is equal to Zerbe’s construct of emotive dissonance. For the purpose of this study,
emotional dissonance will be defined as follows as it relates to emotional labour:

Emotional dissonance is an affective state of emotional discomfort that employees might


experience as a result of incongruence between their genuine and displayed emotions and/or
between their genuine and expected emotions (Adapted from Zerbe 2000).

This definition of emotional dissonance incorporates both Zerbe’s (2000) constructs of


emotive faking and emotive dissonance, depicted in Figure 2.2. As such, the emotive faking
component of emotional dissonance as it is defined here may occur as a result of performing
surface acting (which leads to a state of emotional disharmony arising from a difference
between genuine and displayed emotions). On the other hand, the emotive dissonance part of
emotional dissonance as it is defined in this thesis may work as a motivating force to perform
either surface acting or deep acting in an attempt to deal with a state of emotional disharmony
occurring due to a difference between genuine and expected emotions. For example, the
employer may expect employees to be empathetic when interacting with difficult clients, even
if the employees feel annoyed with the clients. This expectation of the employer, in turn, may
motivate employees to perform surface acting or deep acting as a means of adhering to the
expected behaviour. This means that emotional dissonance in this study is regarded as being
both a precursor to emotional labour (surface acting and deep acting) and an outcome of
emotional labour (surface acting). The reason that emotive deviance in Figure 2.2 is not
included in the definition of emotional dissonance is that this type of emotional disharmony is
generally not present within the individual when performing either surface acting or deep
acting. This is because most employees, when performing emotional labour, would try to
conform to their job role by displaying the emotions that they perceive their employers expect
them to display (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000).

2.2.5 Authenticity of Self and Emotional Labour


Although the concept of authenticity as it relates to the perception of self is quite elusive and
has been mobilised in different ways within different disciplines (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000;
Hochschild 1983; Zerbe 2000), the concept in this thesis is examined more narrowly in
relation to: 1) the feeling of emotional dissonance that is associated with the performance of

43
emotional labour; and 2) the identification with one’s job role. In regards to the former, the
literature on emotional labour uses the terms ‘authenticity’ and ‘authenticity of self’
interchangeably. In this thesis, however, the term ‘authenticity of self’ is applied when
examining the subject of emotional labour. When it comes to the latter, the term ‘self-
authenticity’ appears to be the most prominent term used in the literature on identity.
Consequently, this term is applied in this thesis when examining the topic of identity.

Two prominent researchers that have examined the concept of authenticity in some detail are
Ashforth and Tomiuk (2000), who suggest that there are two levels of authenticity: surface
authenticity and deep authenticity. Surface authenticity refers to a feeling of authenticity of
self that occurs within individuals as a result of congruence between their genuinely felt and
displayed feelings in a service encounter. Deep authenticity is concerned with a feeling of
self-authenticity that individuals experience when their emotional display is consistent with
the display rules of a particular role that they identify with (e.g. adventure tour leader) –
regardless of whether this emotional display reflects their current feelings. In this instance, the
workers have internalised (or wish to internalise) their job role as a reflection of self and,
therefore, they can experience deep authenticity (displayed emotions = expected emotions
relating to a job role one identifies with) without necessarily experiencing surface authenticity
(genuine emotions = displayed emotions) at the same time (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000). Figure
2.3 illustrates how Ashforth and Tomiuk (2000, p. 196) envisage the relationships between
surface authenticity and deep authenticity. It shows that employees who identify with their job
role (1A) experience deep authenticity, while employees who do not identify with their job
role (1B) experience deep inauthenticity. This deep level of authenticity, however, is
conceptually independent from the surface level of authenticity (i.e. employees who
experience deep authenticity do not necessarily experience surface authenticity). As such,
Figure 2.3 also shows that employees can experience deep authenticity or deep inauthenticity
regardless of whether their displayed emotions reflect display rules (expected emotions) (2A)
or not (2B), and regardless of whether their displayed emotions reflect their genuine emotions
(3A and 3C – leads to surface authenticity) or not (3B and 3D – leads to surface
inauthenticity).

44
Cue role identity:
1. Do I identify with the role?

1A 1B

Yes: Deep authenticity No: Deep inauthenticity

2. Do my displayed emotions in this situation reflect display rules?

2A 2B

Yes: Role conformity No: Role nonconformity

3. Do my displayed emotions 3. Do my displayed emotions


in this situation reflect my in this situation reflect my
experience of emotions? experience of emotions?

3A 3B 3C 3D

Yes: No: Yes: No:


Surface Surface Surface Surface
authenticity inauthenticity authenticity inauthenticity
(‘faking in good/ (faking on behalf of
bad faith’) another agenda)

Figure 2.3 The Relationship between Role Identification and Levels of Authenticity
(Source: Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000, p. 196).

45
Moreover, Figure 2.3 shows that employees who surface act may do so in good or bad faith
depending on whether they identify with the job role (and its associated display rules) or not.
If employees identify with the role (1A), they can use deep acting (3A) or surface acting (3B)
to conform to the role and thus uphold the valued role identity (2A). On the other hand, if
employees do not identify with the role, they can still apply deep acting (3A) or surface acting
(3B) to meet performance obligations of the job – that is, to conform to the role (2A) without
identifying with the role (1B). Employees may also be ‘faking on behalf of another agenda’
(3D). In this case, the employees would not manage their emotions in order to conform to the
role with the result that the emotions that are displayed differ from the emotions that are
expected from the role (2B). Even though faking on behalf of another agenda tends to be
relatively rare, role non-conformity (3C and 3D) could occur in some situations. For example,
employees may try to insult clients in order to get back at their employer, or employees may
fake a feeling of impatience so that clients will not ask questions.

While Ashforth and Tomiuk’s (2000) introduction of the terms surface authenticity and deep
authenticity has made a valuable contribution to the literature, there appears to be some
ambiguity in their research when it comes to the difference between identifying with the role
(which leads to deep authenticity or, alternatively, deep inauthenticity) and conforming to the
role (which leads to role conformity or, alternatively, role nonconformity). On the one hand,
Ashforth and Tomiuk (2000, p. 195) describe deep authenticity as occurring when ‘one’s
emotional expression or display is consistent with the display rules of a specific identity that
one has internalized (or wants to internalize) as a reflection of self’. On the other hand,
however, Ashforth and Tomiuk’s definition of deep authenticity would appear to contradict
their portrayal of deep authenticity as presented in Figure 2.3. According to Figure 2.3,
employees who identify with their job role do not necessarily have to display emotions that
are consistent with the display rules of the job identity that they have internalised. In fact, if
Ashforth and Tomiuk’s definition of deep authenticity is true, they would need to remove
option 2B from their model in Figure 2.3. However, since it is fully possible, for example, for
adventure tour leaders who identify with their job role (1A deep authenticity) to display a
feeling to clients that is not reflecting expected feelings in the form of display rules (2B), such
as grumpiness, due to having a grudge with their employer, removing option 2B from the
model would be pointless. This displayed feeling of grumpiness, in turn, may represent a
reflection of the adventure tour leaders’ genuine feelings (3C – leads to surface authenticity,
e.g. they are truly feeling grumpy with clients) or stand in opposition to the adventure tour

46
leaders’ genuine feelings (3D – leads to surface inauthenticity; e.g. they feel empathetic with
clients but are faking a feeling of grumpiness to get back at the employer).

Another shortcoming of Ashforth and Tomiuk’s (2000) study is that, while it is mentioned
that emotional dissonance can occur when one’s displayed emotions differ from one’s
genuine emotions (similar to Zerbe’s emotive faking in subsection 2.2.4), they may not have
been aware of Zerbe’s (2000) notion of emotive dissonance (which may occur when one’s
genuine emotions are different from expected emotions) when they wrote up their research.
As a result, Ashforth and Tomiuk do not clearly distinguish between deep acting and genuine
emotion display in their study as the emotional dissonance (Zerbe’s emotive dissonance)
involved with performance of deep acting is not taken into consideration. Hence, Asforth and
Tomiuk’s definition of emotional dissonance is different from the definition that is used in
this thesis.

According to Ashforth and Tomiuk (2000), performance of deep acting leads to surface
authenticity because there is no difference between employees’ genuine emotions and their
displayed emotions and thus no emotional dissonance. Performance of surface acting, on the
other hand, leads to surface inauthenticity because this type of emotional labour results in
emotional dissonance due to a difference between genuine emotions and displayed emotions
(Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000). In this connection, Ashforth and Tomiuk (2000) propose that
emotional dissonance (with its associated feeling of surface inauthenticity brought about as a
result of performing surface acting) would be higher if an employee does not identify with the
job role (deep inauthenticity) than if an employee does identify with the job role (deep
authenticity). Hence, adventure tour leaders who are performing surface acting are likely to
experience higher levels of emotional dissonance if they do not identity with the job role than
if they do identify with the job role.

Yet, while Ashforth and Tomiuk (2000) believe that non-identification with the job role could
enhance the emotional dissonance that is felt as a result of performing surface acting, they do
not argue that non-identification with the job role could generate emotional dissonance by
itself, despite the notion that employees may experience a feeling of deep inauthenticity when
they do not identify with the job role. The authors justify this view by referring to their
definition of emotional dissonance as occurring when one’s genuine emotions differ from
one’s displayed emotions. According to Burke and Stets (2009), however, individuals who do
not identify with a particular role (e.g. the job role of an adventure tour leader) may

47
experience a negative feeling of self-inauthenticity due to a discrepancy between who they
believe they are as a person and the role they need to take on to be successful in their job.
This, in turn, indicates that individuals may be experiencing a state of emotional disharmony
due to this difference between who they believe they are as a person and the job role that they
occupy. One question in this connection is whether the emotional disharmony that individuals
may experience as a result of non-identification with the job role is the same or different to
the emotional dissonance that may occur as a result of displaying emotions that are different
from one’s genuine emotions (surface acting).

While Hochschild’s concept of surface acting is mentioned in Burke and Stets’s (2009) book
on identity theory as generating some negative feelings of inauthenticity of self, they do not
specify whether this inauthenticity of self is the same as the self-inauthenticity that may occur
as a result of non-identification with the job role. Similarly, Brotheridge and Lee (2002)
suggest that surface acting does not permit the authentic expression of self because it involves
the display of an emotional façade. Even so, they do not explain in any detail how surface
acting and non-identification of the job role may be related to each other. Whereas more
research is needed in this area, this study views the emotional dissonance that evolves from
surface acting (which leads to surface inauthenticity) as being separate to the emotional
disharmony that is brought about as a result of non-identification with the job role (which
leads to deep inauthenticity). This view is consistent with Asforth and Tomiuk’s (2000)
notion of surface authenticity and deep authenticity. It opens up the possibility that, although
one’s genuine emotions would normally reflect what one considers to be one’s true self, this
is not always the case. For instance, there may be situations in which individuals genuinely
feel angry, despite generally regarding themselves as being calm and composed. For the
purpose of this study then, the emotional disharmony that is linked to non-identification with
the job role is referred to as deep emotional dissonance, while the emotional dissonance that is
associated with surface acting (and to a lesser extent deep acting) is referred to as surface
emotional dissonance. Section 2.6 will explore the concept of identity in more detail.

2.2.6 Antecedents and Outcomes of Emotional Labour


Figure 2.4 depicts an overview of research conducted on the antecedents and outcomes of
emotional labour. It shows that a range of situational, organisational and individual factors
could predict the level of emotional labour (surface acting and deep acting) that employees
perform on the job. Emotional labour, in turn, could lead to a number of outcomes relating to
job attitudes, health and psychological well-being, and job-related behaviours. Each of the

48
antecedents and outcomes presented in Figure 2.4 are covered in more detail in the following
paragraphs. It is acknowledged that the overview in Figure 2.4 may not be exhaustive – other
antecedents and outcomes of emotional labour may exist. Yet, in order to present a general
idea of what the predictors and consequences of emotional labour might be, the overview in
Figure 2.4 was created based on what was considered to be the most prominent and
empirically sound research conducted within the area of emotional labour to date.

While the relationships between the antecedents and outcomes of emotional labour are
presented in a linear fashion in Figure 2.4 for practical reasons, these relationships in reality
may be much more complex. For example, some of the antecedents, such as emotional
intelligence, may have an indirect rather than direct effect on emotional labour (Brotheridge
2006a). Some antecedents of emotional labour may also serve as outcomes of emotional
labour; for instance, role internalisation, which refers to the degree to which workers identify
with the job, could be regarded as both an outcome and an antecedent (individual factor) of
emotional labour since employees’ role internalisation may change during the course of
performing emotional labour (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Rubin et al. 2005).

49
Antecedents of EL Outcomes of EL
 Situational factors  Job attitudes
- Display rules - job satisfaction
- Emotional demands of - cynicism
EL
the job - turnover intention
→ intensity  Surface - organisational
→ duration acting commitment
→ frequency  Deep  Health and psychological
→ variety acting well-being
 Organisational factors - job stress/
- job control and psychological distress
autonomy - self-esteem
- job routineness - role ambiguity/conflict
- supervisor/co-worker - physical symptoms
support - burnout
 Individual factors → emotional
- positive/negative exhaustion
affectivity → depersonalisation
- self-monitoring → personal
- cultural values accomplishment
- personality (Big Five)  Job-related behaviours
- gender - turnover
- role internalisation - performance
- previous experience and
training
- trait/ability emotional
intelligence

Figure 2.4 The Antecedents and Outcomes of Emotional Labour


(Adapted from Adelmann 1989; Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Bono & Vey 2005; Brotheridge
2006a, 2006b; Brotheridge & Grandey 2002; Brotheridge & Lee 2002, 2003; Grandey 2003;
Hochschild 1983; Johnson & Spector 2007; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009; Lee 2010;
Montgomery et al. 2006; Morris & Feldman 1996a; Naring, Briet & Brouwers 2006; Pugliesi
1999; Rafaeli & Sutton 1989; Rubin et al. 2005; Schaubroeck & Jones 2000; Tews & Glomb
2003; Totterdell & Holman 2003; Van Dijk, Smith & Cooper 2011; Zerbe 2000).

50
Antecedents of Emotional Labour
In the literature, researchers have identified a number of antecedents or predictors of
emotional labour. Probably the most frequently researched predictor of emotional labour
relates to display rules. Bono and Vey (2005), for example, found a statistically significant
positive relationship between explicit display rules and emotional labour. What this means in
practice is that employees tend to perform more emotional labour when display rules are
clearly communicated to them than if the display rules are implicit or absent. The particular
display rules that are required to be followed by employees, however, may be different
depending on the occupation and even the individual organisation. This is because cultural,
professional, personal, and situational sources of display rules may be different in different
contexts (Ekman & Friesen 1975; Jones & Best 1995). For example, while supermarket
attendants may be expected to be friendly and agreeable, debt collectors may be expected to
be stern and uncompromising. Whilst Brotheridge (2006b) expressed a need for more research
to be conducted on the relative importance of cultural, professional, personal and situational
sources of display rules, some studies have compared emotional labour performance in
different occupations to each other. Brotheridge and Grandey (2002), for instance, found that
sales clerks performed more surface acting than nurses, office clerks and manual labourers; on
the other hand, nurses performed more deep acting than sales clerks, office clerks and manual
labourers (Brotheridge & Grandey 2002). These findings support the notion that different
occupations may have different display rules which result in differential performance of
emotional labour by employees.

Other antecedents of emotional labour that could be classified as situational factors include
the emotional demands of the job, which generally refer to the duration and frequency of
service encounters as well as the intensity and variety of emotions that are required to be
expressed as part of a particular job (Morris & Feldman 1996a; Tan et al. 2003). Employees
who are expected to express a variety of emotions that are very intense in frequent encounters
with clients and of a long duration report high levels of emotional labour performance
(Brotheridge & Lee 2002, 2003). Such emotional demands of the job may vary depending on
the nature of the relationships required between employees and clients in an occupation – that
is, whether the service encounters are intense and develop over time or are of a more
ephemeral nature that requires minimal investment of energy into the relationships (Gutek et
al. 1999). For example, adventure tour leaders who interact with clients twenty-four seven on
a week-long kayaking expedition may be required to develop a closer and more personal
relationship with clients than restaurant chefs who interact with clients perhaps only once

51
during a week (e.g. if there are complaints about the food). Accordingly, it is likely that the
adventure tour leaders would perform more emotional labour than the restaurant chefs.

When it comes to job characteristics or organisational factors that may work as predictors of
emotional labour, employees who perceive that they have a high level of control or autonomy
in their job perform significantly less emotional labour (particularly surface acting) and
experience less emotional dissonance than employees who have less control over their job
situation (Bono & Vey 2005). Correspondingly, the more routine employees’ jobs are
(involving less freedom), the more emotional dissonance employees are likely to report (Bono
& Vey 2005). One explanation for these results could be that employees who have more
freedom in their job may choose to limit or shorten interactions with clients or manage the
timing of service interactions in order to avoid frequent performance of emotional labour
(Bono & Vey 2005). It is also possible, however, that employees with higher levels of
autonomy and control in their job are to a larger extent enabled to express their genuine
emotions rather than performing emotional labour. Other organisational factors that have been
explored as antecedents of emotional labour include supervisor support and co-worker
support. However, although support from supervisors and co-workers have been shown to
enhance job satisfaction and team performance and decrease stress and turnover intensions
(Cropanzano et al. 1997; Eisenberger et al. 1997; Howes et al. 1999), findings in regards to
predicting emotional labour are inconclusive to date (Bono & Vey 2005). Hence, more
research is needed to establish the potential impact of supervisor and co-worker support on
emotional labour.

In addition to organisational factors, there are also a number of individual factors that could
influence the degree of emotional labour performed by employees in a particular job (Tews &
Glomb 2003). For example, Bono and Vey (2005) found that while positive affectivity (a
tendency to feel positive emotions) reduced the level of emotional labour performed by
employees, negative affectivity (a tendency to feel negative emotions) increased the degree of
emotional labour performed by workers on the job. Furthermore, Brotheridge and Lee (2002)
found that employees who are high in self-monitoring (i.e. they easily adapt their behaviour to
situational clues) and negative affectivity are more likely to apply surface acting than deep
acting as an emotional labour strategy. In regards to individual characteristics that relate to
cultural differences, Brotheridge and Taylor (2006) showed that employees with collectivist
values (when compared to employees who possess individualistic values) tend to use deep
acting rather than surface acting (Brotheridge & Taylor 2006). Moreover, Judge, Woolf and

52
Hurst’s (2009) study on the relationships between personality and emotional labour that
applied the often-used Big Five model of personality (which includes the five personality trait
dimensions of extroversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism, and openness)
(John, Donahue & Kentle 1991; John, Naumann & Soto 2008) found that emotional labour
(both surface acting and deep acting) is generally more difficult and less rewarding for
introverted individuals than for extroverted individuals.

Regarding role internalisation (the degree to which employees identify with their job role),
workers who comply with organisational display rules over time identify more with the job
role (Asforth & Humphrey 1993). Similarly, longer duration of emotional labour could lead to
greater role internalisation among employees (Morris & Feldman 1997). However, role
internalisation could also be considered as an individual difference variable in that workers
who have internalised their job role are likely to experience less emotional dissonance than
workers who do not identify with their job role (Rubin et al. 2005). Hence, it is likely that role
internalisation could function as both an antecedent and an outcome of emotional labour.
Furthermore, the degree to which employees identify with the organisation in which they
work can also function as a moderator in the emotional labour process. Schaubroeck and
Jones (2000), for example, found that employees who were required to display positive
emotions as part of their job, but who reported low levels of organisational identification,
showed more physical symptoms of illness than employees who reported high levels of
organisational identification. Gender is another individual characteristic that could have an
effect on the level of emotional labour performed by employees (because gender was explored
as a main variable in this study, however, this characteristic will be covered in more detail in
section 2.5).

Employees’ previous experience and training can also be considered as antecedents of


emotional labour. As suggested in Figure 2.1, adventure tour leaders who have more
experience in the job are likely to perform more deep acting than surface acting since the
former generally requires more advanced emotional competence (Brotheridge 2006a). In
addition, the provision of formal training is also likely to enhance adventure tour leaders’
skills level and effectiveness when it comes to performing deep acting in preference for
surface acting on the job (Anderson 1993; Brotheridge 2006b; Grandey 2003). Deep acting is
a less harmful and safer form of emotional labour than surface acting in the occupational
context of adventure tour leading as the performance of surface acting could compromise the
safety and satisfaction of employees and their clients (Bono & Vey 2005; Cordes &

53
Dougherty 1993; Gelade & Young 2005; Grandey 2000; Gross 1998a; Hochschild 1983;
Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009; Volker et al. 2010; Williams & Skinner 2003). While it may be
rare to find ‘pure’ emotional competence training programs within the occupation of
adventure tour leading, most adventure tour leaders probably receive emotion management
training that is integrated into areas such as advanced first aid training, risk management
training, and technical skills training. Thus, it is acknowledged that adventure tour leaders’
prior experience and levels of training could be a mediating factor in relation to their
performance of emotional labour.

One individual characteristic that recently has received particular attention in the emotional
labour literature is emotional intelligence. This could be because emotional intelligence
generally contains a component of emotion management in its construct; as such, it could be
regarded as an important antecedent or prerequisite of emotional labour as employees need to
be competent in managing their emotions in order to perform emotional labour. There is,
however, a range of ways that emotional intelligence has been conceptualised. The first
extensive use of the term emotional intelligence is usually attributed to Payne’s (1986)
doctoral dissertation titled ‘A study of emotion: developing emotional intelligence; self
integration; relating to fear, pain and desire’, although the term previously had appeared in an
incidental manner in a book on literary criticism by Van Ghent (1961) and an in article on
psychiatry by Leuner (1966). In 1990, Salovey and Mayer put forward a definition of
emotional intelligence as ‘the ability to monitor one’s own and others’ feelings, to
discriminate among them and to use this information to guide one’s thinking and actions’ (p.
189). Later, Mayer and Salovey (1997) proposed a definition of emotional intelligence as
comprising the ability to: 1) perceive emotion (involves the perception and identification of
emotions in oneself, others, and various stimuli such as people’s voices, stories, music and art
works); 2) use emotion to facilitate thought (concerns the use of emotions to focus attention
and to think more logically, rationally and creatively); 3) understand emotion (includes the
understanding of emotional language and how emotions combine, progress and transfer from
one to the other); and 4) manage emotion (entails the regulation of moods and emotions in
oneself and others).

Contrary to Mayer and Salovey, Goleman (1995) included motivation in his model of
emotional intelligence. According to Goleman (1995), emotional intelligence consists of the
following five components: 1) emotional awareness (the ability to understand one’s moods,
emotions and needs and their impacts on other people); 2) emotional management (the ability

54
to control impulses, anxiety and to apply a suitable degree of anger to situations); 3)
motivation (the passion to work for intrinsic reasons such as enjoying the task rather than
extrinsic reasons such as money or status); 4) empathy (the ability to attend to the implicit
feelings of other people and to respond according to their emotional reactions); and 5) social
skills (the competency of building and maintaining relationships and support networks with
other people). In his latest model of emotional intelligence, however, Goleman (2001)
regrouped the construct into four categories, including: 1) self-awareness; 2) self-
management; 3) social awareness; and 4) relationship management. These categories are
similar to Goleman’s previous emotional intelligence categories, although motivation is
incorporated into the self-management cluster in his most recent model.

Goleman’s (1995) work, however, has been criticised by Mayer, Salovey and Caruso (2004,
p. 197) for being a popularised ‘tradebook about EI’ containing ‘naïve representations’ that
equate emotional intelligence with ‘zeal and persistence’. According to Mayer, Salovey and
Caruso (2004), their perspective of emotional intelligence takes the terminology more
seriously because they view emotional intelligence as an ability that combines intelligence
and emotion. From this point of view, emotional intelligence can be classified into a group of
so-called ‘hot intelligences’, which refer to social, practical and personal intelligences that
function based on ‘hot cognitions’ that deal with issues of a personal and emotional nature
within individuals (Mayer, Salovey & Caruso 2004, p. 197). Consistent with this ability
perspective of emotional intelligence, a person’s emotional intelligence can be measured
using IQ-like performance tests often referred to as emotional intelligence tests. The
researcher agrees with Mayer, Salovey and Caruso that Goleman’s work appears to be aimed
at an audience of lay people rather than scholarly researchers, which means that his emotional
intelligence categories do not represent rigorous scientific research. Still, it is acknowledged
that Goleman made an important contribution in regards to making the concept of emotional
intelligence known to the public and creating a foundation for further research.

The ability approach of emotional intelligence has received criticism from Brody (2004), who
pointed out that even though people may know how to behave in a particular situation that
involves emotions, they will not necessarily be able to perform the appropriate behaviour. As
such, it is possible that ability emotional intelligence is, in fact, measuring knowledge rather
than ability. Another area that has been intensely debated in the literature is whether
emotional intelligence really can be considered to be an ability (and thus can be learned) or,
conversely, if it could be considered to be a personality trait (and thus is inherent). As noted

55
previously, Mayer, Salovey and Caruso (2004) conceptualise emotional intelligence as an
ability that can be measured, develops over time, and at least to a certain extent may be
enhanced through training. Other researchers (Petrides & Furnham 2001; Petrides, Pita &
Kokkinaki 2007), however, have proposed that emotional intelligence can be considered as a
cluster of self-perceived lower-order personality traits. Instead of measuring emotional
intelligence as an ability through performance tests, then, trait emotional intelligence is
measured through the use of self-report instruments (e.g. Bar-On 1997; Schutte et al. 1998).
This trait approach of emotional intelligence, in turn, has received criticism from various
scholars who have commented that self-report instruments may be susceptible to socially
desirable responding (Matthews, Zeidner & Roberts 2004; Paulhus 2002). Moreover, Daus
and Ashkanasy (2005) have argued that trait emotional intelligence is no more than a re-
constellation of already well-researched personality traits, such as the so-called ‘Big Five’.
Other scholars, however, have suggested that it is to be expected that trait emotional
intelligence, as lower-order personality traits, to a certain extent will relate to higher-order
personality traits contained in hierarchical trait taxonomies like the Big Five (Petrides &
Furnham 2006).

Ability and trait models of emotional intelligence, however, are not necessarily mutually
exclusive, as Zeidner et al. (2003) proposed. Indeed, a recent study conducted by Lee (2010)
applied both ability emotional intelligence and trait emotional intelligence alongside each
other as distinct constructs that showed different relationships with emotional labour. More
specifically, Lee (2010) found that trait emotional intelligence (defined by him as including
various dispositions and self-perceptions, such as happiness, optimism, self-confidence, self-
esteem and stress management) was positively related to emotional consonance (an affective
state that workers may experience when there is no discrepancy between their genuinely felt
emotions and perceived display rules in the workplace – that is, emotional dissonance is
limited or absent). Emotional consonance, in turn, was negatively related to surface acting and
positively related to deep acting (Lee 2010). In other words, people with high levels of trait
emotional intelligence tended to perform more deep acting and less surface acting, which is
most likely because deep acting involves more emotional consonance (and less emotional
dissonance) than surface acting.

Contrary to Lee’s (2010) initial predictions, where emotional dissonance was considered to be
the precondition that motivates employees to perform emotional labour in the first place
(employees who do not experience emotional dissonance may not feel the need to perform

56
emotional labour and may select to display their genuine emotions instead), Lee suggested
that a main finding of his study was that workers who did not experience emotional
dissonance still performed emotional labour through deep acting. This finding, Lee proposed,
showed that emotional dissonance may not be a precondition which motivates workers to
perform emotional labour. It should be noted, however, that other participants in Lee’s study
who did experience emotional dissonance also performed emotional labour. This fact,
together with the exploratory nature of Lee’s study, means that more research needs to be
conducted in this area before any definite conclusions can be made.

When it comes to ability emotional intelligence, Lee (2010) found that this type of emotional
intelligence was negatively related to surface acting and positively related to deep acting,
although these relationships were weak. This means that employees who were highly effective
at regulating their emotions (high ability emotional intelligence) performed more deep acting
than surface acting on the job, while the contrary was true for employees who were less
effective at regulating their emotions (low ability emotional intelligence). In contrast to the
case of trait emotional intelligence, however, ability emotional intelligence was not moderated
by emotional consonance. This could be due to the fundamental difference between trait
emotional intelligence and ability emotional intelligence – whilst the former refers to
perceived dispositions and abilities of regulating one’s emotions, the latter refers to the actual
ability of regulating one’s emotions (Lee 2010). Even though individuals perceive that they
are able to regulate emotions effectively, for example, this does not guarantee that they
actually are able to do so.

Lee’s (2010) study indicated that because people with high levels of trait emotional
intelligence are likely to experience positive feelings and moods (e.g. optimism and self-
confidence) as well as perceiving themselves as being able to regulate their emotions
effectively, they are also more likely to experience high levels of emotional consonance since
they may think that their genuine emotions match display rules. This, in turn, may influence
their choice of emotional labour strategy – people with high levels of emotional consonance
may apply deep acting rather than surface acting (Lee 2010). Furthermore, Lee’s (2010) study
implied that trait emotional intelligence (via emotional consonance) had a stronger influence
than ability emotional intelligence when it comes to making decisions about which strategy of
emotional labour to apply. Ability emotional intelligence, on the other hand, Lee (2010) found
had a significant direct effect on job burnout as an outcome of emotional labour.
Consequently, Lee (2010) concluded that whereas trait emotional intelligence (through self-

57
perceived emotional consonance) may influence the choice of emotional labour strategy,
ability emotional intelligence may help determine the outcomes of emotional labour given
that unsuccessful emotion regulation may generate feelings of inauthenticity of self and poor
interpersonal relationships (Brotheridge & Lee 2002; Grandey 2000; Montgomery et al.
2006).

It should be noted that both trait emotional intelligence and ability emotional intelligence, as
defined by Lee (2010), could be considered as prerequisites to emotional labour and its two
dimensions, surface acting and deep acting. That is, emotional intelligence is a form of
emotional competence that is necessary for individuals to possess (which is the case with trait
emotional intelligence) and/or learn (which is the case with ability emotional intelligence) in
order to perform emotional labour successfully (Lee 2010). While trait emotional intelligence
can be measured using self-report instruments (Bar-On 1997; Schuttle et al. 1998), ability
emotional intelligence can be measured using performance based tests (Mayer, Salovey &
Caruso 2004). In other words, emotional intelligence (trait and ability) differs from emotional
labour (surface and deep acting) since emotional intelligence is a form of competence and
emotional labour is a process that requires high levels of this competence in order to obtain a
positive outcome (i.e. effective performance of emotional labour) (Brotheridge 2006a;
Brotheridge & Lee 2002; Lee 2010).

Similar to Lee’s (2010) study, Brotheridge (2006a) and Brotheridge and Lee (2002) have
found that workers who are emotionally intelligent (ability emotional intelligence) are more
likely to apply deep acting than surface acting when managing their emotions during
interpersonal interactions with clients on the job. This notion is important because deep acting
and surface acting may have differential impacts on outcomes of emotional labour, such as
workers’ well-being and job satisfaction. This, in turn, means that it could be beneficial to
apply emotional intelligence (both trait emotional intelligence and ability emotional
intelligence) as a selection criterion when recruiting and selecting the right candidate for a
job. In this regard, emotional intelligence testing has gained increased interest recently. After
Daniel Goleman’s publication of his book, Emotional Intelligence: Why It Can Matter More
Than IQ, in 1995, the notion of emotional intelligence (measured as EQ) became a more
commonly accepted concept and is today incorporated into many organisations’ selection
processes (Dessler, Griffiths & Lloyd-Walker 2007). There are now a number of different
emotional intelligence tests available, some of which include: the Emotional Competency
Inventory (ECI); the Emotional Competency Index (ECI-2); the Emotional Quotient

58
Inventory (EQ-i); the Emotional Intelligence Questionnaire (EIQ); the Emotional Intelligence
Test (MSCEIT) developed by Mayer, Salovey and Caruso; and the Multidimensional
Emotional Intelligence Assessment (MEIA) based on the MSCEIT (Dessler, Griffiths &
Lloyd-Walker 2007, p. 222).

One advantage that employment tests such as emotional intelligence tests have over other
selection methods is that they generally offer an objective approach and, from a psychometric
perspective, employment tests score relatively high in terms of accuracy (Joseph & Newman
2010; Porter, Bingham & Simmonds 2008). However, employment tests are more reliable
when utilised in conjunction with other selection methods, like interviewing, reference
checks, and study of qualifications and past experience (Compton, Morrissey & Nankervis
2006; Du Plessis 2003). Even so, the relevance of employment tests needs to be carefully
considered in regards to the job applied for, particularly given some criticism that has
emerged in recent years concerning unfair discrimination and bias relating to the use of such
tests (Cherniss 2010; Torrington, Taylor & Hall 2007). In summary, while care needs to be
taken not to apply emotional intelligence testing as the only strategy that is applied to select
the right person for the job, it could prove to be a useful tool for employers in consultation
with other selection strategies such as interviewing and reference checks.

Outcomes of Emotional Labour


In addition to antecedents of emotional labour, there is also a range of possible outcomes of
emotional labour for employees and organisations that have been explored in the literature.
Given that job satisfaction is one of the main variables in this study, this outcome of
emotional labour is critically examined in section 2.3. In regards to job-related attitudes as
outcomes of emotional labour, long-term performance of emotional labour (both surface
acting and deep acting) may increase workers’ cynicism or resentment (Hochschild 1983;
Rubin et al. 2005) which, in turn, could have a detrimental effect on organisational
performance (Bommer & Rubin 2001; Reichers, Wanous & Austin 1997). Similarly, it has
been suggested that long-term emotional labour (both surface acting and deep acting) could
have a negative effect on employees’ turnover intention and organisational commitment
(Rubin et al. 2005). Jones (1998), however, has found that organisational commitment
strongly ameliorated the negative effect of surface acting on employees’ job satisfaction.
Thus, it is possible that organisational commitment could work both as a mediator and an
outcome of emotional labour, although more research is needed in this area, to establish the
complexity of how, exactly, these variables may relate to each other.

59
When it comes to outcomes of emotional labour that relate to health and psychological well-
being, Bono and Vey (2005) found in their meta-analysis of emotional labour literature that
emotional dissonance and surface acting are generally linked with poor psychological health,
such as job stress and psychological distress (Pugliesi 1999), low self-esteem (Adelmann
1989), role ambiguity and role conflict (Zerbe 2000). Bono and Vey’s (2005) meta-analysis
also showed that emotional dissonance and surface acting could cause physical complaints
like headaches (Schaubroeck & Jones 2000). Probably the most researched outcome of
emotional labour, however, is burnout, which consists of three dimensions: emotional
exhaustion, depersonalisation (involves treating clients as objects), and personal
accomplishment (Maslach & Jackson 1981). While some mixed results exist because different
measures of emotional labour have been used, emotional dissonance and surface acting have
been found, in general, to have a positive relationship with emotional exhaustion and
depersonalisation but not personal accomplishment (Bolton 2005; Brotheridge & Lee 2003;
Lee 2010; Montgomery et al. 2006; Naring, Briet & Brouwers 2006; Totterdell & Holman
2003). Deep acting, on the other hand, has generally been found to have a positive
relationship with personal accomplishment (Brotheridge 2006b; Brotheridge & Lee 2002;
Grandey 2003) and a negative relationship with emotional exhaustion and depersonalisation
(Brotheridge & Lee 2002; Johnson & Spector 2007; Lee 2010).

Regarding job-related behaviours, voluntary turnover of employees is likely to increase as a


result of emotional dissonance (Zerbe 2000). When it comes to employee performance and
emotional labour, emotional displays that could be perceived as insincere and inauthentic by
clients could have a negative effect on client service (Grove & Fisk 1989; Rafaeli & Sutton
1989). This finding, in turn, indicates that clients may be more satisfied the more deep acting
and the less surface acting employees perform on the job. However, one recent study
conducted by Van Dijk, Smith and Cooper (2011) shows that visitors in a zoo in many cases
did not detect surface acting as such, but instead perceived that guides were performing deep
acting when they, according to the guides, were performing surface acting. In regards to
visitor outcomes then, Van Dijk, Smith and Cooper (2011) suggest that future research needs
to focus on managing visitor perceptions rather than implementing or developing emotional
labour strategies. While the researcher agrees with Van Dijk, Smith and Cooper that future
research on managing visitor perceptions is necessary, she suggests that research on
implementing and developing emotional labour strategies is also necessary in order to gain a
holistic understanding of emotional labour in the employee-client relationship.

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2.2.7 Situations in which Adventure Tour Leaders Perform Emotional Labour
There is only one researcher to date who has explored the particular situations in which
adventure tour leaders perform emotional labour. Within a canoeing/kayaking context, Sharpe
(2002, 2005b) explored how adventure tour leaders generated ‘communitas’ (a feeling of
equality, community and togetherness) among their clients while simultaneously maintaining
the leisure-oriented qualities of fun, relaxation and freedom of choice. Sharpe (2005a) also
reported that adventure tour leaders applied emotional labour in the following types of
situations on the job: ‘ensuring safety’; ‘generating fun’; and ‘encouraging a sense of
community’ (which corresponds with the notion of generating communitas above). The
discussion that follows is particularly relevant to these three situations as they relate to
Research Objective Three of this thesis, which was to identify the situations in which
adventure tour leaders would apply surface acting and deep acting.

Ensuring safety was, according to adventure tour leaders in Sharpe’s (2005a) study, the most
important priority of the job. Adventure tour leaders reported that they performed emotional
labour in situations where they were required to maintain control over their emotions, such as
during a violent storm when feelings of fear or anxiety might arise. As such, controlling one’s
feelings of fear and anxiety seemed to represent a vital part of what it meant to be a
‘professional’ or a ‘leader’. Only if adventure tour leaders were able to stay calm in
potentially threatening situations would they be perceived as safe and competent leaders by
participants and colleagues. This, in turn, meant that novice leaders needed the ability to act
as if they had the tour under control, although they might actually feel frightened and anxious.
Indeed, maintaining control over the emotions of fear and anxiety was considered to be so
crucial for effective leadership that these emotions were suppressed, even in situations when
attending to these emotions could help to make important decisions regarding the group’s
safety (Sharpe 2005a). In other words, the emotions of fear and anxiety were suppressed
despite their important function of warning adventure tour leaders about potential danger.
This last notion is somewhat paradoxical in the sense that one of the main reasons as to why
leaders would suppress the emotions of fear and anxiety is to ensure the safety of tour
participants. It may well be, however, that the adventure tour leaders in Sharpe’s study were
able to pursue a balanced approach to managing their emotions by using their feelings of fear
to make sound decisions in regards to safety but, at the same time, hiding any signs of this
fear outwardly when interacting with clients.

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When it came to generating fun, adventure tour leaders in Sharpe’s (2005a) study reported
that not all work relating to making tours enjoyable for participants involved emotional
labour. For example, many adventure tour leaders made use of props or other tools to generate
a sense of fun and lightheartedness on tours, such as bringing a Styrofoam chicken with real
feathers, pink flamingos, or wearing Hawaiian shirts. When adventure tour leaders engaged in
emotional labour, however, this tended to happen through the use of expressive role
modelling, where the leaders modelled the behaviour they wished to see from participants
(e.g. telling jokes, smiling, laughing, and playing around). In most cases, this had the effect of
establishing a positive atmosphere and tone for the tour (Sharpe 2005a).

Similarly, adventure tour leaders in Sharpe’s (2005a) study also used expressive role
modelling when trying to encourage a sense of community among participants and
themselves. More specifically, the adventure tour leaders actively encouraged a high level of
interaction and openness among participants by sharing their own feelings, desires and goals
with the group and showing a willingness to listen. In this way, socialising and getting to
know tour participants was considered an important part of the job that was just as crucial as
other job responsibilities that did not directly relate to emotional labour. Some examples of
such job responsibilities included the intellectual and physical work of pre-trip planning,
managing the equipment, delivering basic instruction, and facilitating trip logistics. In some
cases, adventure tour leaders also took on additional socialising tasks by taking on a ‘buddy’
role for participants who for one reason or another had difficulty connecting with other
participants. Overall, when it comes to emotional labour, adventure tour leaders in Sharpe’s
(2005a) study were required to display the emotions of happiness and enjoyment, care and
concern, while suppressing the emotions of fear and anxiety.

In the next section, the focus shifts from the key concept of emotional labour to the other key
concept that is central to this thesis, namely job satisfaction. Given that the overarching aim of
this thesis is to critically examine the relationships of emotional labour and job satisfaction of
adventure tour leaders employed within Australia, the next section offers an overview of
scholarly literature on job satisfaction in the occupational context of adventure tour leading.
Initially, a discussion of the development of job satisfaction as a concept is provided. Then an
overview of the antecedents and outcomes of job satisfaction is presented based on a review
of the scholarly literature. This is followed by a discussion of different ways that job
satisfaction can be measured. Finally, job satisfaction is discussed in the context of adventure
tourism and the occupation of adventure tour leaders.

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2.3 Job Satisfaction in the Context of Adventure Tour Leading

2.3.1 Development of the Concept of Job Satisfaction


Job satisfaction remains one of the most researched topics within organisational behaviour
(Ghazzawi 2008). From Hoppock’s (1935) classic study on job satisfaction, almost every
conceivable aspect of the subject has been investigated (Brayfield & Rothe 1951; Jones &
Sloane 2009; Kaplan et al. 2009; Lambert & Hogan 2009; Locke 1976). The concept of job
satisfaction evolved within the area of organisational behaviour based on earlier research
conducted on topics such as employee boredom, fatigue, and customer satisfaction (Gilbreth
& Gilbreth 1917; Poffenberger 1929; Taylor 1919; Wright 2006; Wyatt 1924, 1929). Whereas
a number of conceptualisations of job satisfaction have been suggested, most researchers
classify job satisfaction as falling into the overarching category of job attitudes (Weiss &
Cropanzano 1996), which also encompasses concepts such as cynicism, turnover intention,
and organisational commitment (see Figure 2.7).

In the early days of attitude research there was considerable debate among scholars in regards
to what constitutes an attitude (Wright 2006), and there is still some discussion in the
literature as to what components should be included or excluded in the attitude concept. A
common way to define an attitude, however, is to refer to it as ‘the cluster of beliefs, assessed
feelings and behavioural intentions toward a person, an object or an event’, where the person,
object or event is referred to as the ‘attitude object’ (McShane, McShane & Travaglione 2007,
p. 107). From this perspective, attitudes have a cognitive component (includes one’s beliefs or
opinions about the attitude object), an affective component (entails one’s positive or negative
judgments of the attitude object), and a behavioural component (represents one’s motivation
to behave in a particular way with respect to the attitude object) (McShane, McShane &
Travaglione 2007; Robbins et al. 2011; Wood et al. 2004). For example, employees who have
a belief that their supervisor is unfair because a colleague was undeservingly promoted
instead of them may develop a negatively evaluated feeling with regards to their supervisor,
as in ‘I dislike my supervisor’. This belief and negatively assessed feeling relating to their
supervisor, in turn, may motivate the employees to start looking for another job to avoid
having to work with their supervisor in the future.

While it is acknowledged that beliefs and behavioural intentions may make up important parts
of an attitude, this study will principally focus on the affective component of attitudes. This is

63
because job satisfaction as an attitude in this study is viewed as a tendency to feel positively
or negatively about one’s job. From this viewpoint and, in accordance with Locke’s (1976, p.
1304) definition of job satisfaction, individuals who are satisfied with their job can be said to
be in ‘a pleasurable or positive emotional state resulting from the appraisal of one’s job or job
experiences’. Hence, even though job satisfaction as an attitude may have both a cognitive
component and an affective component (Eagly & Chaiken 1993; Kaplan et al. 2009), this
study examines the relationships between emotional labour (as opposed to mental labour) and
job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. Thus, the focus will be on the affective rather than
the cognitive component of job satisfaction.

The phenomenon of job satisfaction is closely related to what motivates and de-motivates
employees (Locke 1976). In this connection, Stone (2005) suggested that employee
motivation represents an extremely complex concept that is often difficult to define. This is
due to employee motivation being:

…the product of many interacting factors such as the culture of the organisation, management’s
leadership style, the structure of the organisation, job design, and HR policies and practices. The
employee’s personality, skills, knowledge, abilities and attitudes also play a part (Stone 2005,
p. 412).

Given this complexity of employee motivation as a concept and its link to job satisfaction,
there is a range of motivation theories that need to be considered in this study. In this
connection, a discussion of different content theories and process theories of motivation
follows, along with a discussion of how these theories might be integrated. These particular
motivation theories were included in the context of this study as they are often utilised in
relation to job satisfaction, which represents one of the main variables in this thesis.

Content theories of motivation focus on what needs and motives found within individuals and
their environment could energise and sustain their behaviour (Wood et al. 2006). Maslow’s
(1943, 1954) hierarchy of needs theory is probably the best-known motivation theory in the
literature to date. This theory suggests that people have five different categories of needs that
are arranged in a hierarchy and include: 1) physiological needs (entail biological drives like
the need for food, air, water, shelter, and sex); 2) safety needs (concerned with the need to be
in a safe and non-threatening environment without the threat of physical or psychological
harm); 3) social needs (involve the need for love, affection and a sense of belonging in
relation to other people); 4) esteem needs (involve the need to develop self-respect and to

64
obtain the approval of others); and 5) self-actualisation needs (comprise the desire to fully
develop one’s potential and realise one’s abilities). According to Maslow, in order for a
particular need to be satisfied (e.g. level 2: safety needs), the needs that are ranked as lower in
order in the hierarchy must first be satisfied (e.g. level 1: physiological needs). This means
that levels 1 to 4 in the needs hierarchy must be satisfied before the self-actualisation needs of
level 5 can be met.

Maslow’s needs theory, however, has received substantial criticism in the literature. In their
review of research derived from Maslow’s theory, Wahba and Bridgewell (1976) found little
support for the ranking of needs or the existence of the hierarchy of needs that Maslow
proposed. Hofstede (1984) criticised Maslow’s theory for being ethnocentric (i.e. looking at
the world exclusively from the perspective of one’s own culture). Indeed, it is possible that
people who live in countries that are high on Hofstede’s dimension of uncertainty avoidance,
like Japan and Greece, would rank safety needs higher than self-actualisation needs (Wood et
al. 2006). Similarly, it is conceivable to suggest that employees in countries that are
collectivist-oriented (as opposed to individualist-oriented), such as Pakistan and India, would
rank social needs higher than self-actualisation needs (Cianci & Gambrel 2003). It follows
that while Maslow’s theory could be a useful tool when it comes to identifying different types
of needs that people may have, the order and ranking of needs in his hierarchy can be
questioned. Adventure tour leaders, for instance, may have to ensure that safety needs are met
in an emergency (e.g. get down from a mountain top when a thunderstorm approaches) before
attending to the physiological needs of the group and themselves (e.g. shelter, water and
food).

Alderfer’s (1969) ERG theory is similar to Maslow’s hierarchy of needs theory in that it also
focuses on people’s needs. However, Alderfer’s theory differs from Maslow’s theory in that
he specifies that there are only three types of needs that do not necessarily have to be
activated in any particular order and, additionally, more than one need may be activated at the
same time (Furnham 2005). Alderfer’s (1969) proposed needs are as follows: 1) existence
needs (which correspond to Maslow’s physiological and safety needs); 2) relatedness needs
(which correspond to Maslow’s social needs); and 3) growth needs (which correspond to
Maslow’s esteem and self-actualisation needs). Whilst Alderfer’s theory provides a more
flexible approach to understanding human needs than Maslow’s strict hierarchy, research on
the ERG theory to date is fairly limited (Wood et al. 2006). One early study that looked at the
ERG theory found that people with highly educated parents had higher growth needs, and that

65
women had lower existence needs and higher relatedness needs than men (Alderfer & Guzzo
1979). Another more recent study conducted within a Chinese context found that men were
more likely to be motivated by existence needs and growth needs than women (Song, Wang
& Wei 2007). However, although the flexibility of the ERG theory means that it fits better
with research evidence, more research is needed in order to test the validity of the theory
(Wood et al. 2006). Yet, whilst there still is some discussion among scholars regarding the
number of needs and the relationships between them, most researchers appear to agree that the
satisfaction of human needs is an important aspect of motivating employees’ behaviour on the
job (Furnham 2005). Adventure tour leaders, for example, may try to satisfy their growth
needs by learning new ways to manage their emotions when interacting with clients.

McClelland’s (1961) acquired needs theory is concerned with three themes or needs that
McClelland thought were vital to explain behaviour on the job, these being: 1) the need for
achievement (nAch – involves the desire to improve one’s performance, solve problems or
master complex tasks); 2) the need for affiliation (nAff – refers to the desire to create and
uphold warm and rewarding relationships with others); and 3) the need for power (nPower –
concerned with the desire to control, influence and being responsible for others) (Wood et al.
2006). According to McClelland (1961), people will acquire these three needs over time as a
consequence of gaining more life experience. Although the needs levels required to be an
effective leader may vary depending on each particular situation, research generally indicates
that people who have a high nAch tend to be motivated by a high degree of personal
responsibility, a moderate level of risk, and constructive feedback on their work (McClelland
& Winter 1969; Miner, Smith & Bracker 1994). Nevertheless, a high nAch does not
necessarily mean that a person will be a good leader given that her or his need for
achievement is more focused on personal accomplishment than on helping others to do well
(McClelland & Boyatzis 1961). Furthermore, even though McClelland (1986) suggested that
nAch can be learned by adults who do not have a high level of this need, other scholars have
remarked that more carefully controlled studies are required before firm conclusions can be
made regarding the effectiveness of nAch training programs (Vecchio 2006).

While research on nAff and nPower is less established than research on nAch, some studies
have found that a moderate to high nPower and a lower nAff were associated with effective
leadership (McClelland & Boyatzis 1961; Miner 1965; Winter 2002). This result could be
because people who have a low need for power may not be interested in influencing other
people, which is a key attribute of good leadership (Wood et al. 2006). In addition, whilst

66
some nAff may be needed in order to get along with other people (Vecchio 2006), a relatively
low level of nAff could help a leader make difficult decisions without having to worry about
being disliked by employees (Wood et al. 2006). Yet, it should be noted that the levels of all
three of McClelland’s needs categories required for effective leadership may vary depending
on the situation as well as the culture in which the leadership takes place. In the context of
adventure tourism, for example, it is possible that adventure tour leaders may need a relatively
high level of nAff given the social and interactive nature of their work which requires them to
be warm and friendly toward clients.

Herzberg’s (1968; see also Herzberg, Mausner & Snyderman 1959) two-factor theory
presents two perspectives on satisfaction and dissatisfaction on the job. According to
Herzberg, the factors that could lead to job satisfaction are different from the factors that
could lead to job dissatisfaction. The factors that could lead to job satisfaction relate to the job
itself or outcomes directly derived from the job, and are referred to as ‘motivation factors’.
Some examples of motivation factors include achievement, recognition, the work itself,
responsibility, advancement, and growth. The motivators are based on characteristics that
people might find intrinsically rewarding – that is, they are motivated to work hard solely to
obtain the pleasant feeling of doing the job itself (Wood et al. 2006). Herzberg proposed that
motivators generate job satisfaction if they are present, but not necessarily job dissatisfaction
if they are absent. The factors that could lead to job dissatisfaction are more peripheral in
regards to the work situation and are called ‘hygiene factors’. The hygiene factors focus more
on features that employees might perceive as extrinsically rewarding and, thus, these factors
refer to rewards that are more external to the job (Vecchio 2006). Some examples of hygiene
factors include company policy and administration; supervision; relationship with supervisor,
peers and subordinates; work conditions; salary; personal life; status; and security. Herzberg
alleged that hygiene factors could lead to dissatisfaction if they are absent, but not necessarily
job satisfaction if they are present. For adventure tour leaders, for instance, this perspective
means that a high salary would not necessarily lead to job satisfaction and a lack of
recognition would not necessarily lead to job dissatisfaction.

However, Herzberg’s two-factor theory has received considerable criticism in the literature.
For example, Herzberg’s study has been criticised for being ‘method bound’ in the sense that
only studies which used the same method as Herzberg (critical incident interviews) have
obtained similar results, whilst studies using other methods have not obtained support for his
theory (Hulin & Smith 1965). More recent studies have questioned the categorisation of job

67
factors as either motivators or hygienes suggesting that absence of the former could lead to
dissatisfaction and presence of the latter could lead to satisfaction. Bjerke, Ind and De Paoli
(2007), for instance, found that employees in a Norwegian phone company were motivated by
the physical environment in that artwork, design, and architecture improved employees’
mood, well-being and level of inspiration. Likewise, some studies have proposed that
remuneration levels could be a powerful motivator for employees (Bevilacqua & Singh 2009;
Markowich 1994; Opsahl & Dunnette 1966). Another criticism of Herzberg’s methodology
was put forward by Vroom (1964) who proposed that interview participants in Herzberg’s
study, in order to defend their ego, may have been inclined to attribute good things happening
to them at work to their own efforts (internal factors) and bad things happening to them at
work to the environment (external factors). Finally, Herzberg’s study has also been criticised
for not accounting for individual differences such as gender and age; not providing a sample
that is representative for the working population since he examined scientists and engineers
only; and not clearly defining the relationship between motivation and satisfaction (Dunnette,
Campbell & Hakel 1967; King 1970). Despite these criticisms, however, there are researchers
today who believe that Herzberg’s two-factor theory still has utility (Bassett-Jones & Lloyd
2005); the discussion and debate are ongoing.

As opposed to content theories, which focus on the ‘what’ aspect of motivation, process
theories emphasise the ‘why’ and ‘how’ aspects of why employees are motivated to choose
one behaviour over another (Wood et al. 2006). One of the most dominant process theories of
motivation is Adams’ (1979) equity theory. Adams argued that people decide the fairness of
their job outcomes by comparing them to those of others in the workplace. If, for instance,
employees feel that the rewards they receive for their contributions on the job are unequal to
the rewards other employees receive, they may experience a state of cognitive dissonance
which, according to Adams, will serve as motivation for the employee to take some kind of
action to remove the discomfort felt from the perceived inequity and restore a sense of equity
in the situation. For instance, adventure tour leaders who have a high educational level and
extensive experience in the job may feel that they deserve a higher salary than people without
the same background. If they are not provided with a higher salary, they may tell their
employer that they will start working for another company unless their salary is raised
according to their qualifications. If successful, this may restore a sense of equity in the
situation for the adventure tour leaders.

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Equity theory, however, has also received some criticism in the literature. First, Adams’
theory has been criticised on the basis of its subjective nature. Different people may have
different opinions in regards to what constitutes inequity (Miner 2003). Second, equity theory
has been criticised because people often have a systematic tendency to evaluate their own
effort higher than that of others (Greenberg 1981, 1983). Third, employees may be inclined to
compare themselves with a variety of factors that the organisation perhaps has not considered
as being relevant (Walster & Berscheid 1973). Finally, given that Adams’ study was
conducted in a laboratory setting, some researchers have questioned the applicability of his
theory to real-life situations (Huseman, Hatfield & Miles 1987).

Expectancy theory was developed by Vroom (1964) and is crucially concerned with the
following three key terms: 1) expectancy (the probability that an employee’s effort will result
in an acceptable level of performance for a set task); 2) instrumentality (the probability that a
certain level of performance will lead to a particular job outcome); and 3) valence (the value
or attractiveness that an employee attributes to different job outcomes). In other words,
expectancy theory argues that employees will be motivated if they think: 1) that a high level
of effort in regards to a job task will lead to a favourable performance appraisal; 2) that a
good performance appraisal will lead to organisational rewards, such as a bonus, salary raise,
or promotion; and 3) that the rewards will be consistent with personal values and goals
(Robbins et al. 2011; Wood et al. 2006). According to Vroom, motivation (M) can be
calculated by multiplying expectancy (E), instrumentality (I), and valence (V) using the
following formula: M = E x I x V. Although Vroom’s expectancy theory overall has received
support in the literature, the operation of this multiplier effect remains a subject of debate
(Wood et al. 2006). From the perspective of the multiplier effect, adventure tour leaders will
be highly motivated, for example, if the following factors are fulfilled: 1) they are confident
that they can perform emotional labour in interaction with clients; 2) they think they will be
recognised for performing emotional labour by receiving praise from their boss; and 3) they
value praise as a reward. The same adventure tour leaders, however, would be less motivated
if they were not as confident that their performance of emotional labour would be successful
and/or rewarded, and/or if they did not value praise from their boss as a reward.

There are some critics that have suggested that expectancy theory can only be applied in cases
where performance is, in fact, used as a criterion for rewarding employees instead of other
criteria that are not related to performance, such as tenure, effort, skill levels, and job
difficulty (House, Shapiro & Wahba 1974). Other researchers have criticised Vroom’s theory

69
suggesting that it ‘over-intellectualizes the cognitive processes people go through when
choosing alternative actions’ (Schwab, Olian-Gottlieb & Heneman 1979, p. 146), thereby
indicating that people may generally not be aware of the links between effort-performance
and performance-reward. Furthermore, Mitchell and Daniels (2003) remarked that expectancy
theory is mostly focusing on processes that occur within the individual instead of paying more
attention to processes happening between individuals. Yet, even though more sophisticated
research is needed in this area, most researchers seem to agree that expectancy theory
provides some useful insights into understanding the motivation of employees (Wood et al.
2006).

It is acknowledged that other theories of motivation than those presented above do exist.
However, the researcher chose to include what she perceived to be the most prevalent theories
of motivation within organisational behaviour for the purpose of providing a pertinent review
of the literature on motivation as it relates to job satisfaction. Each of the theories presented
above could potentially be of value to managers in organisations. The fact that all theories
may be valuable for managers, however, does not necessarily mean that they are mutually
exclusive or in competition with each other. Indeed, there are some researchers that have tried
to integrate some or all of the above-mentioned theories into synthesised models.
Schermerhorn, Hunt and Osborn (1991), for example, compared the four content theories
developed by Maslow, Alderfer, McClelland and Herzberg. Accordingly, Figure 2.5 shows
how different needs in the needs hierarchy, the ERG theory, the acquired needs theory, and
the two-factor theory may relate to each other. Needs that are located at the same level
horizontally in the model are believed to have a common theme. For instance, Maslow’s self-
esteem needs and social needs are similar to Alderfer’s relatedness needs, McClelland’s need
for affiliation, and some of Herzberg’s hygiene factors. The distinction between intrinsic and
extrinsic needs roughly lies between Herzberg’s motivators and hygienes, respectively.
Schermerhorn, Hunt and Osborn’s comparison of content theories can be criticised for being
too simplistic given that content theorists to a certain extent still disagree when it comes to the
exact nature of human needs. Yet, their model provides an overview of human needs that
could be useful for managers in regards to identifying individual employees’ needs. Based on
this information, managers can take measures to fulfil these needs so as to engender positive
job behaviour and job satisfaction.

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Maslow Alderfer McClelland Herzberg

Need ERG Acquired needs Two-factor


hierarchy theory theory theory
Need for
Motivators
Self-actualisation achievement
satisfiers
Need for
power
Self-esteem
Relatedness Need for
Social affiliation Hygienes
dissatisfiers
Safety and
security
Existence

Physiological

Figure 2.5 Comparison of Content Motivation Theories


(Source: Schermerhorn, Hunt & Osborn 1991, p. 178).

Another more comprehensive model which has attempted to integrate both the content
theories and the process theories presented in this subsection was developed by Porter and
Lawler (1968). Figure 2.6 depicts this integration model of motivation. From left to right, the
model shows that the valence or value that an employee attributes to a particular reward (box
1), together with the expectancy or perception of whether a certain level of effort will lead to
this reward (box 2), determines how much effort (box 3) the respective employee will invest
into a particular job task. However, effort does not automatically transfer into performance or
accomplishment (box 6). Employees’ abilities and personality traits (box 4) as well as their
perceptions of the job role (box 5) interact with effort to engender a certain level of
accomplishment. Naturally, unless the employees possess a basic level of ability and an
understanding of how the job role should be performed, yielding an acceptable level of
performance could be very difficult.

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1 4 8
Value of Abilities and Perceived
Reward Traits Equitable Rewards

7a
Intrinsic
Rewards

3 6 9
Effort Performance Satisfaction
(Accomplishment)

7b
Extrinsic
5 Rewards
Role
Perceptions

2
Perceived Effort-
Probability
Reward

Figure 2.6 Integration Model of Content and Process Theories of Motivation


(Source: Porter & Lawler 1968, p. 165).

Performance, in turn, may or may not be related to rewards in a particular situation (thus the
broken lines in Figure 2.6) since rewards can be linked to other criteria than performance.
However, if a reward is offered based on performance, this reward could be intrinsic (box 7a)
or extrinsic (box 7b). The employees’ performances also influence what they perceive to be
equitable (box 8). Perceived equity interacts with the rewards that are actually received to
determine job satisfaction (box 9). There are two feedback loops in the model. First,
satisfaction levels could impact on the value employees attribute to a reward. For example, if
the employees are not satisfied because a valued reward was not offered, they may reconsider
the valence of the reward in question and, as a result, perhaps reduce the level of effort the
next time the task needs to be done. Second, the relationship between performance and
rewards could have an impact on employees’ expectancy which, in turn, could lead to
adjustments in the level of effort invested in the future.

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With reference to Figure 2.6, which portrays Porter and Lawler’s (1968) integration model,
the content theories of Maslow, Alderfer, McClelland, and Herzberg are mainly contained in
boxes 7a and 7b, which are concerned with intrinsic and extrinsic rewards that may be offered
by the organisation to satisfy employees’ intrinsic and extrinsic needs. When it comes to
process theories, Adam’s equity theory is principally represented by box 8, which is where
employees make up their mind as to whether they think the reward they have been given
based on their performance is equitable when compared to other employees. Vroom’s
expectancy theory, on the other hand, is primarily incorporated in boxes 3 (effort), 6
(performance) and 7a/7b (rewards or job outcomes) since these aspects of the model represent
the main building blocks in expectancy theory. Nevertheless, expectancy theory is also
contained within boxes 1 and 2 in the model given that these features of the model represent
the valence, expectancy and instrumentality factors of expectancy theory.

Even though Porter and Lawler’s (1968) framework of understanding how motivation may
relate to job satisfaction is relatively old, it does provide a straightforward way to understand
how different segments of research may relate to each other. In the same way that pieces of a
puzzle make up a complete picture, Porter and Lawler’s model represents one piece toward
gaining an overall perspective in regards to the relationship between motivation and job
satisfaction. While more recent attempts to integrate theories of motivation do exist, many of
these integration models have become increasingly complex and include a number of other
constructs like individual temperament, self concept, motivational development, and
congruency (Humphreys & Einstein 2004). However, for the purpose of this study, Porter and
Lawler’s somewhat simpler integration model of motivation was chosen as a framework
because of its more practical nature which makes it easier to implement in real-life situations.
In an adventure tourism context, for example, Porter and Lawler’s model is helpful in
explaining how adventure tour leaders who are required to perform emotional labour may
consider the level of effort they will invest into this task based on valence, expectancy, and
instrumentality. In order to perform emotional labour successfully, the adventure tour leaders
need a basic level of ability and traits in the form of emotional intelligence and personality as
well as an understanding of the display rules of the organisation. If emotional labour is
performed successfully, the adventure tour leaders may expect a reward, such as recognition
from their supervisor. If this reward is not received, however, the adventure tour leaders’ job
satisfaction may be negatively affected and they may decide to put in less effort the next time
emotional labour is required on the job.

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2.3.2 Ways of Measuring Job Satisfaction
In the literature on job satisfaction, there has been some discussion among researchers
regarding what constitutes the dimensions of job satisfaction. There are generally two main
approaches. On the one hand, some researchers have applied a one-dimensional approach by
measuring overall, or so-called ‘global’ job satisfaction (Brayfield & Rothe 1951; Weiss et al.
1967). In the case of measuring global job satisfaction, researchers aim to examine general
overall satisfaction with the ‘total package’ which is the job (Furnham 2005). On the other
hand, there are other researchers who have applied a multi-dimensional approach to job
satisfaction by measuring several different dimensions or factors of the construct (Smith
1976; Smith, Kendall & Hulin 1969). Some examples of such factors include the work itself,
promotion opportunities, supervision, co-workers, pay level, benefits, pay structure, and pay
raises (De Cieri et al. 2003; De Cieri et al. 2005).

Intuitively, it is easy to assume that global job satisfaction is an aggregate construct which
equals the sum of individual job satisfaction factors (Law, Wong & Mobley 1998; Locke
1969, 1976). Smith, Kendall and Hulin (1969), however, suggested that when employees
respond to multi-dimensional scales, they are using a relative frame of reference which
focuses on currently available alternatives. On the contrary, when employees respond to a
one-dimensional scale, they are applying an absolute frame of reference which is concerned
with making an overall judgement of a fair input/output ratio based on what is perceived to be
a fair day’s work (Smith, Kendall & Hulin 1969). Consistent with this notion, some
researchers (Edwards et al. 2008; Rice, Gentile & McFarlin 1991; Rothausen 1994;
Rothausen, Gonzalez & Griffin 2008) have found that different factors of job satisfaction
relate differently to overall job satisfaction and other outcomes such as job performance and
intention to quit. Conversely, there is some empirical evidence suggesting that both overall
job satisfaction and factor job satisfactions relate to the same underlying construct (Ferratt
1981; Judge et al. 2002). Regardless of who might be right in this debate, however, scholars
may choose to apply an overall or a factor measure of job satisfaction depending on the
purpose and goals of their research.

Researchers who have adopted the global or one-dimensional approach in regards to


measuring job satisfaction include Brayfield and Rothe (1951) with their Job Satisfaction
Index (JSI), which is the measure that is used in this study. Another example is the Minnesota
Satisfaction Questionnaire (MSQ) developed by Weiss et al. (1967). The latter measure does
contain different intrinsic and extrinsic measures of motivation, but also features an overall

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job satisfaction score. In regards to the multi-dimensional approach of measuring job
satisfaction, Smith (1976) developed a multifaceted scale called the Index of Organizational
Reactions (IOR) which measures job satisfaction scores in areas such as supervision, nature of
work, amount of work, working conditions, co-workers, pay, and the future of the
organisation. Also, this measure includes an overall job satisfaction score. Conversely, the Job
Descriptive Index (JDI) developed by Smith, Kendall and Hulin (1969) measures job
satisfaction with the work itself, co-workers, supervision, pay, and opportunities for
promotion, without including an overall job satisfaction score.

For the purpose of this study, an overall measure of job satisfaction was used in order to
reduce the number of variables to a manageable level in regards to statistical analyses. As
such, the researcher was interested in examining the potential effect of emotional labour on
adventure tour leaders’ overall job satisfaction rather than on specific factors of their job
satisfaction. In addition, overall job satisfaction was preferred in this study instead of factor
job satisfaction given that there seems to be no clear agreement to date about what factors
should or should not be included in the construct of job satisfaction, as can be seen in
discussions in the literature (De Cieri et al. 2003; De Cieri et al. 2005; Furnham 2005; Roelen,
Koopmans & Groothoff 2008).

In addition to the debate about whether it is most appropriate to measure overall job
satisfaction versus factor job satisfaction, there has been considerable discussion among
researchers as to whether job satisfaction (both overall and factor) should be measured using a
single item or multiple items. In their review of overall job satisfaction measures, Scarpello
and Campbell (1983) concluded that a single-item measure simply asking ‘Overall, how
satisfied are you with your job?’ would represent the best global rating of job satisfaction. In
support of this idea, they argued that multiple-item scales may contain items and sub-items
that are not relevant for each employee and, consequently, summing up the different items
may generate an incomplete assessment of employees’ job satisfaction (Scarpello & Campbell
1983). In accordance with this, the use of single-item job satisfaction measures have the
advantages of being easy and taking less time to complete for respondents; involving less
costs; containing more face validity since respondents are not asked a range of very similar
questions; and including more flexibility since altering a single-item measure does not need to
go through a rigid statistical validation process (Nagy 2002; Wanous, Reichers & Hudy
1997). Moreover, Nagy (2002) found in his study that measuring the five factors of job
satisfaction in the JDI by applying a single-item measure (i.e. using one item each to measure

75
the five JDI dimensions) compared favourably to employing the traditional multiple-item
measure (i.e. summarising multiple items within each of the five JDI dimensions to calculate
facet satisfactions).

Oshagbemi (1999) and Pollard (1996), however, have warned against the use of single-item
measures of job satisfaction due to the following reasons: it is not possible to estimate internal
consistency of single-item measures; single-item measures are assumed to have low
reliability; single-item measures offer a less comprehensive explanation of job satisfaction
than multiple-item measures; and single-item measures have been found to overestimate the
percentage of employees who are satisfied with the job, and underestimate the percentage of
employees who are indifferent or dissatisfied with the job. Overall though, it looks like at
least some researchers agree that the choice of which type of job satisfaction measure to use
(single-item or multiple-item) would depend on the particular aim and objectives of a study
(Oshagbemi 1999; Wanous, Reichers & Hudy 1997). Hence, for the purpose of this study, a
multiple-item measure of overall job satisfaction was chosen. This was because, as suggested
by Oshagbemi (1999), multiple-item measures tend to provide more comprehensive
information than single-item measures when applied in organisational or occupational studies
(as opposed to comparative studies). Given that this study examines the occupation of
adventure tour leaders, it falls into the category of being an occupational study. Hence, a
multiple-item measure of overall job satisfaction was chosen because it is able to better
capture everything contained within the concept than a single-item measure (Oshagbemi
1999). Moreover, a multiple-item measure of overall job satisfaction was used as it is better
suited at preventing overestimation or underestimation of study participants’ job satisfaction
than a single-item measure (Oshagbemi 1999; Pollard 1996).

2.3.3 Antecedents and Outcomes of Job Satisfaction


Figure 2.7 depicts an overview of research conducted on the antecedents and outcomes of job
satisfaction. It shows that a variety of work situation factors, social factors, and individual
factors could have an impact on the level of overall job satisfaction of employees. Job
satisfaction, in turn, could lead to a number of different outcomes relating to job attitudes,
psychological well-being, and job-related behaviours. Each of the antecedents and outcomes
of job satisfaction is discussed in more depth below. It is acknowledged that other antecedents
and outcomes than the ones depicted in Figure 2.7 may exist. In this thesis, however,
antecedents and outcomes of job satisfaction were included based on what was considered to

76
be the most prevalent and empirically sound research studies in the job satisfaction literature
to date.

It should be noted that some of the antecedents in Figure 2.7 may also work as outcomes of
job satisfaction, such as life satisfaction (Furnham 2005). Similarly, some of the outcomes in
Figure 2.7 may also function as antecedents of job satisfaction, such as job performance.
Moreover, some of the antecedents and outcomes presented in the model may be indirectly
rather than directly related to job satisfaction. As such, the linear fashion of Figure 2.7 was
applied for practical reasons so as to present a relatively uncomplicated overview of potential
antecedents and outcomes of job satisfaction. In reality, however, the relationships between
job satisfaction and its proposed antecedents and outcomes may be much more complex.

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Antecedents of JS
 Work situation factors
- the work itself
→ challenge Outcomes of JS
→ autonomy
 Job attitudes
→ variety
→ control - turnover intention
→ workload - organisational
- job level commitment
- organisation size  Psychological well-being
- job security JS - burnout
- working conditions → emotional
- pay and benefits Overall exhaustion
- opportunities for Job → depersonalisation
promotion Satisfaction → personal
- training and accomplishment
development  Job-related behaviours
- supervision - performance
- emotional labour - organisational
→ surface acting performance
→ deep acting - client satisfaction
 Social factors - organisational
- co-worker relations citizenship behaviour
- group belonging (OCB)
 Individual factors - turnover
- positive/negative - absenteeism
affectivity - tardiness
- hostile actions
- cultural values
- union activity
- personality
- gender
- age and job tenure
- self-esteem
- stress
- life satisfaction

Figure 2.7 The Antecedents and Outcomes of Job Satisfaction


(Adapted from Bruk-Lee et al. 2009; Chou & Robert 2008; Cordes & Dougherty 1993;
DeSpain 2008; Elliott-Erickson 2009; Furnham 2005; Ghazzawi 2008, 2010; Griffeth, Hom &
Gaertner 2000; Hoffman et al. 2007; Hulin 1991; Judge et al. 2001, 2010; Judge & Watanabe
1994; Kaplan et al. 2009; Lavigna 2010; LePine, Erez & Johnson 2002; Locke 1976; Robbins
et al. 2011; Robie et al. 1998; Rose 2003; Rue & Byars 2005; Saari & Judge 2004; Scott &
Taylor 1985; Shader et al. 2001; Spector 1997; Steel & Rentsch 1995; Tett & Meyer 1993;
Vecchio 2006; Volker et al. 2010; Way, Sturman & Raab 2010).

78
Antecedents of Job Satisfaction
One of the most notable work situation factors that has been found to influence employees’
job satisfaction is the nature of the work itself, which includes features such as job challenge,
autonomy, variety, control, and workload (Fried & Ferris 1987; Saari & Judge 2004; Wagner
& French 2010). Most workers tend to be satisfied with interesting and challenging jobs that
offer high levels of variety, independence, and control over their work (Barling, Kelloway &
Iverson 2003; Bond & Bunce 2003; Saari & Judge 2004). If, however, employees are not
offered the opportunity to use and develop their skills on the job, they are likely to report low
job satisfaction due to boredom and lack of challenges (Fletcher 2001). Then again, control
over one’s number of work hours and schedules could have a positive effect on job
satisfaction because that control allows employees to manage potentially conflicting time
demands (Fenwick & Tausig 2001). Indeed, autonomy, which refers to control over the tasks
one performs on the job, is positively related to job satisfaction (Rose 2005). Yet, both control
and autonomy, in addition to having a direct effect on job satisfaction, may also have an
indirect effect on job satisfaction in that they give employees a greater opportunity to
maintain a healthy work–life balance (Aletraris 2010). As such, non-traditional working days
and shifts have a negative impact on employees’ job satisfaction since the odd hours make it
difficult for employees to establish a routine and to participate in activities at what are
considered ‘normal times’ by society (Jamal 2004; Jamal & Baba 1992). Similarly, job
satisfaction could be positively affected by flexibility, which could be in the form of flexible
working hours, compressed workweeks, or leave to look after a sick child (George & Jones
2008; Yazel 2001). A high workload, on the other hand, has been found to have a negative
effect on job satisfaction (Randolf, Doisy & Doisy 2005).

Another work situation factor that could impact on employees’ job satisfaction is job level. In
this connection, employees who work at a higher level in the organisation (e.g. managers or
leaders) are more satisfied with their jobs than employees who work in lower-level and often
unskilled jobs (Robie et al. 1998; Smith & Brannick 1990). This could be because most
higher-level jobs would make use of employees’ skills and provide them with more
challenges, variety and autonomy than lower-level jobs. Organisation size also has been
shown to have some effect on job satisfaction in that employees who work in small
organisations generally are more satisfied with their jobs than employees who work in larger
organisations (Vecchio 2006). This could be because jobs in smaller organisations are often
less specialised and, consequently, employees may be offered greater diversity and more
autonomy when performing their work (Wallace & Kay 2009). Hence, jobs in smaller

79
organisations may be more intrinsically rewarding when compared with larger organisations
which often rely on extrinsic rewards such as lucrative salaries to attract jobseekers (Zipp
1991). However, one should be cautious to generalise here given that different employees
obviously will be motivated by different rewards, whether it be remuneration or greater
variety in the job.

A further work situation factor that has been found to predict job satisfaction is job security. If
employees perceive that their job security is threatened (i.e. that there is a high possibility of
involuntary job loss), this could have a negative effect on their job satisfaction (Davy, Kinicki
& Scheck 1997; Rose 2003). Likewise, some studies have shown that job insecurity could
lead to job dissatisfaction (Ahmad et al. 2010; Burke 1998; Inmaculada et al. 2010). Work
conditions have also been found to predict job satisfaction of workers and may include
features of the physical environment where the work takes place, such as temperature,
weather, noise, crowding, lighting, and equipment (Furnham 2005). Yet, while improvement
in working conditions could have a positive impact on employees’ job satisfaction (Millner-
Harlee 2010), employees may be highly satisfied with their job despite working conditions
being unfavourable (Denning 2008). This latter finding could perhaps be explained by
working conditions being considered an extrinsic factor that is less important for employees
than other intrinsic factors like the work itself (e.g. variety, challenge, autonomy).

Pay and benefits represent another factor that may be considered in relation to job satisfaction.
Whilst some studies have shown that higher levels of pay had a positive effect on workers’
job satisfaction, other scholars are more sceptical to this proposition. Spector (1997), for
example, found that the correlation between pay and job satisfaction was surprisingly small.
Similarly, Judge et al. (2010) found in a recent meta-analysis of the literature that pay level
was only marginally related to job satisfaction. Again, it is possible that pay would be
considered as an extrinsic factor by employees who might be more motivated by the intrinsic
aspects of their job. That being said, some workers may perceive pay as a source of personal
pride which then serves as an intrinsic psychological reward (Vecchio 2006). In addition to
pay and benefits, opportunities for promotion represent another type of reward that has been
linked to job satisfaction. While some authors have proposed that opportunities for promotion
are only marginally associated with job satisfaction compared to other work situation factors
(Robbins et al. 2011), Quarles (1994) found that the provision of promotion opportunities had
a positive effect on workers’ job satisfaction. In addition, Miles (2010) recently found that the

80
perception of a career plateau among employees (i.e. no opportunities for promotion past a
certain job level) led to job dissatisfaction.

There is some support in the literature for the notion that the provision of effective training
and development programs could enhance employees’ job satisfaction (Choo & Bowley 2007;
Jones et al. 2009; Lavigna 2010; Schmidt 2007). Two studies from the field of outdoor
education, however, found that the increasing pressure in the outdoor industry to update one’s
qualifications in the outdoor education occupation has led to increased levels of stress for
employees (Allin 2004; Thomas 2001). Given that adventure tour leaders would need many of
the same qualifications as outdoor education instructors, this notion may be relevant also for
participants in this study. While no specific investigation of job satisfaction was conducted by
Allin (2004) and Tomas (2001), their results indicate that while training and development
may be vital to maintain or enhance employees’ job satisfaction, it is also important not to
‘overtrain’ employees. Quality is often better than quantity. In addition to training and
development, however, supervision could also have an effect on workers’ job satisfaction.
Supervision is concerned with employees’ perception of their supervisors’ overall competence
and ability to provide constructive feedback (Wagner & French 2010). In regards to
supervision, then, employees’ job satisfaction has been found to increase proportionally in
line with their supervisors’ age, education level, and number of hours of leadership training
received (DeSpain 2008). Emotional labour and its two dimensions, surface acting and deep
acting, have also been linked to job satisfaction. However, given that the effects of emotional
labour on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction is the main focus of this study, this
relationship will be covered in more detail in section 2.4 of this chapter.

In addition to work situation factors, there are also some social factors that could have an
impact on employees’ job satisfaction. One of these factors is co-worker relations, which
refers to the quality of relationships between employees and their colleagues as well as the
level of mutual respect and trust that has developed between them (Wagner & French 2010).
Many studies have shown that support from co-workers positively impacts on employees’ job
satisfaction (Chou & Robert 2008; Inman 2001; McCalister 2003). Moreover, a feeling of
interdependence, feedback and social support from co-workers, as well as spending time with
co-workers outside of the workplace, has been found to be strongly and positively correlated
with job satisfaction, even after accounting for the effects of the work itself (Chiaburu &
Harrison 2008; Humphrey, Nahrgang & Morgeson 2007). Indeed, employees who do not
spend a lot of time interacting with their colleagues outside of work tend to be less satisfied

81
with their co-worker relations (Taylor 2008). In addition, if employees belong to certain
groups where they are obliged to participate in meetings or practices on weekends or
evenings, being forced to work on weekends and evenings could negatively impact on their
job satisfaction (George & Jones 2008).

When it comes to individual factors that potentially could predict workers’ job satisfaction,
research through a number of meta-analytic studies has shown that positive affectivity (a
tendency to feel positive emotions) has a positive effect on job satisfaction of workers, and
negative affectivity (a tendency to feel negative emotions) has a negative effect (Connolly &
Viswesvaran 2000; Judge, Heller & Mount 2002; Kaplan et al. 2009; Thoresen et al. 2003).
This means that employees who have a natural tendency toward feeling positive emotions
would be more satisfied on the job than employees who have a natural tendency toward
feeling negative emotions. There are also some studies that have proposed that cultural values
could have an impact on employees’ job satisfaction. Ghazzawi (2008), for example,
suggested that employees who have grown up in countries that are high on Hofstede’s (1997)
individualist (as opposed to collectivist) dimension (e.g. the USA, Canada, Australia, the UK,
and Holland) may be more satisfied with jobs that emphasise and reward individual
achievement rather than group achievement. Furthermore, employees’ personality could have
an effect on workers’ job satisfaction. For instance, when the Big Five model of personality is
applied, extroversion (includes traits like being ambitious, sociable, active, talkative, person-
oriented, optimistic, and fun-loving) has a positive impact on job satisfaction, and neuroticism
(includes traits like being angry, embarrassed, anxious, hostile, depressed, self-conscious,
impulsive, worried, nervous, emotionally insecure, and inadequate) has a negative impact
(Bruk-Lee et al. 2009; Judge, Heller & Mount 2002). Moreover, conscientiousness (includes
traits like being responsible, careful, thorough, organised, reliable, hardworking, self-
disciplined, ambitious, and punctual) and agreeableness (includes traits like being tolerant,
trusting, flexible, forgiving, cooperative, good-natured, and helpful) have a positive effect on
job satisfaction, whilst openness (including traits like being imaginative, curious, creative, and
broadminded) is not related to job satisfaction (Bruk-Lee et al. 2009; Judge, Heller & Mount
2002).

In regards to the effect of gender on job satisfaction, research findings have been mixed
(Vecchio 2006). Whereas some authors have found that women generally are more satisfied
with their job than are men (Aletraris 2010; Kremer & Goldstein 1990), other research has
found no difference between the job satisfaction of women and men (Aguilar & Vlosky 2010;

82
Murray & Atkinson 1981). Indeed, some studies have found that men were more satisfied
with their job than women (Gruneberg 1997; Olorunsola 2010). These inconclusive research
results call for more research to be conducted in the area of gender and job satisfaction.
Similarly, research that has examined the relationship between age and job satisfaction has
also reported conflicting findings. Whilst some researchers have found a positive and linear
relationship, other researchers have found a negative non-linear, U-shaped or J-shaped
relationship, and yet other researchers have found no relationship between age and job
satisfaction (Ghazzawi 2010). Moreover, research on the potential impact of job tenure on
employees’ job satisfaction is also mixed in its conclusions (Sarker, Crossman &
Chinmeteepituck 2003). On the one hand, it has been suggested that workers with longer
tenure may have higher levels of job satisfaction because they have found a job which suits
their needs (Clark, Oswald & Warr 1996), or they have found opportunities for promotion
which then leads to higher job satisfaction (Kalleberg & Mastekaasa 2001). On the other
hand, workers with longer tenure may also become bored, which could lead to lower levels of
job satisfaction (Clark, Oswald & Warr 1996). It follows that more research is needed to
investigate the relationships between age, job tenure and job satisfaction.

One individual factor that has been attributed to higher levels of job satisfaction is self-
esteem. Alavi and Askaripur (2003), for example, found that employees who possessed high
levels of self-esteem were more satisfied with their job than employees who had low levels of
self-esteem. Similarly, there is some research that has examined the potential impact of so-
called core self-evaluations on workers’ job satisfaction. Core self-evaluations refer to
assessments that employees make about how competent, capable and worthy they are as a
person (Robbins et al. 2011). Workers who believe they are competent, capable and worthy
have been shown to be more satisfied with their job than workers who believe they are
incompetent, incapable, and unworthy (Judge & Hurst 2007). In relation to job stress, most
studies have shown that high levels of stress on the job negatively affect employees’ job
satisfaction (Boyle et al. 1999; Shader et al. 2001). One recent study (Larrabee et al. 2010),
however, found that job resiliency (i.e. the ability to focus on solutions, opportunities and
enjoyment of achievements when faced with stress instead of focusing on problems and
negative emotions) had a positive impact on job stress, which indicates that teaching
employees how to better handle stress could indirectly enhance their job satisfaction.

One further individual factor that has been shown to be related to job satisfaction is life
satisfaction. A high degree of life satisfaction indicates that individuals are generally happy

83
with their life (Furnham 2005). Most research on the relationship between life satisfaction and
job satisfaction has suggested that the two variables are related to each other in a reciprocal
manner – that is, life satisfaction predicts job satisfaction and vice versa (Judge & Watanabe
1994; Tait, Padgett & Baldwin 1989; Thomas & Ganster 1995). In other words, it seems like
experiences from one’s life have the potential to spill over into the work arena and, likewise,
experiences from one’s job may influence everyday life.

Outcomes of Job Satisfaction


In the literature, a range of different outcomes has been suggested by various researchers in
regards to job satisfaction. Some of these potential consequences of job satisfaction relate to
job attitudes. For example, one meta-analytic study found that job dissatisfaction led to
turnover intent in employees (Tett & Meyer 1993). Furthermore, other scholars have proposed
that while extrinsic factors are important, intrinsic factors appear to have the largest effect
when it comes to influencing employees’ intention to leave (O`Reilly & Caldwell 1980;
Randolf, Doisy & Doisy 2005; Tang, Kim & Tang 2000; Udechukwu 2007). Job satisfaction
has also been found to have a positive impact on organisational commitment (O’Reilly &
Caldwell 1980; Rue & Byars 2005; Tang & LiPing 1999). Hence, employees who are
satisfied with their job may be more committed to the organisation in which they work than
employees who are dissatisfied with their job.

Some research has suggested that job satisfaction of employees could have an effect on their
psychological well-being. Being dissatisfied with one’s job is likely to have adverse effects on
one’s well-being and general happiness (George & Jones 2008). Similarly, enhanced job
satisfaction is likely to lead to increased employee well-being (Barrios-Choplin, McCraty &
Cryer 1997; Winefield, Tiggemann & Goldney 1988). Indeed, some studies have shown that
lower levels of job satisfaction could lead to a high degree of employee burnout (Cordes &
Dougherty 1993; Volker et al. 2010), whilst higher levels of job satisfaction have been
associated with lower levels of employee burnout (Elliott-Erickson 2009). Consistent with
these findings, Griffin et al. (2010) found that job satisfaction was negatively related to all
three of the burnout dimensions, including emotional exhaustion, depersonalisation, and
reduced personal accomplishment. That is, the more satisfied employees were with their job,
the less emotional exhaustion, depersonalisation and reduced personal accomplishment they
felt at the end of the day. Similarly, Reinardy, Maksl and Filak (2009) proposed that the
reason that none of the participants in their study showed any sign of burnout was because
they all reported high levels of job satisfaction. Despite research which has suggested that job

84
satisfaction is a predictor of burnout (Dolan 1987; Griffin et al. 2010), there is also some
research that has found that job satisfaction is an outcome of burnout (Low et al. 2001;
Wolpin, Burke & Greenglass 1991; Ybema, Smulders & Bongers 2010). It follows that the
relationship between burnout and job satisfaction might be reciprocal in that higher levels of
job satisfaction lead to lower levels of burnout and vice versa.

The area that has received most attention in the research literature which examines possible
consequences of job satisfaction, however, is concerned with job-related behaviours that
employees may take on because they are satisfied or dissatisfied with their job. For example,
it is a commonly held belief that job satisfaction could have a positive impact on employees’
job performance, organisational performance, and client satisfaction. This belief stems from
the popularisation of the concept of job satisfaction in the 1950s as the ‘Holy Grail’ of
management and the foundation of the so-called happy/productive worker thesis (Landy 1985;
Weiss 2002). Surprisingly, given the amount of research conducted on the relationships
between job satisfaction and productivity to date, the discussion among researchers as to
whether happy employees really do lead to higher productivity is ongoing (Wright 2006). In
this connection, Vroom (1964) found a correlation between job satisfaction and job
performance of only r=.14, while another meta-analysis conducted by Iaffaldano and
Muchinsky (1985) found an equally modest relation of r=.17. Petty, McGee and Cavender
(1984), however, reported a somewhat stronger relationship between job satisfaction and job
performance of r=.31 in their meta-analytic study. More recently, Judge et al. (2001)
conducted a meta-analysis which contained 312 samples with a combined number of 54 417
subjects. In this meta-analysis, Judge et al. recalculated the relation between job satisfaction
and job performance found in Iaffaldano and Muchinsky’s (1985) study so that r=.17 became
r=.30 after correcting for unreliability.

The important point in the discussion above is not so much the statistical results in
themselves, but rather how different researchers have interpreted these results in different and
sometimes completely opposing directions. On the one hand, Saari and Judge (2004, p. 398)
maintained that Judge et al.’s higher correlation of r=.30 meant that ‘contrary to earlier
reviews, it does appear that job satisfaction is, in fact, predictive of performance’. On the
other hand, Way, Sturman and Raab (2010) downplayed the same correlation of r=.30 found
by Judge et al. claiming that it did not show a causal relationship between job satisfaction and
job performance. Furthermore, they provided practitioners with the following advice: ‘if you
want to improve job performance behaviours in the hospitality industry, do not try to achieve

85
this by trying to enhance the job satisfaction of your employees’ (p. 392). What the above
researchers seemed to agree upon though is that there is a positive relationship between job
satisfaction and job performance, although the strength of this relationship is open to debate.

In addition to the relationship between job satisfaction and job performance, Way, Sturman
and Raab (2010) suggested that a relationship exists between job satisfaction and client
satisfaction as well as job satisfaction and organisational performance. According to the well-
known model of the service-profit chain, for instance, it is assumed that ‘satisfied and
motivated employees produce satisfied customers, and satisfied customers tend to purchase
more, increasing the revenue and profits of the organization’ (Gelade & Young 2005, pp. 2–
3). Again, however, there is disagreement among researchers in regards to whether job
satisfaction really could improve client satisfaction and organisational performance. While
Saari and Judge (2004) proposed that enhancing employees’ job satisfaction could improve
business results, other researchers are more sceptical claiming that such a management
technique is flawed (Bowling 2007; Way, Sturman & Raab 2010). In this study, however, it
will be assumed that job satisfaction could have an impact on client satisfaction and
organisational performance so that adventure tour leaders who are satisfied with their job
might positively influence client satisfaction and organisational performance.

Job satisfaction has also been shown to have a positive effect on organisational citizenship
behaviour (OCB), which refers to when employees decide to help others on the job without
expecting any rewards in return (Bies 1989; Organ 1988). Some examples of OCBs are when
employees talk positively about the organisation, when they help co-workers with work
problems, and when they go above and beyond what is expected of them in their daily work
(Podsakoff et al. 2000). Job satisfaction is positively correlated with OCBs – that is,
employees who are highly satisfied with their jobs are more likely to engage in OCBs
(Hoffman et al. 2007; LePine, Erez & Johnson 2002). As such, employees may perceive it as
fair to engage in helpful behaviour when they are surrounded by supportive co-workers,
whilst employees who do not get along with their co-workers may be less inclined to engage
in OCBs (Blader & Tyler 2009; Chiaburu & Harrison 2008; Fahr, Podsakoff & Organ 1990;
Konovsky & Organ 1996).

Job satisfaction has also been shown to be associated with more negatively laden work
behaviours. For instance, studies have found that employees who are dissatisfied with their
job are more likely to quit (Griffeth, Hom & Gaertner 2000; Hom & Griffeth 1995; Williams

86
& Skinner 2003). The relationship between job satisfaction and turnover, however, is likely to
also be influenced by other factors, such as the availability of alternative jobs, general
economic conditions, and employees’ confidence that their skills are marketable (Carsten &
Spector 1987; Lee et al. 2008; Vecchio 1983). Moreover, it should be noted that not all
turnover is necessarily going to be negative for the organisation. In fact, if poor performers
decide to leave, this may benefit the organisation and could be referred to as ‘functional
turnover’ (Vecchio 2006). In addition to turnover, job satisfaction has generally been found to
have a negative impact on employee absenteeism and tardiness (Hulin 1991; Locke 1976;
Scott & Taylor 1985; Steel & Rentsch 1995), although one recent study found a reciprocal
relationship between job satisfaction and absenteeism (Ybema, Smulders & Bongers 2010).
This means that workers who are not satisfied with their job may be inclined to miss work or
resort to tardy behaviour when they do turn up at work, such as arriving late or passing time in
the parking lot or rest room (Adler & Golan 1981). Missing work, in turn, may lead to
workers becoming even more dissatisfied with their job (Ybema, Smulders & Bongers 2010).
Still, absenteeism could also be due to other factors like generous organisational sick leave
benefits, which could encourage both dissatisfied and satisfied employees to take more days
off than necessary (Hausknecht, Hiller & Vance 2008). Furthermore, tardiness may be due to
other reasons too, such as car pooling or family responsibilities (Vecchio 2006).

Sometimes being dissatisfied with one’s job could lead to employees resorting to hostile
behaviour, also often referred to as workplace deviance, counterproductive behaviour, or
withdrawal behaviour (Robbins et al. 2011). Such behaviours may include but are not
restricted to the following: sabotaging machinery, production or service delivery; employee
theft; vandalising organisational property; talking negatively about the organisation to clients
and the public; and physical violence against co-workers or supervisors (Sprouse 1992;
Vecchio 2006). Given that it can be quite difficult to forecast exactly what types of hostile
actions dissatisfied employees may resort to, however, it is important for an employer to focus
on the heart of the problem – that is, the dissatisfaction of the workers rather than attempting
to control the different variations of hostile behaviour (Robbins et al. 2011).

One type of behaviour which is perhaps less negatively laden that employees may engage in
when they are dissatisfied with their job is union activity. Workers who are dissatisfied in
their job are more likely to engage in union behaviour, such as becoming union members,
voting for candidates they believe will look after their needs in union elections, and taking
part in strikes and grievances against the employer (Fleishman & Harris 1962; Gordon &

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DeNisi 1995; Vecchio 2006). In most cases, however, union activity is concerned with
economic issues (e.g. salary, security, working conditions) rather than non-economic issues
(e.g. the need for creativity and autonomy) (Zalesny 1985). One more recent study (Carson et
al. 2006) found that employees who are both committed to the organisation in which they
work and to a union had higher levels of job satisfaction than employees who were committed
to the union but not their organisation. Thus, it seems like a balanced approach between
unionism and organisational commitment might be the most appropriate solution in order to
maximise employees’ job satisfaction.

2.3.4 Job Satisfaction and Adventure Tourism


A multiplicity of occupational groups has been examined in relation to job satisfaction, such
as counsellors (Jones, Hohenshil & Burge 2009), pharmacists (McCann et al. 2009), teachers
(Cha 2008; Tillman & Tillman 2008), nurses (Ho et al. 2009), library attendants (Topper
2008), and hotel workers (Attia 2007; Sledge, Miles & Coppage 2008). Still, there seems to
be only one empirical study (Carnicelli-Filho 2011) thus far that attends to the job satisfaction
of adventure tour leaders in particular. According to Carnicelli-Filho (2011), adventure tour
leaders in his study managed their emotions in order to satisfy their clients which, in turn,
enhanced the leaders’ job satisfaction and gave them a sense of accomplishment. Thus, he
suggested that the relationship between emotional labour and job satisfaction was indirect
rather than direct, with client satisfaction as a mediator. Carnicelli-Filho’s (2011) study,
however, was entirely qualitative in nature and, as a result, adventure tour leaders’ levels of
job satisfaction were not quantitatively measured. This meant that it was not clear ‘how’
satisfied adventure tour leaders in his study were and whether his sample also included
adventure tour leaders who were less satisfied with their job. It should also be noted that
Carnicelli-Filho’s sample of adventure tour leaders consisted entirely of white-water rafting
guides, while this thesis examines a much wider range of adventure tour leaders.

In addition to Carnicelli-Filho’s (2011) study, there is some anecdotal evidence that has
explored the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. In an article from the Knight Ridder
Tribune Business News, for example, river guides from the Texas area in the USA suggested
that their job offered a lot of personal satisfaction, and one of the guides suggested the
following: ‘The one thing all guests tell you is how much they hate their jobs. In the guide
community, we just don’t have that’ (McLemore 2002, p. 1). Furthermore, Urry (2002)
remarked in a tourism context that sometimes there is a contradiction between poor work
conditions and job satisfaction – work conditions may be poor, but job satisfaction high. This

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contradiction could be due to employees not really considering their work as a job since the
business is involved with the provision of leisure. Indeed, workplace fun could reduce
negative effects of emotional exhaustion on job satisfaction (Karl & Peluchette 2006). In the
context of adventure tour leading, Carnicelli-Filho (2010, 2011) found that adventure tour
leaders do have fun at work and that many adventure tour leaders look at their work as a
lifestyle rather than a job. This way of looking at their work as a lifestyle was possible in
cases where adventure tour leaders’ personality was closely aligned with their job role
(Carnicelli-Filho 2010, 2011). Next, research on the relationships between emotional labour
and job satisfaction will be examined in more detail. These relationships are important to
examine in order to address the second research objective of this thesis, which is to examine
the effects of surface acting and deep acting on the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders.

2.4 Relationships between Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction


Whereas a considerable amount of research has been conducted within the discrete areas of
emotional labour and job satisfaction, less attention has been given to exploring the
relationships between these two areas. The majority of scholarly literature that has examined
the relationship between emotional labour and job satisfaction to date has identified job
satisfaction as an outcome rather than an antecedent of emotional labour (Bony & Vey, 2005;
Brotheridge, 2006b; Grandey, 2000; Rubin et al., 2005). Consistent with this literature, this
thesis regards emotional labour as an antecedent of job satisfaction (and job satisfaction as an
outcome of emotional labour). In an adventure tour leading context, there is only one study
(Carnicelli-Filho 2011) that has explored the relationships between emotional labour and job
satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. Carnicelli-Filho’s (2011) study, however, was
qualitative in nature and did not examine whether deep acting and surface acting had
differential effects on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction. In addition, Carnicelli-Filho’s
sample of adventure tour leaders consisted entirely of white-water rafting guides and thus
does not represent a wide range of adventure tour leaders.

However, there is some quantitative research that has explored the relationships between
emotional labour and job satisfaction of other occupational groups that does distinguish
between deep acting and surface acting. For example, some researchers have proposed that
deep acting could have a negative (Grandey 2000; Hochschild 1983) or neutral (Johnson &
Spector 2007; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009) effect on employees’ job satisfaction, while other
researchers have shown that deep acting could have a positive effect on workers’ job
satisfaction (Ibanez-Rafuse 2010; Ozturk, Karayel & Nasoz 2008; Sheetal 2010).

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Furthermore, some studies have suggested that surface acting is unrelated to job satisfaction
of employees (Johnson & Spector 2007; Ozturk, Karayel & Nasoz 2008), whilst other studies
have shown that surface acting has a negative effect on employees’ job satisfaction (Bono &
Vey 2005; Grandey 2000; Hochschild 1983; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009). It would seem that
the reason that these research findings are somewhat mixed when it comes to the effects of
surface acting and deep acting on employees’ job satisfaction is that different researchers have
used different measures of both emotional labour and job satisfaction. However, the finding
that deep acting could have a positive effect on employees’ job satisfaction supports the
notion that emotional labour does not exclusively have negative consequences for employees.
This view is consistent with other studies which have proposed that emotional labour can
involve both positive and negative features (Miller, Considine & Garner 2007; Wharton 1993;
Wouters 1989; Zembylas 2004).

As discussed previously, surface acting has been associated with a sense of inauthenticity of
self, emotional exhaustion and frustration in employees due to the high level of emotional
dissonance that occurs as a result of performing this type of emotional labour (Ashforth &
Humphrey 1993; Van Dijk & Brown 2006; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007). When surface
acting, employees may feel a state of emotional discomfort since the emotions they display to
clients are not the same as the emotions they genuinely feel on the inside (Hochschild 1983).
Deep acting, on the other hand, has been linked to a sense of authenticity of self in employees
since the emotional dissonance involved with this form of emotional labour is reduced or
completely eliminated (Diefendorff, Croyle & Gosserand 2005; Grayson 1998; Kruml &
Geddes 2000; Zammuner & Galli 2005). This reduction or elimination of emotional
dissonance, which occurs because the employees through managing their emotions have
aligned their genuine emotions with the emotions they display to clients, could also lead to a
feeling of achievement (Sharpe 2005a; Zammuner & Galli 2005). Building on these findings,
as well as research showing that deep acting could have a positive effect on workers’ job
satisfaction (Ibanez-Rafuse 2010; Ozturk, Karayel & Nasoz 2008; Sheetal 2010) while
surface acting predominantly had a negative effect on workers’ job satisfaction (Bono & Vey
2005; Grandey 2000; Hochschild 1983; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009), the following two
hypotheses were proposed:

Hypothesis 1a: Deep acting has a significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders’ job
satisfaction.

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Hypothesis 1b: Surface acting has a significant negative effect on adventure tour leaders’ job
satisfaction.

The researcher was also interested to determine whether there were any differences between
male and female adventure tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job
satisfaction, and the effects of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. This is
important to explore because, according to Hochschild’s (1983) empirical research (where
she, as part of studying the emotional labour of flight attendants, explored the relation of
gender to jobs), women are generally thought to manage their emotions better and more often
than men. Hence, the next section examines the potential effects of gender on the relationship
between emotional labour and job satisfaction. These potential gender effects are important to
examine so as to address Research Objective Four of this thesis, which was to examine
potential gender differences between adventure tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep
acting, job satisfaction, and the effects of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction.

2.5 Emotional Labour, Job Satisfaction and Gender


The terms ‘sex’ and ‘gender’ are often used interchangeably in the literature (Griffin 2003;
Hearn 1994; Pryzgoda & Christler 2000). However, while sex refers to the biological
difference between being female or male, gender is constructed through the behavioural,
social and psychological aspects of acting as women or men (Butler 1990; Hawkesworth
1997; Nicholson 1994; West & Zimmerman 1991). In this way, gender is a social
construction that is linked to societal and cultural norms, which stem from people’s
understanding of how females and males are expected to behave in different contexts within a
particular society or culture (Knights & Kerfoot 2004; Rafaeli & Sutton 1989). Arguably, the
most influential psychologically-based research that has been conducted on gender to date is
Bem’s (1974) work on gender roles. Bem proposed that women do not have to be ‘purely
feminine’ and men do not have to be ‘purely masculine’. Instead, Bem suggested that people
can be classified into one of four groups depending on their levels of masculinity and
femininity: 1) Masculine (high level of masculinity; low level of femininity); 2) Feminine
(high level of femininity; low level of masculinity); 3) Androgynous (high levels of both
masculinity and femininity); and 4) Undifferentiated (low levels of both masculinity and
femininity). Bem (1974) developed a self-report instrument called the Bem’s Sex Role
Inventory (BSRI) in order to measure these four types of gender roles. While the BSRI has
received some criticism based on its factorial validity and the variation in meanings of
masculinity and femininity in different socio-cultural contexts (Fernández & Coello 2010), it
is still one of the most widely used measures in psychologically-based research on gender

91
today (Gianakos 2002) and has been applied in a number of recent studies (Bruns 2010;
Hutchinson 2010; McCusker & Galupo 2011; Pashalidis 2009; Powell & Butterfield 2011;
Watkins 2010; Zheng & Zheng 2011).

In regards to literature on emotional labour and gender, research on job segregation has shown
that women, more often than men, tend to occupy professions that require a high degree of
emotional labour (Erickson & Ritter 2001; Guy & Newman 2004; Hochschild 1983). In
addition, research on gender differences in emotion has shown that women in general have a
tendency to be better than men at perceiving nonverbal cues (Hall 1978; Hochschild 1983;
McClure 2000) and they tend to possess more complex emotional knowledge than men
(Ciarrochi, Hynes & Crittenden 2005). It has also been suggested that women tend to be more
empathetic than men and, furthermore, that women are likely to apply emotion more often
and more appropriately than men, who tend to be more analytic in their approach to the world
(Baron-Cohen 2002). Moreover, women have been shown to score higher on performance
based emotional intelligence tests than men (Joseph & Newman 2010). Emotional intelligence
was discussed in detail in subsection 2.2.6 of this thesis and is relevant to this study because it
serves as an important prerequisite for successful performance of emotional labour. Indeed,
workers who are emotionally intelligent are more likely to apply deep acting than surface
acting when managing their emotions during interpersonal interactions with clients on the job
(Brotheridge 2006a; Brotheridge & Lee 2002; Lee 2010). This notion is important since deep
acting, as opposed to surface acting, is expected to have a positive effect on job satisfaction of
participants in this study.

Given the research which suggested that women tend to be more emotionally intelligent and
thus might be better able to manage their emotions than men, it is reasonable to assume that
they perform more deep acting than men because this form of emotional labour generally
requires more advanced emotional competence than surface acting (Brotheridge 2006a).
Likewise, it is reasonable to believe that men perform more surface acting than women since
this is perceived to be the ‘simplest’ type of emotional labour and, as such, it necessitates less
sophisticated emotional competence than deep acting (McShane, McShane & Travaglione
2007). Thus, provided that deep acting is predicted to have a positive effect on adventure tour
leaders’ job satisfaction, whilst surface acting is predicted to have a negative effect on
adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction (as proposed in Hypothesis 1), it is also plausible to
suggest that the job satisfaction of female adventure tour leaders will be higher than that of

92
male adventure tour leaders. Based on this reasoning, the following three hypotheses were
proposed:

Hypothesis 2a: The level of deep acting is significantly higher for female than for male
adventure tour leaders.

Hypothesis 2b: The level of surface acting is significantly higher for male than for female
adventure tour leaders.

Hypothesis 2c: The level of job satisfaction is significantly higher for female than for male
adventure tour leaders.

Moreover, consistent with the predictions in Hypothesis 2, it is reasonable to assume that deep
acting has a more positive effect on job satisfaction for women than for men and, similarly,
that surface acting has a more negative effect on job satisfaction for men than for women.
Hence, the following two hypotheses were proposed:

Hypothesis 3a: Deep acting has a significantly more positive effect on job satisfaction for
female than for male adventure tour leaders.

Hypothesis 3b: Surface acting has a significantly more negative effect on job satisfaction for
male than for female adventure tour leaders.

Figure 2.8 depicts a visual representation of the relationships between the hypotheses that are
proposed in this study in regards to the variables of gender (G), deep acting (DA), surface
acting (SA), and job satisfaction (JS). The arrows indicate the proposed direction of impact of
each anticipated relationship, and the numbers represent each individual hypothesis.

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G

2a 2b

3a 3b

DA 2c
SA

1a 1b

JS

Figure 2.8 Hypotheses Relating to Gender, Deep Acting, Surface Acting and Job
Satisfaction

The next section explores how adventure tour leaders’ emotional labour and job satisfaction
may relate to their identity construction. This is important to explore in order to address
Research Objective Five of this thesis, which is to explore adventure tour leaders’
comprehension of their identity construction in terms of having one core ‘self’ and/or multiple
identities.

2.6 Emotional Labour, Job Satisfaction and Identity Construction


Understanding how adventure tour leaders comprehend their identity construction is
important to this thesis because there is a possible relationship between the concept of identity
and emotional labour. The findings of some studies (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Burke & Stets
2009; Torland 2011a) suggest that surface acting, as well as a mismatch between employees’
person identities (i.e. how they view themselves as unique and distinct individuals with
idiosyncratic personality attributes) and their jobs, could lead to emotional disharmony and a
feeling of inauthenticity in employees. As discussed in subsection 2.2.5, non-identification
with the job role could lead to a negative state of emotional dissonance as there is a
discrepancy between who the workers believe they are as a person and the role they need to
take on to be successful in their job (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000). Similarly, surface acting
could also lead to a negative state of emotional dissonance due to a difference between
employees’ true emotions and the emotions that they actually display to clients on the job
(Hartel, Hsu & Boyle 2001, 2002; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007). Given that this study

94
predicts surface acting to have a negative effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction,
and deep acting to have a positive effect (see Hypothesis 1), adventure tour leaders’
comprehension of their identity construction in terms of possessing one core ‘self’ and/or
multiple identities could prove to be useful in order to add additional insights into how surface
acting and identity may relate to each other. These insights, in turn, may have implications for
the human resource management of adventure tour leaders in areas such as recruitment,
selection, and training.

Understandings of people’s identity construction has changed throughout history in tune with
three main time periods: 1) premodern times – people were thought to have character (which
was stable and could be good or bad); 2) modern times – people were thought to have
personality (with a stable inner self comprising permanent and unique personality traits); and
3) postmodern times – people are thought to have identity (stability in character or personality
traits is no longer an asset; people are flexible and able to adapt to different situations; having
multiple identities1 is possible) (Brinkmann 2010). During the 1970s and 1980s, there was a
very lively debate taking place among psychologists and other scholars on whether
individuals’ traits were permanent and completely determined by their genes (consistent with
a personality view), or more fluid and formed by environmental forces (consistent with an
identity view) (Elliott 2001; Mischel, Shoda & Smith 2004; Ryckman 2004). In the end, many
researchers seemed to agree that the truth lies somewhere in between – an individual’s traits
are determined by a combination of genes and the environment (Funder 2001).

One approach which has traditionally been associated with the personality view of identity
construction is the well-known Big Five model of personality (Brinkmann 2010; McCrae &
Costa 1987). It classifies people according to their scores on the five personality trait
dimensions of extroversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism, and openness
(John, Donahue & Kentle 1991; John, Naumann & Soto 2008). However, consistent with
postmodern perspectives of self-interpretation, which maintain that people can take on more
than one identity, some researchers have ‘refurbished’ the Big Five model by applying some
of its dimensions as ‘state’ traits in addition to the original personality traits. One example of
this is state extroversion, which refers to extroverted behaviour that is determined by the
situation rather than individuals’ personality traits (Fleeson, Malanos & Achille 2002; Fleeson
& Wilt 2010; McNiel & Fleeson 2006; McNiel, Lowman & Fleeson 2010). In fact, Heller,

1
The term multiple identities as it is used in this thesis indicates that individuals can take on two or more
identities.

95
Komar and Lee (2007) proposed that people act in ways contradictory to their personality
traits most of the time. This notion is important because their study suggested that people
spend very little time behaving in accordance with their ‘real’ self. Then again, it is possible
that some individuals perceive themselves as having multiple identities that are constantly
changing instead of having one fixed personality.

Indeed, in an adventure tourism context, Sharpe (2005a) reported that adventure tour leaders
in her study had difficulties in establishing which setting was the location of their real self – at
work or at home. Sharpe suggested that one explanation for this could be that adventure tour
leaders do not believe that they have one true self. Instead, she argued, it is likely that
adventure tour leaders perceive themselves as having a number of different selves, with each
version of self equally true as any other (Sharpe 2005a). Carnicelli-Filho (2011) confirmed
Sharpe’s findings, showing that adventure tour leaders in his study were aware of the
multiplicity of selves or identities that they comprised. It follows that Sharpe’s (2005a) and
Carnicelli-Filho’s (2011) findings are compatible with the concept of multiple identities as
derived from a postmodern understanding of identity construction where individuals are
believed to have no fixed core ‘self’ but rather a variety of flexible identities or fragmented
selves that they can take on in different situations depending on the environment (Du Gay
2007; Gergen 2000; Lifton 1993; Sande 1990; Vaughan & Hogg 2006).

Critics of postmodern theories of multiple identities, however, have pointed out that the
stability and continuity that comes with the idea of a core self could represent a universal
ingredient for psychological health (Bentz & Kenny 1997; Schachter 2005; Tracy &
Trethewey 2005). Consistent with this criticism, this thesis applies the theory of identity that
was developed by Burke and Stets (2009) as a framework, which opens up the possibility that
individuals may possess both a core self and multiple identities. As opposed to postmodern
theories of multiple identities, which have often been assumed in political, legal, cultural, and
gender studies (Gallaher 1998; Grant 2008; Inokuchi 1997; Ivic 2009; Parker 2001; Toffolo
1995), Burke and Stets’ (2009) identity theory has its origin in the field of social psychology.
Their theory builds on both social identity theory (which aims to explore how people identify
with a social group) (Hogg & Abrams 1988; Tajfel 1970, 1974, 1978, 1982; Tajfel & Turner
1979; Turner et al. 1987) and structural symbolic interactionism (a theory which aims to
understand and explain how social structures and internal self-processes affect the
construction of self as well as how the self affects social behaviours) (Burke & Stets 2009;
McCall & Simmons 1978; Stryker 1980).

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According to Burke and Stets (2009), an identity is composed of four basic components: 1) an
input (refers to people’s perceptions of themselves in relation to their environment); 2) an
identity standard (refers to people’s internal criteria that tell them who their ‘true’ selves are);
3) a comparator (compares the input meanings with the identity standard and generates an
‘error signal’ which signifies the difference between the two); and 4) an output (refers to the
behaviour in the situation based on the error signal from the comparator). These four identity
components are arranged in a cycle as illustrated in Figure 2.9. For example, adventure tour
leaders may perceive that they are acting in an introverted manner in a particular situation on
the job (the input) while they generally perceive themselves as being extroverted (the identity
standard). The comparator compares the input meaning of acting in an introverted manner
with the identity standard of being extroverted, which creates an error signal that motivates
the adventure tour leaders to modify their behaviour in the situation and act in a more
extroverted manner (the output). This modified behaviour then becomes the new input in the
sense that the adventure tour leaders perceive that they are now acting in a more extroverted
manner, which is compared with their identity standard, and the cycle continues. Identity
verification occurs when there is no longer a difference between the input and the identity
standard. Yet, if it is not possible to align the input meanings with the identity standard, this
creates a tension within individuals that may cause them to feel upset because their behaviour
is not congruent with their ‘true’ selves (Burke & Stets 2009).

Identity
Standard

Comparator
Perceptions Error

Input Person Output

Environment
Social
Behaviour

Figure 2.9 The Operation of an Identity with Its Four Components


(Adapted from Burke & Stets 2009, p. 62).

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In their identity theory, Burke and Stets (2009) integrated the notion of role identity (as
derived from structural symbolic interactionism) and the notion of social identity (as derived
from social identity theory) with the idea of person identity. Role identities involve
identifying oneself with a social position (e.g. student, parent, or worker); social identities
involve identifying oneself with a social group (e.g. individuals within an organisation); and
person identities involve viewing oneself as a unique and distinct individual with
idiosyncratic personality attributes (Burke & Stets 2009). The operation of an identity that
was illustrated in Figure 2.9 is applicable to either of these types of identities. However,
people possess a variety of identities that are arranged in a hierarchy where lower-order role
and social identities are subordinated under higher-order person identities that are considered
more important by the individual (Burke & Stets 2009). In a particular situation, one or more
identities could be activated. In this sense, people can take on multiple identities while still
possessing a core self, which consists of their person identities. The next section describes the
conceptual framework that will be used in this study based on the preceding hypotheses that
were proposed in accordance with the literature.

2.7 Conceptual Framework


Figure 2.10 presents a visual depiction of the conceptual framework that will form the
foundation for the research presented in this thesis, which aims is to critically examine the
relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders
employed within Australia. The framework is based on the predictions that were made in this
chapter in the form of hypotheses that were developed in accordance with relevant academic
literature. These predictions will be tested and new insights that may be gained through the
process of analysing the results of this study will be used to modify and/or expand the
framework below so as to create a fuller understanding of the relationships between emotional
labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders.

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Sense of self Feeling of
authenticity achievement

DA +
+ +

Situations of
performing DA
and SA

Comprehension
G JS
of Identity
Construction

- -
SA
- Sense of self
inauthenticity
Emotional
exhaustion,
frustration

Figure 2.10 Conceptual Framework of the Relationships between Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders
G = gender; DA = deep acting; SA = surface acting; JS = job satisfaction. Broken line/arrow = unproven relationship based on exploratory approach; whole
line/arrow = predicted relationship based on hypothesis. (Developed based on the predictions of this study).

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Research Objective One is to develop a profile of adventure tour leaders based on statistical
descriptive data relating to a number of characteristics such as gender, age, nationality, level
of education and training, relationship status, children, job-specific factors, and experience, in
order to better describe the population under study. There is no hypothesis connected to this
research objective, as a descriptive approach to conducting research is adopted. Thus, it is not
known what the profile of adventure tour leaders will look like before quantitative data have
been collected and analysed. However, the insights derived from Research Objective One are
predicted to enhance the understanding of the characteristics of adventure tour leaders in this
study. It is imperative to have a basic understanding of the characteristics of adventure tour
leaders in order to gain a contextual and holistic understanding of the relationships between
their emotional labour and job satisfaction. The profile of adventure tour leaders, however, is
not included in Figure 2.10 given the descriptive nature of the research relating to the profile.

Research Objective Two is to examine the potential effects of surface acting and deep acting
on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction. In relation to this objective, Figure 2.10 shows that
surface acting is predicted to have a statistically significant negative effect on adventure tour
leaders’ job satisfaction since this form of emotional labour involves high emotional
dissonance, thus leading to a sense of inauthenticity of self, emotional exhaustion, and
frustration in employees. Deep acting, on the other hand, is predicted to have a statistically
significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction because this type of
emotional labour involves low emotional dissonance, which results in a sense of authenticity
of self and a feeling of achievement in employees.

Research Objective Four is to examine potential gender differences between adventure tour
leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effects of surface
acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. In relation to this objective, it is predicted that
female adventure tour leaders perform significantly more deep acting and are significantly
more satisfied with their job than male adventure tour leaders. Conversely, male adventure
tour leaders are predicted to perform significantly more surface acting than female adventure
tour leaders. Furthermore, it is predicted that the effect of deep acting on job satisfaction is
significantly more positive for female than male adventure tour leaders, and that the effect of
surface acting on job satisfaction is significantly more negative for male than female
adventure tour leaders.

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While Research Objective Three is to identify the types of situations in which adventure tour
leaders would apply surface acting and deep acting, Research Objective Five is to explore
how adventure tour leaders comprehend their identity construction. There are no hypotheses
connected with these two research objectives as they are addressed using a qualitative
approach and could be classified as exploratory research. Hence, it will not become clear how
these objectives can contribute toward an enhanced understanding of the relationships
between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders until data analysis and
interpretation of the qualitative data have been conducted. This is illustrated by the broken
lines/arrows in Figure 2.10, which indicate that the insights derived from Research Objectives
Three and Five are predicted to complement and expand on the insights gained from the
quantitative data, but that it is not yet clear how, exactly, this might turn out. However, as will
be seen in Chapter 7, following an analysis of quantitative and qualitative data relating to all
research objectives in this thesis, a revised model is presented in Figure 7.1.

2.8 Chapter Summary


This chapter critically discussed literature within the areas of emotional labour and job
satisfaction. First, the theoretical development of Hochschild’s theory of emotional labour
was outlined. Based on a discussion of research that evolved after the publication of
Hochschild’s (1983) seminal book, the dimensions of emotional labour were operationalised
as surface acting and deep acting for the purpose of this study. In order to gain a better
understanding of surface acting and deep acting, a detailed discussion of how employees
could go about performing each of these two emotional labour types was provided. Then, an
outline of how emotional labour could be envisaged as a continuum was presented, before
offering a discussion of how emotional labour may relate to the concepts of emotional
dissonance and authenticity of self. An overview of the antecedents and outcomes of
emotional labour was provided as derived from relevant academic literature. This was
followed by a discussion of the situations in which adventure tour leaders are likely to
perform emotional labour on the job. In regards to job satisfaction, a discussion of the
development of this concept was provided based on relevant academic literature. This was
followed by a discussion of different ways of measuring job satisfaction and an overview of
the antecedents and outcomes of job satisfaction was offered as derived from scholarly
literature. Finally, job satisfaction was discussed in the context of adventure tourism and the
occupation of adventure tour leaders.

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Several hypotheses pertaining to the relationships between emotional labour and job
satisfaction of adventure tour leaders were developed based on relevant scholarly literature.
These hypotheses were incorporated into a model which functions as a conceptual framework
for the purpose of this thesis. It was predicted that deep acting would have a positive effect on
adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction, and that surface acting would have a negative effect
on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction. It was also predicted that female adventure tour
leaders would perform more deep acting and be more satisfied with their job than male
adventure tour leaders. On the other hand, it was predicted that male adventure tour leaders
would perform more surface acting than female adventure tour leaders. Finally, it was
predicted that the effect of deep acting on job satisfaction would be more positive for female
than male adventure tour leaders, and that the effect of surface acting on job satisfaction
would be more negative for male than female adventure tour leaders.

There were also two subject areas in the conceptual framework that adopted an exploratory
approach to conducting research. These areas related to: identifying situations in which
adventure tour leaders would apply surface and deep acting; and exploring how adventure
tour leaders comprehend their identity construction. Given the exploratory nature of this
aspect of the research, it will not become clear how the findings can contribute toward an
enhanced understanding of the relationship between emotional labour and job satisfaction of
adventure tour leaders until data analysis and interpretation have been conducted. Chapter
Three presents an overview and justification of the study’s methodology.

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Chapter Three: Methodology

3.1 Introduction
This chapter provides a description and justification of the methods and procedures that were
used in this study so as to address the research objectives presented in Chapter One. First, a
discussion of relevant research paradigms is provided with a particular focus on the positivist
and interpretivist paradigms. An explanation as to why pragmatism (Howe 1988; Maxcy
2003; Morgan 2007; Tashakkori & Teddlie 1998) was adopted as a productive approach to
conducting research in this study is offered, before presenting the mixed methods research
design that was applied. Then, a description and justification is given of the quantitative on-
line survey and the qualitative e-mail interviews that were conducted. This is followed by an
acknowledgement and explanation of the methodological limitations linked with these
methods. The chapter ends with a discussion of ethical issues that were taken into
consideration during the planning and conduct of the study.

3.2 Research Paradigm


Within the social sciences there are a number of philosophical approaches that underpin
scientific investigation. These philosophical approaches are often referred to as the
‘paradigm’ in which a researcher is working. A research paradigm can be defined as a
‘worldview, complete with the assumptions that are associated with that view’ (Mertens 2003,
p. 139) or, in the words of Guba and Lincoln (1994, p. 105), ‘the basic belief system or world
view that guides the investigation’. Unsurprisingly, the paradigm a researcher adopts will
have implications for the tools chosen for data collection as well as the method and style of
interpretation of the collected data (Bazeley 2003). The assumptions of a particular research
paradigm can be identified by addressing its position in relation to three philosophical stances:
ontology, epistemology, and methodology (Guba 1990). While ontology refers to the nature
of ‘reality’ that is assumed by the researcher, epistemology explores the nature of the
relationship between the researcher and what is studied (Guba 1990). Methodology, on the
other hand, is concerned with how the researcher goes about generating knowledge through
the ‘lens’ of a particular theoretical approach and research design (Guba 1990; Walter 2006).

Social science researchers have tended to apply the positivist and interpretivist paradigms
most often (Neuman 2006). Quantitative research methods can be related to the positivist
research paradigm within the social sciences (Neuman 2006). This research paradigm implies

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that the researchers ‘seek rigorous, exact measures and “objective” research, and they test
hypotheses by carefully analysing numbers from the measures’ (Neuman 1999, p. 66).
Positivism views social science as:

an organized method for combining deductive logic with precise empirical observations of
individual behaviour in order to discover and confirm a set of probabilistic causal laws that can
be used to predict general patterns of human activity (Neuman 1999, p. 66).

One advantage of the positivist research paradigm is that it allows researchers to apply an
objective relationship between themselves and study participants (Neuman 2006). This, in
turn, can result in enhanced reliability of the data being collected. Positivism also allows for
large amounts of data to be collected in a cost- and time-efficient manner (Jennings 2010).
Critics of the positivist paradigm, however, suggest that positivism reduces people to numbers
and that the focus on abstract laws and formulas might not be relevant to the actual lives of
real people (Jennings 2010; Neuman 2006). These critics often adhere to the interpretivist
research paradigm within the social sciences, which relies primarily on qualitative research
methods. Interpretivist researchers use techniques that are more sensitive to context in order
to gain an understanding of the ways other people see the world. Thus, they try to achieve an
empathetic understanding of feelings and worldviews as opposed to testing laws of human
behaviour (Neuman 2003, 2006).

Another way to differentiate between quantitative and qualitative research styles is the
contrast between technocratic and transcendent perceptions of research (Lofland & Lofland
1984, pp. 118-121). The technocratic perspective implies that the researcher is the expert,
and the aim of the research is to detect and document law-like generalisations in order to
increase efficiency. This research approach aligns with the positivist paradigm, and is thus
frequently used by quantitative researchers (Neuman 2006). In contrast, the transcendent
perspective of research focuses more on the viewpoints of the people that are actually being
studied, as opposed to expert opinions. Instead of being viewed as objects, people are treated
as creative and empathetic living beings. Power relations and inequalities are questioned, and
social relations are considered as conscious actions rather than laws of human nature. This
research approach corresponds with the interpretivist perspective of social science (Neuman
2006; Punch 1998). Table 3.1 depicts the different research approaches as they relate to the
positivist and interpretivist research paradigms along with their ontological, epistemological,
and methodological assumptions. The research approach that was adopted for the purpose of

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this study embraces both categories A and B in Table 3.1 and will be discussed in more detail
in the following subsection which examines mixed methods approaches.

Table 3.1
Positivist and Interpretivist Research Paradigms and Their Assumptions
Category Paradigm Ontological Epistemological Methodological
Assumptions Assumptions Assumptions
A Positivist Adopts an essentialist The researcher aims Theories and/or
orientation assuming to stay distant or hypotheses are
that reality is ‘out detached from the prepared before
there’ just waiting to phenomenon under commencing a study.
be revealed, although study and thus Numerical evidence
Technocratic it might be difficult remains ‘objective’. is gathered and
to pin down. The Every attempt is analysed in order to
world is governed by made to prevent bias prove or disprove
universal causal laws. from influencing the these theories and/or
findings of a study. hypotheses.
Quantitative
Reliability and
validity of data are
important.

B Interpretivist Adopts a The researcher works Thematic categories


constructionist closely with the emerge from the
orientation assuming researched to create research participants
that the interactions mutual in a study.
Transcendent and beliefs of people understandings. The Information is tested
create reality. What findings represent an for trustworthiness
people see and outcome of this and credibility rather
experience is socially unique interaction. than reliability and
Qualitative constructed and may Subjectivity and bias validity.
be different for are unavoidable.
different people.

(Adapted from Guba 1990; Neuman 2006).

3.2.1 Mixed Methods Approaches


Mixed methods approaches have become an increasingly accepted way of conducting
research in areas such as management, social sciences and tourism studies (Pansiri 2005).
Mixed methods have been referred to as the third path (Gorard & Taylor 2004), the third
research paradigm (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie 2004), and the third methodological movement
(Teddlie & Tashakkori 2003). Some benefits of conducting mixed methods research include
the following: it allows the researcher to answer a broader and more complete range of
research questions; the strengths of one method can be used by the researcher to compensate
for the weaknesses of another method applied in the same study; it can engender insights that
may not have emerged had only one method been used; and it can generate a more complete

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knowledge and stronger evidence that can be used to draw conclusions to inform theory and
practice (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie 2004).

Within tourism studies, many researchers have advocated and applied mixed methods. In a
study that outlined an integrative framework for urban tourism, for example, Pearce (2001, p.
940) suggested that the broader and more integrative approach necessary to conducting
research on urban tourism requires that researchers create ‘broader research designs
involving diverse methodologies, [that draw] on multiple data sources and combin[e] these in
innovative ways, and [that interpret] the subsequent results through a variety of lenses’.
Furthermore, Davies (2003) examined the role of quantitative and qualitative research in
studies of tourism as an industry. In his study, Davies concluded that a broader research
methodology that incorporates both quantitative and qualitative research approaches is
required in order to create an enhanced understanding of the tourism business. In addition,
Davies suggested that a mixed methods approach has proved to be useful in order to gain
multiple perspectives in a variety of studies examining the tourism industry by Archer
(1980), Stabler (1993), Stabler and Goodall (1996), and Uysal and Crompton (1985).

There are also a number of studies within adventure tourism that have applied a mixed
methods approach in order to obtain an enhanced insight into the phenomena under
investigation. For instance, Arnould and Price (1993) applied a variety of methods in their
study, which explored the provision of extraordinary experiences on commercial, multi-day
river rafting trips in the Colorado River basin. These methods included face-to-face
interviews, participant observation, and surveys (Arnould & Price 1993). According to
Arnould and Price (1993, p. 24), the ‘[p]articipant observation and interview data enriched
the interpretation of the quantitative results’. Moreover, Lamont (2009) used a survey and e-
mail interviews to collect data to create an enhanced understanding of the behaviours, needs,
and preferences of independent bicycle tourists in Australia. According to Lamont, applying
both these methods made it possible to exploit the strengths and overcome the weaknesses of
each approach in his study.

The main criticism of mixed methods to date has been that it could be considered as
inappropriate to mix quantitative and qualitative methods due to what is regarded as the
fundamental differences in the underlying philosophical assumptions inherent in each
respective paradigm (Guba 1987; Sale, Lohfeld & Brazil 2002; Smith 1983; Smith &
Heshusius 1986). One way to overcome this criticism is to adopt pragmatism as the

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philosophical basis for conducting mixed methods research. As such, pragmatism suggests
that wedding quantitative and qualitative methods is not epistemologically incoherent but
often necessary in order to interpret the findings of some studies (Brewer & Hunter 2006;
Howe 1988; Maxcy 2003; Morgan 2007; Tashakkori & Teddlie 1998). Pragmatism considers
the research questions or objectives of a study to be more important than either the method
being used or the paradigm that underlies the method. Hence, pragmatism supports the use of
both quantitative and qualitative methods within the same study if the research objectives
require such a mixed methods approach to be adequately addressed (Teddlie & Tashakkori
2003).

The origin of pragmatism as a research paradigm can be traced back to the work of classical
pragmatists Charles Sanders Peirce, William James, and John Dewey, who suggested that
‘research approaches should be mixed in ways that offer the best opportunities for answering
important research questions’ (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie 2004, p. 16). Pragmatism has
several general characteristics including, but not limited to, the following: pragmatism aims
to find a middle ground and identify workable solutions to longstanding philosophical
problems (e.g. the positivist versus the interpretivist paradigms); pragmatism rejects binary
(either-or) choices (e.g. facts versus values, subjectivism versus objectivism); pragmatism
regards knowledge as being both constructed and based on the reality of the world one lives
in and experiences; theories are viewed instrumentally (i.e. they are considered to be ‘true’ to
different degrees depending on how well they work in terms of predictability and
applicability); and pragmatism has a preference for action over philosophising (Johnson &
Onwuegbuzie 2004; Teddlie & Tashakkori 2003). It follows from these characteristics that
pragmatism represents a very practical and applied research philosophy (Teddlie &
Tashakkori 2003).

Pragmatism embraces both the positivist and interpretivist paradigms. Regarding ontology,
pragmatists look at ‘truth’ to be provisional in nature in that people constantly obtain ‘new’
truths through experience and experimenting (Cherryholmes 1992; Johnson & Onwuegbuzie
2004). Pragmatists accept that there are singular and multiple realities that may be oriented
toward solving practical problems in the ‘real world’ (Feilzer 2009). Thus, for pragmatists,
‘truth is what works’ (Howe 1988, p. 14) in regards to the research questions under
investigation and is determined based on the personal value system of the researcher (Teddlie
& Tashakkori 2009). Regarding epistemology, pragmatists believe that both subjectivity and
objectivity can be applied by the researcher depending on the stage of the research cycle.

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That is, at some points during the research process the researcher may need to maintain a
close interactive relationship with study participants (e.g. when conducting interviews to
answer complex questions) whereas at other points the researcher may not require interaction
with study participants (e.g. when testing a hypothesis based on quantitative data) (Teddlie &
Tashakkori 2009). In relation to methodology, pragmatists suggest that quantitative,
qualitative or mixed methods may be applied depending on the nature of the particular
research questions under examination (Datta 1997; Teddlie & Tashakkori 2003).

As suggested by Teddlie and Tashakkori (2003, 2009), some research questions can only be
answered by applying quantitative methods; others can only be addressed by the means of
qualitative methods; and yet others may necessitate mixed methods. Thus, whilst quantitative
and qualitative orientations toward research differ in many ways, it is important to
acknowledge that they can also complement each other (Neuman 2006). Accordingly, a
mixed methods approach was applied in this study in order to generate a more comprehensive
understanding of the topics being examined than if only one method was applied. Moreover,
pragmatism was adopted as the paradigm of choice for the purpose of this study since two of
the research objectives necessitated the use of both quantitative and qualitative methods; two
research objectives lent themselves to a purely qualitative method; and one research objective
lent itself to a purely quantitative method.

More specifically, Research Objective One lent itself to the use of a purely quantitative
method because the demographic data relating to adventure tour leaders’ characteristics were
numerical in nature and, thus, required the use of statistical analysis in order to develop a
socio-demographic profile. Qualitative data were not collected in relation to this objective as
the creation of a socio-demographic profile did not necessitate a high level of detail to
describe the study participants’ characteristics (Jennings 2010). Research Objectives Three
and Five aimed to explore the situations in which adventure tour leaders applied emotional
labour as well as how adventure tour leaders comprehended their identity construction. These
objectives lent themselves to the use of a purely qualitative method given their exploratory
nature. According to Jennings (2010), exploratory research is mainly informed by qualitative
methods because of the flexibility they offer in regards to collecting rich and detailed data that
could help to establish initial categories and concepts that create the basis for further research.

Research Objectives Two and Four lent themselves to the use of both quantitative and
qualitative methods. One disadvantage of using purely quantitative data to address a research

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objective is that it does not necessarily generate a holistic understanding of the phenomena
under investigation due to the numerical nature of quantitative data (Jennings 2010). In order
to overcome this weakness, a qualitative method was added to collect rich textual data, which
created a fuller understanding of the emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour
leaders, and how this might relate to their gender.

While Downward and Mearman (2004) criticised pragmatism for being too vague a
philosophy to be relied upon within tourism studies, this view was later challenged by Pansiri
(2005) who suggested that pragmatism could yield better research insights in the context of
tourism studies because it allows researchers to select the most appropriate mix of methods
for a particular research project. As such, Pansiri (2006) called for more mixed methods
research that applied pragmatism as a research paradigm within tourism studies. Whilst
Pansiri, in 2009, had not yet ‘come across a paper in tourism studies, which claims to have
used mixed-methods research with a pragmatist’s lens’ (Pansiri 2009, p. 85), some research in
tourism studies has emerged that has adopted pragmatism as a research paradigm in mixed
methods studies. Mackellar (2009), for example, used pragmatism as the overarching research
philosophy for her PhD study, which examined participants at special interest events in
regional Australia. In her thesis, Mackellar (2009, p. 36) used surveys, interviews and
participant observation to ‘discover more about the people who are participants at events’ and
‘ensure triangulation in the study’. Mackellar suggested that pragmatism represents a
philosophy that allows the researcher to cut through philosophical debates between
quantitative and qualitative purists and to focus rather on designing suitable mixed methods
research strategies that will help to solve the research problems in practice.

In his study of the Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) involvement of service providers in
the Mauritian tourism sector, Ragodoo (2010) also adopted pragmatism as the underpinning
research philosophy of his mixed methods research. Ragodoo used a survey and interviews to
collect data from tour operators and car rental companies in Mauritius. He stated that the use
of pragmatism as a philosophy for his study meant that he could use the mixture of methods
that worked best in real-life situations and that the strengths and weaknesses of these methods
complemented each other (Ragodoo 2010). Moreover, Gu and Ryan (2010) adopted
pragmatism as a research philosophy in their study on the perceptions of residents of
Hongcun, China, regarding the impacts of tourism on a rural community. Gu and Ryan (2010,
pp. 239–40) proposed that their use of both a survey and interviews in their study permitted ‘a
richer data set to emerge whereby both quantitative and qualitative methods would yield

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complementary data sets, even allowing for the different ontologies and epistemologies that
underlie each method’. Furthermore, they suggested that pragmatism implies that the nature
of the research questions and the context of the research are more important when selecting
methods for a study than any prior predisposition of the researcher relating to paradigmatic
approaches (Gu & Ryan 2010). It is clear, then, that pragmatism has positioned itself as a
contending and rapidly emerging research paradigm within tourism studies that can allow
researchers to apply a combination of research approaches that work in practice (Pansiri
2006). In this regard, this thesis makes an original contribution to the scholarly literature since
it applies pragmatism as a research philosophy within the context of tourism studies and, more
specifically, adventure tourism.

3.2.2 Research Design


There are three subtypes of mixed methods research including ‘pure’ mixed, qualitative
mixed, and quantitative mixed (Johnson, Onwuegbuzie & Turner 2007). Figure 3.1 shows that
research can be purely qualitative or purely quantitative in nature. In purely mixed methods
research, however, researchers assign equal status to the qualitative and quantitative parts of
the study. It is also possible to use qualitative dominant mixed methods research (symbolised
as QUAL + quan research) where the researchers believe that quantitative data and
approaches can add to the insights derived from their otherwise qualitative research projects.
Moreover, researchers can use quantitative dominant mixed methods research (symbolised as
QUAN + qual research) in cases where they believe that qualitative data and approaches can
expand on and complement their otherwise quantitative research projects (Johnson,
Onwuegbuzie & Turner 2007).

Figure 3.1 The Three Subtypes of Mixed Methods Research


(Source: Johnson, Onwuegbuzie & Turner 2007, p. 124).
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The subtype of mixed methods research that is applied in this thesis is ‘pure’ mixed methods
research (Johnson, Onwuegbuzie & Turner 2007). This approach was chosen because the
researcher assigned equal status to the qualitative and quantitative components of the study
given their relative contribution to addressing the five research objectives. The qualitative
data were used to help explain and build upon the initial quantitative findings. In other words,
the qualitative data in this thesis served to create a more nuanced picture of the phenomena
under investigation and this picture added richness and depth to the quantitative data. Given
this complementary mixed methods approach, the qualitative data attended to the same
research aim and objectives as the quantitative data, with the exception of Research
Objectives Three and Five which were addressed by analysing purely qualitative data.
However, since the goal of collecting the qualitative data was to complement and expand on
the insights gained from the quantitative data, no separate research questions were developed
in regards to the qualitative component of the study.

The mixed methods research design for this study comprised a quantitative on-line survey and
qualitative e-mail interviews. Figure 3.2 is based on Creswell and Plano Clark’s (2007)
sequential explanatory design of mixed methods research. It represents the research design
applied in the empirical study described in this thesis. Figure 3.2 shows that quantitative data
were collected first in the study. In order to explain and expand on the quantitative results,
however, some follow-up qualitative data were also collected. Figure 3.2 shows that in Stage
1 of the research process, quantitative data that related to objectives 1, 2 and 4 were collected
through an on-line survey. These data were then analysed and the results were used as a basis
to develop follow-up questions for e-mail interviews in Stage 2. The data that were collected
through e-mail interviews related to Objectives Two to Five. The interview data were
analysed and the qualitative interview results together with the quantitative survey results
made up the foundation for interpretation of these findings in Stage 3 of the research process.

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QUAN QUAN QUAN Develop follow-
data collection data analysis results up questions for
interviews in
Stage 1 On-line survey On-line survey On-line survey Stage 2 based on
Objectives 1, 2, 4 survey results

QUAL QUAL QUAL


Stage 2 data collection data analysis results
E-mail interviews E-mail interviews E-mail interviews
Objectives 2–5

Stage 3 Interpretation
QUAN and QUAL
findings

Figure 3.2 Mixed Methods Research Design for This Study


(Adapted from Creswell & Plano Clark 2007, pp. 72–74).

Table 3.2 presents an overview of the methods applied in this study. It shows that a
quantitative on-line survey of adventure tour leaders was conducted, which contained
demographic closed-end questions as well as questions generated from the Emotional Labour
Scale (Brotheridge & Lee 1998, 2003) and the Job Satisfaction Index (Brayfield & Rothe
1951). A purposive sampling strategy was used and 137 adventure tour leaders responded to
the survey. The quantitative data collected from the survey were analysed through the use of
descriptive statistics, a multiple regression analysis, univariate ANOVAs, and general linear
modelling. Furthermore, qualitative e-mail interviews of adventure tour leaders were
conducted, which comprised four open-ended questions along with follow-up questions. A
purposive sampling strategy was utilised and 25 adventure tour leaders participated in an e-
mail interview. The qualitative data collected from the e-mail interviews were analysed
through the means of thematic analysis. Sections 3.3 and 3.4 expand on the information
provided in Table 3.2 and examine issues relating to the on-line survey and the e-mail
interviews in more detail.

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Table 3.2 Summary of the Methods Applied in This Study
On-line Survey E-mail Interviews
Methodology Quantitative Qualitative
Sampling Purposive Purposive
Sample Size n = 137 n = 25
Measures Demographic closed-end questions Four open-ended questions
Emotional Labour Scale Follow-up questions
Job Satisfaction Index
Data Analyses Descriptive statistics Thematic analysis
Multiple regression analysis
Univariate ANOVAs
General linear model

3.3 Quantitative On-line Survey


Surveys are the most widely used technique to gather data in a range of different research
fields (Neuman 2006). Surveys have the advantages of being versatile; efficient in collecting
large-scale data; useful to study large populations; conducive to statistical analysis techniques;
and helpful in conducting secondary data analysis (Walter 2006, pp. 189–90). There are a
variety of different survey techniques, such as mail questionnaires, telephone interviews, face-
to-face interviews, and web surveys (Neuman 2006).

Given the amount of time and accessibility required by participants in order to take part in a
face-to-face or telephone interview (Kelley et al. 2003), these survey techniques were ruled
out. When it comes to mail questionnaires, this survey technique was ruled out due to the
slow speed and low response rate that are associated with first mailing questionnaires to
participants and then having participants mail the completed surveys back to the researcher
(Kelley et al. 2003; Neuman 2006). Hence, a web-based survey, also called an on-line survey,
was used because this is considered to be a fast and cost-effective way to get in touch with
potential study participants (Dillman, Tortora & Bowker 1998a; Fleming & Bowden 2007).
Another distinct advantage of using an on-line survey is that the survey results would already
be in an electronic format from the time participants entered their data (Dillman 2000).
Consequently, valuable time to manually enter the survey results into a computer was saved
which, in turn, also reduced the risk of human error in data entry (Fleming & Bowden 2007;
Frippiat & Marquis 2010). Furthermore, using an on-line survey provided the opportunity to
collect data continuously, regardless of time or day of week and without any geographical
limitations (Manfreda 2001) (e.g. some participants were travelling overseas when completing
the survey). Even though many adventure tour leaders are likely to work in relatively remote
areas of Australia, it was assumed that most of them would still have access to the internet

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since the adventure tour operators for which they work generally depend on internet
marketing to attract clients in the first place.

In order to overcome the limitations of conducting an on-line survey, several strategies were
applied. One of these strategies was to limit the number of questions to 21, although two of
these questions were scale-based and thus required a number of answers relating to different
statements. This limited length of the questionnaire was applied to make it more appealing
time-wise for potential participants to fill out the survey (estimated to take 15 minutes to
complete) (Crawford, Couper & Lamias 2001; Dillman 2000; Dillman, Tortora & Bowker
1998b; Umbach 2004). In addition, the language style was changed from the somewhat
technical academic style that is normally used in scientific research to a more conversational
and everyday language style (Jennings 2010) when adventure tour leaders were invited to
participate in the study. Whenever possible, this language style was also applied in the survey
itself. This was done in order to make the invitation and survey as easy to understand as
possible without the use of technical words that might be considered ‘dry’ or difficult for
people not working in academia (Dillman 2000; Neuman 2006).

As a means to maximise the response rate, the invitation was personalised by using the name
of the person or organisation that was contacted, instead of using group e-mails, to make the
receiver feel that the invitation was especially made for her/him and to avoid the e-mail from
becoming stuck in the receiver’s spam filter (Cook, Heath & Thompson 2000; Munos-Leiva
et al. 2010). Moreover, the relevance of the study for adventure tour leaders was emphasised
in order to maximise the response rate. That is, it was highlighted that adventure tour leaders,
by participating in the survey, could help to improve conditions for themselves as well as
other adventure tour leaders who work in the Australian tourism industry. This was consistent
with Umbach’s (2004) recommendation that you need to know your audience and tailor web-
surveys to the particular population under study. (For a copy of the invitation to participate in
the survey along with the on-line questionnaire that was used, see Appendix 1 and Appendix
2, respectively.)

3.3.1 Pilot Test


Before the survey could take place, a pilot test was conducted during October/November
2009. Two groups of people were included in the pilot test: leaders in 138 Australian
bushwalking clubs, and 18 of the researcher’s academic colleagues. The first group was
deemed appropriate for the pilot test because leaders in bushwalking clubs often lead the same

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types of adventure activities that were covered in this study. The second group was considered
to be suitable for the pilot test because, firstly, many of the group had extensive experience of
survey research and, secondly, being familiar with the researcher they might show a
willingnesss to assist with the research. From the pilot test, 14 responses were returned which
contained constructive feedback that was taken into consideration when modifying the survey
material. As a result, some minor amendments were made to the information sheet and
questionnaire. These amendments to the survey material based on feedback from pilot
participants greatly assisted in the elimination of ambiguity as well as improvement of
wording and sequencing (Neuman 2006; Veal 2006; Walter 2006).

3.3.2 Procedures and Sampling


The sample frame for the quantitative part of this study included a range of on-line searching
functions and organisation lists found on the websites of Australian outdoor organisations and
associations (e.g. the Outdoor Council of Australia, the Yellow Pages, and Adventure Pro), as
well as relevant tourism organisations, government departments, and national parks
authorities. Contact details of adventure organisations that were thought to fulfil certain
selection criteria were manually entered into a database. These selection criteria have already
been discussed in section 1.4 of this thesis. Selected adventure organisations were first
contacted via e-mail or on-line contact forms, asking the contacted person to forward the e-
mail or form to the organisation’s adventure tour leaders. Potential participants then had the
opportunity to read the information provided, before deciding if they wanted to take part in
the research, in which case a hyperlink/web address would lead them directly to an
anonymous on-line survey. This survey was designed using the software SurveyMonkey®,
and was made available on the internet for a period of two months, between November and
January, 2009–2010. Adventure organisations were approached instead of contacting
adventure tour leaders directly because obtaining their contact details proved to be
problematic due to privacy issues. This meant that the size of the overall population remained
unknown. However, from the 789 organisations contacted, a sample of 137 adventure tour
leaders responded to the survey.

3.3.3 Measures
Three types of quantitative measures were used in this thesis (see Appendix 2). The first
measure collected demographic information from participants through a series of closed-end
questions that were developed for the purpose of this study. The second measure contained
the surface acting and deep acting subscales (3 items each) of Brotheridge and Lee’s (1998;

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2003) Emotional Labour Scale (ELS), which measures the frequency of these two dimensions
of emotional labour, using a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 = Never, to 5 = Always.
Although the ELS contains four other subscales that measure situational elements of
emotional labour (including the intensity, frequency, variety, and duration of emotional
labour), the main focus of this study was to examine the effects of surface acting and deep
acting on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction. As such, it was outside the scope of this
study to include these situational emotional labour subscales in the analyses. Table 3.3 shows
all the items of the surface acting and deep acting subscales of the ELS.

Table 3.3 Items of the Surface Acting and Deep Acting Subscales
ELS Subscale Items
SA - I hide my true feelings about a situation
- I resist expressing my true feelings
- I pretend to have emotions that I don’t really have
DA - I make an effort to actually feel the emotions that I need to display to
my clients
- I really try to feel the emotions I have to show as part of my job
- I try to actually experience the emotions that I must show
ELS = emotional labour scale; SA = surface acting; DA = deep acting.

Brotheridge and Lee (1998; 2003) developed the items of the surface acting and deep acting
subscales of the ELS based on a review of emotional labour literature (Ashforth & Humphrey
1993; Hochschild 1983; Morris & Feldman 1996a, 1997), an examination by other
researchers and practitioners to ensure that the language and content of the items were clear
and consistent (Brotheridge & Lee 1998), and pilot testing with two working samples (n = 73
and n = 141) which showed that the items form two independent but related factors
(Brotheridge & Lee 1998; Grandey 1998). More recently, Brotheridge and Lee (2003) further
validated the ELS through a study that tested all subscales on samples of 296 and 238
respondents respectively, which provided evidence for convergent and discriminant validity.
As a result of this rigorous research, a variety of researchers have later applied the ELS or its
subscales as a reliable and valid measure of emotional labour in their studies (Judge, Woolf &
Hurst 2009; Martinez-Inigo et al. 2007; Naring, Briet & Brouwers 2006; Ozturk, Karayel &
Nasoz 2008). For example, Judge et al. (2009) found that whereas surface acting had a
negative effect on job satisfaction, deep acting was unrelated to job satisfaction. They also
found that surface and deep acting had more positive effects for extroverts compared to
introverts. Another study reported that whilst surface acting had a negative effect on
emotional exhaustion, deep acting showed no relationship with emotional exhaustion

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(Martinez-Inigo et al. 2007). Naring et al. (2006) found that surface acting was related to
depersonalisation. Finally, Ozturk, Karayel and Nasoz (2008) reported that deep acting had a
negative effect on emotional exhaustion and a positive effect on job satisfaction, while surface
acting had a negative effect on emotional exhaustion and no relationship with job satisfaction.

The third measure that was used in this study comprised Brayfield and Rothe’s (1951) Job
Satisfaction Index (JSI), 18-items version, which measures overall job satisfaction, using a 5-
point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 = Strongly Disagree, to 5 = Strongly Agree. The JSI is
often referred to as ‘the overall job satisfaction measure’ (Furnham 2005). It was first
published in the Journal of Applied Psychology (Brayfield & Rothe 1951) and is now in the
public domain. According to Price and Mueller (1986), a reliability coefficient of .87 and two
sets of data provide adequate validity for Brayfield and Rothe’s measure. The JSI is generally
recognised as an affectively based measure of job satisfaction (Schleicher, Watt & Greguras
2004) that has been utilised as a reliable and valid instrument in a number of recent studies
within different areas such as psychology, management, and organisational psychology
(Amos & Weathington 2008; Bono et al. 2007; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009; Meglino &
Korsgaard 2007; Piasentin & Chapman 2007).

3.3.4 Analyses of Survey Data

The data collected from the completed survey questionnaires were electronically transferred
from the SurveyMonkey® software into SPSS Version 17 data analysis software for PCs. The
collected demographic data were analysed utilising frequency distributions. Descriptive
statistics were calculated in relation to the deep acting and surface acting subscales as well as
the job satisfaction scale. Hypothesis 1 (which proposed that deep acting has a positive, and
surface acting a negative, effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction) was tested using a
multiple regression analysis with deep acting and surface acting as independent variables and
job satisfaction as the dependent variable. This analytical method was chosen because it
allows the examination of how well a set of variables (e.g. surface acting and deep acting) is
able to predict a particular outcome (e.g. job satisfaction) (Tabachnick & Fidell 2001).
Regression was chosen instead of correlation because the majority of academic research refers
to emotional labour as an antecedent rather than an outcome of job satisfaction (see Figures
2.4 and 2.7). In order to identify the most appropriate model for the regression analysis, socio-
demographic variables (i.e. gender, age, nationality, level of education and training,
relationship status, children, job-specific factors, and experience) were initially analysed
univariately in relation to the independent and dependent variables. However, the results were

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not statistically significant and thus gave no strong reason to unnecessarily complicate the
regression analysis by including them in the model.

Hypothesis 2 (which proposed that the levels of deep acting and job satisfaction was higher
for female than male adventure tour leaders and that the level of surface acting was higher for
male than female adventure tour leaders) was tested using three univariate ANOVAs with
deep acting, surface acting, and job satisfaction as dependent variables and gender as the
independent categorical variable. This analytical method was chosen because it allows one to
compare the mean scores (e.g. surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction) of different groups
(e.g. males and females) (Stevens 1996). Hypothesis 3 (which proposed that the effect of deep
acting on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction was more positive for females than males
and that the effect of surface acting on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction was more
negative for males than females) was tested using a statistical analysis method called the
General Linear Model (GLM) with deep acting, surface acting, and gender as independent
variables and job satisfaction as the dependent variable. This analytical method was chosen
because the independent variables were a mixture of continuous (deep acting and surface
acting) and categorical (gender) variables and the GLM is specifically designed to deal with
this situation (Grafen & Hails 2002).

The analytic methods that were used in this study were sensitive to outliers (cases with values
well above or below the majority of other cases) and assumed that the populations from which
the samples were taken were normally distributed (Tabachnick & Fidell 2001). In order to
adhere to these assumptions, the data were checked for outliers and normality through the
evaluation of histograms and box plots before starting the analyses. The outliers and normal
distributions were acceptable and, consequently, no further inquiry in this regard was
necessary. However, the normality of the distribution of the dependent variable (job
satisfaction) was also assessed using a Kolmogorov-Smirnov one-sample test. The p-value
from the exact test was .173 indicating no strong evidence of deviation from normality (exact
p = .173). When it comes to reliability of the scales that were used, Cronbach’s (1951)
reliability tests were conducted in regards to the items in the surface acting subscale, the deep
acting subscale, and the job satisfaction scale. Moreover, analyses of observed power (Cohen
1988) were conducted in relation to Hypotheses 1 to 3 to ensure that the sample of 137
participants as well as the respective subsamples of 28 females and 109 males were adequate.

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3.4 Qualitative E-mail Interviews
Qualitative interviews can be described as ‘a construction site of knowledge’ where two
individuals discuss a topic of mutual interest (Kvale 1996, p. 2). Face-to-face interviews have
the highest response rate of all interview types and provide opportunities to use non-verbal
communication, visual aids, and extensive probes (Neuman 2006). Phone interviews, on the
other hand, form a flexible and cost-effective method that could be useful if the interviewee is
located at a considerable geographical distance (Walter 2006). Given these advantages of
face-to-face and phone interviews, the researcher was initially planning to use these interview
types when collecting data from adventure tour leaders in this study.

However, the researcher suspected that it might be difficult to find a suitable time and/or
place to conduct a face-to-face or phone interview with each adventure tour leader as many of
them would spend considerable amounts of time in the field on expeditions. Hence, the
participants who had consented to an interview were asked how they felt about participating
in an e-mail interview instead of a face-to-face or phone interview by sending them an e-mail
(see Appendix 3). Most of them were very positive to participate in an interview via e-mail
and many of them mentioned that this would be the best way to communicate for them as
well. For example, one participant stated the following: ‘I would be happy to continue
participating in your PhD study and believe that conducting the interviews via e-mails will
work perfectly for myself and probably many other outdoor professionals, as it’s hard to know
when and where you may be at a given time’. Consistent with this, another participant said,
‘E-mailing the questionnaire would be the best way for me too, mate’. Hence, due to
participants’ busy, unpredictable schedules as adventure tour leaders, committing to a
particular time and/or place to participate in a face-to-face or phone interview was not likely
to be convenient. Given this situation, data collection was pursued via e-mail correspondence,
which offered a distinct advantage in that this technique allowed participants to respond at a
time and place convenient to them. Consequently, geographic location of participants was not
an issue as they only required access to a computer with internet connection.

E-mail interviews represent a relatively new data collection method within the social sciences
(James 2007; Kvale & Brinkmann 2009). Recently, however, computer-assisted interviewing
has become more widespread in the social science research arena (Johns, Chen & Hall 2004;
Jones 1999). While the internet traditionally has been used by quantitative researchers as a
means of collecting large amounts of data quickly and cost-effectively through on-line
surveys (Curasi 2001), qualitative researchers are now starting to appreciate the value of the

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internet as a means of collecting rich, detailed data to understand human experience (Mann &
Stewart 2000; Meho 2006). This is illustrated in the number of studies utilising electronic
qualitative data collection techniques such as e-mail interviewing (Al-Salem 2005; Lamont
2009; Matthew 2008; Predmore et al. 2009; Zhao 2009). Indeed, e-mail interviews have the
potential to facilitate higher quality responses than face-to-face or phone interviews as
participants have time to think about their responses, proof-read their responses, and make
revisions (Bryman & Bell 2003; Hewson 2002; Markhan 2004).

Given that participants were offered the opportunity to select a time appropriate for them to
respond to the e-mail interviews, asynchronous e-mail interviews were conducted rather than
applying a more interactive or synchronous interviewing type. As opposed to on-line
synchronous interviews (e.g. through software such as Skype which allows the interviewer to
talk to and see the interviewee in real time, or various ‘chat’ programs where the interviewer
and the interviewee communicate by text in real time), on-line asynchronous interviews do
not require the study participants and the researcher to be on-line at the same time (Bryman &
Bell 2003; Mann & Stewart 2000). This was an advantage in this study given the adventure
tour leaders’ hectic work life.

Whilst there is one recent study that has used the method of asynchronous e-mail interviews
to collect data from Australian cycling tourists (Lamont 2009), this study is the first to apply
this innovative method in the context of adventure tour leading in Australia. This means that
this thesis can be used as an example for other studies in the future relating to adventure tour
leaders as well as other occupational groups where it may be more convenient for study
participants to be interviewed via e-mail. However, asynchronous e-mail interviews do have
some disadvantages that need to be acknowledged. Table 3.4 presents an overview of
advantages and disadvantages of asynchronous e-mail interviews.

In order to address the limitations of conducting asynchronous e-mail interviews, a number


of strategies were applied. It was assumed that since the participants who volunteered for an
e-mail interview had already filled out the survey, they would have little to no trouble in
gaining access to the same computer with internet access to participate in the e-mail
interview. Even though probes could not be given instantly during the e-mail interviews,
probes could still be used in order to clarify and ask for more details in regards to the topics
under investigation. Indeed, because the probes were not concomitant to a time-limited face-
to-face or phone interview, the researcher had more time to carefully consider and construct

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follow-up probes throughout the research process. Moreover, given the genuine interest of
study participants (e.g. one participant stated ‘Your PhD is on a very relevant topic that we
both have a keen interest in so we are most happy to continue to assist you in your studies’),
the researcher believed that most participants would provide rich, in-depth responses in the e-
mail interviews in order to assist research within an under-researched area of direct relevance
and interest to them. Additionally, in order to make the written communication run as
smoothly as possible without any misunderstandings, the interview questions were carefully
constructed so that they were self-explanatory and unambiguous.

Table 3.4 Advantages and Disadvantages of Asynchronous E-mail Interviews


Advantages Disadvantages
Participants can respond at a time and place Participants need access to a computer with
convenient to them. internet connection.
The time delay can facilitate high-quality The richness in the data may be compromised since
responses since there is no time pressure and the researcher is not physically present to provide
participants have time to think about their instant probes, and non-motivated participants may
responses, proof-read responses and make provide short and superficial responses that are of
revisions. limited value to the researcher.
Data can be collected quickly and in a cost- An invitation to participate in a study via e-mail
effective manner. may be considered as spam by the receiver or
her/his spam filter and thus be deleted before it is
read.
Data can be collected from participants who Both the interviewer and the interviewee need to be
may be shy and better at expressing themselves relatively skilled at written communication and
in writing than in talking. have computer literacy.
The data are self-transcribing and ready for Use of follow-up probes may be time consuming
analysis the minute the information has been since the researcher needs to wait for the
typed. interviewee to respond.
The level of anonymity is higher and can thus Rapport between the interviewer and the
encourage participants to disclose aspects of interviewee may be compromised since the
their lives that they would not reveal in a more interviewer is unable to make use of visual and
confronting face-to-face situation. auditory cues (tone, pitch, body language) and thus
may appear as ‘faceless’ and impersonal from the
interviewee’s viewpoint.

(Adapted from Bryman & Bell 2003; Curasi 2001; Hewson 2002; James 2007; Mann &
Stewart 2000; Markhan 2004; Meho 2006).

3.4.1 Procedures and Sampling


At completion of the initial survey, participants were invited to leave their contact details if
they would also like to participate in an interview at a later stage. On 20 May 2010, an e-mail
was sent to the adventure tour leaders who had volunteered which contained an invitation and
guidelines in regards to participating in the interview (see Appendix 4). To this e-mail, an
Information Sheet was attached which comprised information about the study along with

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contact details (see Appendix 5) and the interview questions themselves (see Appendix 6) in
Microsoft Word processing documents. The adventure tour leaders were asked to type their
answers into the Word document containing the interview questions, save the document, and
then e-mail it back to the researcher as an attachment no later than 30 June 2010, if possible.
This gave them approximately six weeks to respond to the interview questions. Ten days
before this date, a reminder was sent to those who had not yet responded, stating that they
now only had ten days left to share their viewpoints and work experiences by participating in
an interview.

Throughout May–July 2010, an ongoing e-mail dialogue occurred between the researcher and
the participants of the interviews. Between 1 to 4 follow-up questions and/or probes were e-
mailed to each participant. Generally, participants provided carefully constructed and very
detailed responses containing rich data based on their genuine interest in the research area. By
the time data collection of the interviews was closed on 31 July 2010, there were six
participants who had not responded to the follow-up questions and/or probes that had been
sent to them via e-mail. This non-response could be due to participants not being able to find
enough time to further assist with the study given their hectic work schedule.

From the 137 adventure tour leaders who completed the survey, 97 initially volunteered for an
interview. In the end, however, there were 25 adventure tour leaders who ultimately took part
in an interview. Again, this decrease in numbers could be due to the fact that many adventure
tour leaders were extremely busy on the job and, as a result, they did not find enough time to
take part in an interview even if they initially wanted to, as illustrated by the following
comment:

I acknowledge your persistence, however I just can not find the time to respond. I can assure
you this is not a lame excuse, but an honest one; that there is absolutely nothing left of my time
and I would ideally love to assist you.

This lack of time to participate in an interview further supports the decision that was made to
conduct the interviews via e-mail correspondence rather than the more time-consuming face-
to-face or phone methods. The sample size of 25 was still considered to be sufficient for this
study because qualitative research, in contrast to quantitative, is still considered trustworthy
and credible when using only a small number of participants (Neuman 2006; Veal 2006).
Indeed, the point of data saturation in regards to the topics under investigation was reached by
the twentieth interview. Data saturation refers to the point when no new data are revealed and

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major themes have emerged and is a commonly applied approach in qualitative research
(Kvale & Brinkmann 2009; Morse 1995).

3.4.2 Interview Questions


The interview questions that were developed for the purpose of this study were open-ended,
which permitted an unlimited number of possible answers that could help to discover
unanticipated findings as well as allowing for more details to be explored (Peterson 2000).
There were four questions that were asked through the interviews, two of which contained
two sub-questions each (see Appendix 6). Each of the questions was linked to research
objectives Two to Five of this study (see section 1.2). In relation to the second objective,
which aimed to examine the effects of deep acting and surface acting on adventure tour
leaders’ job satisfaction, two questions were included which asked how the adventure tour
leaders felt at the end of the day when performing deep acting and surface acting,
respectively. The third objective was to identify the situations in which adventure tour leaders
would apply deep acting versus surface acting. Hence, two questions were included which
asked adventure tour leaders if they could give some examples of specific situations in their
job where they would perform deep acting and surface acting, respectively. Instead of using
the term deep acting, adventure tour leaders were asked to give some examples of situations
in which they managed their true emotions so that they aligned with the emotions that were
required of them in their job. Rather than using the term surface acting, adventure tour leaders
were asked to give some examples of situations in which they suppressed their true emotions
and displayed the emotions that were required of them in their job. This terminology was also
used when asking adventure tour leaders how performing deep acting and surface acting made
them feel. Several examples of deep acting and surface acting were provided in order to
prevent participants from mixing the two forms of emotional labour conceptually (see
Appendix 6).

The fourth objective aimed to examine possible gender differences between adventure tour
leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effects of surface
acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. In relation to this objective, one question was
included which asked the adventure tour leaders if they had received any positive or negative
comments from their clients in relation to their gender when applying ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ skills
on the job. In relation to the fifth objective, which aimed to explore how adventure tour
leaders comprehend their identity construction in terms of possessing one core ‘self’ and/or
multiple identities, one question was included which asked the adventure tour leaders if they,

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as a person, believed that they have one core self or a number of different personalities and
why.

3.4.3 Analyses of Interview Data


The qualitative data that were collected through interviews in this study were analysed using
thematic analysis. Thematic analysis can be understood as a qualitative method that helps to
identify, analyse and report patterns or themes within qualitative data. It helps to organise and
describe the qualitative data in rich detail and it assists in interpreting different aspects of the
research topics under investigation (Boyatzis 1998). According to Braun and Clarke (2006, p.
77), however, thematic analysis is ‘a poorly demarcated and rarely acknowledged, yet widely
used qualitative analytic method’. That is, thematic analysis does not seem to exist as a
‘named’ method of analysis in the same way as other qualitative methods, such as narrative
analysis or grounded theory (Braun & Clarke 2006). Indeed, Braun and Clarke pointed out
that many researchers view thematic analysis as a tool that is used across several different
qualitative methods rather than as a specific method in itself. In agreement with Braun and
Clarke (2006), however, this study considers thematic analysis to be a qualitative method in
its own right. Given that there is no clear agreement among researchers about what thematic
analysis is or how it should be conducted (Attride-Stirling 2001; Boyatzis 1998; Tuckett
2005), the next paragraphs explain in detail the type of thematic analysis that was assumed
and how the analysis in this study was conducted.

Thematic analysis differs from other analytic methods that aim to describe patterns or themes
based on qualitative data (e.g. thematic discourse analysis, thematic decomposition analysis,
interpretative phenomenological analysis, and grounded theory) in that it is not inherently
linked to a particular pre-existing theoretical framework or ontology (Braun & Clarke 2006).
The thematic analysis that was conducted in this study, however, lent itself to a
constructionist rather than an essentialist ontological orientation. Thus, when interpreting the
data from the interviews, it was assumed that ‘reality’ is socially constructed and generated by
people’s interactions and beliefs rather than being inherent within individuals (Guba 1990). In
addition, a rich description was provided of the content of the entire data set rather than
focusing on one particular theme, or groups of themes, within the data. Themes were
identified at a semantic or explicit level (looking for the surface meanings instead of
searching for anything beyond what a participant has written) rather than at a latent or
interpretative level (looking for the underlying ideas, assumptions, conceptualisations, and
ideologies that shape the semantic content of the data) (Braun & Clarke 2006). Moreover, an

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inductive or ‘bottom up’ way of identifying themes in the data was used instead of a
deductive or ‘top down’ approach. In an inductive thematic analysis, the themes are data-
driven in that they evolve from the data themselves and are not driven by the researcher’s
interest in a particular research area or topic. Conversely, a deductive thematic analysis is
driven by the researcher’s analytic or theoretical interests and often provides a detailed
analysis of only some aspects of the data (Boyatzis 1998; Braun & Clarke 2006; Patton 1990).

According to Braun and Clarke (2006), there are six phases of thematic analysis. These
phases comprise:

1) Familiarising yourself with your data (reading and re-reading the data, noting down
initial ideas);
2) Generating initial codes (coding importnat features of the data in a systematic manner
across the entire data set, collating data relevant to each code);
3) Searching for themes (collating codes into potential themes, gathering all data relevant
to each potential theme);
4) Reviewing themes (checking if the themes work in regards to the coded extracts as well
as the entire data set, generating a thematic ‘map’ of the analysis);
5) Defining and naming themes (ongoing analysis to refine the specifics of each theme
and the overall story the analysis tells, generating clear definitions and names for each
theme); and
6) Producing the report (the final opportunity for analysis, selection of vivid and
compelling extract examples, final analysis of selected extracts, relating the analysis
back to the research objectives and literature, producing a scholarly report of the
analysis).

In this thesis, a similar process of conducting a thematic analysis as the one presented by
Braun and Clarke (2006) above was adopted. First, the 25 e-mail interview transcripts were
read and re-read to become familiar with the data and initial ideas were noted down. Then,
four different word-processing documents were created, which contained the data relating to
research Objectives Two to Five in the study. Second, initial codes were systematically
assigned to important features across the data set (in the form of headings) and relevant data
for each code were collated (in the form of paragraphs, sentences, or words). For example,
one of the initially assigned codes relating to adventure tour leaders’ gender was ‘Positive
client comments about adventure tour leaders who act gender role incongruent’ and one of the

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relevant pieces of data that was located under this coded heading was ‘Well sometimes the
females are impressed with my cooking skills (participant #1, male, 25–29)’. When writing up
the results of the thematic analysis, the participant number was removed and a pseudonym
(replacing sex) and age group was used as an identifier. However, since prevalence of a topic
was counted in terms of the number of adventure tour leaders who articulated the respective
topic in their e-mail interviews, numbering participants was important at this stage of coding
in order to avoid counting a participant twice. Third, the initial codes were collated into
potential themes and all relevant data for each theme were collated by merging or separating
the data provided by each participant. Fourth, it was checked that the themes worked in
regards to the coded extracts and the data set and a thematic map of the analysis was
generated. Fifth, the themes were refined and clear definitions and names for each theme were
generated. These themes and the relationships between them were displayed using matrices in
order to organise the information into a more accessible and compact form, as suggested by
Miles and Huberman (1994). Finally, extract examples were selected to support the analysis;
the extracts were related to the research objectives and relevant literature; and a scholarly
reporting of the analysis was produced which informed Chapters Four to Six of this thesis.

Even though qualitative research cannot be evaluated based on the same criteria as
quantitative research (Braun & Clarke 2006), a variety of characteristics of good qualitative
research have been put forward (Tashakkori & Teddlie 2008). Druckman (2005), for example,
used the term authenticity to characterise good qualitative inference. From this perspective,
qualitative research needs to be authentic in that it should capture the meaning of the
phenomenon under investigation from the viewpoints of the research participants (Druckman
2005). Furthermore, Bryman (2004) utilised the term transparency as an indicator of the
quality of both qualitative and quantitative research; the term refers to how clearly the
researcher explains all stages of a study, such as selection of participants, data analysis, and
development of conclusions.

Probably the most used indicator for good quality quantitative research, however, is
trustworthiness, which involves the arguments and criteria that researchers employ to
persuade an audience that it is worth paying attention to the findings of their research inquiry
(Lincoln & Guba 1985). In this regard, there are a number of techniques that can help to
evaluate and enhance the credibility of the research, such as prolonged engagement, persistent
observation, triangulation, peer debriefing, negative case analysis, referential adequacy,

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member checks, and thick description (see Teddlie & Tashakkori 2009 for a detailed
explanation of these techniques).

In this study, transparency was used in order to enhance the quality of both the quantitative
and the qualitative parts of the research by carefully explaining all stages of the study in
detail. When it comes to the trustworthiness and credibility of the study, the techniques of
triangulation and peer debriefing were applied. In short, triangulation can be explained as ‘the
use of more than one research approach in a single study to gain a broader or more complete
understanding of the issues being investigated’ (Veal 2006, p. 107). In regards to
triangulation, three types of triangulation were used: 1) theory triangulation (the use of more
than one theory or perspective to interpret a single data set); 2) methodological triangulation
(the use of more than one method in a single study); and 3) data triangulation (the use of more
than one data source in a single study) (Padgett 1998). More specifically, several theories
were examined when interpreting the data set (e.g. various theories of emotional labour); both
quantitative and qualitative methods were applied; and two types of data sources were utilised
(an on-line survey and e-mail interviews). Throughout the research process, peer debriefing
(Shenton 2004) took place in the form of written feedback and oral discussions with the
researcher’s three PhD supervisors as well as discussions with fellow PhD students in aligned
disciplinary areas. These peer debriefings greatly helped to clarify interpretations of the
qualitative data and to refine the explanation and justification of the qualitative method that
was applied.

Similar to the above criteria for judging the soundness of qualitative research, Lincoln and
Guba (1985) proposed four criteria that can be used to judge qualitative research. These
include credibility (ensuring that the results of the qualitative research are credible),
transferability (the extent to which the results of the qualitative research can be transferred to
other contexts), dependability (explaining how the context may affect the research results),
and confirmability (the extent to which the results of qualitative research could be confirmed
by other researchers). As mentioned above, the two techniques of peer debriefing and
triangulation were used in this study in order to ensure credibility of the qualitative results.
Thick description was used in order to enhance the transferability of the qualitative research.
Thick description means to provide detailed descriptions of the research context and setting so
that other researchers can make comparisons with other contexts and settings (Teddlie &
Tashakkori 2009). Regarding dependability and confirmability, these criteria were addressed
by employing several external audits where researchers not involved in the research process

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assessed the accuracy of the research and whether the results, interpretations and conclusions
were supported by the data (Lincoln & Guba 1985). These external audits were conducted by
submitting articles based on the research presented in this thesis to peer reviewed academic
journals for publication.

3.5 Methodological Limitations


This study has seven important methodological limitations:

1) Social desirability and mono method bias: The quantitative data from this study were
derived entirely from self-report questionnaires, with associated risks of social
desirability bias (participants report what they think the researcher wants to hear) and
mono method bias (participants are more concerned about being consistent than
accurate in their answers) (Neuman 2006).
2) Purposive sampling: The purposive sampling technique of this study meant that the
participants who responded to the survey may not have been representative of the
whole population (Neuman 2006). Hence, the degree to which the results from this
study are representative of adventure tour leaders in Australia in general is unknown.
3) Non-response bias: Given that adventure organisations were approached instead of
contacting adventure tour leaders directly due to privacy issues, it was not possible to
calculate a traditional response rate in regards to the survey. This was because the use
of adventure organisations as ‘gatekeepers’ in the distribution of study invitations
meant that the number of adventure tour leaders who were ultimately approached as
well as the size of the overall population of adventure tour leaders remained unknown.
This anonymous distribution process also meant that non-response bias could not be
assessed. Thus, it is unknown whether the views of adventure tour leaders who did not
participate in the survey differed significantly from the ones who did.
4) Trustworthiness of qualitative data: While every attempt has been made to ensure the
trustworthiness of the qualitative data from the interviews through the use of
triangulation and peer debriefing, it is acknowledged that the application of additional
techniques might have further strengthened the trustworthiness of the qualitative data.
Two examples of such techniques include member checks (involve asking study
participants to verify the researcher’s representations and interpretations of the data)
and prolonged engagement (involves spending time in the field to build trust and learn
the ‘culture’ so as to identify misinformation based on study participants’ as well the
researcher’s bias) (Teddlie & Tashakkori 2009).

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5) Confidentiality of interviews: Although the identities of adventure tour leaders who
participated in an interview were protected from disclosure to the public by not
revealing their names in any released material relating to this research, they did not
remain anonymous to the researcher since they provided her with their name and e-mail
address when signing up for the interview. Whilst the researcher attempted to establish
a level of trust between herself and the interview participants by highlighting the
confidentiality of the research, it is unknown whether all interview participants
unconditionally felt comfortable to share information with her about their performance
of emotional labour on the job.
6) Use of probes: Follow-up probes were used in the interviews in order to clarify and ask
for more details relating to the topics under investigation. However, it is possible that
some participants may have provided more information in a face-to-face situation than
via e-mail given the time delay between the interviews and probes that is associated
with asynchronous e-mail interviews. As previously noted, six interview participants
did not respond to follow-up questions and/or probes that were sent to them via e-mail.
7) Application to other tourism contexts: The research reported in this thesis may only be
applicable to adventure tour leaders as defined in Chapter One. However, it is possible
that some of the research findings and implications may be applicable to tour leaders
employed within other areas of the tourism industry (e.g. sightseeing, culture and
heritage, museums, wining and dining, and zoos), to adventure tour leaders employed
outside of Australia, as well as other employees within the tourism industry.

3.6 Ethical Considerations


An ethics application for this research was submitted to the Human Research Ethics
Committee (HREC) at Southern Cross University on 16 July 2009. The research was
approved by the HREC on 29 July 2009. The ethics approval number is ECN-09-100. A
change of protocol form relating to the decision of using e-mail interviews as a method
instead of face-to-face and/or phone interviews in the study was submitted to the HREC on 5
May 2010. This application was approved on 10 May 2010. Finally, on 27 September 2010
the initial ethics approval was granted a yearly renewal by the HREC in line with the standard
conditions. The new ethics approval number is ECN-10-166. No additional ethical issues
arose during the course of conducting the research contained within this thesis.

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3.7 Chapter Summary
In this chapter, a description and justification of the methods and procedures used in this
study was provided. Initially, a discussion of relevant research paradigms was offered with a
particular focus on the positivist and interpretivist paradigms. It was explained that
pragmatism was the research philosophy of choice in this study as it embraces both positivist
and interpretivist views and adopts quantitative, qualitative, or mixed methods approaches
based on the particular requirements of the research aim and objectives in a research project.
Next, the mixed methods research design applied in this study was presented. A description
and justification of the quantitative on-line survey and the qualitative e-mail interviews that
were used as methods were given. Finally, an acknowledgement and explanation of the
methodological limitations associated with these two methods were offered, before
concluding the chapter by providing an overview of the ethical considerations pertinent to the
research.

The focus of the thesis now shifts to presenting the findings of this study along with the
researcher’s interpretation of these findings in light of relevant academic literature. Chapter
Four presents a discussion of the findings relating to Research Objectives One and Two of the
study, where the focus is placed on creating a profile of adventure tour leaders and the effects
of surface and deep acting on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction. Chapter Five presents a
discussion of the findings relating to Research Objective Three, which aims to identify
situations in which adventure tour leaders would apply surface and deep acting. Finally,
Chapter Six presents a discussion of the findings relating to Research Objectives Four and
Five, with the purpose of exploring the potential effects that gender and identity construction
could have on adventure tour leaders’ emotional labour and job satisfaction.

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Chapter Four: The Effects of Emotional Labour on Adventure
Tour Leaders’ Job Satisfaction

4.1 Introduction
This chapter presents and discusses the findings relating to Research Objectives One and
Two. Research Objective One aimed to develop a profile of adventure tour leaders based on
statistical descriptive data relating to a number of characteristics such as gender, age,
nationality, level of education and training, relationship status, children, job-specific factors,
and experience, in order to better describe the population under study. Quantitative data were
collected through the survey so as to address this research objective. These survey data were
analysed and are discussed in regards to how they compared to statistical data from the ABS
and DEEWR as well as from some available academic studies.

Research Objective Two aimed to examine the potential effects of surface acting and deep
acting on the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. In order to address this research
objective, both quantitative data collected through the survey and qualitative data collected
through the interviews were analysed. The survey data were derived from the surface acting
and deep acting subscales of the Emotional Labour Scale (ELS) as well as from the Job
Satisfaction Index (JSI). These survey data relate to Hypothesis 1, which proposed that deep
acting has a statistically significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction
(Hypothesis 1a), while surface acting has a statistically significant negative effect on
adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction (Hypothesis 1b). The interview data were derived
from two questions asking adventure tour leaders how they felt at the end of the day when
performing surface acting and deep acting, respectively.

4.2 Analysis of Survey Data

4.2.1 Profile of Adventure Tour Leaders


This subsection provides a summary and discussion of the descriptive statistics collected in
this study so as to develop a profile of adventure tour leaders. Creating such a profile is
important in order to obtain a basic insight into the characteristics of the group of people
being studied, who in this case are adventure tour leaders employed within Australia. The
profile of adventure tour leaders will be compared to data from the ABS and DEEWR as well
as from relevant academic literature to determine whether the sample of adventure tour
leaders was typical or atypical in regards to the occupation as a whole. In some cases,

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however, there are no comparable statistical data available and the academic literature is very
limited. In these cases, this study is the first of its kind to report descriptive data of adventure
tour leaders – data which could be used for comparison in future studies. Table 4.1 shows the
profile of adventure tour leaders in relation to the areas of gender; age; nationality; education
and training; relationship status; children; job type; job perception; workload; type of
activities; seasonality; payment; commercial versus non-commercial employer; compensation;
levels of difficulty; and experience. (Appendix 7 provides a more detailed account of the
descriptive data collected in this study.)

The Australian and New Zealand Standard Classification of Occupations (ANZSCO) was
developed in 2006 by the ABS, Statistics New Zealand, and DEEWR to be used in the
collection, publication and analysis of occupation statistics (ABS 2006). Descriptive data
relating to adventure tour leaders in this study will be compared with descriptive data relating
to the ANZSCO unit occupation group called ‘Outdoor Adventure Guides’ or, in cases where
such data do not exist, comparisons with the ANZSCO sub-major occupation group called
‘Sports and Personal Service Workers’ will be made or relevant academic literature will be
consulted. The unit occupation group title ‘Outdoor Adventure Guides’ refers to the
occupation of directing, instructing, and guiding individuals and groups in outdoor adventure
activities and includes eight sub occupations with activity specialisations (see Table 4.2)
(ABS 2006).

While the Outdoor Adventure Guides classification entails some outdoor adventure activities
that were not led by adventure tour leaders in this study (e.g. bungee jumping, hunting, and
hang-gliding), it is appropriate to compare the descriptive data with this group since all of the
nine activities that were selected in this study could be incorporated into one of the sub-
occupations in Table 4.2. Besides, the ABS and DEEWR represented the only reliable
statistical data sources on the occupation of adventure tour leading in Australia.

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Table 4.1 Profile of Adventure Tour Leaders

Category Descriptive Statistics


Gender 79.6% males; 20.4% females
Age Mean = 41.78
Age group with highest representation: 35–44 (27.7%)
39.4% aged 45 years and over (includes five age groups)
Nationality 84.7% Australian
Education and Training 74.5% completed Certificate III/IV or higher
Education group with highest representation: Bachelor degree (23.4%)
Relationship Status 71.6% in a relationship with spouse, partner or steady
girlfriend/boyfriend
23.4% single
Children 38.1% had children living at home
Children group with highest representation: 2 children (52.9%)
Job Type 70.0% standard employment (non-management positions)
20.0% other (owner/manager/director)
8.7% volunteer work
1.3% traineeship/apprenticeship
Job Perception 54.7% looked at their engagement as a job
13.1% looked at it as a hobby/leisure activity
32.1% selected the ‘other’ category (looked at it as a lifestyle; both a job
and a hobby/leisure activity; a business; a passion)
Workload 52.6% full-time
23.3% part-time
24.1% casual
Type of Activities 23.3% bushwalking
13.6% kayaking
11.9% abseiling
Seasonality 70.1% all-year-round
29.9% seasonal
Payment 89.8% paid
10.2% not paid
Commercial versus Non- 78.8% commercial (for profit)
commercial Employer
Compensation 61.3% received compensation (other than remuneration)
Levels of Difficulty (of 44.1% easy/beginner
adventure tour) 36.7% medium/intermediate
19.1% hard/advanced
Experience in 46.7% had 0–4 years experience
Organisation 22.8% 5–9 years
18.4% 10–14 years
Experience in Industry 24.4% had 0–4 years experience
25.9% 5–9 years
19.3% 10–14 years

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Table 4.2 The ANZSCO Unit Occupation Group Outdoor Adventure Guides
Unit Occupation Sub-occupations Outdoor Adventure Activity
Specialisations
Outdoor Adventure Bungee Jump Master Bungee jumping
Guides Fishing Guide Fly fishing; ocean fishing
Hunting Guide Hunting
Mountain or Glacier Guide Climbing; skiing
Outdoor Adventure Instructor Abseiling; adventure challenge; hang-gliding;
outdoor education; outdoor pursuits;
paragliding; rock climbing
Trekking Guide Bushwalking
Whitewater Rafting Guide Whitewater rafting
Outdoor Adventure Guide Caving; cycling; horse trekking; sea kayaking
Nec (not elsewhere classified)
(Source: ABS 2006).

The sub-major occupation group ‘45 Sports and Personal Service Workers’ included the unit
occupation groups of Beauty Therapists; Driving Instructors; Funeral Workers; Gallery,
Museum and Tour Guides; Personal Care Consultants; Tourism and Travel Advisers; Travel
Attendants; Other Personal Service Workers; Fitness Instructors; Outdoor Adventure Guides;
Sports Coaches; and Sportspersons. Whilst some of these occupations differ from adventure
tour leading, it was considered to be more appropriate to compare descriptive data with the
Sports and Personal Service Workers group (when data were obtainable) than with all
occupations in Australia in cases where specific information from the Outdoor Adventure
Guides group was not available. This was because all Sports and Personal Service Workers
occupations do have one thing in common, namely that they provide travel, tourism or other
personal services to clients (ABS 2006).

In 2009, the ABS reported that there were 1300 people working as outdoor adventure guides
in Australia, while this number was reduced to 1100 people working as outdoor adventure
guides in 2010 (ABS 2010). Given that 137 adventure tour leaders participated in this study,
this sample represented approximately 10.5% of the total population of adventure tour leaders
in Australia, a figure established when data collection commenced in 2009. However, a
degree of caution should be exercised in relation to the ABS data since the population of
outdoor adventure guides is based on an estimate (calculated from a sample of approximately
.33% of the civilian population in Australia) rather than a real count of the whole Australian
population. It may well be that the real population of outdoor adventure guides is larger than
1100. This is supported by the fact that 789 adventure tour operators were contacted in this

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study. Given that many of these tour operators would have more than one employee, it is
likely that the population of adventure tour leaders in Australia is somewhat larger than 1100.

According to DEEWR (2009/2010), however, employment growth is estimated to rise


strongly over the next five years for outdoor adventure guides (3.1% per annum compared to
1.8% for all occupations). Outdoor adventure guides are employed across different industries,
including: Arts and Recreation Services (53.8%); Education and Training (32.8%); and
Transport, Postal and Warehousing (13.4%). Job prospects for outdoor adventure guides are
good, and unemployment is low. However, the turnover rate for outdoor adventure leaders
leaving the occupation is 24% compared to the average of all occupations of 13.1% (ABS
2009).

The gender distribution between male and female adventure tour leaders in this study was
79.6% and 20.4%, respectively. This reflects the national proportion where 81.9% of outdoor
adventure guides were males while 18.1% were females (ABS 2009). When it comes to age,
the mean age of adventure tour leaders in this study was 41.78 years, while the age group with
the highest representation was the 35–44 category at 27.7%. This is higher than the national
proportion where the median age of outdoor adventure guides was 32 years, and the 35–44
age group was only 18.2% (ABS 2009). The age group with the highest representation in the
national population was the 20–24 category at 24.4% (ABS 2009), compared to only 8.0% of
adventure tour leaders in this study located within this age group. The higher age of adventure
tour leaders in this study is further emphasised by the high proportion aged 45 years and over,
which was 39.4%, compared to 24.2% in the national population of outdoor adventure guides
(ABS 2009). It should be noted, however, that this study only included participants over the
age of 18 due to ethical reasons. Thus, this might have impacted on the age profile as
compared to the ABS data since there were 16.3% of outdoor adventure guides in the 15–19
age group (ABS 2009), compared to 1.5% of adventure tour leaders in the 18–19 age group in
this study.

In regards to nationality, 84.7% of adventure tour leaders in this study were Australian
citizens. The remaining proportion constituted mainly adventure tour leaders from other
Western countries, such as the UK, New Zealand, Canada, and the USA. No comparable data
were available from the ABS or DEEWR when it came to nationality but, naturally, it is no
surprise that the majority of adventure tour leaders were Australian since the geographical
scope for this study was limited to Australia. In relation to education and training, 74.5% of

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adventure tour leaders in this study reported that they had completed a Certificate III/IV or
higher (Advanced diploma/Diploma; Bachelor degree; Graduate diploma/Graduate certificate;
or Postgraduate degree) as their highest level of education. Bachelor degree was the education
group with highest representation at 23.4%. While no comparable statistical data were
available for outdoor adventure guides, only 55.6% of sports and personal service workers
had completed a Certificate III/IV or higher as their highest level of education, and only
15.8% had completed a Bachelor degree. On the other hand, 42.4% of sports and personal
service workers reported that they had no post-school qualifications (ABS 2008), compared
with 16.8% of adventure tour leaders in this study. Together with the fact that the indicative
skill level for the occupation of outdoor adventure guides is at the ANZSCO Skill Level 4,
which is equivalent to a Certificate II or III (ABS 2006), this shows that adventure tour
leaders in this study seemed to possess a level of education and training that exceeds the
minimum skills requirements of their job (as defined by ANZSCO).

In a recent study which examined the demographic characteristics and job-related difficulties
of wilderness therapy field instructors, Marchand, Russel, and Cross (2009) found that 52% of
the field instructors were single while 47% were either married or in a romantic relationship.
Marchand, Russel and Cross (2009) found that the busy and unpredictable nature of the field
instructors’ work life, which often involved long hours, high pressure to perform, and unsafe
physical environments, had negative impacts on their interpersonal relationships outside of
the work setting. Moreover, from the instructors who were married or in a romantic
relationship in their study, one-third had a spouse or partner working in wilderness therapy
and almost half had a spouse or partner working in a related occupation. This, in turn,
indicates that having a partner in a similar occupation might help to alleviate the work
situation of the field instructors since their partner may be more sympathetic in regards to
aspects of the job that otherwise could threaten the relationship (Marchand, Russell & Cross
2009). In this present study, 23.4% of adventure tour leaders were single while 71.6% were in
a relationship with a spouse, partner, or steady girlfriend or boyfriend. In addition, 38.1% of
adventure tour leaders had children living with them at home, with 2 children being the most
common number of children (52.9%).

In regards to job type, there were no comparable statistical data available for either outdoor
adventure guides or sports and personal service workers. However, from the 11 323 300
employed persons in all occupations in Australia, 80.9% were employees (i.e. persons who
work for a private/public employer and receive remuneration, excluding independent

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contractors or other business operators) while the remaining 19.1% were independent
contractors or other business operators (ABS 2011). In comparison, 70.0% of adventure tour
leaders in this study were standard employees (i.e. non-management positions), 20.0% were
owners/managers/directors, 8.7% were volunteer workers, and 1.3% were
trainees/apprentices. Assuming that owners/managers/directors in this study are comparable
with independent contractors or other business operators, it appears that the distribution
between business owners and other types of adventure tour leaders in this study was typical
when compared with all occupations in Australia.

When it comes to job perception, 54.7% of adventure tour leaders in this study looked at their
work as an adventure tour leader as a job. Conversely, 13.1% looked at it as a hobby/leisure
activity, and 32.1% selected the ‘other’ category. In the ‘other’ category, the most common
ways of looking at their engagement as an adventure tour leader were as a lifestyle; both a job
and a hobby/leisure activity; a business; or a passion. The fact that 45.2% of adventure tour
leaders did not consider their work as an adventure tour leader as a job is consistent with
research suggesting that people who work within the tourism industry often do not regard
their work as a job since they participate in the provision of leisure experiences to tourists
(Carnicelli-Filho 2010, 2011; Urry 2002). Indeed, Cloutier (2003) proposed that one reason
that adventure tourism developed in the first place was that it offered the benefits of an
adventurous outdoor lifestyle for those who work within this industry. Yet, the 54.7% of
participants who viewed adventure tour leading as a job shows that this type of occupation
can still be hard work, as illustrated by the variety of roles that adventure tour leaders may be
required to take on, such as that of a skill trainer, program designer, translator, facilitator, and
counsellor (Hobbs 2009).

Regarding workload, 52.6% of adventure tour leaders in this study were working full-time;
23.3% were working part-time; and 24.1% were working as casuals. Thus, the proportion of
full-time workers was lower than that of the national proportion, where 73.1% of outdoor
adventure guides were working full-time (ABS 2009). Similarly, if the two groups of part-
time workers and casuals are collapsed into one group termed ‘part-time’ workers, the
proportion of part-time adventure tour leaders in this study (47.4%) was higher than the
national proportion of part-time outdoor adventure guides at 26.9%. Concerning type of
activities, the activities with the highest representations were bushwalking (23.3%), followed
by kayaking (13.6%), and abseiling (11.9%). There has not been any systematic collection of
statistical data conducted in Australia which specifically relates to the different types of

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adventure activities that adventure tour leaders are leading on the job. While academic
literature on different adventure activities does exist (Buckley 2006a, 2006b; Hudson 2003;
Prideaux & Cooper 2009; Swarbrooke et al. 2003), this literature does not quantify the
prevalence of adventure activities and thus cannot be used as a basis for comparison for the
descriptive data collected in this study. Even so, one of the reasons as to why bushwalking
showed the highest representation could be because this activity is often integrated into other
adventure activities. For example, a river rafting trip may include a bushwalk to and from the
access points and, similarly, a canyoning trip may involve sections of hiking to, from, and
between canyons.

According to Joliffe and Farnsworth (2003), tourism-related jobs are commonly of a seasonal
nature, which has implications for human resource management. In this study, however,
70.1% of adventure tour leaders worked all-year-round, while only 29.9% were working on a
seasonal basis. While this seems like a relatively small proportion of seasonal jobs, there were
no comparable statistical data available on seasonality for either adventure tour leaders or
tourism jobs in general that might have been worth comparing with in order to determine
whether this proportion was typical or not. Similarly, although Buckley (2006a) has suggested
that the majority of adventure tour operators are commercial businesses, there were no
comparable statistical data available about the proportion of adventure tour leaders who
worked in a commercial (for-profit) versus a non-commercial (not-for-profit) organisation or
who got paid versus not paid. In this study, however, 89.9% of adventure tour leaders got paid
for their work, while 78.8% worked in a commercial (for-profit) organisation. There were
some statistical data available though which showed that the median weekly earnings of
outdoor adventure guides were in the lowest decile – that is, below or equal to AUS $575 per
week (DEEWR 2010).

On the topic of compensation (i.e. any type of compensation that employees may receive for
their work other than a salary, such as free accommodation, food, and use of equipment),
61.3% of adventure tour leaders in this study reported that they received some form of
compensation, which most commonly included access to vehicle, accommodation, clothes,
discounted equipment, food, fuel, travel expenses, use of equipment, and gear. This is
compatible with Allen-Craig and Moonen’s (2002) study, which found that most outdoor
leaders in Victoria, Australia, received some type of compensation, such as use of company
vehicle, meals, accommodation, mobile phone use, access to specialist equipment, and
protective clothing. Regarding levels of difficulty, 44.1% of adventure tour leaders in this

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study reported that they led easy/beginner tours, followed by 36.7% who led
medium/intermediate tours, and 19.1% who led hard/advanced tours. This is consistent with
academic literature which has stated that most adventure trips are ‘soft’ rather than ‘hard’
(Swarbrooke et al. 2003) and that the ‘bread-and-butter business base’ of the adventure
tourism sector is in soft adventure which involves unskilled clients (Buckley 2006a, p. 6).
Hard adventure, on the other hand, requires a higher level of skills and can often be quite
expensive and, thus, generally appeals to a smaller niche market of tourists (Buckley 2006a,
2007).

No comparable statistical data were available at the time of this study which measured
adventure tour leaders’ experience in the adventure tourism industry or their experience in the
adventure tourism organisation in which they work. The descriptive data collected in this
study, however, indicate that many adventure tour leaders had more experience in the
adventure tourism industry (24.4%, 0–4 years; 25.9%, 5–9 years; 19.3%, 10–14 years) than in
the adventure tourism organisation where they currently worked (46.7%, 0–4 years; 22.8%,
5–9 years; 18.4%, 10–14 years). This could mean that the internal turnover rate within the
occupation of adventure tour leading (leaving the organisation but not the occupation) might
be higher than the external turnover rate for adventure tour leaders who leave the occupation
(24%) (ABS 2009). It follows that the reasons for internal and external turnover among
adventure tour leaders might be quite different. However, internal and external turnover of
adventure tour leaders was not examined in any detail in this study.

Overall, the profile of the participants of this study that was developed in this subsection
revealed that the majority of adventure tour leaders possessed the following characteristics:
male; 35–44 years old; Australian citizen; Bachelor degree; in a relationship; no children
living at home; standard employment; look at adventure tour leading as a job; working full-
time; bushwalking main activity; all-year-round operation; paid work; commercial
organisation; receive compensation; easy/beginner tours; 0–4 years experience in current
organisation, and 5–9 years in the adventure tourism industry.

In this subsection, a profile of adventure tour leaders was developed based on descriptive
statistics collected in this study. Developing such a profile is important in order to provide a
basic understanding of the characteristics of the participants in the study, which is essential to
gaining a contextual and holistic understanding of the relationships between emotional labour
and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. The latter is the focus of the rest of this chapter,

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which examines the potential effects of surface acting and deep acting on the job satisfaction
of adventure tour leaders. The next two subsections present the results of the survey that are
relevant to Research Objective Two and provide an analysis of these results in the light of
relevant academic literature.

4.2.2 Survey Results


Table 4.3 presents an overview of descriptive statistics for the continuous variables of total
deep acting, total surface acting, and total job satisfaction. The possible total mean scores for
deep acting and surface acting ranged from 1 to 5. A high mean score (4 or 5) represented the
end of the scale with highest frequency of emotional labour performance (‘often’ or ‘always’).
A low mean score (1 or 2) represented the end of the scale with lowest frequency of emotional
labour performance (‘never’ or ‘rarely’). A mean score of 3 represented the midpoint of the
scale where the frequency of emotional labour performance was classified as ‘sometimes’.
The mean of total deep acting was 3.58, which showed that adventure tour leaders ‘often’
performed this type of emotional labour. The mean of total surface acting was 2.55, which
showed that adventure tour leaders ‘sometimes’ performed this type of emotional labour. The
possible total mean scores for job satisfaction ranged from 1 to 5. A high mean score (4 or 5)
represented the satisfied end of the scale (‘satisfied’ or ‘very satisfied’). A low mean score (1
or 2) represented the dissatisfied end of the scale (‘very dissatisfied’ or ‘dissatisfied’). A mean
score of 3 represented the midpoint of the scale classified as ‘neither satisfied nor
dissatisfied’. The mean of total job satisfaction was 4.22, which showed that adventure tour
leaders in this study were ‘very satisfied’ with their job.

Table 4.3 Descriptive Statistics of Continuous Variables

Variable N Minimum Maximum Mean Std. Deviation


Deep Acting 137 1.00 5.00 3.58 1.05
Surface Acting 137 1.00 4.67 2.55 .70
Job satisfaction 134 2.89 4.94 4.22 .40

A standard multiple regression analysis was conducted to explore the effects of deep acting
and surface acting (independent variables) on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction
(dependent variable). A critical alpha value of .05 was adopted as this is considered to be
appropriate for most social science research (Neuman 2006; Walter 2006). Table 4.4 shows
that deep acting had a statistically significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders’ job
satisfaction (β = .30, p = .000 < .05). Hypothesis 1a was thus supported. Effect size is a

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measure of the strength of the relationship between two variables in a statistical population
(Cohen 1988). The effect size (partial eta squared) was .09. Using the guidelines proposed by
Cohen (1988) (.01 = small effect; .06 = moderate effect; .14 = large effect), this suggests a
moderate effect size. While surface acting had a negative effect on adventure tour leaders’ job
satisfaction, as predicted, this effect was not statistically significant (β = -.08, p = .347 > .05).
This means that Hypothesis 1b was not supported.

Table 4.4 Multiple Regression Analysis


Unstandardised Standardised
Coefficients Coefficients
B Std. Beta
Model Error R2 t Sig. 95.0% CI
1 Constant 70.450 2.880 24.462 .000 [64.753, 76.147]
Total DA .698 .193 .304 3.609 .000* [.315, 1.081]
Total SA -.272 .289 -.079 .092 -.943 .347 [-.843, .299]
DA = deep acting. SA = surface acting. Dependent variable: job satisfaction.
N = 134. *p < .05.

Results from Cronbach’s reliability tests showed that Cronbach’s alpha for the surface acting
subscale (α = .739), the deep acting subscale (α = .822), and the job satisfaction scale (α =
.821) were acceptable given Nunnally’s (1978) recommendation of a minimum level of
Cronbach’s alpha of .7. Table 4.5 presents an overview of the analyses of observed power that
were conducted in relation to Hypothesis 1. Observed power of a statistical test is the
probability of obtaining a statistically significant result when the null hypothesis is false
(Cohen 1988). The observed power for Hypothesis 1a was very high (.948) with a moderate
effect size (.090). The observed power for Hypothesis 1b, however, was low (.155). Still,
failure to find statistically significant effects in relation to Hypothesis 1b does not seem to be
a question of adequate sample size but a reflection of the fact that the expected effect was
very small (partial eta squared = .007). Contrary to the hypothesis, the effect size was very
small which, in turn, resulted in low observed power. It would have required an extremely
large data set to have found this effect significant, which would not have been practical to
obtain. In summary, then, the non-significance of Hypothesis 1b does not appear to be a
problem with reliability or inadequate sample size but rather a manifestation of the fact that
the prediction was not borne out of the data. Thus, the sample of 137 participants was
considered to be adequate for this study.

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Table 4.5 Tests of Observed Power

Statistical Test Hypothesis Variable Partial eta squared Observed Power


1a DA .090 .948
Multiple regression
1b SA .007 .155

DA = deep acting. SA = surface acting.


p value = .05.

4.2.3 Survey Data Analysis


Hypothesis 1a proposed that deep acting would have a statistically significant positive effect
on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction. The fact that Hypothesis 1a was supported is
consistent with research suggesting that deep acting could help to convey a sense of
authenticity of self and a feeling of achievement in employees (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993;
Sharpe 2005a; Zammuner & Galli 2005), thus leading to higher levels of job satisfaction
(Torland 2010, 2011b). For instance, deep acting has been shown to establish a feeling of
personal achievement and moral accomplishment among adventure tour leaders since the
emotional demands of the job are often perceived as a personal challenge which may instil
pride and reveal strength of character, if overcome (Sharpe 2005a). This result is also
reflected in the high means of total deep acting scores (M = 3.58) and total job satisfaction
scores (M = 4.22). As such, adventure tour leaders in this study reported that they ‘often’
applied deep acting as an emotional labour strategy, and they were ‘very satisfied’ with their
job. While no comparable JSI data were available in studies examining job satisfaction of
employees in the tourism industry, the level of job satisfaction in this study was higher than
that of college faculty members (M = 4.06) (Castillo & Cano 2004), school teachers (M =
3.88) (Kafetsios & Zampetakis 2008), employees in a youth development organisation (M =
3.53) (Petty, Brewer & Brown 2005), and manufacturing workers (M = 3.33) (Mone 1994).
Similar to the findings in this study, however, other studies utilising different scales to the JSI
have reported that the level of job satisfaction in tourism jobs is very high (Choy 1995; Levy
& Lerch 1991).

Although surface acting had a negative effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction, as
predicted in Hypothesis 1b, this effect was not statistically significant. Inspecting the
relatively low mean of total surface acting scores (M = 2.55; classified as ‘sometimes’),
however, one explanation as to why surface acting did not show a statistically significant
negative effect on job satisfaction could be that adventure tour leaders in this study did not
engage in this type of emotional labour very frequently (Torland 2010, 2011b). Indeed, this is

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consistent with research reported in Sharpe’s (2005a) study, where adventure tour leaders
perceived surface acting as an affront to the trip leading process. Deep acting, on the other
hand, was frequently applied by adventure tour leaders because this type of emotional labour
represented what was considered to be a more authentic way of interacting with clients than
surface acting (Sharpe 2005a).

It follows that adventure tour leaders may prefer to perform deep acting instead of surface
acting because they often work in close proximity to their clients, in unpredictable natural
environments, and sometimes over extended periods of time (Arnould & Price 1993; Sharpe
2005a). As a result, adventure tour leaders will typically make ‘friends’ and develop
boundary-open relationships with clients (where leaders bond with clients and are included in
the group as a team player) rather than taking on the role as a more ‘superficial’ service
provider (Arnould & Price 1993). This, in turn, means that adventure tour leaders might
choose to perform deep acting as opposed to surface acting in order to maintain a sense of
authenticity of self in the leader–client interaction. In this sense, adventure tour leading may
be an occupation that requires employees to perform more deep acting and less surface acting
than some other professions due to the close and personal nature of the relationships with
clients. Indeed, adventure tour leaders in this study showed lower levels of surface acting and
higher levels of deep acting than human service workers (surface acting M = 2.75; deep acting
M = 3.09) and service/sales employees (surface acting M = 3.08; deep acting M = 2.83)
(Brotheridge & Grandey 2002). After all, receiving a genuine smile and encouragement
would be more important to a client who is standing on the edge of a 100-metre cliff at the
start of an abseil than a person who is purchasing milk in a supermarket, in which case a
‘glued-on’ smile and half-hearted ‘Have a nice day!’ may be contextually acceptable.

It is important to note, however, that even though surface acting may be perceived as a ‘moral
flaw’ within adventure tour leading (Sharpe 2005a), the results of this study show that
adventure tour leaders still engaged in this type of emotional labour occasionally (M = 2.55;
classified as ‘sometimes’). One possible explanation for this could be that almost a quarter of
adventure tour leaders in this study possessed limited experience in the occupation (24.5% of
participants had only worked 0–4 years in the adventure tourism industry). This could be an
explanation because, according to the continuum of emotional labour (Brotheridge & Lee
2002) presented in Figure 2.1, limited experience means that adventure tour leaders are more
likely to use surface acting during interactions with clients since this form of emotional labour

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requires less sophisticated emotional competence (i.e. high emotional intelligence) than deep
acting (McShane, McShane & Travaglione 2007).

More experienced adventure tour leaders, however, may also apply surface acting in some
situations depending on situational demands, such as fatigue, boredom, time pressure or
emergencies. Thus, as pointed out by Brotheridge and Lee (2002), more research of a
longitudinal nature is needed that examines in more detail how emotional labour may develop
over time – that is, how surface acting shifts into deep acting and, later, into the display of
genuine emotions. In any case, it follows that the relatively low frequency of surface acting
(M = 2.55) in this study may not have been sufficient to engender a statistically significant
negative effect on job satisfaction, as predicted. Consequently, any negative outcomes of
performing surface acting, such as feelings of inauthenticity of self, frustration and emotional
exhaustion (Hochschild 1983; Sharpe 2005a), would only have had a negligible negative
effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction.

It is clear then that the high level of job satisfaction (M = 4.22; classified as ‘very satisfied’)
found in this study is, in part, due to the positive effect of performing deep acting and the
absence of any substantial negative effect of performing surface acting (Torland 2010,
2011b). Another reason why the level of job satisfaction was so high could be, as suggested
by Urry (2002) and Carnicelli-Filho (2010, 2011), that some adventure tour leaders do not
really consider their work as a job since they are providing leisure experiences for tourists. As
noted earlier, 13.1% of adventure tour leaders looked at their work as a hobby/leisure activity
rather than a job, while 32.2% looked at their work as a lifestyle; both a job and a
hobby/leisure activity; a business; or a passion. The majority (54.7%) of adventure tour
leaders, however, still looked at their work as a job, which indicates that the finding by Urry
(2002) and Carnicelli-Filho (2010, 2011) may not apply to most adventure tour leaders in this
study. Yet, it is acknowledged that there is a variety of other factors (see Figure 2.7 in Chapter
Two) that could have contributed to the high level of job satisfaction (as indicated by the
relatively low R Squared of .092). Because the main focus of this study is on emotional labour
as a predictor of job satisfaction, however, it is outside the scope to examine other predictors
of job satisfaction in any depth.

4.2.4 Summary of Survey Findings


Figure 4.1 represents visually the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction
of adventure tour leaders as derived from the survey. It shows that deep acting, which had a

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statistically significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction, could
generate a sense of authenticity of self and a feeling of achievement in employees
(Diefendorff, Croyle & Gosserand 2005; Grayson 1998; Kruml & Geddes 2000; Zammuner &
Galli 2005). Figure 4.1 also shows that surface acting had a negative effect on job satisfaction,
although this effect was statistically non-significant (represented by the broken line). Surface
acting could lead to feelings of inauthenticity of self, frustration and emotional exhaustion in
workers (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Hochschild 1983; Van Dijk & Brown 2006; Van Dijk
& Kirk-Brown 2007). In the next section, an analysis of the interview data which related to
Research Objective Two of this thesis is presented. The analysis of the interview data will
provide a greater depth of understanding of the effects of surface acting and deep acting on
adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction that were derived from the survey.

DA SA

 Authenticity of self;  Inauthenticity of self;


feeling of achievement frustration; emotional
exhaustion

+ -

JS

Figure 4.1 Effects of Deep Acting and Surface Acting on Adventure Tour Leaders’
Job Satisfaction as Derived from Survey Findings
Predictors: DA = deep acting (M = 3.58); SA = surface acting (M = 2.55). Dependent variable:
JS = job satisfaction (M = 4.22).

4.3 Analysis of Interview Data

4.3.1 Effects of Performing Surface Acting for Adventure Tour Leaders


Table 4.6 shows the pattern of responses that emerged from the interview question where
adventure tour leaders were asked how they felt at the end of the day after performing surface
acting on the job. Instead of using the term surface acting in the question, adventure tour

145
leaders were asked to describe how suppressing their true emotions and displaying the
emotions that were required of them in their job made them feel at the end of the day (see
Appendix 6). Two themes were identified in response to this question: ‘sense of achievement’
(mentioned by 72% of participants) and ‘drained’ (mentioned by 40% of participants). The
adventure tour leaders were allowed to provide more than one answer to the question (which
explains why the percentages in Table 4.6 do not add up to 100%). This means that the same
adventure tour leader could both feel a ‘sense of achievement’ and ‘drained’ after performing
surface acting.

Table 4.6 How Does Performing Surface Acting Make Adventure Tour Leaders Feel?
Percentages and (numbers)
Theme Surface
Acting
Sense of Achievement 72%
Feeling of achievement and pride because able to successfully manage their (18)
emotions; contribute toward greater good of the group and client satisfaction;
create professional relationship between themselves and clients; committed to
clients and organisation; opportunities for professional development.
Drained 40%
Feel emotionally exhausted and/or frustrated; upset, worn out, emotional, angry, (10)
annoyed, stressed, worried, burnt out, tired, fatigued; physical exhaustion
reinforcing effect.
Total Responses (35)

Total Respondents 25

The theme ‘sense of achievement’ is concerned with adventure tour leaders who, as a result of
performing surface acting, felt a sense of achievement and/or pride because they were able to
effectively manage their emotions when interacting with clients, thus contributing toward the
greater good of the group and client satisfaction. This theme also incorporates adventure tour
leaders who felt that their performance of surface acting represented a meaningful part of the
job because it helped to create a professional relationship between them and their clients.
Consequently, these participants ‘felt professional’ at the end of the day after performing
surface acting and were committed to their clients and employer. Surface acting was viewed
as one strategy they could use to engender an enjoyable experience for clients. Hence,
adventure tour leaders were able to distance themselves somewhat from the negative aspects
of performing surface acting (e.g. inauthenticity of self, emotional exhaustion and frustration)
and focus instead on the benefits that performing it entailed for their clients as well as the
opportunities for personal development it represented for them (e.g. to improve their client
service skills).

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The theme ‘drained’ refers to adventure tour leaders who reported that performing surface
acting made them feel emotionally exhausted and/or frustrated at the end of the day. This
theme also incorporates emotions that could be said to be closely related to emotional
exhaustion and frustration, such as feeling upset, worn out, emotional, angry, annoyed,
stressed, worried, burnt out, tired, and fatigued. The researcher also noted that physical
exhaustion, which could occur as a result of the physical exertion that is often part of
adventure tour leading, may reinforce the adventure tour leaders’ feelings of being drained.
For example, one adventure tour leader stated that:

Physical fatigue is the enemy and often this can add to your feeling of being emotionally tired
after having to suppress feelings and look after your clients during an extended expedition
(Daniel, aged 40–44).

Similar to the survey data analysis in subsection 4.2.3, it can be seen that 40% of adventure
tour leaders who participated in an interview reported that they felt ‘drained’ (i.e. frustrated
and/or emotionally exhausted) at the end of the day after having applied surface acting as an
emotional labour strategy on the job. For instance, one adventure tour leader described how
surface acting drained him of emotional resources which later had to be regained:

Hiding my emotions is a very tiring process. I have a major problem with this as I am worn out
because of the emotional strain it puts on me, and I have to find some private space to regain my
composure (Sam, aged 65 or over).

Another adventure tour leader explained how he sometimes found it frustrating having to
suppress his emotions of anger and annoyance:

Sometimes I find it hard to suppress my true emotions, as when people are being fussy with
food. If there are many other stress factors on the trip (bad weather, difficult client, equipment
problems) it takes an enormous effort to not explode on people who are being fussy just for the
sake of it (Craig, aged 40–44).

These notions of ‘emotional strain’ and ‘enormous effort’ are consistent with literature on
emotional labour which has suggested that surface acting is likely to cause frustration for
employees due to the inauthentic and ‘shallow’ interaction that is involved in this form of
emotional labour which, if performed frequently, could lead to emotional exhaustion
(Grandey 2003; Hochschild 1983; Naring, Briet & Brouwers 2006).

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The frustration and emotional exhaustion reported by adventure tour leaders in this study,
however, did not have a statistically significant negative effect on their job satisfaction. As
previously mentioned, this could be because adventure tour leaders only occasionally
performed surface acting on the job (M = 2.55; classified as ‘sometimes’). Indeed, 16% of
adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview reported that surface acting did not
have any emotional effect on them at the end of the day because they did not apply surface
acting on the job or their use of surface acting was negligible. One adventure tour leader, for
example, explained why he did not perform surface acting in the following way:

If I am not true to the client and myself then the activity is wasted – I have to give of my best
(Luke, aged 60–64).

This statement indicates that the reason the adventure tour leader did not perform surface
acting was because to do so would have left him feeling untruthful to his clients and himself.
Another adventure tour leader described how he only made negligible use of surface acting in
his job as an adventure tour leader:

Well, most of the time I think I am being myself and only altering my emotions slightly for the
good of the clients (Gordon, aged 25–29).

These findings are consistent with Sharpe’s (2005a) study which reported that adventure tour
leaders felt that surface acting was a ‘moral flaw’ to the trip leading process because it
involved faking their emotions in interactions with clients. As a result, Sharpe’s study
participants preferred to use deep acting rather than surface acting when performing
emotional labour on the job since deep acting was not considered to involve faking of
emotions. Thus, in much the same way that some of the negative effects of drinking wine may
be reduced by consuming it less frequently, it is possible that surface acting did not have a
statistically significant negative effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction in this study
because it was not applied very often.

The accounts that adventure tour leaders provided in the interviews, however, provide an
additional possible explanation as to why surface acting did not have a statistically significant
negative effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction, as expected. From those leaders
who participated in an interview, 72% reported that they felt a sense of achievement at the end
of the day after performing surface acting. For example, one adventure tour leader described
how the use of surface acting gave her a feeling of achievement at the end of the day:

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As long as my client is safe and happy I feel I have done my job and that the day has been a
success. If I have managed a group well then I am proud of my day (Briana, aged 40–44).

In this example then, the adventure tour leader felt proud in cases where she managed to keep
her clients safe and satisfied through the use of surface acting. Similarly, another adventure
tour leader revealed that she felt proud after successfully managing a child’s eye injury on a
tour through the use of surface acting because clients trusted her and did not detect that she
was fearful:

In this instance, I felt strangely proud of myself as although I was apprehensive and/or scared,
no one else was aware of this, there were no severe injuries (e.g. the child was running around
happily within 10 minutes) and the participants trusted me to make sound decisions and to
primarily consider their welfare. Interestingly, actually successfully dealing with a perceived
‘threatening’ situation without anyone else becoming concerned is a confidence builder!
(Jessica, aged 40–44).

These findings are inconsistent with most literature on emotional labour which has found that
while deep acting could lead to a sense of achievement in employees, surface acting does not
seem to have the same effect on personal achievement (Brotheridge & Grandey 2002;
Brotheridge & Lee 2002, 2003; Sharpe 2005a). In fact, it has been found that surface acting
can lead to a sense of diminished personal achievement in workers (Brotheridge & Grandey
2002; Grandey 2000). Moreover, there is evidence in the literature that suggests that surface
acting could lead to depersonalisation in employees (Bono & Vey 2005; Brotheridge &
Grandey 2002; Brotheridge & Lee 2002; Naring, Briet & Brouwers 2006), which refers to
employees who psychologically distance themselves from clients by treating them like
objects, thus becoming detached and cynical (Brotheridge & Grandey 2002; Griffin et al.
2010).

Indeed, there was some mention of distancing themselves from clients in the accounts from
adventure tour leaders in this study, as illustrated by the following example:

I don’t think that I feel like I am deceiving my clients when I hold back who I am. A friend of
mine once said that if you become emotionally attached to the outcomes for your clients then
that is a sign of a poor facilitator: it is their experience not yours. You should be able to stay
removed and above their outcomes. That is not to say that you cannot have feelings/emotions
about the program and the people, but rather that those emotions and feelings do not impair your
judgement as a deliverer of those programs and the desired outcomes. I think that the
suppression of my feelings/emotions/intentions is one sign of an excellent adventure leader –
delivering the experience for the clients despite my condition/disposition/beliefs/etc. If I was to
not hold back and tell people what I really thought and wanted etc. (as opposed to what the boss
or the client wanted) then it would be like me working at Telstra signing people up for phone

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plans that don’t exist (products that the clients don’t want and that the boss doesn’t want to
deliver on) (Oliver, aged 25–29).

It is clear from this example that the adventure tour leader to a certain extent is distancing
himself from his clients and their outcomes through the use of surface acting in order to
deliver a satisfying experience for clients. By saying that it is still acceptable to have emotions
about clients, however, the leader does not seem to have distanced himself from clients to the
extent of treating them like objects, as defined by Brotheridge and Grandey (2002) and Griffin
et al. (2010). Indeed, this strategy of distancing oneself from clients did not seem to have any
major negative outcomes for adventure tour leaders in this study because, as illustrated in the
above quote, they believed in the appropriateness of the organisational expectations (or
display rules) relating to interactions with clients. This point is further demonstrated by the
following quote from one adventure tour leader who is prepared to use surface acting in order
to keep clients satisfied, even if it means that he may feel drained at the end of the day:

I feel it is a part of the job and even though it can be draining it’s all part of the experience for
the clients. They expect certain behaviour and energy levels from their guides (Mark, aged 40–
44).

Given that emotional exhaustion, reduced personal achievement and depersonalisation


represent the three dimensions of employee burnout (Grandey 2000), the accounts from
adventure tour leaders in this study indicate that they might possess low levels of burnout and,
as a consequence, their job satisfaction is very high. This is because only 40% of the leaders
felt drained (i.e. emotionally exhausted and/or frustrated) after performing surface acting,
compared to 72% who felt a sense of achievement. In addition, the leaders’ levels of
depersonalisation are likely to be relatively low as they appeared to distance themselves from
clients in order to satisfy clients’ needs rather than being cynical (i.e. being dismissive of
clients’ needs).

Even though some research has suggested that job satisfaction is a predictor of burnout (e.g.
Dolan 1987; Griffin et al. 2010), other research has found that job satisfaction is an outcome
of burnout (Low et al. 2001; Wolpin, Burke & Greenglass 1991; Ybema, Smulders & Bongers
2010). Thus, while it is acknowledged that a reciprocal relationship might exist between
burnout and job satisfaction, the interview results from this study are consistent with those
studies which have shown that burnout has an impact on employees’ job satisfaction rather
than the reverse. More specifically, this study suggests that adventure tour leaders’ feelings of
emotional exhaustion that they experienced after performing surface acting might have been

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overshadowed by the greater sense of achievement (as opposed to reduced personal
achievement) that they experienced. Together with the finding that surface acting was only
applied occasionally by adventure tour leaders on the job, the leaders’ sense of achievement is
likely to have prevented surface acting from having a statistically significant negative effect
on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction.

While most literature on emotional labour has proposed that surface acting produces negative
affective outcomes for employees (Hochschild 1983; Schaubroeck & Jones 2000), there is one
recent qualitative study (Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2008) which might help to explain why
adventure tour leaders in this study also experienced some positive outcomes (i.e. a sense of
achievement) after performing surface acting on the job. Van Dijk and Kirk-Brown (2008)
found that tourism-based service employees were able to manage some of the negative
emotional effects of performing surface acting by referring to organisational display rules that
they believed were appropriate. In other words, the service employees justified their use of
surface acting by perceiving it as an essential part of the job which kept clients happy. This, in
turn, made the service employees feel better about ‘deceiving’ their clients because the end
justified the means (Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2008).

Likewise, many adventure tour leaders in this study did not feel particularly troubled about
applying surface acting since it was all in the name of creating a more enjoyable experience
for clients, as illustrated by this account:

I don’t feel I am deceiving the client at all. All I am doing is a bit of showmanship to make their
experience better. I never lie, but I present in a manner that gets the best result. I think that
modifying my own emotions within the confines of the truth is good practice (Jack, aged 40–
44).

Instead of focusing on the negative aspects of surface acting, then, adventure tour leaders in
this study seemed to have shifted their attention to the benefits that surface acting entailed for
their clients. Moreover, some adventure tour leaders also pointed out the benefits that
performing surface acting can have for themselves. For example, one adventure tour leader
explained how performing surface acting made him feel professional and contributed
positively toward his emotional health:

It makes me feel relaxed, professional and self-aware. It is good to see oneself using emotions
that are more useful and appropriate for the situation at hand. Self-control is a valuable – and
rewarded – social skill in any work that deals with people and highly transferable to a healthy
personal and emotional life (John, aged 40–44).

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In other words, he gained great satisfaction from being able to successfully use surface acting
to manage his emotions in interaction with clients. This ability to focus on the positive rather
than negative aspects of surface acting indicates that adventure tour leaders might be able to
uphold both their ‘personal’ self and their ‘professional’ self because they are committed to
their occupation and organisation, without being cynical and depersonalised, as illustrated by
the following example:

I never feel I am deceiving clients if I suppress a feeling. I make a distinct division between who
I am and who my professional persona is. That said I am an open and honest person, so there is
not a massive gap between these two personas; they overlap a lot. I just feel that leaders need to
develop a part of them as a leader, and other personal aspects are kept private. Any job requiring
working closely with people in challenging situations requires the development of the
appropriate skill set, and part of that is being able to select and apply those skills independently
of personal emotion for the most part. What I choose to reveal of myself is something I consider
carefully (Kevin, aged 40–44).

The quote shows that the leader is using surface acting in order to successfully manage his
emotions when interacting with clients, without feeling that he is deceiving them. This use of
surface acting indicates that he is not being cynical and depersonalised (i.e. treating them like
objects), but is rather focusing on what is best for his clients (as people) in the challenging
environments that make up an inherent part of adventure tours.

The finding that adventure tour leaders appeared to be committed to their occupation and
organisation relates to the concept of organisational commitment. According to Mowday,
Porters, and Steers (1982, p. 27), organisational commitment can be defined as ‘the relative
strength of an individual’s identification with and involvement in a particular organization’.
The concept is characterised by a strong belief and acceptance of the goals and values of the
organisation; a willingness to wield considerable effort in the name of the organisation; and a
strong wish to maintain membership in the organisation (Mowday, Porter & Steers 1982).
Jones (1998) found that organisational commitment strongly reduced the negative effects of
surface acting on job satisfaction. Still, it is not clear whether this buffering effect of
organisational commitment came about as a result of employees shifting their attention from
being detached and cynical in interactions with clients (associated with the burnout dimension
of depersonalisation) toward the benefits that organisational display rules represented for their
clients, the employer, and themselves (concomitant with the sense of achievement in this
study). Hence, more research is needed in order to unravel the role that organisational

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commitment might have in regards to the variables of emotional labour, job satisfaction, and
burnout.

In summary, it appears that the limited amount of surface acting performed by adventure tour
leaders in the first place, together with the reported feeling of achievement, may have
overridden some of the negative outcomes of performing surface acting, such as feeling
drained. These could be important reasons as to why surface acting did not have a statistically
significant negative effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction. If, on the other hand,
adventure tour leading was an occupation where surface acting was performed more
frequently, it is possible that this balance would have been different. Perhaps a stronger
feeling of emotional exhaustion would have led to depersonalisation and a reduced sense of
achievement in adventure tour leaders. For adventure tour leaders in this study, however, it
would seem that their tendency to avoid frequent performance of surface acting has
contributed toward them being very satisfied with their job.

4.3.2 Effects of Performing Deep Acting for Adventure Tour Leaders


Table 4.7 shows the pattern of responses that emerged from the interview question where
adventure tour leaders were asked how they felt at the end of the day after performing deep
acting on the job. Instead of using the term deep acting in the question, adventure tour leaders
were asked to describe how managing their true emotions so that they aligned with the
emotions that were required of them in their job made them feel at the end of the day (see
Appendix 6). Two themes emerged in response to this question: ‘sense of achievement’
(mentioned by 84% of participants) and ‘drained’ (mentioned by 68% of participants). Both
of these themes also emerged in relation to how the performance of surface acting made
adventure tour leaders feel at the end of the day. Hence, the meaning of these themes has
already been defined in subsection 4.3.1 and need not be restated below.

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Table 4.7 How Does Performing Deep Acting Make Adventure Tour Leaders Feel?
Percentages and (numbers)
Theme Deep
Acting
Sense of Achievement 84%
Feeling of achievement and pride because able to successfully manage their (21)
emotions; contribute toward greater good of the group and client satisfaction;
create professional relationship between themselves and clients; committed to
clients and organisation; opportunities for professional development.
Drained 68%
Feel emotionally exhausted and/or frustrated; upset, worn out, emotional, angry, (17)
annoyed, stressed, worried, burnt out, tired, fatigued; physical exhaustion
reinforcing effect.
Total Responses (40)

Total Respondents 25

From the adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview, 68% reported that they felt
drained (emotionally exhausted and/or frustrated) at the end of the day after performing deep
acting. Indeed, more adventure tour leaders stated that they felt drained after applying deep
acting than after applying surface acting (40%). For instance, one adventure tour leader
described how he found it frustrating that he had to perform deep acting and also that he could
not reveal the way that he was performing deep acting to clients:

I often wish that I could be free with telling my clients what I really think (‘you are an idiot!’)
and find it a little frustrating and sad that I was unable to be more overt about the ways that I
influenced their attitudes (Oliver, aged 25–29).

Another adventure tour leader explained how deep acting can be hard to sustain when you are
feeling drained and that implementing breaks or changes in routine could prevent burnout in
such situations:

When you are really drained it can be hard to keep doing it, and performance can drop off, even
if we don’t notice it. Having been involved in this work for many years I feel it’s important to
recognise when you are getting burnt out, and take rest or change what you are doing. There is a
perception by some that outdoor leaders do it for fun, and indeed have fun, so people don’t
associate it with fatigue, or often as hard work, which it can be. I have often thought that
outdoor leaders play the role expected of them, take on responsibility and manage risk, be a role
model, a mentor, speak appropriately, dress and act the part, so it’s no surprise they like to party
and let off steam (Kevin, aged 40–44).

This quote also shows that adventure tour leading is often perceived by some people to be
more ‘fun’ than it actually is, despite all the different ‘roles’ that adventure tour leaders are
required to take on as part of their job (e.g. risk manager, role model, mentor). This perception

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that adventure tour leading is more fun-filled than exhausting is consistent with research by
Urry (2002) and Carnicelli-Filho (2010, 2011) and it suggests that employees in the tourism
industry may not consider their work as a job because the organisation they work in is
providing leisure experiences to tourists. Yet, the above quote clearly shows that adventure
tour leading also involves hard work that could lead to fatigue and the use of ‘heavy’ partying
as a strategy to let go of frustrations associated with the job. This notion that adventure tour
leading involves not only fun but also hard work is further reinforced by findings from this
study relating to the profile of adventure tour leaders (see subsection 4.2.1). More specifically,
the majority of adventure tour leaders in this study (54.7%) looked at their engagement as an
adventure tour leader as a job (as opposed to a hobby or leisure activity). These results
indicate that most adventure tour leaders in this study, contrary to the above research by Urry
(2002) and Carnicelli-Filho (2010, 2011), did in fact consider their work as a job.

The above results showing that performing deep acting could lead to emotional exhaustion in
adventure tour leaders are inconsistent with much research on emotional labour that has
examined the relationship between deep acting and emotional exhaustion. Many studies have
found that employees who frequently perform deep acting possess lower levels of emotional
exhaustion because they do not experience the same high level of emotional dissonance when
performing deep acting as when performing surface acting (Brotheridge & Lee 2002; Johnson
& Spector 2007; Lee 2010). Other studies have found no relationship between deep acting and
emotional exhaustion (Bono & Vey 2005; Brotheridge & Grandey 2002; Grandey 2003).

Hochschild (1983) indicated almost thirty years ago that deep acting could be positively
correlated to emotional exhaustion; that is, the more deep acting employees perform, the more
emotionally exhausted they become. According to Hochschild (1983), workers who apply
deep acting as an emotional labour strategy on the job become more emotionally exhausted
because they become emotionally involved with the clients that they serve, which is not the
case if surface acting is utilised as a strategy. In fact, some recent research supports this
proposition. Monaghan (2006), for example, found that while the difficulty of performing
deep acting was positively related to emotional exhaustion, the difficulty of performing
surface acting was not related to emotional exhaustion. In a similar vein, Liu et al. (2008)
suggested that deep acting may be more psychologically demanding than surface acting for
service employees because it takes a great deal of mental energy in the form of motivation,
engagement, and role internalisation (the degree to which employees identify with their job
role) to genuinely feel the emotions they are required to display to clients. This finding is

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consistent with Brotheridge’s (2006a) research, which proposed that deep acting generally
requires more sophisticated emotional competence than surface acting. Indeed, Liu et al.
(2008) found that employees who possessed a high level of emotional resources (indicated by
high emotional intelligence) were more likely than others to deep act on the job.

It follows that adventure tour leaders who reported that they felt drained after applying deep
acting may have felt this way because it can be tiring to invest emotionally in clients, as
illustrated by the following example:

It is fairly draining. I find any time that you invest emotionally it can be taxing (Mark, aged 40–
44).

Adventure tour leaders who felt drained after performing surface acting, on the other hand,
are likely to have felt this way due to the negative impact of emotional dissonance that has
been associated with this form of emotional labour, as exemplified by the following account:

It’s hard not to be allowed to speak my own mind (when it comes to controversial matters such
as politics). I feel that as a service person I should not speak out, but as a human being it’s
demeaning to have to accept crap without standing up or speaking out for my own opinion
(Craig, aged 40–44).

In this example, emotional dissonance is evident as the adventure tour leader feels frustrated
that he has to hide his true emotions relating to controversial matters in interaction with
clients through the means of surface acting. Hence, these findings correspond with
Hochschild’s (1983) contention that employees who are surface acting are likely to
experience emotional exhaustion due to the emotional dissonance that results from showing
emotions outwardly to clients that do not match up with what the employees are feeling on the
inside. Deep acting, on the other hand, could lead to emotional exhaustion in employees
because this form of emotional labour requires more effort from employees as it involves a
more complex emotion management process than surface acting (Brotheridge 2006a;
Hochschild 1983; Liu et al. 2008; Monaghan 2006).

Even though many adventure tour leaders in this study felt drained after performing deep
acting, the results still showed that deep acting had a statistically significant positive effect on
their job satisfaction. This relates to the finding that the majority (84%) of adventure tour
leaders who participated in an interview reported that they felt a sense of achievement at the
end of the day after performing deep acting. This finding is analogous with the survey data

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analysis in subsection 4.2.3, which suggested that deep acting could lead to a sense of
achievement in employees. In the interviews, one adventure tour leader explained this sense
of achievement:

Yes, of course pushing yourself to take the leadership roles certainly does have its rewards. The
achievement of the group is a good feeling for all, including the leader. Certainly these
milestones are good for the spirit, and go a long way to make one feel they are making a
difference, that what they do matters, even when working long hours, in difficult conditions for
relatively poor pay. Without these highs I would suggest that the average lifespan for [the career
of] an outdoor leader would be dramatically reduced from the few short years it is now. Outdoor
leaders in general are an upbeat, gregarious group, and I feel we all enjoy that feedback from
groups. I think we need and want to feel accomplishment (Kevin, aged 40–44).

From this quote, it is also clear that the sense of achievement that adventure tour leaders felt
at the end of the day may compensate for the feeling of being drained that is associated with
the job. The above-mentioned notion of making a difference seems to be linked to the feeling
of achievement that comes with contributing toward the greater good of the group and client
satisfaction through the use of deep acting. In this regard, another adventure tour leader
explained how the application of deep acting on the job can be very rewarding when it
contributes to client satisfaction:

Managing emotions [deep acting] is a core skill of leading a group of tourists. If after five days
of guiding a group through the Kimberleys on a harsh bush camping expedition or two days of
taking a bunch of Korean language students on a trip around Fraser Island and at the end of the
day they’ve come up to me and they’ve had a great time or experience, well that makes me feel
really good (Gordon, aged 25–29).

Furthermore, one adventure tour leader pointed out that while successful performance of deep
acting could lead to a sense of achievement, unsuccessful performance of deep acting could
lead to burnout and turnover of staff:

I see the self-management of emotions [deep acting] as a key skill for the outdoor professional,
and it’s a tool to be proud of. When staff can’t do this they become drained quickly and have a
high burnout rate, perhaps a key reason to why the industry as a whole has such a high turnover
of field staff with client contact (Will, aged 25–29).

This belief that deep acting needs to be performed successfully in order to lead to a sense of
achievement indicates that adventure tour leaders in this study may be highly successful in
their performance of deep acting. As suggested by Hochschild (1983), successful performance
of deep acting could help employees to feel satisfied with how personal their service to clients
is. Indeed, some adventure tour leaders in this study felt a sense of achievement after
performing deep acting because, by successfully managing their emotions in this way, they

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were able to maintain a professional relationship with their clients. For example, one
adventure tour leader indicated how successfully managing his emotions through deep acting
made him feel professional as it helped him to do what was expected of him in the job in
regards to his clients:

I feel like I have done a good job; done what I am being paid to do. I find it somewhat
rewarding knowing that I am good at my job on those days (e.g. ‘despite my bad mood/painful
clients/etc. I did a really good job today’) (Oliver, aged 25–29).

Another adventure tour leader emphasised how the use of deep acting made him feel
professional in that it contributed toward personal development:

I feel lucky to have a job that requires attention to the impact that I have on others, as it helps
me grow and develop as a person (John, aged 40–44).

Although 67% of adventure tour leaders who felt a sense of achievement after performing
surface acting reported that this was linked to a feeling of professionalism, only 19% of
adventure tour leaders who felt a sense of achievement after performing deep acting reported
that this was due to maintaining a professional relationship between themselves and clients.
This difference could be due to the notion that deep acting within the occupation of adventure
tour leading generally requires a closer and more personal relationship between employees
and clients than the professional ‘distance’ which may occur when adventure tour leaders
occasionally apply surface acting. This may be due to the nature of the job of adventure tour
leading, which requires close proximity to clients, often over long time periods and in
unpredictable natural environments (Arnould & Price 1993; Sharpe 2005a). As previously
discussed, adventure tour leaders may treat their clients as ‘friends’ rather than as parties in a
more ‘superficial’ service transaction (Arnould & Price 1993). The more attached that
employees feel to their clients, in turn, the less they will fake their emotions (Kruml &
Geddes 2000). By applying deep acting, then, adventure tour leaders treat their clients in a
more ‘authentic’ way since they are not faking their emotions. As a result, performing deep
acting has the potential to create a relationship of trust between adventure tour leaders and
clients, which appears to be important when bringing the latter out of their comfort zone
through adventure activities that might be perceived as risky or uncomfortable.

The results showing that the majority of adventure tour leaders who participated in an
interview felt a sense of achievement after performing deep acting are consistent with a
number of studies that have found that a positive relationship exists between deep acting and

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personal achievement (Brotheridge 2006b; Brotheridge & Grandey 2002; Brotheridge & Lee
2002, 2003; Grandey 2003). Hence, it is possible that the strong sense of achievement that
adventure tour leaders felt after performing deep acting in this study may have compensated
for their feelings of emotional exhaustion and/or frustration that were also present. As one
adventure tour leader stated:

Following major incidents such as evacuations, of which I have had two, I feel totally drained
but very proud of myself and relieved that my ill/injured trekker is safe and that the evacuation
operating procedures work (Ethan, aged 55–59).

It should also be noted that whereas 84% of adventure tour leaders who participated in an
interview felt a sense of achievement after applying deep acting, a smaller proportion of 72%
felt a sense of achievement after applying surface acting (which, in addition, was only applied
occasionally). Thus, given that deep acting requires more sophisticated emotional competence
(Brotheridge 2006a) and could be more psychologically demanding than surface acting (Liu
et al. 2008), it is also conceivable that performing deep acting leads to a stronger sense of
achievement among employees because it represents a more difficult challenge than surface
acting which, if overcome, then becomes more rewarding.

4.3.3 Summary of Interview Findings


Figure 4.2 expands the visual representation of the relationships between emotional labour
and job satisfaction in Figure 4.1 (which was derived from the survey findings) by
incorporating the interview findings discussed in section 4.3. It shows that deep acting had a
statistically significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction because this
form of emotional labour was associated with a sense of authenticity of self and a feeling of
achievement. The thematic analysis of the interview data confirmed that adventure tour
leaders in this study experienced a feeling of achievement after performing deep acting on the
job. The thematic analysis, however, showed that deep acting also made adventure tour
leaders feel frustrated and emotionally exhausted. Since deep acting had a statistically
significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction, it was suggested that the
positive effects of performing deep acting (sense of authenticity of self, feeling of
achievement) might have overridden the negative effects (frustration and emotional
exhaustion).

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DA SA

Positive: authenticity of Negative: inauthenticity of


self, feeling of achievement self, frustration, emotional
exhaustion

+ -
Negative: frustration, Positive: feeling of
emotional exhaustion achievement

JS

Figure 4.2 Effects of Deep Acting and Surface Acting on Adventure Tour Leaders’
Job Satisfaction as Derived from Survey and Interview Findings
Predictors: DA = deep acting (M = 3.58); SA = surface acting (M = 2.55). Dependent variable:
JS = job satisfaction (M = 4.22).

Figure 4.2 also shows that surface acting had a negative effect on adventure tour leaders’ job
satisfaction since this type of emotional labour was linked with a sense of inauthenticity of
self as well as feelings of frustration and emotional exhaustion. However, this effect was
statistically non-significant (represented by the broken line). The thematic analysis of the
interview data confirmed that adventure tour leaders in this study experienced feelings of
frustration and emotional exhaustion after performing surface acting on the job. The thematic
analysis, however, showed that surface acting also gave adventure tour leaders a sense of
achievement. Given that the negative effect of surface acting on adventure tour leaders’ job
satisfaction was statistically non-significant, it was proposed that the positive effect of
performing surface acting (feeling of achievement) might have reduced the impact of the
negative effects (sense of inauthenticity of self, frustration, and emotional exhaustion),
although the relatively low mean of surface acting (M = 2.55) is also likely to have
contributed to the non-significant result.

4.4 Conclusion
The first research objective was to develop a profile of adventure tour leaders based on
statistical descriptive data relating to a number of characteristics. The majority of adventure
tour leaders possessed the following characteristics: male; 35–44 years old; Australian citizen;
Bachelor degree; in a relationship; no children living at home; standard employment; look at
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adventure tour leading as a job; working full-time; bushwalking main activity; all-year-round
operation; paid work; commercial organisation; receive compensation; easy/beginner tours; 0
to 4 years experience in current organisation, and 5 to 9 years in the adventure tourism
industry.

The second research objective was to examine the potential effects of surface acting and deep
acting on the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. Deep acting had a statistically
significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction. This finding was
consistent with research suggesting that deep acting could help to convey a sense of
authenticity of self and a feeling of achievement in employees (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993;
Sharpe 2005a; Zammuner & Galli 2005), thus leading to higher levels of job satisfaction
(Torland 2010, 2011b). This result was also reflected in the high means of total deep acting
scores (M = 3.58; classified as ‘often’) and total job satisfaction scores (M = 4.22; classified
as ‘very satisfied’).

Whilst surface acting had a negative effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction, as
predicted, this effect was not statistically significant. One explanation for this non-significant
result could be that adventure tour leaders in this study only occasionally performed surface
acting on the job, as demonstrated by the relatively low mean of total surface acting scores (M
= 2.55; classified as ‘sometimes’). This, in turn, may not have been sufficient to engender a
statistically significant negative result. In other words, the non-significant result showed that
any negative outcomes of performing surface acting, such as feeling emotionally exhausted,
frustrated, and a sense of inauthenticity of self, would only have had a negligible effect on
adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction.

Given the survey findings, it was suggested that adventure tour leading is an occupation that
requires employees to perform more deep acting and less surface acting than some other
occupations due to the close and personal nature of the relationships with clients. Moreover, it
was suggested that the high level of job satisfaction that was found in this study was, in part,
due to the positive effects of performing deep acting and the absence of any substantial
negative effects of performing surface acting.

The interview findings served to expand and complement the insight that was gained through
analysing the survey data relating to the effects of surface acting and deep acting on adventure
tour leaders’ job satisfaction. The interview findings confirmed the survey findings which

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proposed that adventure tour leaders acquired a feeling of achievement after performing deep
acting. In addition, the interview findings also revealed that adventure tour leaders felt drained
(i.e. frustrated and/or emotionally exhausted) after performing deep acting. It was proposed
that the sense of authenticity of self and the feeling of achievement that are linked with deep
acting might have overridden the feeling of being drained. This, in turn, could have
contributed toward the result where deep acting had a statistically significant positive effect
on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction.

The interview findings confirmed the survey findings which suggested that adventure tour
leaders felt drained (i.e. frustrated and/or emotionally exhausted) after performing surface
acting. The interview findings also revealed that adventure tour leaders experienced a sense of
achievement after performing surface acting. Hence, it was proposed that the feelings of
achievement associated with surface acting might have reduced the sense of inauthenticity of
self and the feeling of being drained. Together with the finding that adventure tour leaders
only occasionally applied surface acting on the job, this could explain why the predicted
negative effect of surface acting on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction in this study
turned out to be statistically non-significant. Chapter five now provides an overview and
critical analysis of the findings relating to situations in which adventure tour leaders in this
study applied surface acting and deep acting on the job.

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Chapter Five: Adventure Tour Leaders’ Application of Emotional
Labour

5.1 Introduction
This chapter presents and discusses the findings relating to Research Objective Three, which
aimed to identify the types of situations on the job in which adventure tour leaders reported
they performed either surface acting or deep acting. It is important to identify these particular
situations in relation to the overarching aim of this study because they represent the unique
context of emotional labour performance within the occupation of adventure tour leading.
Even though Sharpe (2005a) identified particular situations in which adventure tour leaders
performed emotional labour (as a whole), she did not distinguish between the situations in
which adventure tour leaders applied surface acting and those situations in which they applied
deep acting. Hence, Research Objective Three fills an important gap in the literature by
identifying discrete situations in which adventure tour leaders perform either surface acting or
deep acting. Given the differential outcomes that are linked with surface acting and deep
acting (e.g. in regards to job satisfaction), the extension of Sharpe’s (2005a) research as
presented in this thesis contributes toward an enhanced theoretical understanding of what
types of situations may lead adventure tour leaders to perform one form of emotional labour
over the other.

It is also important to identify the particular situations in which adventure tour leaders apply
either surface acting or deep acting because understanding why particular forms of emotional
labour are performed and in which particular circumstances could assist in the development of
training programs for enhancing the emotional competence of adventure tour leaders in the
future. Being competent in managing their emotions could positively impact on adventure
tour leaders’ job satisfaction and safety as well as client satisfaction and safety. Very little
research has been conducted in regards to situations in which adventure tour leaders perform
emotional labour. This is why Research Objective Three was addressed using an exploratory
research approach that was based purely on qualitative data collected through the interviews
in order to develop an initial understanding of the topic. These data served to complement and
expand on the insights gained from the survey as they added more richness of detail in regards
to the overall aim of examining the relationships between emotional labour and job
satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. The interview data were derived from two questions
asking adventure tour leaders to give some examples of specific situations in their job where
they would apply either surface acting or deep acting.

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5.2 Analysis of Interview Data
Although there is a variety of research that has investigated the different antecedents and
outcomes of emotional labour, there is very little research that has identified the particular
situations in which employees apply emotional labour apart from noting that it happens during
service encounters between employees and clients (Arnould & Price 1993). The frequency
with which employees apply surface acting and deep acting depends on the nature of their job
and, consequently, the specific situations in which they apply emotional labour may vary
across different occupations. Hochschild (1983), for example, found that flight attendants and
debt collectors invested a great deal of their time to apply both surface acting and deep acting
in order to deal with demanding clients. It is possible, however, that the service encounters
between adventure tour leaders and their clients are more complex and, thus, include other
types of situations that require the use of surface acting and/or deep acting. This is due to the
element of risk that is inherent in adventure tour leading as well as the close and somewhat
personal relationships that tend to develop between adventure tour leaders and their clients
(Arnould & Price 1993). Risky situations may give rise to a type of emotional labour quite
different from the kind arising from situations without the same element of risk.

To date only one study, conducted by Sharpe (2005a), explicitly identified situations in which
adventure tour leaders tend to apply emotional labour (see section 2.2.7). According to
Sharpe, adventure tour leaders in her study applied emotional labour in the following types of
situations on the job: ensuring safety; generating fun; and encouraging a sense of community.
As mentioned above, however, Sharpe did not distinguish between the situations in which
adventure tour leaders applied surface acting and those situations in which they applied deep
acting. This is most likely because adventure tour leaders in Sharpe’s study did not admit to
applying surface acting since this form of emotional labour was viewed as being a less
genuine way of managing one’s emotions than deep acting. This reluctance to apply surface
acting as an emotional labour strategy was also evident in this present study given that 12% of
adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview stated that they did not apply surface
acting on the job. On the other hand, this also meant that the remaining 88% of adventure tour
leaders did perform surface acting on the job (as shown by the examples they provided of
specific situations in which they performed surface acting on the job). This finding is further
supported by the survey results in this study which show that most adventure tour leaders
occasionally made use of surface acting when dealing with their clients (M = 2.55; classified
as ‘sometimes’). Hence, it was possible to identify situations in which adventure tour leaders

164
applied either surface acting or deep acting, unlike in Sharpe’s study, in which this distinction
was not made.

Table 5.1 shows the distribution of responses for the main themes that emerged from the
interview questions where adventure tour leaders were asked to provide details relating to the
kinds of situations in which they performed surface acting and/or deep acting. Instead of using
the term surface acting in the question, adventure tour leaders were asked to provide some
examples of when they might choose to suppress their true emotions and display the emotions
that were required of them in their job. Furthermore, instead of using the term deep acting in
the question, adventure tour leaders were asked to provide some examples of when they might
choose to manage their true emotions so that they aligned with the emotions that were
required of them in their job (see Appendix 6).

Table 5.1 The Kinds of Job Situations in which Adventure Tour Leaders Perform
Surface Acting and Deep Acting
Percentages and (numbers)
Theme Surface Deep
Acting Acting
Risk Management 60% 16%
Situations which required that they managed risk associated with (15) (4)
emergencies/accidents, incidents/close calls or potentially dangerous
situations.
Create Enthusiasm 24% 20%
Situations which required that they stayed positive and generated (6) (5)
enthusiasm when interacting with clients to maximise client satisfaction,
despite feeling tired, bored and/or miserable.
Inexperienced Clients - 32%
Situations which required that they dealt with clients who were not (8)
prepared for an activity mentally and/or physically or who were
struggling to pick up the necessary skills due to being new to the activity.
Difficult Clients 20% 40%
Situations which required that they dealt with clients whose behaviour (5) (10)
was particularly problematic and difficult to tolerate.
Total Responses (29) (27)

Total Respondents 25 25

In relation to situations in which adventure tour leaders performed surface acting, three
themes emerged in response to this question: ‘risk management’ (mentioned by 60% of
participants); ‘create enthusiasm’ (mentioned by 24% of participants); and ‘difficult clients’
(mentioned by 20% of participants). In relation to situations in which adventure tour leaders
performed deep acting, four themes emerged in response to this question: ‘difficult clients’

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(mentioned by 40% of participants); ‘inexperienced clients’ (mentioned by 32% of
participants); ‘create enthusiasm’ (mentioned by 20% of participants); and ‘risk management’
(mentioned by 16% of participants). Overall, there were four different themes, three of which
applied to both surface acting and deep acting. A definition of each of these themes is
provided below.

The theme ‘risk management’ refers to situations where adventure tour leaders were required
to manage risk associated with emergencies/accidents, incidents/close calls or potentially
dangerous situations. The theme ‘create enthusiasm’ is concerned with situations on the job
where adventure tour leaders, despite feeling tired, bored and/or even miserable, were
required to stay positive and generate enthusiasm when interacting with clients so as to
maximise client satisfaction. Regarding the theme ‘difficult clients’, this refers to situations in
which adventure tour leaders needed to deal with clients on the job whose behaviour they
perceived to be particularly problematic and difficult to tolerate. The theme ‘inexperienced
clients’ refers to situations in which adventure tour leaders needed to deal with clients on the
job who were not prepared for an activity mentally and/or physically or who were struggling
to pick up the necessary skills because they were new to the activity.

5.2.1 Risk Management


The particular situations in which most adventure tour leaders (60%) reported that they
performed surface acting were risk management situations. For instance, the following
account by one adventure tour leader is an example of how he performed surface acting in
order to manage the risk associated with a serious sand-boarding accident:

I was tour guiding on Moreton Island off Brisbane and I had a passenger involved in a serious
sand-boarding accident. On this particular day I had an English couple … who went down in
tandem with the lady on top of the man … and they came crashing over each other. Straight
away I could tell that the lady had hurt herself so I came running down to assess the damage.
She was holding her right wrist saying it was broken. At this point I was probably panicking a
little however I did suppress those thoughts and quickly had to work out a plan of action. The
lady [got] … considerably worse as she was complaining of feeling light-headed and was on the
verge of fainting. I had to go into super confident mode and was constantly talking to her and
reassuring her that everything was going to be alright. I had no choice but to get my group back
into the vehicle and drive them to help which was 45 minutes on a bumpy sandy track.
Eventually I got them back to help but this was definitely a challenging situation where I
displayed the ‘required’ emotions and suppressed my true emotions (emphasis added) (Gordon,
aged 25–29).

In this situation, the adventure tour leader appeared to use surface acting as an immediate
response to an incident that needed quick action in order to get the client to medical assistance

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before the situation worsened. The panic that the adventure tour leader experienced, together
with the suppression of his true emotions, further indicates that there may not have been
enough time in this particular situation for him to apply deep acting as an emotional labour
strategy. Generally, the use of deep acting to manage one’s emotions necessitates more time
and planning for employees than the use of surface acting (Gross 1998a). Similarly, another
adventure tour leader explained how he suppressed his feeling of fear in two potentially
dangerous situations through the means of surface acting:

On two occasions I have been trekking along a riverbed and had heavy tropical rain commence
falling. The local porters have advised me quietly that unless the group moves very fast we will
be trapped in the riverbed due to the high sides. As I have seen a river rise two metres in an hour
I fully appreciate the danger, however must convey the urgency to my trekkers in a way that
will get them moving immediately but not in a dangerous or panicking manner. At this time I
must suppress my personal fears for the good of the group (emphasis added) (Ethan, aged 55–
59).

Again, it seems like the adventure tour leader is making use of surface acting as an immediate
response to a potentially dangerous situation that may develop into a serious accident if
speedy action is not taken. This urgency of the situation, in turn, may have left the adventure
tour leader with too little time to apply deep acting as an emotional labour strategy. Indeed,
only 16% of adventure tour leaders reported that they applied deep acting in risk management
situations. However, the same adventure tour leader as above did perform deep acting in
another risky situation that required the leader to manage clients’ emotions as well as his own
emotions:

I had a trekker that had collapsed from heat stroke and had been carried on a makeshift stretcher
by the porters. Due to her condition I had no option but to arrange an urgent medivac by
helicopter. The situation was stressful as I was concerned about her health, had to commence
planning the evacuation with various parties over an unreliable satellite phone, there was only a
few hours of daylight left and I also needed to keep the rest of the group moving in order to
reach a village that night. With all of this occurring the ill trekker’s husband attempted to
negotiate for his wife to continue after a rest, stating that it was important for them to finish the
trek together. I had to very delicately manage both my and their emotions as I could appreciate
their desire to continue. However, I had to also get them to appreciate the reality of the situation.
During this conversation I found myself ignoring her tears and simply stressing the need to get
her to a hospital and that there was absolutely no option. The ill trekker and her husband
eventually agreed and a successful evacuation occurred several hours later (emphasis added)
(Ethan, aged 55–59).

This is an example of the deep acting technique of rationalisation (see Table 2.1) in which the
adventure tour leader gave an understandable reason as to why the clients were behaving in
the way that they were (i.e. they wanted to finish the trek together).

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Overall, the above findings show that many adventure tour leaders (60%), although they did
not apply surface acting very often, performed this type of emotional labour in risk
management situations. In regards to deep acting, however, only some adventure tour leaders
(16%) applied this form of emotional labour in the same type of situations. There is some
research that may be able to shed light on why this might be so. According to Lois (2003), for
example, the emotional culture of search and rescue volunteers (who might experience similar
emergency situations as adventure tour leaders) incorporated the belief that all emotions (but
particularly negative ones) should be suppressed during edgework performance, which refers
to voluntary risk-taking behaviour which occurs in situations that are physically and mentally
out of the ordinary. Hence, it may well be that surface acting could work as a tool to
temporarily remove emotions from a risky situation and rather focus on what needs to be done
in practice to solve the situation, such as putting up ropes to save someone who is stuck on a
cliff ledge.

Gross (1998a) supports the notion that surface acting may be used in situations that require
immediate, reactive behaviour from employees. He suggested that while deep acting is
antecedent-focused or proactive, surface acting is response-focused or reactive. It follows that
surface acting might be applied in risk management situations by many adventure tour leaders
because such situations often occur rapidly, with little warning, and are sometimes due to
environmental circumstances that might be outside the leaders’ control. For example, one
adventure tour leader explained how the sudden occurrence of a potentially dangerous
situation caused him to perform surface acting:

A situation occurred when we were leading a kayaking group along the river into the ocean. All
was going well and then suddenly the group (novices) had to break through a surf zone. A
couple of boats nearly capsized, and I was anxious, but I still needed to appear calm and in
control to install confidence in the group members (emphasis added) (Rod, aged 30–34).

Such risky situations may provide adventure tour leaders with limited time to manage their
emotions, which may then need to be suppressed in order to attend to the situation at hand. In
other words, surface acting seems to be an immediate response to an unexpected and
potentially dangerous situation. Conversely, it could be that only some adventure tour leaders
applied deep acting in risk management situations because this form of emotional labour is
proactive and thus necessitates more time and preparation to manage one’s emotions before a
potentially dangerous situation occurs. In this sense, many adventure tour leaders who were
applying surface acting in risk management situations can be said to have been reactive rather
than proactive in regards to their risk management practices.
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As was discussed in Chapter Four, surface acting (or response-focused emotional labour)
could lead to a sense of inauthenticity of self and feelings of emotional exhaustion and
frustration in employees (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Sharpe 2005a; Zammuner & Galli
2005). More importantly, perhaps, surface acting may also compromise clients’ safety in
some instances as it does not involve the same level of forethought as deep acting. This notion
that surface acting may compromise clients’ safety is further highlighted by the following
account of one adventure tour leader who proposed that surface acting is not as good a tool as
deep acting when it comes to managing risky situations on the job:

I think there is a difference between managing emotions [deep acting], as opposed to


suppressing/displaying [surface acting]. Managing, however, is something that requires
experiences, and sometimes forethought. For example we train to manage emergency situations
or rescues … if you do, you plan ahead … so that you can then have space to manage your
emotions – possibly fear, uncertainty, panic, negative feelings of being overwhelmed. I see
suppressing emotions as just a bandaid and a short-term solution. Suppression is not as good as
management. Management – knowing you can handle whatever is presented to you – is a
confidence builder and will produce a better performance. Proactive is always better than
reactive. I run a lot of kayaking programs, and … [r]eacting is generally not acceptable, as you
need to manage your own feelings and thoughts ahead of running a rapid or dealing with a
situation – in whitewater reacting means something is wrong – and in that environment this can
be a massive danger (emphasis added) (Kevin, aged 40–44).

This quote reinforces the notion that risky situations may leave adventure tour leaders with
limited time to apply deep acting as an emotional labour strategy and, as a result, surface
acting may be applied as a temporary solution, a ‘bandaid’. This performance of surface
acting by adventure tour leaders in risk management situations could have negative
consequences in regards to clients’ safety. More specifically, surface acting is a reactive form
of emotional labour that adventure tour leaders may apply in situations that they have not
mentally prepared for beforehand and/or they do not have the necessary depth of experience
to deal with. Deep acting, on the other hand, is proactive and could potentially increase the
levels of safety for adventure tour leaders and their clients because this form of emotional
labour requires experience and forethought. Just as students who prepare for an exam are
more likely to succeed than students who do not, it is possible that adventure tour leaders who
apply deep acting in order to manage their emotions in a risky situation on the job are more
likely to succeed than leaders who apply surface acting in the same type of situation. Indeed,
in his study on the emotional labour of emergency service workers, Oubari (2007) found that
surface acting was negatively related to the performance of these workers. Conversely, deep
acting was positively linked to the performance of emergency service workers (Oubari 2007).
It follows that adventure tour operators may need to provide training that improves adventure

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tour leaders’ ability to deep act in risky situations on the job. This proposition of providing
training to improve deep acting skills in risk management situations is discussed in more
detail in Chapter Seven.

Whereas the adventure tour leaders in Sharpe’s (2005a) study were reluctant to admit that
they performed surface acting on the job, a closer examination of her article shows that some
of them actually did make use of this emotional labour strategy in order to ensure safety on
the tours. Ensuring safety was one of the situations in which Sharpe suggested that adventure
tour leaders performed emotional labour and, importantly, some of the leaders in her study
suppressed signs of fear and anxiety even at times when paying attention to such emotions
could help to keep their clients safe. One adventure tour leader in Sharpe’s (2005a, pp. 37–8)
study, for example, stated the following: ‘I understand fear to be a very valuable ally in
making decisions … but it can lead to chaos and loss of control … I don’t want people to lose
confidence in my ability when I’m scared.’ As such, adventure tour leaders in Sharpe’s study
suppressed their emotions of fear and anxiety in order to prevent their clients from losing
confidence in their abilities as a leader. Similarly, one adventure tour leader in this study
confessed that during one of his adventure tours, he performed surface acting in order to cover
up what could have developed into a serious accident:

When there was an incident where someone was not attached to a rope properly and they could
have significantly injured themselves, I downplayed the danger level dramatically, so that the
client retained trust in the instructor’s abilities (emphasis added) (Peter, aged 45–49).

Sixty per cent of adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview in this study
occasionally applied surface acting in risk management situations. However, this does not
mean that risk management situations require employees to perform surface acting as an
emotional labour strategy. On the contrary, a better way of performing emotional labour for
the adventure tour leaders who performed surface acting in risk management situations might
have been to follow the example of the 16% of leaders who performed deep acting to ensure
clients’ safety in these types of situations. Applying deep acting is likely to be a better
emotional labour strategy in risk management situations because deep acting is a proactive
way of performing emotional labour. Thus, deep acting represents a safer alternative to
manage one’s emotions than surface acting, which is reactive and, consequently, a more
unsafe way of performing emotional labour (Gross 1998a). The application of deep acting
instead of surface acting could also work to ensure that adventure tour leaders’ occupational
health and safety (OHS) needs are met. OHS refers to the physical, physiological and

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psychosocial conditions of an organisation’s employees which relate to the work itself and the
work context (De Cieri, Cox & Fenwick 2006; De Cieri et al. 2008). If adventure tour
operators provided training to increase the number of adventure tour leaders who perform
deep acting instead of surface acting in risk management situations, this could reduce the
OHS risk of experiencing burnout and low levels of job satisfaction resulting from performing
surface acting (Bono & Vey 2005; Grandey 2000; Hochschild 1983; Judge, Woolf & Hurst
2009).

5.2.2 Create Enthusiasm


In addition to risk management situations, 24% of adventure tour leaders who participated in
an interview reported that they applied surface acting in situations where they, despite feeling
tired, bored and/or miserable, were required to stay positive and create enthusiasm in
interactions with clients in order to maximise client satisfaction. For example, one adventure
tour leader described how he used surface acting to create enthusiasm in the group when, in
reality, he was feeling tired:

I have often had to display a façade of being up and excited when in reality I feel tired and flat.
This generally occurs in the morning when breaking camp or at the end of the day when there is
still jobs to be done, e.g. cooking (emphasis added) (Mark, aged 40–44).

Another adventure tour leader explained how he used surface acting to engender enthusiasm
about parts of the client experience that he found relatively uninteresting:

Very often I see an animal that while it is locally common, it is something that you only find in
my area. I will then pretend to be excited, so that the guests are truly aware that they are seeing
a rare creature (emphasis added) (Jack, aged 40–44).

The following accounts illustrate how personal issues caused two adventure tour leaders to
perform surface acting in order to generate the enthusiasm that was required in their job:

I can think back to a time when I was frustrated and angry by the poor performance of a fellow
leader, and this caused me some anguish as this was right before a client group was about to
arrive, and of course outdoor leaders are there to facilitate upbeat, enjoyable experiences, so
there can be some internal turmoil if something is going on personally for you yet the
expectation of the group and employer will override and you will perform accordingly
(emphasis added) (Kevin, aged 40–44).

Emotions from my personal life overflowing into the work place (I am tired/angry/etc but my
work calls for me to be vivacious, open and engaging, or even to inject life into the group)
(emphasis added) (Oliver, aged 25–29).

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The prevalence of adventure tour leaders who applied deep acting (20%) in order to create
enthusiasm among themselves and clients was similar to that of leaders who applied surface
acting (24%) for the same purpose. In regards to the former, one adventure tour leader
explained that he sometimes struggled to perform deep acting in order to create an atmosphere
of enthusiasm on cold mornings when he was leading paddling tours:

Providing the right atmosphere on a cold morning when you have almost no clients is always
hard. Being happy and excited to get out on the water when all you really want to do is get back
into bed. But this is all part of the job and creating the right atmosphere makes all the difference
when it comes to clients’ satisfaction (emphasis added) (Phil, aged 25–29).

This requirement for adventure tour leaders to create enthusiasm in interactions with clients
has been acknowledged by Holyfield (1999), who proposed that ‘good’ river guides must
embody the excitement they are selling and never let the clients know that their job can be
mundane or boring. The interview data, however, did not reveal why adventure tour leaders
performed either surface acting or deep acting so as to create enthusiasm among themselves
and clients. Thus, more research is needed in order to establish what might influence
adventure tour leaders’ application of surface acting or deep acting in these situations.

The interview findings which showed that adventure tour leaders applied emotional labour in
situations which required them to create enthusiasm are reflected in Sharpe’s (2005a) notion
of generating fun. Sharpe (2005a) stated that adventure tour leaders in her study were required
to make trips enjoyable for clients, which often involved performance of emotional labour by
the leaders. The method that was perceived as being the most effective way of performing
emotional labour in order to generate fun was expressive role modelling, where the adventure
tour leaders would ‘lead by example’ so as to generate fun by, for instance, telling jokes,
smiling, laughing, and playing around (Sharpe 2005a). This idea of leading by example was
also apparent in this study where one adventure tour leader revealed that he was leading by
example by actively getting involved in the activities of washing up or cooking so as to create
enthusiasm among clients and get them involved too:

Working with people from a vast array of backgrounds (age groups, socio-economic, cultural
etc.) especially when combined together, is always challenging and testing my ability to manage
the social dynamics. Sometimes manipulating the emotions I display in front of the group is
needed to gain a desired outcome. An example of this is a tactic ‘lead by example’, where I
actively get involved in the activity, say, the washing up or cooking and even though I may be
really tired from a big day I put on a brave enthusiastic persona to try to get the rest of the
group involved. This extra encouragement to get the job done was ‘managed’. I’ve done the
cooking and washing up a thousand times before but if I didn’t get the ball rolling then often the
task would take a lot longer to complete (emphasis added) (Gordon, aged 25–29).

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In this case, it appears that the adventure tour leader was leading by example by using surface
acting rather than deep acting as he put on an emotional display of enthusiasm despite feeling
tired.

Although the performance of surface acting is associated with the OHS risk of experiencing
burnout and low levels of job satisfaction, 24% of adventure tour leaders who participated in
an interview for this study still applied surface acting behaviours in order to create enthusiasm
among themselves and clients. This could be because unusually high levels of fatigue and/or
boredom on occasion may force adventure tour leaders to use surface acting instead of deep
acting when creating enthusiasm because the latter requires more emotional effort
(Brotheridge 2006a; Liu et al. 2008). Additionally, limited experience in the job may be a
contributing factor to the use of surface acting by some adventure tour leaders (see Figure
2.1). In any case, deep acting is likely to be a better option for adventure tour leaders to create
enthusiasm on the job as this type of emotional labour was shown in this thesis to have a
significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction.

5.2.3 Difficult and/or Inexperienced Clients


Regarding deep acting, 40% of adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview
reported that they used this form of emotional labour in situations which required them to deal
with difficult clients whose behaviour they perceived to be particularly problematic and
difficult to tolerate. One adventure tour leader explained how he applied deep acting in this
situation:

By day six of an eight-day trek we had run out of coffee due to the group’s unusually heavy
consumption in favour of other supplied beverages. One of my trekkers at lunch, in front of the
entire group reacted badly when advised that the coffee had run out. He berated me and stated
that more care should be taken with preplanning of supplies. My initial reaction was of
annoyance… here we all are on the track, wet and weary and you are upset over the bloody
coffee running out!!!!!!! I explained to the group that catering for different people’s tastes is
difficult and that other groups had been heavy tea drinkers and that we had on occasions run out
of tea. General discussion then followed on how we could avoid this situation occurring again.
The anger of the trekker and myself was dissipated and we all drank tea and survived. I have
noticed that some trekkers, when they are tired and mentally/emotionally challenged often
redirect that stress onto me using some excuse, such as running out of coffee. As I have now
identified this behaviour I behave in a controlled and supportive manner (emphasis added)
(Ethan, aged 55–59).

Recalling the methods of performing deep acting presented in Table 2.1, it is clear that this
adventure tour leader was making use of rationalisation in order to deal with the difficult

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client. That is, he came up with a reasonable explanation for the client’s behaviour (the client
was tired and stressed), and as a result he managed to shift his feeling of annoyance into a
feeling of empathy. Similarly, another adventure tour leader described how he found deep
acting to be an effective strategy when dealing with difficult clients who ignore instructions or
who are not very pleasant to be around:

In my case, sometimes I get impatient when an issue that is dear to me (e.g. care for the
environment) that has been addressed (e.g. no soap in the river) has to be revisited over and
over. I manage the emotions because experience has shown me that it is more effective to work
with people with emotions that are pleasant to them. Another example of managing emotions is
if there are more pleasant clients or more unpleasant clients – at the end of the day, they are all
people and deserve the same level of attention, despite my personal preferences (emphasis
added) (John, aged 40–44).

In this situation, the adventure tour leader was applying the deep acting technique of
underlying motivation (see Table 2.1), and consequently he was able to manage his emotions
to suit the situation based on the underlying motivation that all clients deserve the same level
of attention. Thus, he managed to change his initial feeling of dislike into a feeling of respect
by focusing on this underlying motivation instead of his clients’ annoying behaviour.

Clients can also present major problems by being inexperienced. Thirty-two per cent of
adventure tour leaders also reported that they needed to deal with clients on the job who were
not prepared for an activity mentally and/or physically or who were struggling to learn the
necessary skills because they were new to the activity. For example, one adventure tour leader
explained how she used deep acting to deal with a client who was not physically or mentally
prepared for the activity:

I had a lady on a walking trip who was not up to a walking trip physically or mentally. I was a
bit annoyed with her because she had obviously overestimated her ability. I had to help her
through a gorge walk, so I took it as a challenge to get her through the whole day and the entire
walk, searching out the easiest possible routes over various sections. By the end of the day I felt
quite elated that she had done it – with lots of help – and I admired her pluck. I did feel a bit
guilty when others admired my patience!! (emphasis added) (Anna, aged 55–59).

In this situation, the adventure tour leader was utilising the deep acting technique of cognitive
change (see Table 2.1); that is, she changed her perception of the situation involving the
unprepared client by perceiving it as a challenge rather than a stressful event. Consequently,
she managed to change her initial feeling of annoyance into more positive feelings like
calmness and patience which, by the end of the trip, triggered other positive feelings of
excitement and admiration.

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Another adventure tour leader revealed that he similarly used deep acting to generate a feeling
of empathy when dealing with clients who had not prepared properly for a demanding trip:

When a client has not prepared properly for a demanding trip and starts to struggle, initially the
tendency is for me to be annoyed with them. I force myself to be empathetic toward them and
quite often manage to become more genuine in my feelings as the struggle continues and I get to
know them and their circumstances better. This has happened a few times (emphasis added)
(Mark, 40-44).

It is not clear what technique of deep acting the adventure tour leader used to ‘force’ himself
to be empathetic (although it is possible that getting to know clients’ circumstances could lead
to rationalisation); however, what is clear is that deep acting can be utilised as an effective
way of managing one’s emotions when dealing with inexperienced clients in an adventure
environment.

Regarding surface acting, only 20% of adventure tour leaders reported that they used this type
of emotional labour in order to deal with difficult clients and there were no reports of
adventure tour leaders applying surface acting in order to deal with inexperienced clients. The
following adventure tour leaders applied surface acting to deal with difficult clients:

An example is when people are particular about food (can’t eat too spicy, must be low wheat,
vegan etc.). While some people may have valid diet requirements for health or religious reasons,
others who later turn out to be ‘problem’ clients, are constantly making issues related to food. I
have to pretend to care about this, while in reality it is extremely annoying and I would never
accept that kind of behaviour from friends or family (emphasis added) (Craig, aged 40–44).

Clashes between world views: where my personal world view must not be spoken, even if I
disagree strongly with the client’s world view (religious, cultural, social, political, life choices,
ways of interacting with others etc.). I might be really angry that a client holds the belief that
national parks are a bad idea and a waste of valuable arable/productive land, but in the interests
of my employer I will keep my mouth shut (emphasis added) (Oliver, aged 25–29).

When I have a client who has expectations that are so unreasonable (e.g. no one told me I would
get my feet wet) and this is on the trail, I have to hide what I feel or I would lose it!!!! (emphasis
added) (Sam, aged 65 or over).

Clients may be irritating for a whole range of reasons; but as these examples show, adventure
tour leaders can perform surface acting to deal with them. What the interview data do not
reveal, however, is why adventure tour leaders utilised surface acting versus deep acting in
situations which required them to deal with difficult clients. There is one study, however,
which found that call centre workers who felt more threatened by client aggression tended to

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utilise surface acting, while those who felt less threatened utilised deep acting (Grandey,
Dickter & Sin 2004). Even so, none of the adventure tour leaders in this study who performed
surface acting in order to deal with difficult clients reported that they felt threatened by their
clients and there was only one account from an adventure tour leader who reported that he
applied deep acting to deal with verbal abuse from clients:

Often clients show much negative behaviour, such as abusive language, and because behaviour
is changeable by the client, I force myself to separate the individual from his/her behaviour and
not react to her/his behaviour in the normally expected way (emphasis added) (Peter, aged 45–
49).

Thus, it is not clear how client aggression may impact on adventure tour leaders’ application
of surface acting versus deep acting when dealing with difficult clients on the job.

In regards to difficult clients, Williams (2003) in her study from the Australian airline
industry found that flight attendants were often required to perform emotional labour in
situations which involved difficult passengers. These difficult passengers at times resorted to
abuse and sexual harassment against the flight attendants, who found dealing with such
situations stressful and taxing (Williams 2003). In the specific context of adventure tourism,
however, Sharpe (2005a) did not identify this as one of the overall situations where adventure
tour leaders performed emotional labour. It is possible, however, that difficult clients could be
incorporated into Sharpe’s (2005a) concept of encouraging a sense of community, which
refers to situations where adventure tour leaders acted as social facilitators to help develop
connections and group cohesion among clients as well as between clients and leaders. In order
to encourage a sense of community, adventure tour leaders were sometimes required to
integrate clients who were being ‘difficult’ with the rest of the group (Sharpe 2005a). Similar
to this integration of clients, one adventure tour leader in this study reported that he found it
difficult to play mediator between clients who had intense arguments and, as a result, he
performed surface acting:

Something that I find difficult is to play mediator between clients who sometimes have political
(or other) arguments that get out of hand. I have to intervene, be impartial and try to change the
subject to avoid ruining the atmosphere on a long trip (5–9 days). It’s important that I appear
neutral and don’t take sides in the argument, even if I have very strong views on the subject
(emphasis added) (Craig, aged 40–44).

Another adventure tour leader explained that he sometimes applied surface acting in order to
deal with young clients:

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Troubled children who don’t want to participate and decide that it will be better to annoy all the
others and make it difficult for the instructor, you really want to set them away from the activity
but are unable as they will be unsupervised, you just have to try to capture the others’ attention
and ignore the troubled one (emphasis added) (Simon, aged 30–34).

This integration of difficult clients, however, was also apparent for adventure tour leaders
who performed deep acting, as illustrated by the following account:

When people turn up late for an event and then expect the ‘proceedings’ to be repeated for their
benefit, I have to manage my true emotions as I consider them somewhat selfish. I, however,
manage these true emotions and make a real attempt to make them feel welcome and ‘part of the
group’ (and work with the other participants to reduce their animosity toward the latecomers).
People who do not follow clear instructions or bring the required ‘equipment’ also result in me
having to manage my true emotions in order to demonstrate effective problem-solving
techniques and maintain the friendly ambience which is important for participant satisfaction. In
addition, some people talk during guided interpretation stops which influences the ability of
other people to hear and so I tend to make light of the fact that some people can obviously talk
more than me! (emphasis added) (Jessica, aged 40–44).

In this example, the adventure tour leader used deep acting to manage both her own emotions
and the emotions of her clients; she attempted to change the feelings of animosity and
irritation held by herself and the clients into more positive feelings, such as friendliness and
cheerfulness.

Unlike in the situations of risk management, it is possible that encountering difficult clients is
more regular an occurrence for adventure tour leaders than are emergencies and dangerous
situations. This would mean that adventure tour leaders may have more experience dealing
with these types of situations and, perhaps, more time to prepare and plan for how they will
manage their emotions since a difficult client situation may be more ‘expected’ than an
emergency and does not necessarily involve the same time pressure. In fact, adventure tour
leaders in this study reported that difficult clients represented the most frequent situations in
which they applied deep acting. Thus, despite the fact that some of the leaders occasionally
applied surface acting in these same situations, most adventure tour leaders seemed to be
skilful at performing proactive emotional labour when dealing with difficult clients.

The other main area where adventure tour leaders appeared to be skilled at performing deep
acting was situations that involved inexperienced clients. It is possible that many adventure
tour leaders applied deep acting in order to deal with inexperienced clients (while no
participants reported using surface acting) because it may be relatively easy to empathise with

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inexperienced clients since everyone has once been a novice – adventure tour leaders
included. As one adventure tour leader reported:

This [deep acting] is continually required in my role as a Kayaking Adventure Tour Guide. An
example including the inability of a participant to understand basic kayaking skills, even though
they had been told and instructed more than two or three times. This then leads to frustration for
me when they can’t steer their kayak out of trouble and ultimately end up caught in mangrove
bushes. However I need to remain calm, keep smiling and install confidence and control in the
group and try to empathise with the participant. Again, when dealing with clients who can’t
comprehend some paddling instructions, if I’m initially frustrated, I process my thoughts, stay
relaxed and remind myself of when I was a novice and my ability (or inability) to pick up skills
at that stage (emphasis added) (Rod, aged 30–34).

The adventure tour leader managed to shift his initial feeling of frustration into feelings of
calm and empathy because he reminded himself that novice paddlers often need a lot of
practice before they are able to follow instructions and pick up the necessary paddling skills.
However, given that the interview data in this study did not reveal why adventure tour leaders
chose to apply deep acting rather than surface acting when dealing with inexperienced clients,
more research is needed to establish why this might be so.

5.2.4 No Surface Acting


From the adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview, 12% reported that they did
not believe that they applied surface acting in any situations on the job. One adventure tour
leader explained why he did not perform surface acting in this way:

If I had ‘preconceived emotional requirements’ for my job it would not be fun at all. I would see
myself as being schizophrenic. If I was constantly concerned about my ‘emotions’, i.e. when to
‘suppress and/or display them’, I would be better off seeking employment as an ‘Actor,
Psychologist or Politician!’ (Tim, aged 50–54).

It appears here that the adventure tour leader perceived surface acting to be an offence against
the occupation of adventure tour leading. However, there were additional reasons cited by
adventure tour leaders as to why they did not perform surface acting. For example, two
leaders indicated that they did not perform surface acting because they had prepared
themselves through training in order to deal with difficult situations arising on the job:

It may be the age I am; the respect I have with clients and the team, which means that this is not
an issue. If I allow everyone to give clear questions and answers, any emotions on my part are
dealt with on the spot not held in. I believe in training to manage difficult situations, e.g. my
team and I practice what we do regularly so we are prepared when working with clients (Luke,
aged 60–64).

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I do not think that I react in this way [perform surface acting]. I think this is due to my
background in the military where you are taught to deal with situations like this [emergencies]
(Neil, aged 40–44).

The above findings are consistent with Sharpe’s (2005a) finding that adventure tour leaders
viewed surface acting as a ‘moral flaw’ to the trip leading process. As previously noted in this
chapter, however, 88% of adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview in this study
occasionally applied surface acting in some situations (risk management; create enthusiasm;
and difficult clients). As has already been discussed, this could be because sometimes
unexpected and potentially dangerous situations may arise that leave little time for adventure
tour leaders to be proactive in regards to their emotion management. Other factors such as
fatigue and boredom may also play a role in adventure tour leaders’ decision to use surface
acting in the above-mentioned situations.

5.2.5 An Emotional Labour Continuum?


In addition to the themes above, there was one further issue that was identified through the
thematic analysis of the interview data. This issue related to adventure tour leaders’ ability to
identify whether they were performing surface acting or deep acting in the specific situations
already discussed. On the one hand, most adventure tour leaders seemed to be able to clearly
distinguish between the concepts of surface acting and deep acting, as illustrated by the
following two examples:

I guess the distinction is that when you suppress your emotions and display others [surface
acting] it could be perceived as like telling a white lie, but when you manage your emotions
[deep acting] you are seen as a person skilled in mastering yourself and your situation (Oliver,
aged 25–29).

Managing [deep acting] is proactive, it’s about having forethought or some control or input.
Suppression [surface acting] is little more than a short-term bandaid. I do not see this as having
any longer term benefit, and I doubt that you can suppress emotion and feeling for extended
periods of time. I am not saying I am actually any good at managing emotions, but I know
suppressing them is the evil I’d rather avoid (Kevin, aged 40–44).

On the other hand, there were some adventure tour leaders who indicated that the border
between these two dimensions of emotional labour was indistinct and that surface acting and
deep acting might overlap to a certain extent, as shown by the following accounts:

I am not sure there is too much difference between managing [deep acting] and suppressing
[surface acting] emotions. I think one is connected to another! I think you are suppressing them
by managing them (Rod, aged 30–34).

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I am finding it hard to put this process into words. This is possibly due to the feeling that
managing one’s emotions [deep acting] sometimes involves suppressing one’s emotions or
displaying an emotion [surface acting] (Josh, age unknown).

I honestly cannot see much difference between suppressing [surface acting] and managing [deep
acting]… all suppression has an element of management and vice versa (John, aged 40–44).

It is possible that both groups of adventure tour leaders are partly right. On the one hand,
surface acting and deep acting have been evidenced as being unidimentional constructs
(Brotheridge & Lee 2003) and it makes sense to measure them as separate constructs given
the differential effects that they have on employees’ job attitudes and psychological well-
being, such as job satisfaction and burnout. On the other hand, surface acting has also been
shown to be positively correlated with deep acting (Brotheridge & Lee 2002, 2003).
Brotheridge and Lee (2002) suggested that this correlation could be because employees who
perform surface acting, due to the discomfort relating to the high level of emotional
dissonance associated with this form of emotional labour, may feel a certain pressure to
switch to deep acting in order to reduce the level of emotional dissonance. This explanation
provides support for the notion of a continuum ranging from surface acting, through deep
acting, to genuine emotion display, as previously presented in Figure 2.1. Still, no
longitudinal research exists to date which has explored how, exactly, surface acting may
transform over time into deep acting and, later, into genuine emotion display.

Whilst there is no longitudinal research to date that has explored the existence of an emotional
labour continuum, the interview findings from this study suggest that such a continuum may
exist. For example, the account from one adventure tour leader indicated that surface acting
may develop into deep acting over time:

My clients are generally very interested in flora & fauna, something I’m not particularly
interested in or good at. As this is such a large part of my job I started to pretend I was
interested in these things, by for example pretending to be very excited if we found a rare
flower. But over time I found that I actually started to be more interested in flora & fauna
(Craig, aged 40–44).

In addition, there is one recent study that has provided some support for the idea of an
emotional labour continuum. In their exploratory study of massage therapists and bodywork
practitioners which aimed to test for additional scale distinctions in surface acting and deep
acting, Blau et al. (2010) used what they referred to as a ‘difficult client referent’ in order to
identify sub-dimensions of emotional labour. Blau et al. (2010) argued that most employees
who perform emotional labour would be exposed to difficult clients and that this experience

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was likely to be more emotionally demanding and require more mental effort from employees
than what they called ‘basic emotional labour’ (similar to the surface acting and deep acting
applied in this study). Blau et al. (2010, pp. 192–93) identified the following five dimensions
of emotional labour: 1) basic surface acting (BSA – defined as ‘changing one’s display but
not the felt emotion’); 2) challenged surface acting (CSA – defined as ‘changing one’s display
but not the felt emotion when dealing with a difficult client’); 3) basic deep acting (BDA –
defined as ‘changing one’s display and also the felt emotion’); 4) perspective taking deep
acting (PTDA – defined as ‘changing one’s display and also the felt emotion by taking the
customer’s point of view’; based on cognitive change); and 5) positive refocus deep acting
(PRDA – defined as ‘changing one’s display and also the felt emotion by going beyond a
difficult client to find something positive’; based on attentional deployment, see Table 2.1).
According to Blau et al. (2010), BSA has the most negative outcomes for employees and is
the least demanding form of emotional labour, followed by CSA, BDA, PTDA, and finally
PRDA, which has the most positive outcomes for employees and is the most demanding form
of emotional labour.

While Blau et al. (2010) did not explicitly mention that their further refinement of the
emotional labour scales provided support for the idea of an emotional labour continuum, their
gradual movement from BSA (which they considered the ‘easiest’ form of emotional labour)
up to PRDA (which they considered the ‘hardest’ form of emotional labour) implicitly
supports the idea. In addition to BSA and BDA, which correspond with the dimensions of
surface acting and deep acting that were applied in this thesis, the interview findings showed
that adventure tour leaders used both surface acting and deep acting (through cognitive
change) to deal with difficult clients. Hence, Blau et al.’s (2010) emotional labour dimensions
of CSA and PTDA were also recognised in the interview findings of this thesis.

Nonetheless, although difficult clients were identified as one of the situations in which
adventure tour leaders in this study performed emotional labour, the relevance of Blau et al.’s
(2010) five dimensions could be questioned in the context of adventure tour leading where
situations of risk management, creating enthusiasm, and inexperienced clients also required
leaders to perform emotional labour. Additionally, Blau et al. (2010) did not clarify in what
specific types of situations employees might perform basic emotional labour (BSA and BDA)
since this excluded dealing with difficult clients. Furthermore, Blau et al. (2010) did not take
other forms of deep acting into consideration in their study, such as imagery, mantras,
rationalisation, and underlying motivation (see Table 2.1). Consequently, more research is

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needed to explore the existence of an emotional labour continuum and also how this might be
applied to the occupation of adventure tour leading.

5.3 Conclusion
The third research objective was to identify the types of situations in which adventure tour
leaders applied surface acting and deep acting. Qualitative data were collected through the
interviews so as to address this research objective. These data highlighted the complexity of
the occupational role of adventure tour leaders. In regards to surface acting, the findings
showed that 60% of adventure tour leaders applied this form of emotional labour in risk
management situations; 24% performed surface acting in order to create enthusiasm among
themselves and clients; 20% applied surface acting in situations which required them to deal
with difficult clients; and 12% reported that they did not perform surface acting on the job.
When it came to deep acting, the findings showed that 40% of adventure tour leaders applied
this type of emotional labour in situations that required them to deal with difficult clients;
32% applied deep acting in situations that required them to deal with inexperienced clients;
20% performed deep acting in order to create enthusiasm among themselves and clients; and
16% used deep acting in risk management situations.

It was suggested that surface acting might be applied in risk management situations by
adventure tour leaders because this type of emotional labour is reactive, as opposed to deep
acting, which is proactive (Blau et al. 2010; Grandey 2000; Gross 1998a). Indeed, risk
management situations often occur rapidly, with little warning, and are sometimes due to
environmental circumstances that might be outside the leaders’ control. Consequently, the
adventure tour leaders have limited time to manage their emotions, with the result that surface
acting may be adopted as an immediate response to an unexpected and potentially dangerous
situation. However, surface acting could also compromise clients’ safety in risk management
situations and brings with it the OHS risk of employees experiencing burnout and low levels
of job satisfaction. Thus, it was suggested that adventure tour operators could provide training
to increase the number of adventure tour leaders who perform deep acting instead of surface
acting in risk management situations.

It was proposed that adventure tour leaders applied surface acting to create enthusiasm among
themselves and clients because they, on occasion, experienced unusually high levels of
fatigue and/or boredom on the job. In addition, limited experience in the job may be a
contributing factor in the use of surface acting by some adventure tour leaders in these types

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of situations. Furthermore, it was suggested that deep acting might be applied in situations
that required adventure tour leaders to deal with difficult clients because these situations may
represent more of a regular occurrence for adventure tour leaders than emergencies and
dangerous situations. This, in turn, means that adventure tour leaders may have more
experience dealing with these types of situations and, perhaps, more time to prepare and plan
for how they will manage their emotions since a difficult client situation may be more
‘expected’ than an emergency and does not necessarily involve the same time pressure.
Moreover, many adventure tour leaders applied deep acting in situations which required them
to deal with inexperienced clients because it may be relatively easy to empathise with
inexperienced clients since all adventure tour leaders were at some time novices.

Regarding the performance of surface acting and deep acting, the findings showed that whilst
most adventure tour leaders seemed to be able to clearly distinguish between these two types
of emotional labour, some adventure tour leaders suggested that the border between surface
acting and deep acting was indistinct and that they might overlap to a certain extent. This
latter finding provided support for research which has indicated that emotional labour may be
better represented as a continuum ranging from surface acting, through deep acting, to
genuine emotion display (Brotheridge & Lee 2002, 2003). Yet, it is reasonable to measure
surface acting and deep acting as separate constructs given the differential effects that they
have on employees’ job attitudes and psychological well-being, such as job satisfaction and
burnout. The next chapter provides an analysis and critical discussion of the results relating to
Research Objectives Four and Five.

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Chapter Six: The Effects of Gender and Identity Construction on
Adventure Tour Leaders’ Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction

6.1 Introduction
The effects of performing forms of emotional labour on adventure tour leaders’ job
satisfaction were discussed in Chapter Four. In summary, deep acting had a statistically
significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction, while there was no
statistically significant relationship between surface acting and job satisfaction of adventure
tour leaders. This chapter subsequently investigates how adventure tour leaders’ gender and
their comprehension of their identity construction may impact on the performance of
emotional labour and on their job satisfaction. First, the findings relating to Research
Objective Four are analysed where the main aim is to examine if there are any gender
differences between adventure tour leaders in regards to emotional labour and job satisfaction.
Then, the findings relating to Research Objective Five are analysed where the main aim is to
explore adventure tour leaders’ understanding of their identity construction in terms of having
one core self and/or multiple identities and how this identity construction may relate to
emotional labour and job satisfaction.

6.2 The Effect of Gender on Adventure Tour Leaders’ Emotional Labour and Job
Satisfaction
Research Objective Four aimed to examine potential gender differences between adventure
tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effect of surface
acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. This objective is important in relation to the
overarching aim of the study because it contributes toward a theoretical understanding of how
potential gender differences may impact on the relationships between emotional labour and
job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. As such, Research Objective Four helps to fill a
significant gap in the literature because no other research to date has examined the effect of
gender on these relationships. In addition, addressing this objective is important for the
adventure tourism industry because possible differences in gender have implications for the
development of training programs for emotional competence of adventure tour leaders. If
there is a significant difference between female and male adventure tour leaders in regards to
the above-mentioned variables, this difference needs to be taken into consideration when
constructing such training programs.

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Both quantitative data through the survey and qualitative data through the interviews were
collected so as to address Research Objective Four. The survey data were derived from the
surface acting and deep acting subscales of the Emotional Labour Scale (ELS); the Job
Satisfaction Index (JSI); and a closed-end question asking for participants’ gender (male or
female). These survey data related to Hypotheses 2 and 3. Hypothesis 2a proposed that female
adventure tour leaders would show higher levels of deep acting than male adventure tour
leaders. Hypothesis 2b proposed that male adventure tour leaders would show higher levels of
surface acting than female adventure tour leaders. Hypothesis 2c proposed that female
adventure tour leaders would show higher levels of job satisfaction than male adventure tour
leaders. Hypothesis 3a proposed that the effect of deep acting on adventure tour leaders’ job
satisfaction would be more positive for females than for males. Hypothesis 3b proposed that
the effect of surface acting on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction would be more negative
for males than for females. The complementary interview data were derived from one
question asking if the adventure tour leaders could give some examples of positive or negative
comments made to them by clients in relation to their gender when applying ‘hard’ or ‘soft’
skills on the job.

6.2.1 Analysis of Survey Data

Survey Results
Table 6.1 presents an overview of gendered descriptive statistics of the continuous variables
of deep acting, surface acting, and job satisfaction. It shows how these variables were
distributed between female and male adventure tour leaders in comparison to the total scores.
The possible total mean scores for deep acting and surface acting ranged from 1 to 5. A high
mean score (4 or 5) represented the end of the scale with highest frequency of emotional
labour performance (‘often’ or ‘always’). A low mean score (1 or 2) represented the end of
the scale with lowest frequency of emotional labour performance (‘never’ or ‘rarely’). A
mean score of 3 represented the midpoint of the scale where the frequency of emotional
labour performance was classified as ‘sometimes’. The possible total mean scores for job
satisfaction ranged from 1 to 5. A high mean score (4 or 5) represented the satisfied end of the
scale (‘satisfied’ or ‘very satisfied’). A low mean score (1 or 2) represented the dissatisfied
end of the scale (‘very dissatisfied’ or ‘dissatisfied’). A mean score of 3 represented the
midpoint of the scale classified as ‘neither satisfied nor dissatisfied’. In relation to gender,
then, the mean score of deep acting was 3.80 for females and 3.53 for males. The mean score

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of surface acting was 2.55 for both females and males. Furthermore, the mean score of job
satisfaction was 4.30 for females and 4.19 for males.

Table 6.1 Gendered Descriptive Statistics of Deep Acting, Surface Acting and Job
Satisfaction

Dependent Variable Female Male Total


Deep Acting M 3.80 3.53 3.58
SD 1.08 1.04 1.05
N 28 109 137
Surface Acting M 2.55 2.55 2.55
SD .50 .75 .70
N 28 109 137
Job Satisfaction M 4.30 4.19 4.22
SD .37 .41 .40
N 27 107 134
p value = .05.

Table 6.2 presents the results of three separate univariate ANOVAs that were conducted in
order to explore the effect of gender (independent variable) on deep acting, surface acting,
and job satisfaction (dependent variables). The results show that there were no statistically
significant differences between females and males in terms of their scores on the deep acting,
surface acting, and job satisfaction scales (p = .230, .999, and .206, respectively > .05). Thus,
Hypotheses 2a, 2b and 2c were not supported.

Table 6.2 Univariate ANOVAs

Dependent Variable Df Error F Sig.


Deep Acting 1 135 1.456 .230

Surface Acting 1 135 .000 .999

Job Satisfaction 1 132 1.615 .206


Categorical independent variable: gender.
N = 137 (deep acting and surface acting). N = 134 (job satisfaction). p value = .05.

General linear modelling was utilised to explore if there were any differences in relation to
gender (independent variable) and the effects of deep acting and surface acting (independent
variables) on job satisfaction (dependent variable). Table 6.3 shows that there were no
statistically significant differences between females and males regarding the effect of either
deep acting (p = .963 > .05) or surface acting (p = .788 > .05) on job satisfaction. Hence,
Hypotheses 3a and 3b were not supported.

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Table 6.3 General Linear Model

Type III Sum


Source of Squares df Mean Square F Sig.
Corrected Model 692.323 5 138.465 2.793 .020
Intercept 11235.964 1 11235.964 226.624 .000
Sex 5.513 1 5.513 .111 .739
DA 403.087 1 403.087 8.130 .005
SA 29.091 1 29.091 .587 .445
Sex * DA .109 1 .109 .002 .963
Sex * SA 3.614 1 3.614 .073 .788
Error 6346.214 128 49.580
Total 778896.000 134
Corrected Total 7038.537 133
DA = deep acting. SA = surface acting. Dependent variable: job satisfaction.
N = 134 (27 female, 107 male). R Squared = .098. p value = .05.

Table 6.4 presents an overview of the analyses of observed power that were conducted in
relation to Hypotheses 2 and 3. The observed power for Hypotheses 2a and 2c was low and
the observed power for Hypotheses 2b, 3a, and 3b was very low. However, failure to find
statistically significant effects in relation to Hypotheses 2 and 3 does not seem to be a
question of adequate sample size but rather a reflection of the fact that the expected effects
were very small (partial eta squared between .000-.012). Contrary to the hypotheses, the effect
sizes were very small which, in turn, resulted in low observed power. It would have required
an extremely large data set to have found these effects significant, which would not have been
practicable to obtain. Consequently, the non-significance of Hypotheses 2 and 3 does not
seem to be a problem with reliability or inadequate sample size but rather a manifestation of
the fact that the predictions simply did not occur. Thus, the subsamples of 28 female
participants and 109 male participants were considered to be adequate for this study.

Table 6.4 Tests of Observed Power

Statistical Test Hypothesis Variable Partial eta squared Observed Power


2a DA .011 .224
Univariate ANOVAs 2b SA .000 .050
2c JS .012 .243
3a Sex*DA .000 .050
General Linear Model
3b Sex*SA .001 .058
DA = deep acting. SA = surface acting. JS = job satisfaction.
p value = .05.

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Survey Data Analysis
Hypothesis 2 proposed that female adventure tour leaders would perform deep acting more
frequently and have higher levels of job satisfaction than male adventure tour leaders, while
male adventure tour leaders were predicted to perform surface acting more frequently than
female adventure tour leaders. Hypothesis 3 proposed that deep acting would have a more
positive effect on job satisfaction for female than for male adventure tour leaders, whilst
surface acting was thought to have a more negative effect on job satisfaction for male than for
female adventure tour leaders. Even though descriptive statistics showed that the means of
total surface acting were the same for females and males (M = 2.55), the means of total deep
acting (M females = 3.80; M males = 3.53) and total job satisfaction (M females = 4.30; M
males = 4.19) were slightly higher for females than for males. Contrary to what was
hypothesised in this study, however, there were no statistically significant differences between
females and males in regards to their levels of deep acting (Hypothesis 2a), surface acting
(Hypothesis 2b), job satisfaction (Hypothesis 2c), or the effect of deep acting (Hypothesis 3a)
and surface acting (Hypothesis 3b) on job satisfaction (see Torland 2011c).

These results were unexpected given the literature on gender differences in emotion cited
earlier in the thesis, in which it is suggested that women in general have a tendency to be
better at managing their emotions (Baron-Cohen 2002; Ciarrochi, Hynes & Crittenden 2005;
Hall 1978; McClure 2000) and more emotionally intelligent than men (Joseph & Newman
2010). Contradicting this research on gender and emotion, it seems that male adventure tour
leaders in this study may be just as competent in managing their emotions as female adventure
tour leaders. As with female adventure tour leaders, male adventure tour leaders frequently
applied deep acting as the preferred strategy of performing emotional labour; they only
occasionally used surface acting in interactions with clients; and they were equally satisfied
with their job. More briefly stated, deep acting had an equally positive effect on job
satisfaction for males and females, while surface acting was not related to job satisfaction of
either gender (see Torland 2011c).

Although the findings in relation to Hypotheses 2 and 3 of this study were unexpected, there
is some existing research that might help to explain these results. In her study on gender and
leadership in a wilderness context, for instance, Gondek (2008, p. 1) suggested that adventure
tour leaders ‘are shape-shifters whose form and function appear to be determined more by the
situation at hand than by their gender’. With this she meant that instead of conforming to the

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gender-specific identities that are often associated with being male or female in (Western)
mainstream society, adventure tour leaders may be ‘androgynous’; that is, they draw on the
best aspects of masculine and feminine traits as they move between different roles associated
with their job as adventure tour leaders. For example, adventure tour leaders may provide
emotional support (which is traditionally and popularly attributed to females) or instruct
clients in technical skills (which is traditionally and popularly attributed to males) in different
situations because this is required of them in their job role, regardless of whether they are
female or male. As such, it is possible that traditional notions of gender roles in terms of what
behaviours, personality characteristics, daily tasks, or occupations that might typically be
attributed to males or females do not apply to adventure tour leaders (Gondek 2008).

Contrary to research suggesting that women more often than men tend to occupy professions
that require a high degree of emotional labour (Erickson & Ritter 2001; Guy & Newman
2004), eighty per cent of adventure tour leaders in this study were men despite research
showing that adventure tour leading often involves a large amount of intense emotional labour
(Sharpe 2005a). Although this uneven gender distribution may, in part, be due to the fact that
outdoor leadership traditionally has been described as a male-gendered role because of its
reliance on physical and technical competence (Allin 2000; Humberstone 1994; Jordan 1991;
Loeffler 1995; Lugg 2003), today’s adventure tour leaders also need to be competent in
managing their emotions in order to successfully deal with the different aspects of their job
(Jordan 1991; Wittmer 2001). It would seem that adventure tour leading is an occupation
where it is accepted and even expected that males be competent in managing their emotions in
a similar fashion as females because it makes up an important part of the job role.

This need to be emotionally competent regardless of gender serves to show that gender is not
a static construct; it is dynamic and ‘active’ in the sense that it can be renegotiated and
changed over time (Griffin 2003). For example, traditional notions of gender indicating that it
is inappropriate for males to show certain emotions on the job (e.g. affection, which, as a
result, needs to be managed) may change over time if the people involved come to an
understanding that it is, in fact, necessary for males as well as females to show their emotions
in order to do a good job. Hence, it appears that gender roles established within the
occupation of adventure tour leading adhere more closely to the particular requirements of the
job role rather than to expectations associated with more traditional gender roles which imply
that males should not invest too much ‘feminine’ emotion into their work (e.g. care and
compassion).

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Even though research suggests that males in general have a tendency to be less emotionally
intelligent than females (Joseph & Newman 2010), the findings from this study indicate that
such a difference in emotional intelligence levels for females and males may not be case for
the occupation of adventure tour leaders. While emotional intelligence was not explicitly
measured in this study (this is acknowledged as a limitation of the study in section 7.5),
emotionally intelligent people tend to apply deep acting rather than surface acting as a
positive and productive emotional labour strategy (Brotheridge 2006a; Brotheridge & Lee
2002; Lee 2010). Given that both male and female adventure tour leaders in this study
reported high levels of deep acting and low levels of surface acting, then, it is likely that both
male and female adventure tour leaders possess equally high levels of emotional intelligence.
This claim is supported by the fact that emotional intelligence is increasingly being
considered as a crucial ingredient in effective outdoor leadership (Hayashi 2006; Hayashi &
Ewert 2006; Martin et al. 2006).

6.2.2 Analysis of Interview Data


Table 6.5 shows the pattern of responses that emerged from the interview where adventure
tour leaders were asked if they could give some examples of positive or negative comments
made to them by clients in relation to their gender when applying ‘hard’ or ‘soft’ skills on the
job. Three themes were forthcoming in response to this question: ‘job-specific views’
(mentioned by 52% of participants); ‘gender-specific views’ (mentioned by 32% of
participants); and ‘no comments’ (mentioned by 28% of participants). A definition of each of
these themes is provided below.

The theme ‘job-specific views’ refers to adventure tour leaders who believed that their clients
held more untraditional views in regards to their perceptions of adventure tour leaders’ gender
roles. More specifically, comments from clients indicated that they perceived and/or expected
that adventure tour leaders not necessarily conform to traditional notions of gender roles (in
terms of what behaviours, characteristics, or tasks that might typically be attributed to males
or females in mainstream society) unless this was required in their job role. In other words,
clients appeared to perceive gender as being irrelevant when it came to performing well in the
job as adventure tour leaders because the specific requirements of the job necessitate
employees to possess the right combination of skills (e.g. ‘hard’ and ‘soft’), knowledge, and
emotional intelligence, regardless of gender.

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Table 6.5 Adventure Tour Leaders’ Gender Roles
Percentages and (numbers)
Theme Gender

Job-specific Views 52%


Clients held untraditional views regarding adventure tour leaders’ gender roles; (13)
clients perceived gender as being irrelevant for adventure tour leaders to do a good
job since the specific requirements of the job necessitated the right skill
combination regardless of gender.
Gender-specific Views 32%
Clients held traditional views regarding adventure tour leaders’ gender roles; (8)
clients perceived/expected that adventure tour leaders’ gender roles conform to
traditional gender-specific identities associated with being male or female in
mainstream society.
No Comments 28%
Adventure tour leaders had never received or could not remember having received (7)
any comments from their clients regarding their gender.
Total Responses (28)

Total Respondents 25

The theme ‘gender-specific views’ is concerned with adventure tour leaders who believed that
their clients held fairly traditional views when it came to their perceptions of adventure tour
leaders’ gender roles. That is, clients’ comments indicated that they perceived and/or expected
that adventure tour leaders’ gender roles conform to traditional gender-specific identities that
have often been associated with being male or female in mainstream society (e.g. males excel
at technical skills and should not be too emotional; females cook, clean and provide emotional
support). The theme ‘no comments’ refers to adventure tour leaders who reported that they
had never received or could not remember having received any comments from their clients
regarding their gender.

The concept of gender role can be defined as ‘the specific expectations of a particular society
about people’s behaviours, thoughts and feelings’ (Lipinska-Groberly & Wasiak 2010, p.
162). There are two main types of gender roles that have been identified in the social
psychology literature. On the one hand, masculinity – often referred to as instrumentality in
the literature – is concerned with a cognitive emphasis of ‘getting the job done’ and includes
behaviours and attitudes that are stereotypically masculine, such as assertiveness,
competitiveness, independence, and aggressiveness (Bem 1974; Parent et al. 2011; Williams
& Best 1982). On the other hand, femininity – often referred to as expressiveness in the
literature – refers to an affective concern in regards to other people’s welfare and the
synchronisation of the group and includes behaviours and attitudes that are stereotypically

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feminine, such as submissiveness, dependence, deference, cooperation, caring, and nurturing
(Constantinople 1973; Spence 2011; Spence & Helmreich 1980). Early research on gender
roles suggested that masculinity and femininity were located on opposite ends of a bipolar
scale and that women who possessed expressive traits and men who possessed instrumental
traits would be optimally adjusted psychologically and physically (Kagan 1964; Kohlberg
1966).

Bem (1974) challenged this view by proposing that masculinity and femininity are separate
continuums, which means that individuals can possess different levels of both characteristics
(i.e. it is possible for people to be both masculine and feminine, instead of necessarily being
masculine or feminine). As noted in Chapter Two, Bem (1974) proposed that people can be
classified into one of four groups depending on their levels of masculinity and femininity: 1)
Masculine (high level of masculinity; low level of femininity); 2) Feminine (high level of
femininity; low level of masculinity); 3) Androgynous (high levels of both masculinity and
femininity); and 4) Undifferentiated (low levels of both masculinity and femininity). In this
context, Bem (1974) developed a self-report instrument called the Bem’s Sex Role Inventory
(BSRI) which measures these four types of gender roles.

While adventure tour leaders’ gender role orientation was not measured in this study using the
BSRI, the survey results indicated that most adventure tour leaders might be regarded as
androgynous (or act in a gender-neutral way) because their job requires physical and technical
competence (traditionally attributed to masculinity) as well as high levels of emotional
competence (traditionally attributed to femininity) (Gondek 2008). In particular, the
statistically non-significant results in regards to gender differences between male and female
adventure tour leaders suggested that adventure tour leading is an occupation where it is
accepted and even expected that males should be just as competent as females in managing
their emotions as this makes up a vital part of the job role. Based on this finding, it was
proposed that gender roles established within the occupation of adventure tour leading might
be more devoted to the specific requirements of the job role than expectations relating to more
traditional gender roles. In other words, it is likely that adventure tour leaders could be located
in Bem’s (1974) androgynous gender role category rather than in her masculine, feminine or
undifferentiated gender role categories since adventure tour leading requires high levels of
both masculine and feminine characteristics.

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The interview findings provide some support for the notion that adventure tour leaders may be
expected to adhere to the particular requirements of the job (e.g. emotion management) rather
than traditional gender roles (e.g. males should not show too much ‘feminine’ emotion like
affection). When asked if they had received any positive or negative comments from clients in
regards to their gender when applying ‘hard’ or ‘soft’ skills on the job, 52% of adventure tour
leaders who participated in an interview provided examples of comments relating to their
gender that could be considered as being job-specific rather than gender-specific. That is,
comments from clients indicated that they held untraditional views of adventure tour leaders’
gender roles in that they did not perceive and/or expect that the leaders conform to traditional
gender roles unless this was required in their job role (i.e. clients may expect a female
adventure tour leader to show empathy when dealing with a frightened client, not because she
is female but because showing empathy is part of her job role in this situation). In fact, many
clients were very positive toward adventure tour leaders who did not conform to traditional
gender roles in order to successfully deal with the different aspects of their job, as illustrated
by the following account by one adventure tour leader:

Everybody appreciates competence. At the end of a job, the professionals that have a
meaningful and lasting impact on their clients are the ones who display. Touchy-feely males
cause a good impression and hard-skilled females cause a good impression. Both end up
working as important – vital if we are talking about youth – role models in regards to what a
good person is/can be (John, aged 40–44).

This comment indicates that clients may appreciate the competence of both male adventure
tour leaders who are behaving in a stereotypically gender-role incongruent manner by
showing their emotional side and female adventure tour leaders who are behaving in a
stereotypically gender-role incongruent way by applying ‘hard’ technical skills on the job.
Furthermore, it is suggested that adventure tour leaders who behave in a stereotypically
gender-role incongruent manner may, in fact, serve as important role models for young clients
who may realise that adventure tour leaders are required to master all aspects of their job
regardless of stereotypical notions of gender. This is suggested in this example from an
adventure tour leader who reported that her clients seemed to be very positive to her not
conforming to traditional gender roles:

As a female taking people into bushland areas, I tend to receive compliments for my skills as
people usually expect a male to demonstrate these qualities. I find that other women can be
‘inspired’ and tend to want to participate in more lengthy, challenging activities when they
observe a woman being able to guide a group. I have never had a situation arise when people
felt unsafe because a female was guiding the group (Jessica, aged 40–44).

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Here, the adventure tour leader is behaving in a stereotypically gender-role incongruent way
in that she is guiding groups of people in remote bushland areas, which involves skills that
traditionally have been attributed to males (e.g. navigation skills, remote bushwalking skills).
Again, it is evident that adventure tour leaders who behave in this manner may serve as role
models for clients – in this case, for female clients who feel empowered by observing that a
female adventure tour leader can safely guide a group of people through isolated and
inaccessible terrain in the bush.

In a slightly different context, another adventure tour leader explained that he had received
wonderful feedback from his clients in relation to showing his emotional side during non-
religious memorial ‘services’ that he held at different locations along the Kokoda Track:

As a trek leader on the Kokoda Track I have to use both soft and hard skills. I have a greater
knowledge of the history than my trekkers and feel it is a vital part of my role to impart this
history in an impartial manner. This can be especially challenging at several locations where the
historical fact is emotionally draining and very sad. The emotion that is expressed by the group
and me is intensified if a member of the group has a personal connection to the location. At two
battle sites, I talk about the events that occurred and at the completion hold a non-religious
memorial ‘service’. At this I read a very emotive poem and also provide the opportunity for
trekkers to dedicate the service. It is only at these services that I totally relax and can show my
emotional side. It is very hard to remain stony-faced when you are standing in swirling mist or
pouring rain in front of up to twenty adults who all have tears streaming down their faces and
are not ashamed to show their emotions. I have had wonderful reactions and feedback from
trekkers following these services. Many have said that the services were the highlight of the
trek. Two memorable comments I have had were one young male trekker saying that he had
never felt so proud of being an Australian as he did at the service and a mature-aged trekker also
hugged me and with tears streaming down her face said that she finally understood why her late
father behaved as he did as she now had an insight of what he went through on the Kokoda
Track … I believe that you cannot achieve this reaction from trekkers by maintaining the ‘hard’
trek leader persona at a time where you can relax and display your softer self and not worry
about losing authority (Ethan, aged 55–59).

In this particular setting, the adventure tour leader behaved in a stereotypically gender-role
incongruent manner by showing his emotional side, which is a quality that has traditionally
been attributed to females. Indeed, it seemed to be necessary for the adventure tour leader in
this situation not to adhere to traditional gender roles (i.e. males should not be emotional) in
order to do his job and create a better experience for clients. This is further reflected in the
positive feedback he received from his clients, indicating that they appreciated his emotional
‘service’ greatly. Hence, it is clear that the specific requirements of the job of adventure tour
leaders may be more important to adhere to in order to create an enjoyable and safe
experience for clients than adhering to traditional notions about gender. In fact, in the

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example above it appears that the adventure tour leader actually gained authority, instead of
losing it, by showing his emotional side, which helped create a memorable client experience.

From the adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview, 28% reported that they had
never received or could not remember having received any comments from their clients
regarding their gender. While this does not necessarily guarantee that the clients of these
adventure tour leaders held an untraditional view in regards to gender roles, their silence
could imply that they had not encountered any issues relating to adventure tour leaders’
gender roles that they considered were worth mentioning.

From the adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview, however, 32% had received
comments from clients which indicated that they held a more traditional and gender-specific
view of adventure tour leaders’ gender roles. As one adventure tour leader reported:

When working with young children, I occasionally receive feedback that suggests that the
teachers from the school were surprised that I related so well to young children. Sometimes
clients seem surprised at how understanding and supportive male leaders can be in times of
extreme stress (common example is the encouraging words offered on the edge of an abseil).
There is a common belief that male staff cannot relate to females (of any age) with regard to
feminine hygiene issues in an outdoor setting – in my experience while the initial barrier to
open up about these issues is a little inhibiting, once the issue is open male staff can often relate
better than female staff as the female staff tend to have a ‘toughen up’ attitude to girls who are
dealing with these things in the bush for the first time. On the other hand, there is often a
perception that rock climbing is too hard for females as they don’t have enough upper body
strength (Oliver, aged 25–29).

This comment indicates that some clients held the view that adventure tour leaders should
behave in a stereotypically gender-role congruent manner. That is, they seemed to expect
female adventure tour leaders to relate well to children, provide emotional support to clients,
and take care of clients in regards to feminine hygiene issues. Male adventure tour leaders, on
the other hand, seemed to be expected to deal with hard, technical skills, such as rock
climbing. As noted above, clients who held this gender-specific view were sometimes
surprised when adventure tour leaders did not behave in accordance with such traditional
notions of gender roles. Another adventure tour leader reported that her clients were surprised
that she did not behave in a stereotypically gender-role congruent manner:

I often get comments like ‘Oh you’re a girl and you can mountain bike; I thought we would
have a man’. I don’t hear this as much as I used to, as there are more women in the industry now
(Briana, aged 40–44).

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Yet, while some of the clients of adventure tour leaders seemed to be surprised that they did
not adhere to traditional gender roles (e.g. males do not relate to young children; females do
not mountain bike), the quote above about not receiving this type of comment as often
anymore indicates that such gender-specific views from clients might be in the process of
changing. Indeed, another adventure tour leader (a female caving instructor) explained how
the manager of a football team initially doubted her ability to give the boys a challenging
workout, but after using her technical skills in the cave in places where they found it difficult
and frightening as non-specialists, their gender-specific viewpoint changed:

I had a really difficult confrontation with the manager of a football team who doubted my
ability to give the boys (first-graders post-season) a real workout. I am small, female, and in my
fifties. I insisted to him that the team was split into two. I could not give them a full-on
adventure with too big a group, which is true. I got the point across once we were in the cave by
using my technical skills in places they found difficult as non-specialists, until they were getting
scared (although any of them were strong enough to just hang on to the rock until instructed if
they really couldn’t do it). Then they were listening more to me and the adventure developed
nicely (Sarah, aged 50–54).

Furthermore, one adventure tour leader explained how he believed that gender-specific views
from clients were in the process of changing into more job-specific views:

I have personally found that from an emotional perspective gender has little effect on the
comments from the clients. A male instructor may be able to relate better to boys and vice versa
for a female instructor. However, with time in the industry this specific gender-based client
relation gets less and less. As long as a group can clearly see that their physical and safety needs
(related to hard skills) as well as their emotional needs (related to soft skills) are managed
effectively then they are usually very receptive to being guided out of their personal comfort
zones (Will, aged 25–29).

Overall then, it appears that the clients’ perceptions of adventure tour leaders’ gender roles
generally were in favour of an untraditional job-specific view or were in the process of
gradually changing from a traditional gender-specific view to an untraditional job-specific
view. This, in turn, shows that perceptions relating to gender can be renegotiated and changed
over time (Griffin 2003).

Given the finding that many clients provided positive comments in regards to adventure tour
leaders who focused on adhering to the specific requirements of their job rather than
traditional gender roles, together with the statistically non-significant results relating to
adventure tour leaders’ gender, it seems to be likely that adventure tour leaders are best
described as androgynous as per Bem’s (1974) definition. Indeed, studies have found that
androgynous employees tend to be more satisfied with their job than employees of other

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gender role orientations (masculine, feminine, and undifferentiated) because they are more
adaptable to the different roles they need to take on as part of their job (Chow 2006; Dray
1992; Eichinger, Heifetz & Ingraham 1991). This high level of job satisfaction of
androgynous employees could be another reason as to why adventure tour leaders’ job
satisfaction was very high in this study. However, while the interview data revealed clients’
views of adventure tour leaders’ gender roles, the leaders were not asked about their view in
regards to this same matter. Nevertheless, some adventure tour leaders did present their own
views in regards to clients who possessed a traditional view of gender roles and these views
indicated that the adventure tour leaders themselves possessed an untraditional view of gender
roles. For example, one adventure tour leader described how he felt that a gender-specific
view on gender roles was discriminating:

I have witnessed many examples where gender has been an issue in regards to females. Perhaps
the most common instance is where younger female staff are dismissed as lacking experience,
skill or knowledge – usually by middle-aged males, typically outdoor education teachers oddly
enough. Occasionally this also occurs from other male instructors – a perception that females,
especially younger ones, are somehow less capable. The reality is that less-experienced leaders
will always be less experienced than more qualified or experienced leaders – regardless of
gender. Personally I find this form of discrimination ill-informed and counterproductive (Kevin,
aged 40–44).

Thus, it is possible that many adventure tour leaders, like the majority of their clients, hold an
untraditional view of gender roles in relation to their job. But as adventure tour leaders’
gender role orientation was not measured quantitatively in this study, future research could
benefit from using the BSRI to confirm whether adventure tour leaders really are androgynous
or whether they possess other gender role orientations.

6.2.3 Summary
The fourth research objective was to examine potential gender differences between adventure
tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effect of surface
acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. Both quantitative and qualitative data were
collected through the survey and interviews in order to address this research objective. In
regards to gender, the survey results showed that there were no statistically significant
differences between male and female adventure tour leaders in relation to surface acting, deep
acting, job satisfaction, or the effect of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction.
These results were unexpected given the literature on gender differences relating to emotion
which suggested that women in general have a tendency to be better at managing their
emotions (Baron-Cohen 2002; Ciarrochi, Hynes & Crittenden 2005; Hall 1978; McClure

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2000) and more emotionally intelligent than men (Joseph & Newman 2010). Contrary to this
research, however, male adventure tour leaders in this study may be just as competent in
managing their emotions as female adventure tour leaders.

While more research is needed, one explanation for these unexpected results could be that
adventure tour leaders behave as ‘shape-shifters’, to use Gondek’s term. That is, they are
androgynous; they draw on the best aspects of masculine and feminine traits in order to
adhere to the specific requirements of their job role rather than conforming to gender-specific
identities that might be associated with being male or female in mainstream society (Bem
1974; Gondek 2008). It is also possible that male adventure tour leaders, like female
adventure tour leaders, possess high levels of emotional intelligence given their preference for
deep acting as an emotional labour strategy.

The statistically non-significant results in regards to gender differences between male and
female adventure tour leaders suggested that adventure tour leading may be an occupation
where it is accepted and even expected that males should be just as competent as females in
managing their emotions since this makes up a vital part of the job role. The interview
findings provided some support for the notion that adventure tour leaders may be expected to
adhere to the particular requirements of the job rather than traditional gender roles. The results
from the interviews showed that the clients’ perceptions of adventure tour leaders’ gender
roles generally were in favour of an untraditional job-specific view or were in the process of
gradually changing from a traditional gender-specific view to an untraditional job-specific
view. Given the finding that many clients provided positive comments in regards to adventure
tour leaders who focused on adhering to the specific requirements of their job rather than
traditional gender roles, together with the statistically non-significant results relating to
adventure tour leaders’ gender, it is likely that adventure tour leaders are, indeed,
androgynous. However, more research is required in this area which, for example, measures
adventure tour leaders’ gender role orientation using the BSRI. The next section explores the
effect that identity construction may have on adventure tour leaders’ emotional labour and job
satisfaction.

6.3 The Effect of Identity Construction on Adventure Tour Leaders’ Emotional Labour
and Job Satisfaction
Research Objective Five aimed to explore how adventure tour leaders comprehend their
identity construction in terms of possessing one core ‘self’ and/or multiple identities. This

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objective is important in relation to the overall aim of the study because there is a possible
relationship between the concept of identity and emotional labour. This relationship is
indicated by findings suggesting that both the performance of surface acting and a mismatch
of employees’ person identities (i.e. how they view themselves as unique and distinct
individuals with idiosyncratic personality attributes) with their jobs could lead to emotional
disharmony and a feeling of inauthenticity in employees (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Burke &
Stets 2009; Torland 2011a). These negative emotional states, in turn, may have implications
for the job satisfaction and human resource management of adventure tour leaders in areas
such as recruitment, selection, and training. While some research has been conducted on
adventure tour leaders’ comprehension of their identity construction (Carnicelli-Filho 2011;
Sharpe 2005a), no research has been conducted that explores the role that adventure tour
leaders’ identities may play in regards to performing emotional labour on the job from a social
psychological perspective of identity as put forward by Burke and Stets (2009).

In order to address Research Objective Five, qualitative data were collected through the
interviews. Given its exploratory nature, this research objective lent itself to a purely
qualitative approach. Hence, the qualitative data collected in relation to Research Objective
Five served to develop an initial understanding of the topic under investigation. The data were
derived from one question asking if adventure tour leaders believed that they had one core
‘self’ or many different identities (with each version of themselves being equally true as any
other).

6.3.1 Analysis of Interview Data


Table 6.6 shows the pattern of responses that emerged from the interview question where
adventure tour leaders were asked whether they believed that they possessed one core self
and/or multiple identities. Two themes were identified in response to this question, including:
‘one core self and multiple identities’ (mentioned by 79% of participants) and ‘multiple
identities’ (mentioned by 17% of participants). Given that there was only one participant who
believed that he possessed one core self (and no multiple identities), this was not identified as
an emergent theme in the thematic analysis since a theme needs to be mentioned more than
once in order to be considered as recurring.

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Table 6.6 Adventure Tour Leaders’ Identity Construction
Percentages and (numbers)
Theme Identity
Construction
One Core Self and Multiple Identities 79%
Adventure tour leaders believed that they had one core self and, at the same time, (19)
many different versions of themselves in different situations (multiple identities).
Multiple Identities 17%
Adventure tour leaders believed that they had many different versions of (4)
themselves (multiple identities), but no core self.
Total Responses (24)

Total Respondents 24

The theme ‘one core self and multiple identities’ describes adventure tour leaders who
believed that they had one core self and, at the same time, many different versions of
themselves in different situations (one adventure tour leader identity, one at-home identity
etc.). The theme ‘multiple identities’ refers to adventure tour leaders who believed that they
had a number of different versions of themselves (or multiple identities), but no core self.

From the adventure tour leaders who participated in an interview, 17% believed that they had
multiple identities and no core self, as expressed by this adventure tour leader:

It’s true that I have personas. I do however tend to let any out as appropriate in the caves. The
thing with caves is they are not the usual habitat of humans, beyond the twilight zone. It would
not be normal to not be on high alert, if not on the edge of fear for many, even in non-technical
passage types. So it does the trip no good if the leader were to pretend they were just a leader,
not a real person who understood the on-edge feeling, in fact to pre-empt or to anticipate the
development of that feeling and vocalise that to clients as we progress is very reassuring for
them. Hence, I do not believe that I have one core self but many different versions of myself.
All are true, we are all multi-faceted! (Sarah, aged 50–54).

The majority (79%) of adventure tour leaders, however, believed that they had both one core
self and multiple identities. For example, one adventure tour leader used the metaphor of a
diamond when explaining how he perceived his identity construction:

I would say one core self, this is based on a Christian belief system that identifies an individual
personality but with a range of different facets, a bit like a diamond (Josh, age unknown).

Two other adventure tour leaders referred to many ‘different hats’ when describing their
identity construction:

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I have one core self but I can put on many different hats depending on the situations: instructors
hat, family hat, friends hat, partners hat... (Phil, aged 25–29).

I think that I have one true self where I wear many different ‘hats’. And I may wear those hats
interchangeably (e.g. putting on my ‘at home’ hat at work when I relax with open clients
perhaps). It is only one core self, but I can choose to show (or not show) facets of myself. It is
more like offering a small window on me and my life that I can choose to let grow with time if I
like. Having said that, sometimes I ‘act’ – appearing to be something I am not (matching what I
perceive is the needs of the client or the employer). I think I feel like it is one core self because
there is no denying that each of those ‘personas’ is a part of the whole, that the whole is tightly
integrated and not distinct components (the ‘adventure guide’ is not separate to the ‘at home’
part of me – they are strongly connected with each other to make up who I am) (Oliver, aged
25–29).

Yet another adventure tour leader compared his identity construction with a box:

I believe I am a core self with many different facets. One box with a lot of different things in it
as opposed to different boxes (John, aged 40–44).

One term that reoccurs in the above quotes to describe multiple identities is ‘facets’. There
seems to be an understanding by many participants about these different facets of a person,
some of which are shown in different situations, while still presenting one core self. This
finding is consistent with Burke and Stets’ (2009) theory of multiple identities, which
suggests that individuals can possess both multiple identities and a core self. However, as the
following comment by one adventure tour leader in this study suggested, sometimes it could
be challenging to maintain multiple identities at the one and same time:

I try to avoid ‘worlds colliding’ by mixing people from my work life and private life as this
would be confusing for me and them (Craig, aged 40–44).

In contrast to this quote, however, there is one finding from this study that might help to
explain how multiple identities may be able to co-exist in a more compatible way. More
specifically, a number of adventure tour leaders believed that their core self consisted of their
values, morals, ethics and/or principles that guided them through life. For instance, one
adventure tour leader explained what he believed to be the constituents of his core self:

I have my own values and principles and it doesn’t matter who I’m with or what I’m doing,
these underlying principles are always the same (Gordon, aged 40–44).

This core self, in turn, may control the activation of adventure tour leaders’ multiple
identities, as illustrated by the following account by one adventure tour leader:

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I believe that there is a core self, and layered around that are various parts of the person –
professional person, family person, social person, etc. At the core of a person – myself at least –
there has evolved core values that define who and what I am, and from this you shape the other
layers of your public personalities. I feel that to have one at odds with the other is a recipe for
problems. If, however, the different facets are shaped from your core values you will not only
be content with yourself professionally, personally, your family and friendships, but you will
project a confident and honest image of yourself (Kevin, aged 40–44).

Again, the term ‘facets’ is used to describe multiple identities. In accordance with these
findings, Burke and Stets (2009) proposed that core values and morals represent higher-order
person identities that work as chief identities in the previously mentioned identity hierarchy.
In this way, higher-order value and moral identities, which are concerned with long-term
goals of behaviour for the individual, inform and control the activation of lower-order role
and social identities, which has a more short-term orientation regarding goals of behaviour
(Burke & Stets 2009). According to recent biometric research, the trait and goal facets of both
higher-order and lower-order identities are partly genetic and partly derived from
environmental influences (Bleidorn et al. 2010). Still, the higher-order identities which,
according to adventure tour leaders in this study, constituted their core self, are more stable
and take longer time to change than lower-order identities (Burke & Stets 2009).

Figure 6.1 depicts an illustration of Burke and Stets’ (2009) theory of hierarchical multiple
identities as it applies to adventure tour leaders’ comprehension of their identity construction
in this study. For illustration purposes, only three identities have been included here to show
how identities within a person work together in a hierarchy. It is acknowledged, however, that
people may present any number of identities in that they have a variety of role, social and
person identities.

In Figure 6.1, ‘Identity A’ represents the adventure tour leaders’ core self, which consists of
their person identities. The person identities comprise the adventure tour leaders’ core values
and morals which inform and overlook the activation of lower-order role identities
represented by ‘Identity B’ (e.g. taking on the identity as an adventure tour leader) and social
identities represented by ‘Identity C’ (e.g. taking on the identity as a member of an adventure
organisation). As described in section 2.6 (see Figure 2.9), each of the identities is composed
of four basic components that are arranged in a cycle: 1) an input (refers to people’s
perceptions of themselves in relation to their environment); 2) an identity standard (refers to
people’s internal criteria that tell them who their ‘true’ selves are); 3) a comparator (compares
the input meanings with the identity standard and generates an ‘error signal’ which signifies

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the difference between the two); and 4) an output (refers to the behaviour in the situation
based on the error signal from the comparator) (Burke & Stets 2009).

Identity
Standard
A

Identity Person
Standard
B Identity
Comparator A
Output Standard
C
Identity A
Comparator B Emotion Comparator C
Input
Input Perceptions
Perceptions Output Output
Identity B Identity C

Social
Behaviour

Environment

Figure 6.1 Hierarchical Model for Three Identities within a Person


(Adapted from Burke & Stets 2009, p. 134).

While a person may have multiple identities, Figure 6.1 shows that there is only one overall
behavioural output stream since there is only one person to act. It should also be noted that the
output of ‘Identity A’, located at the upper hierarchical level of the model, represents the
identity standards of ‘Identity B’ and ‘Identity C’ located at the lower hierarchical level of the
model. Thus, if there is any conflict between the identities in the hierarchy, higher-level
identities will generally take precedence over lower-level identities (Burke & Stets 2009). For
example, if a core value of individuals is to always be truthful when interacting with other
people, this represents one of their person identities. If their job as adventure tour leaders (i.e.
role identity) requires them to be deceitful when interacting with their clients, however, they
would generally refuse to do so because the core value of being truthful (person identity) is
considered to be more important than the requirement to be deceitful (role identity).

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In the case where two identities at the same hierarchical level are in conflict, the identity with
the highest level of commitment will guide behaviour more than an identity with a lower level
of commitment (Burke & Stets 2009). This is represented by the ‘Emotion’ in Figure 6.1
between the two comparators of ‘Identity B’ and ‘Identity C’. As an example, if individuals
who have the two identities of adventure tour leaders and parents lead an adventure tour
where their children are participants, it is likely that the adventure tour leader identity will
take precedence over the parent identity because more people depend on the former identity.
As a result, the parent identity is the one to wait in this situation.

Sometimes individuals may behave in ways that are somewhat incongruent with their core
values and morals (Burke & Stets 2009), as may be the case with the performance of surface
acting. For instance, adventure tour leaders may apply surface acting in risk management
situations, as discussed in Chapter Five. This performance of surface acting, may, however,
have the implication that the adventure tour leaders feel a sense of inauthenticity of self
because their core value of being truthful may be contradicted by the level of faking involved
with surface acting. In other words, the adventure tour leaders feel a sense of inauthenticity of
self because their core self (consisting of their person identities) is not being verified.

In order for an identity to serve its purpose, it needs to be verified (Burke & Stets 2009;
Vaughan & Hogg 2006). If an identity is to be verified, the perceptions of a person in a
particular situation must equate to the person’s identity standard meanings (e.g. perceiving
oneself as being extroverted as a person) (Burke & Stets 2009). Burke and Stets (2009)
suggested that verification or non-verification of different types of identities could lead to
different emotional outcomes in relation to people’s feelings of self-esteem. As such, self-
esteem could be perceived as consisting of three components: self-competence, self-worth,
and self-authenticity (Cast & Burke 2002). In relation to identity then, Burke and Stets (2009)
posited that verification of role identities, social identities, and person identities would lead to
positive feelings of self-competence, self-worth, and self-authenticity, respectively. On the
contrary, they also suggested that non-verification of the same types of identities would lead
to negative feelings of self-incompetence, self-worthlessness, and self-inauthenticity.

Assuming that adventure tour leaders in this study would be interested in doing a good job, it
is likely that they would be successful in verifying their role identities as adventure tour
leaders and their social identities as employees in a particular adventure organisation; this, in
turn, would lead them to feel competent and worthy. However, this does not necessarily mean

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that their person identities are verified – which is where emotional labour becomes relevant.
For example, if adventure tour leaders perceive themselves as being outspoken people who
openly express anger to other people (person identities), having to manage this feeling of
anger when dealing with a difficult client and display a feeling of empathy instead through the
means of surface acting could lead to a negative feeling of inauthenticity. This feeling of
inauthenticity occurs both because the employees’ person identities are not being verified
(leading to a sense of self-inauthenticity) and because of the emotional dissonance involved
with performing surface acting (leading to a sense of inauthenticity of self) (Ashforth &
Tomiuk 2000; Burke & Stets 2009).

Figure 6.2 represents an expansion of the emotional labour continuum that is presented in
Figure 2.1 in this thesis. As such, Figure 6.2 depicts a visual representation of how identity
and emotional labour could be integrated (see Torland 2011a), and it shows that emotional
labour could be envisioned as a continuum ranging from surface acting, through deep acting,
to genuine emotion display (Brotheridge & Lee 2002). Imagining employees who have
recently been hired as adventure tour leaders with limited experience in the occupation, it is
likely that they initially would perform surface acting in order to verify their role and social
identities (Brotheridge & Lee 2002). If surface acting is performed successfully, this may
leave the employees feeling competent and worthy (Burke & Stets 2009; Wu, Chen & Wu
2005; Zapf et al. 1999). The drawback, however, is that surface acting involves the display of
emotions that are not really felt (in order to verify role and social identities) and the
suppression of genuine emotions that are inappropriate to display (which are part of the
person identities) (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993). This, in turn, could lead to a high level of
emotional dissonance (Van Dijk & Brown 2006; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007), with the
associated negative feeling of self-inauthenticity brought about as a result of non-verification
of the employees’ person identities (Burke & Stets 2009; Schaubroeck & Jones 2000) and the
sense of inauthenticity of self linked with surface acting (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Van
Dijk & Brown 2006; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007).

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Time
Internalising Experience

SA DA GE
 Role ID verified – feel  Role ID verified – feel  Role ID verified –
competent competent feel competent
 Social ID verified –  Social ID verified – feel  Social ID verified –
feel worthy worthy feel worthy
 Person ID not verified  Person ID nearly verified  Person ID verified –
– feel inauthentic – feel mostly authentic feel authentic

High emotional dissonance No or low emotional dissonance No emotional dissonance


Person ID ≠ Role/Social ID Person ID → Role/Social ID Person ID = Role/Social ID

Figure 6.2 Integration Model of Emotional Labour and Identity


SA = surface acting; DA = deep acting; GE = genuine emotion display; ID = identity.

Over time, however, as the employees gain more experience in the field, they may start to
internalise their role and social identities (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Van Maanen & Kunda
1989). What this means in practice is that due to the discomfort and feeling of inauthenticity
of self that comes with surface acting there may be a certain pressure for the employees to
align their person identities with the role and social identities (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993;
Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000). In other words, the employees may internalise the role and social
identities in order to obtain verification of the person identities along with the concomitant
feeling of self-authenticity (Burke & Stets 2009). One way that such internalising could take
place is through deep acting, where the employees make an effort to change their true
emotions into the ones required by the job (Collishaw, Dyer & Boies 2008; Grandey 2003;
Grandey et al. 2005; Van Dijk, Smith & Cooper 2011). By performing deep acting, then,
emotional dissonance could be reduced or completely eliminated with the result that the
employees’ person identities are nearly verified and they feel mostly authentic (Brotheridge &
Grandey 2002; Brotheridge & Lee 2002).

After many years of gaining experience in the job as adventure tour leaders, the employees
may come to a point where they do not perform emotional labour anymore because the person
identities have completely merged with the role and social identities. This is when the
employees display their genuine emotions to clients, with an associated feeling of authenticity
of self (and self-authenticity) and no emotional dissonance (Brotheridge & Grandey 2002;
Chu & Murrmann 2006; Diefendorff, Croyle & Gosserand 2005). It is the perfect person-job

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fit. It is acknowledged, however, that people who get hired as adventure tour leaders could be
positioned at any point along the continuum in Figure 6.2 depending on the composition of
their person identities and previous experience. Additionally, it is possible for employees to
‘jump’ along the continuum, thereby applying surface acting, deep acting, or genuine emotion
display depending on situational circumstances (e.g. experienced adventure tour leaders may
occasionally perform surface acting). Moreover, the picture may be more complicated if the
employees’ role or social identities are not verified and internalised which, in the worst case,
could cause them to leave the occupation or organisation (Elsbach 2003; Knight & Haslam
2010; Morris & Feldman 1997).

From the above integration of emotional labour and identity then, it is clear that any effect
emotional labour may have on job satisfaction would be closely related to the idea of identity
verification or non-verification (see Torland 2011a). The fact that Hypothesis 1a (which
proposed that deep acting would have a significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders’
job satisfaction; see Chapter Four) was supported is consistent with research showing that
deep acting could convey a sense of authenticity of self and a feeling of achievement in
employees (Diefendorff, Croyle & Gosserand 2005; Grayson 1998; Kruml & Geddes 2000;
Zammuner & Galli 2005). This could be linked to the verification of adventure tour leaders’
role identities as well as the near verification of their person identities.

The rejection of Hypothesis 1b (which proposed that surface acting would have a significant
negative effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction; see Chapter Four) could be
explained by the relatively low mean of surface acting scores (M = 2.55), which indicated that
adventure tour leaders in this study did not perform this type of emotional labour very often. It
is also possible, however, that positive feelings of self-competence and self-worth (derived
from role and social identities verification) may have moderated the negative feeling of
inauthenticity of self (and self-authenticity) brought about by surface acting and non-
verification of person identities. This argument is further supported by the findings from the
interviews (see section 4.3) which revealed that many adventure tour leaders who performed
surface acting on the job felt a sense of achievement at the end of the day.

The possible relationship between emotional labour and identity, then, is thus based on the
view that both surface acting and non-verification of person identities could lead to a high
level of emotional dissonance and a feeling of inauthenticity in employees (Torland 2011a). It
is recognised, however, that more research is needed in order to confirm the relationship

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between emotional labour and identity since it is not clear whether the emotional dissonance
and feeling of inauthenticity of self that arises as a result of surface acting (referred to as
surface emotional dissonance and surface inauthenticity in Chapter Two) is the same or
different from the emotional dissonance and feeling of self-inauthenticity that arises from
non-verification of person identities (referred to as deep emotional dissonance and deep
inauthenticity in Chapter Two). What is clear, however, is that the verification of person
identities might have played an important role in regards to the positive effect that deep acting
had on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction which, in turn, has implications for the human
resource management of adventure tour leaders in areas such as recruitment, selection, and
training.

6.3.2 Summary
The fifth research objective was to explore how adventure tour leaders comprehend their
identity construction in terms of possessing one core ‘self’ and/or multiple identities. In order
to address this research objective, qualitative data were collected through the interviews. The
interview findings provided insight into adventure tour leaders’ comprehension of their
identity construction in that the majority of adventure tour leaders believed that they
possessed both a core self and multiple identities. Consistent with this view, Burke and Stets’
(2009) identity theory advised that multiple identities could be arranged in a hierarchy where
higher-order person identities representing adventure tour leaders’ core values, morals, and
traits informed and controlled the activation of lower-order role and social identities.

It was proposed that emotional labour and identity could be integrated by applying identity
verification to the continuum of emotional labour. In relation to this continuum, it was
suggested that surface acting and non-verification of adventure tour leaders’ person identities
caused them to feel inauthentic due to high emotional dissonance; deep acting and near
verification of adventure tour leaders’ person identities caused them to feel mostly authentic
due to no or low emotional dissonance; and genuine emotion display and verification of
adventure tour leaders’ person identities caused them to feel authentic due to no emotional
dissonance. The possible relationship between emotional labour and identity was that both
surface acting and non-verification of person identities could lead to a high level of emotional
dissonance and a feeling of inauthenticity in employees. Given this relation between identity
and emotional labour, the verification of person identities might have played an important role
in regards to the positive effect that deep acting had on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction
in this study. Consequently, this relationship between identity and emotional labour needs to

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be taken into consideration in regards to the human resource management of adventure tour
leaders in the future in areas such recruitment, selection, and training.

6.4 Conclusion
This chapter presented and discussed the findings relating to Research Objective Four as well
as Research Objective Five. While Research Objective Four aimed to examine potential
gender differences between adventure tour leaders in regards to emotional labour and job
satisfaction, Research Objective Five aimed to explore adventure tour leaders’ comprehension
of their identity construction in terms of possessing one core self and/or multiple identities.
Adventure tour leaders’ gender did not have a statistically significant effect on their
performance of emotional labour and levels of job satisfaction. Adventure tour leaders’
understanding of their identity construction, on the other hand, was important in regards to
their performance of emotional labour and their job satisfaction. More specifically, adventure
tour leaders’ performance of deep acting could be linked with a near verification of their
person identities which, together, made them feel mostly authentic due to no or limited
emotional dissonance. In this sense, verification of person identities is likely to have played a
central role in regards to the positive effect that deep acting had on adventure tour leaders’ job
satisfaction in this study. The next chapter presents the conclusions and implications that were
derived from the findings in this thesis.

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Chapter Seven: Conclusions

7.1 Introduction
The concept of emotional labour has been extensively investigated in the literature since
Hochschild (1983) first developed the concept. Within the field of tourism studies, previous
research has explored the emotional labour of tour representatives (Guerrier & Adib 2003),
zoo guides (Van Dijk, Smith & Cooper 2011), tour guides (Hillman 2003, 2006; Wong &
Wang 2009), and adventure tour leaders (Arnould & Price 1993; Holyfield 1997, 1999;
Holyfield & Jonas 2003; Sharpe 2005a). However, only one study has linked the emotional
labour of adventure tour leaders to their job satisfaction (Carnicelli-Filho 2011) and no
systematic research to date has investigated the relationships between emotional labour and
job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders through the use of both quantitative and qualitative
methods of inquiry. This study therefore addresses a substantive gap in the current research
literature by critically examining these relationships.

This chapter synthesises the components of this study in order to address the overall research
aim, which is to examine the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of
adventure tour leaders employed within Australia. A summary of the key findings relating to
each of the five research objectives is presented in sections 7.2 to 7.6. This is followed by a
synthesis of these research objectives in section 7.7 to show how they collectively address the
overall aim of the thesis. The contributions to knowledge and applied implications of the
study are discussed in sections 7.8 and 7.9, respectively, before acknowledging and
identifying the limitations and avenues for future research that are associated with the
research in section 7.10.

The five research objectives in this study were to:

1) Develop a profile of adventure tour leaders based on statistical descriptive data


relating to a number of characteristics such as gender, age, nationality, level of
education and training, relationship status, children, job-specific factors, and
experience, in order to better describe the population under study.
2) Examine the potential effects of the two dimensions of emotional labour, surface
acting and deep acting, on the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders.
3) Identify the types of situations in which adventure tour leaders apply surface acting
and deep acting.

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4) Examine potential gender differences between adventure tour leaders in regards to
surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effects of surface acting and deep
acting on job satisfaction.
5) Explore how adventure tour leaders comprehend their identity construction in terms of
possessing one core ‘self’ and/or multiple identities.

7.2 Profile of Adventure Tour Leaders


Research Objective One was addressed based on quantitative data from the survey as the
creation of a socio-demographic profile of adventure tour leaders required numerical data to
be collected and did not necessitate a high level of detail to describe the study participants’
characteristics. The profile of adventure tour leaders that was developed based on the survey
data is presented below. The development of this profile is important because it provides a
basis for understanding the characteristics of the participants in this study, which is crucial in
order to gain a contextual and holistic understanding of the phenomena under investigation,
namely the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour
leaders.

In this study, 79.6% of adventure tour leaders were males, while 20.4% were females.
Although all age groups (over the age of 18) were represented, the age group with highest
representation was 35–44. The majority of adventure tour leaders were Australian citizens
(84.7%), with the remaining proportion mainly constituting leaders from the UK, New
Zealand, Canada and the USA. Regarding education and training, 74.5% of adventure tour
leaders had completed a Certificate III/IV or a higher level of education/training. The
education group with highest representation was the Bachelor degree with 23.4% of leaders
having completed this level of education. Furthermore, 71.6% were in a relationship with a
spouse, partner or steady girlfriend/boyfriend, whilst 23.4% were single. On the topic of
children, 38.1% of the leaders had children living at home, with a number of 2 children being
the group with highest representation (52.9%).

In regards to job-specific factors, 70.0% of adventure tour leaders were employed in standard
jobs (i.e. non-management positions), 20% were owners/managers, 8.7% were volunteer
workers, and 1.3% were trainees/apprentices. In addition, 54.7% regarded their engagement
as adventure tour leaders as a job, 13.1% regarded it as a hobby/leisure activity, and 32.1%
selected the ‘other’ category (i.e. they regarded it as a lifestyle, both a job and a hobby/leisure
activity, a business, or a passion). The majority of leaders were working full-time (52.6%);

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they were paid (89.8%); they were working all year round (70.1%) as opposed to seasonally;
they were working for a commercial employer (i.e. for profit) (78.8%); and they received
some type of compensation other than remuneration (61.3%). Concerning type of activities,
the activities with the highest representations were bushwalking (23.3%), followed by
kayaking (13.6%), and abseiling (11.9%). Regarding levels of difficulty, 44.1% of adventure
tour leaders were leading easy/beginner tours, 36.7% were leading medium/intermediate
tours, and 19.1% were leading hard/advanced tours. On the topic of experience, many leaders
had more experience in the adventure tourism industry (24.4%, 0–4 years; 25.9%, 5–9 years;
19.3%, 10–14 years) than in the adventure tourism organisation where they currently worked
(46.7%, 0–4 years; 22.8%, 59– years; 18.4%, 10–14 years).

7.3 The Effects of Emotional Labour on Adventure Tour Leaders’ Job Satisfaction
Research Objective Two related to Hypothesis 1, which proposed that while deep acting
would have a significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction, surface
acting would have a significant negative effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction.
Both quantitative data from the survey and qualitative data from the interviews were collected
in order to address this research objective. The survey findings showed that adventure tour
leaders ‘often’ performed deep acting on the job, ‘sometimes’ performed surface acting on the
job, and were ‘very satisfied’ with their job. Moreover, deep acting had a statistically
significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction, which is consistent with
research suggesting that deep acting could help to convey a sense of authenticity of self and a
feeling of achievement in employees. The complementary interview data confirmed that deep
acting could lead to a feeling of achievement in workers. However, the interview data also
showed that adventure tour leaders felt drained (i.e. frustrated and/or emotionally exhausted)
after performing deep acting. However, it is likely that the sense of authenticity of self and the
feeling of achievement may have overridden the feeling of being drained since deep acting,
overall, still had a positive effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction.

Even though surface acting had a negative effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction,
as predicted in Hypothesis 1, this effect was not statistically significant. One explanation for
this non-significant result could be that adventure tour leaders in this study only occasionally
performed surface acting on the job. As a result, any negative outcomes of performing surface
acting, such as feeling drained (i.e. frustrated and/or emotionally exhausted) or a sense of
inauthenticity of self, would only have had a negligible effect on adventure tour leaders’ job
satisfaction. The interview data confirmed that surface acting could lead to a feeling of being

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drained in employees. In addition, the interview data showed that adventure tour leaders also
felt a sense of achievement after performing surface acting. This, in turn, is likely to have
reduced the feeling of being drained and the sense of inauthenticity of self and thus
contributed toward the non-significant result.

7.4 Adventure Tour Leaders’ Application of Emotional Labour


Because Research Objective Three is exploratory in nature, addressing this object was best
served by analysing qualitative data from the interviews. In regards to surface acting, the
findings showed that 60% of adventure tour leaders applied this form of emotional labour in
risk management situations; 24% performed surface acting in situations which required them
to create enthusiasm among themselves and clients; and 20% applied surface acting in
situations that required them to deal with difficult clients. When it came to deep acting, the
findings showed that 40% of adventure tour leaders applied this type of emotional labour in
situations that required them to deal with difficult clients; 32% applied deep acting in
situations that required them to deal with inexperienced clients; 20% performed deep acting in
order to create enthusiasm among themselves and clients; and 16% used deep acting in risk
management situations.

It was suggested that adventure tour leaders occasionally may adopt surface acting as an
emotional labour strategy in risk management situations as an immediate response to an
unexpected and potentially dangerous situation. As a reactive rather than proactive emotional
labour strategy, however, surface acting could compromise clients’ safety in risk management
situations and bring with it the Occupational Health and Safety (OHS) risk of employees
experiencing burnout and low levels of job satisfaction. Thus, it was proposed that adventure
tour operators could provide training to increase the number of adventure tour leaders who
perform deep acting instead of surface acting in risk management situations.

7.5 The Effect of Gender on Adventure Tour Leaders’ Emotional Labour and Job
Satisfaction
Research Objective Four related to Hypotheses 2 and 3. Hypothesis 2 proposed that female
adventure tour leaders would perform more deep acting and be more satisfied with their job
than male adventure tour leaders. Hypothesis 2 also proposed that male adventure tour leaders
would perform more surface acting than female adventure tour leaders. Hypothesis 3
proposed that deep acting would have a more positive effect on job satisfaction for female
than for male adventure tour leaders and that surface acting would have a more negative effect

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on job satisfaction for male than for female adventure tour leaders. Both quantitative data
from the survey and qualitative data from the interviews were collected in order to address
this research objective. There were no statistically significant differences between male and
female adventure tour leaders relating to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the
effects of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction. These results were unexpected
given that the literature on gender differences in emotion suggests that women in general have
a tendency to be better at managing their emotions (Baron-Cohen 2002; Ciarrochi, Hynes &
Crittenden 2005; Hall 1978; McClure 2000) and more emotionally intelligent than men
(Joseph & Newman 2010). In contrast, the findings from this study indicate that male
adventure tour leaders may be just as competent in managing their emotions as female
adventure tour leaders.

It was proposed that one explanation for these unexpected results could be that male
adventure tour leaders, like female adventure tour leaders, possess high levels of emotional
intelligence given their preference for deep acting as an emotional labour strategy. In addition,
it was suggested that another explanation for the statistically non-significant results could be
that adventure tour leaders behave as ‘shape-shifters’ (Gondek 2008). That is, they are
androgynous: they draw on the best aspects of masculine and feminine traits in order to
adhere to the specific requirements of their job role rather than conforming to gender-specific
identities that might be associated with being male or female in mainstream society (Bem
1974; Gondek 2008). The interview findings provided some support for the notion that
adventure tour leaders may be androgynous as they showed that clients’ perceptions of
adventure tour leaders’ gender roles generally were in favour of an untraditional job-specific
view or were in the process of gradually changing from a traditional gender-specific view to
an untraditional job-specific view.

7.6 The Effect of Identity Construction on Adventure Tour Leaders’ Emotional Labour
and Job Satisfaction
Given that Research Objective Five is exploratory in nature, addressing this object was best
served by analysing qualitative data from the interviews. The interview findings provided
insight into adventure tour leaders’ comprehension of their identity construction in that the
majority of adventure tour leaders believed that they possessed both a core self and multiple
identities. Consistent with this view, Burke and Stets’ (2009) identity theory advised that
multiple identities could be arranged in a hierarchy where higher-order person identities

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representing adventure tour leaders’ core values, morals, and traits informed and controlled
the activation of lower-order role and social identities.

It was proposed that emotional labour and identity could be integrated by applying identity
verification to the continuum of emotional labour. In relation to this continuum, it was
suggested that surface acting and non-verification of adventure tour leaders’ person identities
caused them to feel inauthentic due to high emotional dissonance; deep acting and near
verification of adventure tour leaders’ person identities caused them to feel mostly authentic
due to no or low emotional dissonance; and genuine emotion display and verification of
adventure tour leaders’ person identities caused them to feel authentic due to no emotional
dissonance. The possible relationship between emotional labour and identity, then, was that
both surface acting and non-verification of person identities could lead to a high level of
emotional dissonance and a feeling of inauthenticity in employees. Given this relation
between identity and emotional labour, the verification of person identities is likely to have
played an important role in regards to the positive effect that deep acting had on adventure
tour leaders’ job satisfaction in this study. This, in turn, has implications for the human
resource management of adventure tour leaders in areas such as recruitment, selection, and
training.

7.7 Synthesis of the Components of the Study


Figure 7.1 depicts visually how the findings from Research Objectives Two to Five can be
synthesised so as to address the overall aim of this thesis. Because Research Objective One
concerning the profile of adventure tour leaders is descriptive in nature, this objective is not
included in Figure 7.1 (as was the case in relation to Figure 2.10 in Chapter Two). The model
in Figure 7.1 is an extension of the conceptual framework that was presented in Figure 2.10
(which was developed based on the predictions of this study) in that both the survey findings
and the interview findings derived from this study have been incorporated. As such, Figure
7.1 represents a model that can be tested in future studies aiming to examine the relationships
between the emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders.

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Drained
Feeling of Sense of surface
- emotional
achievement authenticity
exhaustion
- frustration
Sense of deep
authenticity
+ -
Situations in which DA is
applied: DA + +
 Difficult clients
 Inexperienced clients
 Create Enthusiasm Person ID near
 Risk Management verification

JS

Situations in which SA is
applied: SA -
 Risk Management
 Create Enthusiasm -
 Difficult clients Person ID non-
verification
- +
Sense of surface
inauthenticity
Drained Feeling of
- emotional achievement
exhaustion Sense of deep
- frustration inauthenticity

Figure 7.1 Model of the Relationships between Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders
DA = deep acting (M = 3.58). SA = surface acting (M = 2.55). JS = job satisfaction (M = 4.22). ID = identities. Broken line/arrow = statistically
non-significant relationship. (Developed based on the results of this study).
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In regards to Research Objective Two, Figure 7.1 shows that deep acting had a statistically
significant positive effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction. This positive effect was
due to the positive sense of surface authenticity which came about as a result of the low
surface emotional dissonance associated with performing this type of emotional labour. The
positive effect was also due to a positive feeling of achievement, which would have
overridden the negative feeling of being drained (i.e. frustrated and/or emotionally
exhausted). Figure 7.1 also shows that while surface acting had a negative effect on adventure
tour leaders’ job satisfaction, this effect was not statistically significant (as represented by the
broken line). While this non-significant result was partly due to the relatively low mean of
surface acting (M = 2.55), it is also likely that the positive feeling of achievement reduced the
negative feeling of being drained as well as the negative sense of surface inauthenticity
brought about as a result of the high surface emotional dissonance linked with surface acting.

In relation to Research Objective Three, Figure 7.1 shows that adventure tour leaders applied
deep acting in situations that required them to deal with difficult and inexperienced clients.
Adventure tour leaders also applied deep acting in situations which necessitated that they
create enthusiasm among themselves and clients and in risk management situations.
Regarding surface acting, Figure 7.1 shows that adventure tour leaders applied this type of
emotional labour in risk management situations. They also applied surface acting in situations
which required them to create enthusiasm among themselves and clients and in situations
which involved dealing with difficult clients.

Given that there were no statistically significant differences between male and female
adventure tour leaders in regards to surface acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, and the effect
of surface acting and deep acting on job satisfaction, the findings relating to Research
Objective Four are not included in Figure 7.1. In other words, gender did not did not have a
substantial effect on adventure tour leaders’ emotional labour and job satisfaction.

Regarding Research Objective Five, the verification and non-verification of one of the types
of identities that adventure tour leaders possess, namely person identities, play an important
role in regards to the effects that emotional labour had on adventure tour leaders’ job
satisfaction. Figure 7.1 shows that the near verification of adventure tour leaders’ person
identities contributed toward the positive effect that deep acting had on adventure tour
leaders’ job satisfaction in that adventure tour leaders experienced a sense of deep authenticity
due to low deep emotional dissonance. Figure 7.1 also shows that the non-verification of

217
adventure tour leaders’ person identities contributed toward the non-significant result relating
to surface acting in that adventure tour leaders experienced a sense of deep inauthenticity due
to high deep emotional dissonance. Given the relatively low mean of surface acting (M =
2.55), however, it is likely that adventure tour leaders in this study only occasionally
experienced deep emotional dissonance.

Overall, Figure 7.1 shows how the findings relating to the research objectives are
interconnected to form a synthesised model of the relationships between the emotional labour
and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders employed within Australia. The model is not
only based on the empirical research derived from this study, but is also an outcome of an
extensive and critical review of the literature. As mentioned above, the model can be tested in
future studies to further validate the relationships between the variables.

Based on the synthesis of the research objectives Figure 7.1, the model presented several
conclusions. The findings of this thesis suggest that adventure tour leading is an occupation
that requires employees to perform more deep acting and less surface acting than some other
occupations due to the close and personal nature of the relationships that frequently develop
with clients. The flight attendants and debt collectors in Hochschild’s (1983) study were
mainly managing their emotions in order to deal with demanding clients. Adventure tour
leading, however, is a highly skilled occupation that requires adventure tour leaders to take on
a variety of different roles if they are to successfully perform their job. In addition to technical
requirements and the need to deal with demanding clients, adventure tour leaders have to be
competent in managing their emotions in situations that often involve considerable risk. This
complexity of adventure tour leaders’ job role, in turn, means that deep acting is a more
productive approach to emotional labour than surface acting as it helps to create a relationship
of trust between the leaders and their clients in the adventure environment.

The findings of this thesis also suggest that the performance of deep acting has a substantial
positive effect on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction, which was very high. Even though
adventure tour leaders who perform deep acting experience feelings of being drained (i.e.
frustrated and/or emotionally exhausted), it is likely that the sense of authenticity of self and
the feeling of achievement that are linked with deep acting are prevailing over the feeling of
being drained. Thus, the positive effect that deep acting has on adventure tour leaders’ job
satisfaction can be explained by the findings showing that adventure tour leaders, despite
sometimes feeling drained after performing deep acting on the job, prefer deep acting over

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surface acting as it represents a more authentic way of managing emotions that can be very
rewarding, if performed successfully. This preference for deep acting over surface acting is
consistent with Sharpe’s (2005a) findings, which proposed that adventure tour leaders’
preferred way of managing their emotions was to mobilise deep acting as this was viewed as a
more authentic and real way to interact with clients since it does not involve the same degree
of faking emotions as surface acting.

Although deep acting represents the preferred way for adventure tour leaders to manage their
emotions in this study, most of them do occasionally perform surface acting on the job. This
performance of surface acting, however, does not appear to have a substantial negative effect
on their job satisfaction. One explanation for this is that adventure tour leaders, despite feeling
drained (i.e. frustrated and/or emotionally exhausted) and experiencing a sense of
inauthenticity after performing surface acting on the job, also feel a sense of achievement if
surface acting is performed successfully. It is likely that this sense of achievement, together
with the fact that adventure tour leaders do not perform surface acting very often, has reduced
the sense of inauthenticity of self and the feeling of being drained that are associated with
surface acting. The absence of any substantial negative effect of surface acting due to these
two reasons then, seems to have contributed to the high level of job satisfaction of adventure
tour leaders in this study.

While the most frequent situation in which adventure tour leaders in this study performed
surface acting was when they were required to manage risk relating to emergencies or
potentially dangerous situations (i.e. risk management situations), this was the least prevalent
situation in which adventure tour leaders performed deep acting. Hence, it is suggested that
adventure tour leaders tend to adopt surface acting in risk management situations as an
immediate response to an unexpected and potentially dangerous situation that leaves little
time to consider deep acting as an emotional labour strategy. However, this is potentially
problematic because surface acting is response-focused or reactive, as opposed to deep acting
which is antecedent-focused or proactive. This means that deep acting is a safer way of
performing emotional labour for adventure tour leaders than surface acting because it involves
more forethought and planning, which enhances their performance on the job. Furthermore,
deep acting is a less harmful form of emotional labour than surface acting as the latter can be
linked with the OHS risks of burnout and low levels of job satisfaction, if performed
frequently. Thus, even though surface acting was not performed frequently in this study, it is
suggested here that the performance of deep acting is a better option for adventure tour

219
leaders than surface acting in risk management situations because it can help to keep clients
and adventure tour leaders safe as well as maintaining their high levels of job satisfaction.

Finally, the findings of this thesis suggest that there is a relationship between the emotional
labour of adventure tour leaders and their identity construction. This relationship is indicated
by the notion that both surface acting and non-verification of adventure tour leaders’ person
identities could lead to a high level of emotional dissonance and a feeling of inauthenticity.
Conversely, adventure tour leaders’ performance of deep acting could be linked with a near
verification of their person identities, which make them feel mostly authentic due to no or
limited emotional dissonance. The establishment of this relationship between adventure tour
leaders’ emotional labour and identity construction indicates that the verification of person
identities plays a central role in regards to the positive effect that deep acting has on adventure
tour leaders’ job satisfaction in this study.

In conclusion, the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders is very high due to the substantial
positive effect of performing deep acting and the absence of any substantial negative effects
of performing surface acting in this study. Whilst adventure tour leaders occasionally perform
surface acting in risk management situations, deep acting represents a better strategy of
managing their emotions in these situations because it can assist in ensuring the safety of
clients and themselves as well as sustaining their high level of job satisfaction. Deep acting is
also linked with the verification of adventure tour leaders’ person identities, which is likely to
have contributed to the high levels of job satisfaction in this study due to adventure tour
leaders’ high degree of personal fit with their job role and the organisation in which they
work.

7.8 Contributions to Knowledge


While a few researchers have examined the emotional labour of adventure tour leaders
(Arnould & Price 1993; Holyfield 1997, 1999; Holyfield & Jonas 2003; Sharpe 2005a), there
is only one study (Carnicelli-Filho 2011) to date that has linked adventure tour leaders’
emotional labour to their job satisfaction. Carnicelli-Filho’s (2011) study, however, was
qualitative in nature and based on purely textual data from a limited number of research
participants. He did not measure adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction quantitatively and, as
a result, it is not clear how satisfied the leaders were with their job or whether there were any
leaders who were not satisfied with their job in his sample. Carnicelli-Filho thus did not
explore the topic of job satisfaction as it relates to the emotional labour of adventure tour

220
leaders in any depth. Furthermore, Carnicelli-Filho’s sample of adventure tour leaders
consisted entirely of white-water rafting guides, whereas this thesis examines a much wider
range of adventure tour leaders.

It follows that the empirical study described in this thesis is the first to critically examine the
relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders by
including both quantitative and qualitative methods to gain an in depth understanding of the
phenomena under study. In other words, this study fills an important gap in the literature in
regards to emotional labour and job satisfaction within the occupational context of adventure
tour leading. The study makes a number of contributions to knowledge in the study area of
adventure tourism, which is located within the broader field of tourism studies. The main
contribution to knowledge is represented by the model presented in Figure 7.1, which
synthesises the findings relating to the research objectives of the study based on a critical
review of the literature. These contributions to knowledge are discussed in more detail below.

While the ABS offered some descriptive data on outdoor adventure guides in regards to
gender, age, and workload, this study collected descriptive data about adventure tour leaders
which previously have not been gathered in regards to nationality; level of education and
training; relationship status; children; job type; job perception; type of activities; seasonality;
payment; commercial versus non-commercial employer; compensation; levels of difficulty;
and experience in the organisation and the industry. These descriptive data could be utilised as
a basis for comparison in future studies on adventure tour leaders employed within Australia
as well as in other countries.

The research findings demonstrated that adventure tour leaders’ frequent use of deep acting
on the job had a positive effect on their job satisfaction, which was very high. Surface acting,
on the other hand, was only occasionally applied by adventure tour leaders on the job and was
not related to their job satisfaction. Adventure tour leaders’ use of deep acting in favour of
surface acting was concomitant with developing a close and somewhat personal relationship
with their clients due to the risky and intense nature of adventure tour leading (Arnould &
Price 1993; Sharpe 2005a). This knowledge is important for scholars within the field of
tourism studies as adventure tour leaders’ levels of deep acting, surface acting, and job
satisfaction are likely to be different from what tourism workers in other occupational
contexts experience, where the employee–client relationships may be more ‘superficial’ and
predictable in nature. For example, in cases where employees’ levels of job satisfaction and

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deep acting are low, and where their levels of surface acting are high, researchers may be able
to explain this pattern by referring to the OHS risks of burnout and low levels of job
satisfaction that are linked with the performance of surface acting.

Although research on other occupational groups than adventure tour leaders has found that
deep acting has a positive effect on employees’ job satisfaction (Ibanez-Rafuse 2010; Ozturk,
Karayel & Nasoz 2008; Sheetal 2010), this research has generally attributed the positive
effect of deep acting to a feeling of achievement that results from being able to successfully
manage one’s emotions (Sharpe 2005a) and a sense of authenticity of self stemming from the
low emotional dissonance associated with this form of emotional labour (Diefendorff, Croyle
& Gosserand 2005; Grayson 1998; Kruml & Geddes 2000; Zammuner & Galli 2005). In this
regard, the interview findings of this study created a more nuanced picture. More specifically,
the interview findings of this study showed that deep acting can also lead to negative feelings
of emotional exhaustion and frustration and that it is too simplistic to assume that deep acting
comes at no cost for employees. Further, while surface acting has been shown to have a
negative effect on employees’ job satisfaction (Bono & Vey 2005; Grandey 2000; Hochschild
1983; Judge, Woolf & Hurst 2009), this performance of surface acting has generally been
linked with negative feelings of emotional exhaustion and frustration along with a sense of
inauthenticity of self due to high emotional dissonance (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993;
Hochschild 1983; Van Dijk & Brown 2006; Van Dijk & Kirk-Brown 2007). Again, the
interview findings of this study generated a more nuanced picture by suggesting that surface
acting can also lead to a positive feeling of achievement in employees. It follows that the
contributions to knowledge that have arisen from this study in regards to how deep acting and
surface acting contribute to the emotional states of adventure tour leaders, will be important
for researchers to bear in mind if they are conducting purely quantitative research in the
future, which may not tell the whole story and could lead to incomplete conclusions being
made.

Regarding the situations in which adventure tour leaders applied emotional labour, only one
researcher had examined this topic in some detail before. Sharpe (2005a), however, did not
distinguish between surface acting and deep acting when identifying situations in which
adventure tour leaders in her study performed emotional labour. Thus, the findings derived
from this thesis, which identified the particular situations in which adventure tour leaders
performed surface acting and deep acting on the job, represent an original contribution to
knowledge within the study of adventure tourism in the specific occupational context of

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adventure tour leading. This contribution to knowledge is important given the differential
effects of surface acting and deep acting on adventure tour leaders’ job satisfaction as well as
on client safety.

No previous research has been conducted that examines the relationships between the
emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders in terms of gender. Hence, the
finding that there were no significant gender differences in regards to the variables of deep
acting, surface acting, and job satisfaction represents an original contribution to the literature,
which is important because it puts the focus on adventure tour leaders as individuals instead
of viewing them in terms of assumptions based on gender categories.

Finally, this study is the first to synthesise Burke and Stets’ (2009) identity theory with the
concept of emotional labour into one theoretical model where emotional labour is envisaged
as a continuum (see Figure 6.2). In regards to this emotional labour continuum, this study
provides some evidence supporting this notion since some adventure tour leaders found the
border between surface acting and deep acting to be indistinct. Consequently, this study
supports research conducted by Blau et al. (2010) and Brotheridge and Lee (2002) in which
the authors argue that an emotional labour continuum does, in fact, exist. The existence of
such a continuum may have implications for how emotional labour is measured in the future
in that surface acting and deep acting may be measured as a continuum rather than as clear-
cut categories. Furthermore, the relationship between deep acting and the verification of
adventure tour leaders’ person identities contributes to an enhanced understanding of how
organisations can obtain an optimal person-organisation fit of existing and future employees.
Thus, the theoretical model presented in Figure 6.2 represents an original contribution to the
academic literature within the field of tourism studies, although it is also possible that the
model may be applicable to other fields of study.

7.9 Implications for Practice


This study has practical implications for the way adventure tour operators manage their
human resources. Since deep acting, unlike surface acting, has a positive effect on adventure
tour leaders’ job satisfaction, HRM programs that emphasise the fostering of deep acting
skills could prove to be helpful when it comes to maintaining a high level of job satisfaction
and preventing burnout of adventure tour leaders in the future. This emphasis on deep acting,
then, could help to retain adventure tour leaders in the organisation and occupation. Some
ways to achieve this could be to provide training for emotional competence (Anderson 1993;

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Brotheridge 2006b; Grandey 2003); to include an item that measures workers’ emotional
labour skills in performance appraisals (Hsieh & Guy 2009); and to apply emotional
intelligence (ability and/or trait) tests, such as the Mayer-Salovey-Caruso Emotional
Intelligence Test (MSCEIT) (Mayer, Salovey & Caruso 2000), in selection processes
(Holland et al. 2007). The appliction of emotional intelligence tests in particular could be
useful for adventure tour operators when selecting the right person for the job since
emotionally intelligent people tend to choose deep acting as the method of expressing
expected emotions in interpersonal interactions (Brotheridge 2006a; Brotheridge & Lee
2002).

Since deep acting is proactive and surface acting is reactive, promoting deep acting rather
than surface acting in training programs could help to maximise the physical safety of
adventure tour leaders and their clients during adventure tours. In addition, deep acting
represents the better option due to the OHS risk of employees experiencing burnout and low
levels of job satisfaction as a result of largely performing surface acting. Indeed, the provision
of training in deep acting skills could help to prevent burnout in employees (Anderson 1993;
Brotheridge 2006a; Grandey 2003). Furthermore, employees who receive training in deep
acting skills tend to perform more deep acting on the job (Kruml & Geddes 2000). Many
adventure tour leaders applied surface acting as an emotional labour strategy in risk
management situations and some adventure tour leaders performed surface acting in situations
that required them to create enthusiasm or deal with difficult clients, and this finding might
need to be taken into consideration when constructing emotional competence training
programs that foster deep acting skills. In this connection, one useful idea could be to build on
how adventure tour leaders who performed deep acting in the above-mentioned situations
went about this and, subsequently, use this information to develop a sensible training program
for emotional competence. For example, the findings of this study showed that adventure tour
leaders applied the deep acting techniques of cognitive change, rationalisation, and underlying
motivation in interactions with clients. These techniques, together with other deep acting
techniques that were not reported in this study such as attentional deployment, imagery, and
mantras, could be explored as the foundation for developing deep acting training programs.

While it is possible to develop training programs that focus solely on enhancing adventure
tour leaders’ deep acting skills, it could also be fruitful to integrate this type of training into
existing training programs that may be offered to employees, such as advanced first aid
training, risk management training, and technical skills training. Thus, adventure tour

224
operators could benefit from conducting a training needs analysis (Piskurich 2003) in regards
to emotional competence because employees’ experience and skills levels as well as the
training offered by each individual organisation will vary.

It should be noted, however, that a training program focusing on deep acting skills might also
need to pay attention to this study’s finding that many adventure tour leaders, in addition to
feeling a sense of achievement after performing deep acting, felt drained at the end of the day.
Given this feeling of being drained, one suggestion for adventure tour operators might be to
find some ways, in addition to training, to alleviate the levels of emotional exhaustion and
frustration for adventure tour leaders – by, for instance, providing flexible work
arrangements; breaks during and between tours; sessions for debriefing and feedback in
relation to critical incidents; social gatherings to share experiences and unwind; mentoring;
counselling; and alternate staff between different types of jobs, tours, client groups and/or
activities (i.e. job design methods like job enlargement, job enrichment, and job rotation)
(McShane & Travaglione 2005).

Since there were no statistically significant differences between male and female adventure
tour leaders regarding the way they manage their emotions on the job, the above-mentioned
HRM initiatives do not necessarily need to include differential approaches based on
employees’ gender. Instead, it is important to consider each adventure tour leader’s individual
needs and how these could be accommodated for in regards to the specific requirements of the
job role.

In regards to adventure tour leaders’ comprehension of their identity construction, adventure


tour operators could benefit from recruiting and selecting adventure tour leaders who possess
a blend of identities that closely align with the ‘identity’ of the organisation (i.e. an optimal
organisational fit). One way this could be done is by clarifying organisational values and
specific job requirements to job candidates so that they are well informed to make a decision
as to whether their person identities fit with the respective job and organisation (Alvesson
2002; McShane & Travaglione 2005). In addition, adventure tour operators could ensure that
any emotional competence training that is offered to existing adventure tour leaders facilitates
the verification of person identities and the internalising of role and social identities.

Moreover, since both the employer and employees in a work relationship could potentially
exploit each other (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Du Gay 1996), it

225
is crucial for adventure tour operators to negotiate suitable psychological contracts with
adventure tour leaders. A psychological contract refers to employees’ beliefs about the terms
and conditions of a reciprocal exchange agreement between the employer and themselves
(McShane & Travaglione 2005). Sensible employment agreements have the potential to create
a mutual relation of trust between adventure tour operators and adventure tour leaders which,
in turn, could have a positive effect on job satisfaction, employee retention, client satisfaction,
and future success of the adventure tourism industry.

7.10 Limitations and Avenues for Future Research


This study has some limitations that need to be considered. It is conceded that the scales that
were used to measure surface acting and deep acting in this study might represent a somewhat
narrow view of what potentially are complex constructs. As was discussed earlier in the
thesis, the distinction between surface acting and deep acting is most likely better represented
as a continuum rather than as clear-cut categories from a longitudinal perspective. Still, it
made sense to examine surface acting and deep acting separately rather than as a continuum in
this study given the differential effects that surface acting and deep acting have on employee
outcomes, such as job satisfaction and burnout (Ashforth & Tomiuk 2000; Brotheridge & Lee
2003).

The quantitative data from this study were derived entirely from self-report questionnaires,
with associated risks of social desirability bias (participants report what they think the
researcher wants to hear) and mono method bias (participants are more concerned about being
consistent than accurate in their answers) (Neuman 2006). In addition, the purposive sampling
technique of this study meant that the participants who responded to the survey may not have
been representative of the whole population (Neuman 2006). Indeed, the research reported in
this thesis may only be applicable to adventure tour leaders as defined in Chapter One.
However, some of the research findings and implications may be applicable to tour leaders
employed within other areas of the tourism industry (e.g. sightseeing, culture and heritage,
museums, wining and dining, and zoos), to adventure tour leaders employed outside of
Australia, as well as other employees within the tourism industry. Given that adventure
organisations were approached instead of contacting adventure tour leaders directly due to
privacy issues, it was not possible to calculate a traditional response rate in regards to the
survey. This distribution process of the survey meant that non-response bias could not be
assessed. Thus, it is unknown whether the views of adventure tour leaders who did not
participate in the survey differed significantly from the ones who did.

226
Every attempt was made to ensure the trustworthiness of the qualitative data drawn from the
interviews through the use of triangulation and peer debriefing. However, it is acknowledged
that the application of additional techniques, such as member checks and prolonged
engagement (Teddlie & Tashakkori 2009), might have further strengthened the
trustworthiness of the qualitative data. Additionally, whilst the researcher attempted to
establish a level of trust between herself and the interview participants by highlighting the
confidentiality of the research, it is unknown whether all interview participants
unconditionally felt comfortable to share information with her about their performance of
emotional labour on the job. Follow-up probes were used in the interviews in order to clarify
and ask for more details relating to the topics under investigation. Still, it is possible that some
participants may have provided more information in a face-to-face situation than via e-mail
given the time delay between the interviews and probes that is associated with asynchronous
e-mail interviews.

While this study focused on the effects of deep acting and surface acting on the job
satisfaction of adventure tour leaders, it is recognised that a variety of other factors could have
an effect on job satisfaction (see Figure 2.7 in Chapter Two), which could be incorporated
into future studies. It is also acknowledged that employees, in addition to performing surface
acting or deep acting, have the option of displaying their genuine emotions during interaction
with their clients (Ashforth & Humphrey 1993; Martinez-Inigo et al. 2007). This was not
examined in any detail in this study because genuine emotion display was, by definition, not
considered as emotional labour (which was the main focus of this study) since it does not
involve any acting or emotional dissonance. Hence, future research could benefit from the
inclusion of genuine emotion display as a factor alongside emotional labour that could impact
on the job satisfaction of adventure tour leaders. Such research could be useful because, even
though genuine emotion may not be considered as a dimension of emotional labour, it may
still have positive or negative effects on employees’ job satisfaction.

Another avenue for future research could be to explore how adventure tour leaders’
preference for deep acting as an emotional labour strategy may relate to different types of
skills (e.g. hard skills and soft skills) as well as to different types of leadership styles (e.g. task
orientation and relationship orientation). As pointed out by Humphrey, Pollack, and Hawver
(2008), the relationship between emotional labour and different leadership styles is a fruitful
topic where more research could prove to be beneficial to workers as well as employers. It

227
could also be interesting to investigate whether adventure tour leaders’ levels of deep acting
align with the levels of deep acting of top level managers in larger sized adventure
organisations. It may well be that a large discrepancy between adventure tour leaders and their
managers’ levels of deep acting could cause trouble in relation to client service due to
different views of how emotions should be managed on the job. In regards to deep acting, one
area of future study could be to examine whether or not the performance of different
techniques of deep acting (i.e. cognitive change, rationalisation, underlying motivation,
attentional deployment, imagery, and mantras) have differential effects on adventure tour
leaders’ job satisfaction. Moreover, more research is needed to unravel the relationship
between cognitive dissonance and emotional dissonance given Van Dijk and Kirk-Brown’s
(2007) suggestion that emotional dissonance may be a misnomer that merely corresponds to
the affective consequences of cognitive dissonance. It could also be useful to examine the
emotional labour of adventure tour leaders through a ‘performativity’ lens – that is, examining
adventure as a performed kinaesthetic experience from an anthropological and geographical
perspective (see, for example, Cater & Cloke 2007).

Given the relative paucity of descriptive data relating to adventure tour leaders, future studies
could gain from collecting more descriptive data about adventure tour leaders which could
then be compared to the profile of adventure tour leaders that was developed in this study.
This is important in order to obtain an understanding of the various characteristics of
adventure tour leaders employed within Australia. Moreover, while this study managed to
identify some situations in which adventure tour leaders applied surface acting and deep
acting, more research is required to examine why adventure tour leaders perform one type of
emotional labour or the other in these particular situations. In addition, the results from this
thesis relating to the particular situations in which adventure tour leaders performed surface
acting and deep acting may be used as a foundation for creating a quantitative measure of
these variables in a future study. It could also be interesting to explore in more detail what
types of experience and training adventure tour leaders have previously received that
incorporated the management of their emotions on the job and what impact this could have on
their performance of emotional labour.

In regards to the emotional labour continuum, more longitudinal research is needed to explore
how, exactly, surface acting might shift into deep acting and, later, into genuine emotion
display. One variable that may be particularly interesting to examine in this regard is

228
experience, as it was proposed that experienced adventure tour leaders are more likely to
perform deep acting than surface acting on the job. Adventure tour leaders’ experience was
measured in this study in terms of how many years they had been working for their current
employer and in the adventure tourism industry. Due to there being a large number of
subsamples (see Appendix 7), in combination with an overall sample size of 137 adventure
tour leaders, statistical tests did not engender enough power for the results to be reliable.
Thus, future studies could include a larger sample size of adventure tour leaders in order to
examine the effect that experience may have on leaders’ performance of emotional labour.
More research is also required in order to confirm the relationship between emotional labour
and identity that was proposed in this study since it is not clear whether the emotional
dissonance and feeling of inauthenticity of self that arise as a result of surface acting is the
same as or different from the emotional dissonance and feeling of self-inauthenticity that arise
from person non-verification. Additionally, future research could explore what the
consequences may be for employees’ performance of emotional labour if their person
identities are verified, but not their social and/or role identities (i.e. they are behaving in
accordance with their ‘real’ selves but not in accordance with people in the organisation or
their job role).

Furthermore, this study suggested that the reasons as to why there were no statistically
significant differences in regards to adventure tour leaders’ gender when it came to surface
acting, deep acting, job satisfaction, or the effect of surface acting and deep acting on job
satisfaction could be that male adventure tour leaders may be just as competent at managing
their emotions as female adventure tour leaders. However, future studies could benefit from
including a quantitative measure of emotional intelligence (ability and/or trait) in order to
provide further support for this suggestion. Future research could also explore whether there
might be other explanations than the ones provided in this thesis as to why there were no
gender differences among adventure tour leaders relative to their choice of emotional labour
strategy and job satisfaction. More research is also needed in order to confirm whether
adventure tour leaders really are androgynous, as proposed in this study, or whether they
possess other gender role orientations. Such research could, for example, measure adventure
tour leaders’ gender role orientation quantitatively by using an instrument such as the BSRI
(Bem 1974). Another interesting area for future research could be to measure the gender role
orientation of clients and employers and then compare this to adventure tour leaders’ gender
role orientations so as to identify potential gender role conflicts and explore how such
conflicts could be resolved.

229
Chapter Seven has provided a summary of the key findings derived from this study, which
examined the relationships between emotional labour and job satisfaction of adventure tour
leaders employed within Australia. More specifically, this chapter offered a summary of the
findings relating to the research objectives presented in Chapter One and a synthesis which
showed how these research objectives collectively addressed the overall aim of the thesis.
This chapter also discussed the theoretical and practical implications of the research.
Furthermore, this chapter acknowledged the limitations of the research and proposed avenues
for future research.

This thesis has contributed to a better understanding of how adventure tour leaders’
performance of emotional labour could impact on their job satisfaction. The study’s findings
represent an original contribution to knowledge within the specific occupational context of
adventure tour leading, which is located within the area of adventure tourism. The knowledge
generated from this study also has applied implications for how adventure tour operators
manage their human resources so as to maximise the satisfaction and safety of clients as well
as employees. Given that employment for adventure tour leaders to 2014–2015 is expected to
grow strongly (DEEWR 2009/2010), further research is important in order to address a
variety of issues relating to this occupation. This research will hopefully serve as a foundation
for future studies which aim to explore the emotionally demanding and rewarding occupation
of adventure tour leading.

230
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Appendix 1 Survey Invitation

Dear *Name of person and/or organisation*,

Please consider my invitation for adventure leaders that work at *Name of organisation* to
participate in research relating to my PhD study at Southern Cross University.

My invitation has been sent to you in a separate e-mail and contains more information about
my research. I would truly appreciate it if you could forward this invitation via e-mail to all of
your adventure leaders with a recommendation that they read the information provided to
decide if they would like to participate in my study.

If you have any questions or are unable to forward my invitation via e-mail to your adventure
leaders, please get in touch with me at your earliest convenience for alternative arrangements.
For example, I would be more than happy to provide you with hard copies of my
questionnaires (including pre-paid return envelopes) if this is more convenient for you.

My study is strictly non-commercial and is based on a strong passion for adventure and the
outdoors. When I am not doing my PhD, I often go bushwalking or kayaking and spend as
much time in the outdoors as I can.

In advance, thank you very much for your valuable time.

Kind regards,
Monica Torland
Monica Torland

PhD Candidate
School of Tourism and Hospitality Management
Southern Cross University
Lismore Campus

261
Are you an ADVENTURE LEADER working in a commercial or non-
profit adventure organisation?

 Do you lead one or more of the following outdoor adventure activities?


- Abseiling (natural surfaces)
- Canyoning (natural canyons)
- Adventure caving (non-developed natural caves)
- Hiking/bushwalking (walks of 2 kms or more in natural environments)
- Rock climbing (natural surfaces)
- Mountain biking (unsealed tracks)
- River rafting (natural rivers)
- Canoeing (sea, river, lake)
- Kayaking (sea, river, lake)

 Is your adventure organisation located (or have an office) in Australia and provide
adventure tours/trips/courses within Australia?

 Does your adventure organisation cater for tourists and/or recreationists, including one
or more of the following client groups?
- Corporate groups
- Sporting clubs
- Leisure groups
- Family and friends
- Couples
- Individuals
(Outdoor education organisations catering for students only are not included in my study)

If you answered YES to all of the questions above… you are exactly the person I am looking
for! I would like to invite you to participate in the first study of its kind in Australia within
the field of adventure tourism/recreation.

My name is Monica Torland. I am currently doing a PhD at the School


of Tourism and Hospitality Management, Southern Cross University,
Lismore.

The title of my PhD is:

An Examination of the Relationships between Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction of


Adventure Tour Leaders.

In brief, my study looks at the role of your emotions in your job and its impact on job
satisfaction for people just like you - adventure leaders. I would be interested in asking you
some questions about your job as an adventure leader and how you feel about doing this type
of work.

I know how busy you are with work and other commitments – however, I would be extremely
grateful if you could offer a few moments of your valuable time to complete my on-line
survey. Your participation in this survey is important because it could help to improve

262
conditions for you and other adventure leaders who work in the Australian adventure
tourism/recreation industry.

Please assist my study by filling out my questionnaire, which can be accessed by


clicking on the following link:

http://www.surveymonkey.com/s.aspx?sm=j8hlBCChDBJWy2HCJXBKeg_3d_
3d
The questionnaire will take about 15 minutes to complete. It is easy to fill out – just follow the
provided prompts and submit your completed questionnaire on-line. The survey will only be
available on-line until 15 January 2010 (inclusive), so if possible I would appreciate your
response before this date.

Thank you very much for your contribution! 

263
Appendix 2 Survey Questionnaire

WHO CAN PARTICIPATE IN THIS SURVEY?

This survey is for people working as ADVENTURE LEADERS in adventure organisations WITHIN
AUSTRALIA.

If you have not received an invitation to participate in the survey, please contact the researcher
(see contact details below) to obtain more information about the research and to find out if you
suit the criteria of participating in the survey.

INSTRUCTIONS

This is a chance for you to consider how you feel about yourself and your job as an adventure
leader. This is not a test – there are no right or wrong answers and everyone will have different
responses. Some questions may seem a bit similar – however, they are all important for the
outcomes of the survey.

The survey is anonymous and no information given in the questionnaire will be made public in
any form that could identify you or the organisation you work for. If you wish to obtain feedback
about any part of this study, please contact me or, alternatively, the research results can be
accessed at the Southern Cross University Library at a later stage. Participation in all parts of this
study is strictly voluntary and your confidentiality is assured. If you decide to participate, you are
free to withdraw and to discontinue participation at any time. Should you decide to withdraw from
the study, the information collected from you will be destroyed. No risk above the risks of
everyday living is envisaged if you choose to participate in the study.

My research is being conducted under the supervision of Associate Professor Kevin Markwell,
who is a member of Southern Cross University’s School of Tourism and Hospitality Management.
If any issues or questions are raised as a result of your participation in this research, please
contact Kevin Markwell (Telephone [02] 6620 3922; E-mail: kevin.markwell@scu.edu.au) or the
researcher:

Monica Torland
School of Tourism and Hospitality Management
Southern Cross University
Course: Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Telephone: [02] 6620 3709
E-mail: monica.torland@scu.edu.au

The ethical aspects of this study have been approved by the Southern Cross University’s Ethics
Committee (HREC). The approval number is ECN-09-100.

If you have any complaints or reservations about any ethical aspect of this research, write to:

The Ethics Complaints Officer


Southern Cross University
Po. Box 157
Lismore NSW 2480
sue.kelly@scu.edu.au

Any complaint you make will be treated in confidence and investigated, and you will be informed
of the outcome.

THANK YOU FOR YOUR PARTICIPATION IN THIS SURVEY :-)

264
Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders

Please Note before Starting the Survey

 If you currently work as an adventure leader in more than one organisation, please fill out
this survey focusing on the job that you are most involved in time wise.
 The term ‘adventure leader’ is used throughout the survey and also encompasses people
who work as adventure guides and adventure instructors.
 The term ‘adventure tour’ is used throughout the survey and also includes adventure trips
and adventure courses.

Thank you for your participation in this survey!

1. Your engagement in the adventure organisation where you currently work as


an adventure leader could be classified as (you can tick more than one box):

Standard employment

Volunteer work

Internship

Traineeship/apprenticeship

Other, please list ________________________

2. You look at your engagement as an adventure leader in this adventure


organisation as being:

A job

A hobby/leisure activity

Other, please list ________________________

3. Your engagement in this adventure organisation is:

Full-time and permanent

Part-time and permanent

Full-time and non-permanent/contract

Part-time and non-permanent/contract

Casual

265
4. What type of adventure activity/ies do you lead for this adventure
organisation? (you can tick more than one box)

Canyoning

Abseiling

Rock Climbing

Adventure Caving

Bushwalking

Mountain Biking

River Rafting

Canoeing

Kayaking

Other, please list _____________________

5. What type of adventure activity do you lead MOST OFTEN for this adventure
organisation? (tick one box only)

Canyoning

Abseiling

Rock Climbing

Adventure Caving

Bushwalking

Mountain Biking

River Rafting

Canoeing

Kayaking

Other, please list _____________________

6. Your work as an adventure leader in this adventure organisation is:

Seasonal

All-year-round

7. Your work as an adventure leader in this adventure organisation is:

Paid

Not paid

8. The adventure organisation you currently work for is:

Commercial (for profit)

Non-commercial (not for profit)

266
9. Do you receive any other type of compensation for your work in this
adventure organisation (e.g. free accommodation, food, use of equipment etc)?

Yes
If yes, please list type of compensations
________________________________________________________________________

No

10. The level of difficulty of the adventure tours that you are leading for this
adventure organisation could be classified as (you can tick more than one box):

Easy/beginner (no previous experience required from clients)

Medium/intermediate (some previous experience required from clients)

Hard/advanced (extensive previous experience required from clients)

11. What type of adventure tours do you lead MOST OFTEN for this adventure
organisation? (tick one box only):

Easy/beginner (no previous experience required from clients)

Medium/intermediate (some previous experience required from clients)

Hard/advanced (extensive previous experience required from clients)

12. How long have you been working as an adventure leader in the adventure
organisation where you currently work?

Years

Months

13. How long have you been working as an adventure leader in the adventure
tourism/recreation industry?

Years

Months

14. Sex

Female

Male

15. How old are you?

18-19

20-24

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

267
55-59

60-64

65 or over

16. What is your nationality?

17. Relationship status

Single

In a steady relationship

Living with partner/de-facto

Married

Other, please list ___________________________________________

18. Do you have any children currently living at home with you?

Yes

If yes, how many?

No

19. What is the HIGHEST level of education you have completed? (Please tick
the HIGHEST level you have completed)

Postgraduate degree

Graduate diploma/Graduate certificate

Bachelor degree

Advanced diploma/Diploma

Certificate III/IV

Certificate I/II

Other certificate

Other study, please list _____________________

Year 12

Year 11

Year 10

Year 9 or below

268
20. Many jobs require their workers to display particular emotions when
interacting with their clients, such as being friendly towards particularly
demanding clients or staying calm in risky situations (e.g. height exposure,
extreme weather conditions, sick or injured clients).

Below are nine statements relating to how you interact with your clients in your
present job as an adventure leader. Please select the number for each
statement that, on an average day of work, best describes how frequently you
perform the following interpersonal behaviours:
3
1 (Never) 2 (Rarely) 4 (Often) 5 (Always)
(Sometimes)
I make an effort to
actually feel the
emotions that I need to
display to my clients
I hide my true feelings
about a situation
I really try to feel the
emotions I have to
show as part of my job
I resist expressing my
true feelings
I pretend to have
emotions that I don't
really have
I try to actually
experience the
emotions that I must
show

21. Some jobs are more interesting and satisfying than others. This question
contains eighteen statements about jobs. Please tick the number for each
statement which best describes how you feel about your present job as an
adventure leader.
1 (Strongly 5 (Strongly
2 (Disagree) 3 (Undecided) 4 (Agree)
disagree) agree)
My job is like a hobby to
me
My job is usually
interesting enough to
keep me from getting
bored
It seems that my
friends are more
interested in their jobs
than I am in my job
I consider my job
rather unpleasant
I enjoy my work more
than my leisure time
I am often bored with
my job
I feel fairly well
satisfied with my
present job
Most of the time I have
to force myself to go to
work
I am satisfied with my
job for the time being
I feel that my job is no
more interesting than
others I could get
I definitely dislike my
work

269
1 (Strongly 5 (Strongly
2 (Disagree) 3 (Undecided) 4 (Agree)
disagree) agree)
I feel that I am happier
in my work than most
other people
Most days I am
enthusiastic about my
work
Each day of work seems
like it will never end
I like my job better
than the average
worker does
My job is pretty
uninteresting
I find real enjoyment in
my work
I am disappointed I
ever took this job

22. WOULD YOU LIKE TO PARTICIPATE IN THE NEXT EXCITING


STEP OF THIS ADVENTUROUS STUDY?

I would truly appreciate your further participation in the form of a


confidential interview conducted face-to-face or over the phone. I
am interested in your opinions on how to improve conditions for
adventure leaders in relation to the energy and emotion you invest
into your jobs. This is your opportunity to make a difference for
yourself as well as your colleagues! So why not provide your
contact details below, and I will get in touch with you at a later
stage (early 2010) with further information.

Surname

Given Name

E-mail
Phone
Number
Name of
Adventure
Organisation

270
ALTERNATIVELY, you could send me an e-mail with the
same contact details as requested above.

My e-mail address is: monica.torland@scu.edu.au

THANK YOU FOR YOUR VALUABLE TIME! :-)

271
Appendix 3 E-mail
Interviews Instead of Face-
to-Face Interviews Inquiry

Dear *Name of person*

First of all, THANK YOU so much for filling out my on-line survey some time ago in relation
to my PhD study where I am examining how to improve conditions for adventure leaders in
relation to the energy and emotion you invest into your jobs. Your contribution has been
extremely valuable and I am currently analysing the survey data as well as working to create a
list of questions to be used in upcoming interviews.

Second, THANK YOU for signing up to participate in a confidential interview in the next
exciting step of my study. I am very thrilled to see that so many adventure tour leaders have
shown genuine interest for my research by signing up for interviews – in fact, the number (97)
has exceeded all expectations!

Hence, given the time restrictions of my PhD study, along with the fact that I am interested in
the opinions of each single one of you in relation to your job as an adventure leader, I have
made some changes to the format of the interviews. Instead of conducting the interviews face-
to-face or over the phone, I would very much like to conduct the interviews via e-mail
communication, if possible. This will give you the opportunity to answer my questions at a
time that is convenient for you, and you will have time to think about and look over your
responses before e-mailing them back to me. Of course, you can contact me at any time if
there is something that is unclear or questions that you don’t understand. Similarly, I would be
very happy if you’d allow me to e-mail you back if there are some of your responses I don’t
understand or that I might like you to expand on. The interviews will commence in about 1-2
months time (April/May 2010). At this time, you will receive an e-mail from me with the
interview questions.

Now that you have some more details about the interview process, I would truly appreciate it
if you could please get back to me in regards to the following:

a) Are you still interested in sharing your valuable viewpoints as an adventure tour leader
by participating in an interview?
b) Are you ok with the interview being conducted via e-mail communication?

Thank you very much for your time!

Kind regards,
Monica Torland

Phd Candidate
School of Tourism and Hospitality Management
Southern Cross University

272
Appendix 4 Interviews
Invitation

Dear *first name*,


Some time ago you completed an on-line survey, which considered the role of emotions in your job as
an adventure leader. THANK YOU very much for that - your contribution has been extremely
valuable in relation to my PhD research study  You also agreed to take part in an interview to share
your valuable viewpoints and experiences as an adventure leader. This interview will be conducted via
e-mail communication and considers the issues that arose in the on-line survey in more depth. Please
read the following guidelines and, if you are still happy to take part in the interview, please reply to
this e-mail accordingly. If possible, I would appreciate your response before 30 June 2010. I have
attached an information sheet in a Microsoft Word document called ‘Info Sheet’ with further
information about my study.

Interview Guidelines
1. The e-mail interview questions are attached to this e-mail in a Microsoft Word document called
‘Interview Qs’. Please open the document and save it to your own computer before typing your
responses. In this way you are able to save your responses as you go, and do not risk losing your
data midway typing.

2. You will be asked four in depth questions in the e-mail interview. Each question may be followed
up by supplementary questions in a further e-mail from me if there are aspects of your answers I
don’t understand or that I would like you to expand on.

3. It is recommended that you think carefully about each question before providing your answer. A
sensible approach could be to fill out the answers over two or more days in order to provide
detailed, in depth, and well thought through responses.

4. If any of the questions in the e-mail interview does not apply to you, please write N/A and provide
a short explanation as to why it does not apply to you.

5. If there is anything in this e-mail or the e-mail interview that is unclear or that you need a further
explanation to before filling out your responses, please do not hesitate to e-mail me your
questions/enquiries. I will get back to you at my earliest convenience.

6. When you are happy with your typed up answers, please attach your completed e-mail
interview document to this e-mail and return it to me (you can use the ‘reply’ button).

Thank you very much for your contribution! 

Kind regards,
Monica Torland

PhD Candidate
School of Tourism and Hospitality Management
Southern Cross University

273
Appendix 5 Interviews
Information Sheet

PhD Study on Adventure Leaders


Information Sheet

My name is Monica Torland. I am currently doing a PhD at the School of


Tourism and Hospitality Management, Southern Cross University, Lismore.

The title of my PhD is: An Examination of the Relationships between


Emotional Labour and Job Satisfaction of Adventure Tour Leaders.

In brief, my study looks at the role of your emotions in your job and its impact on job satisfaction for
people just like you - adventure leaders. I would be interested in asking you some more in depth
questions about your job as an adventure leader and how you feel about doing this type of work. Your
participation in this e-mail interview is important because it could help to improve conditions for you
and other adventure leaders who work in the Australian adventure tourism/recreation industry.

The e-mail interview is anonymous and no information provided by you will be made public in any
form that could identify you or the organisation you work for. By filling out your answers and
returning them via e-mail to me you understand that you are consenting to take part in this next step of
my PhD study. If you wish to obtain feedback about any part of this study, please contact me or,
alternatively, the research results can be accessed at the Southern Cross University Library at a later
stage. Participation in all parts of this study is strictly voluntary and your confidentiality is assured. If
you decide to participate, you are free to withdraw and to discontinue participation at any time. Should
you decide to withdraw from the study, the information collected from you will be destroyed. No risk
above the risks of everyday living is envisaged if you choose to participate in the study.

My research is being conducted under the supervision of Associate Professor Kevin Markwell, who is
a member of Southern Cross University’s School of Tourism and Hospitality Management. If any
issues or questions are raised as a result of your participation in this research, please contact Kevin
Markwell (Telephone [02] 6620 3922; E-mail: kevin.markwell@scu.edu.au) or the researcher:

Monica Torland
School of Tourism and Hospitality Management
Southern Cross University
Course: Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Telephone: [02] 6620 3709
E-mail: monica.torland@scu.edu.au

The ethical aspects of this study have been approved by the Southern Cross University’s Ethics
Committee (HREC). The approval number is ECN-09-100.

If you have any complaints or reservations about any ethical aspect of this research, write to:

The Ethics Complaints Officer


Southern Cross University
Po. Box 157
Lismore NSW 2480
sue.kelly@scu.edu.au

Any complaint you make will be treated in confidence and investigated, and you will be informed of
the outcome.

274
Appendix 6 Interviews
Questionnaire

Interview Questions

Below you will find four questions relating to you in your job as an
adventure leader. I would recommend that you think carefully about
your answer for each question before typing your responses using the
dotted lines provided. Please write as much as it takes to complete each
answer – the space left for each answer will adjust accordingly. Also,
please remember to save the document as you go. Good luck 

1. a) Sometimes, your genuine emotions may not automatically match up with the ones
required by your job as an adventure leader. Can you give some examples of specific
situations in your job as an adventure leader where you would manage your true
emotions so they align with the required emotions? (For example: you are required to
be empathetic towards a difficult client but initially feel annoyed, so you manage your
feeling of annoyance into empathy – which means that you do not feel annoyed with the
client anymore)

…………………………………………………………………………………………………...

b) At the end of the day, how does managing your emotions in this way make you
feel? (For example: it gives you a sense of accomplishment; it makes you feel drained; or
it makes you feel proud of yourself)

.......................................................................................................................................................

275
2. a) Other times, when your genuine emotions do not automatically match up with the
ones required by your job as an adventure leader, you may choose to suppress your
true emotions and display the required emotions (without really feeling the required
emotions). Can you give some examples of specific situations in your job as an
adventure leader where this might happen? (For example: one of your clients gets
bitten by a poisonous snake and you are required to be calm but initially feel scared, so
you suppress your feeling of fear and display a feeling of calmness instead – despite still
feeling anxious on the inside)

…………………………………………………………………………………………………...

b) At the end of the day, how does suppressing and displaying your emotions in this
way make you feel? (For example: it makes you feel like you’re deceiving your clients; it
gives you a feeling of success; or it makes you feel inauthentic)

…………………………………………………………………………………………………...

3. As an adventure leader it is important that you possess both ‘hard’ skills (e.g.
technical, safety and environmental skills) and ‘soft’ skills (e.g. communication skills,
giving emotional support, facilitating group dynamics). When applying these ‘hard’
and ‘soft’ skills in your job as an adventure leader, can you give some examples of
positive or negative comments made to you by your clients in relation to your
gender? (For example: your clients think it is nice with a male instructor who shows his
human side; or they feel well supported emotionally with a female leader; or they are
impressed that a female can teach rock climbing; or they feel safe with a male leader)

…………………………………………………………………………………………………...

4. As a person, do you believe that you have one core self; or do you believe that you
have many different personalities with each version of yourself being equally true as
any other (e.g. one ‘adventure leader’ persona, one ‘at home’ persona, etc.)? Why?

…………………………………………………………………………………………………...

If you have any other comments in relation to the emotions you invest
into your job as an adventure leader, please feel free to write them
down below.

…………………………………………………………………………………………………...

276
Appendix 7 Detailed Descriptive
Statistics of Sample
Gender

Table A1 Gender Frequencies


Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent Percent

Female 28 20.4 20.4 20.4

Male 109 79.6 79.6 100.0

Total 137 100.0 100.0

Figure A1 Gender Distributions

Age

Table A2 Age Frequencies


Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

18-19 2 1.5 1.5 1.5

20-24 11 8.0 8.0 9.5

25-29 16 11.7 11.7 21.2

30-34 16 11.7 11.7 32.8

35-39 14 10.2 10.2 43.1

40-44 24 17.5 17.5 60.6

45-49 14 10.2 10.2 70.8

50-54 15 10.9 10.9 81.8

55-59 10 7.3 7.3 89.1

60-64 9 6.6 6.6 95.6

65 or over 6 4.4 4.4 100.0

Total 137 100.0 100.0

277
Figure A2 Age Distributions

Nationality

Table A3 Nationality Frequencies


Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent Percent

Australia 116 84.7 84.7 84.7

UK 6 4.4 4.4 89.1

Dual 7 5.1 5.1 94.2

Other 8 5.8 5.8 100.0

Total 137 100.0 100.0

Figure A3 Nationality Distributions

278
Education and Training

Table A4 Education Frequencies

Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent Percent
Postgraduate degree 8 5.8 5.8 5.8

Graduate diploma/Graduate 22 16.1 16.1 21.9


certificate

Bachelor degree 32 23.4 23.4 45.3

Advanced diploma/Diploma 20 14.6 14.6 59.9

Certificate III/IV 20 14.6 14.6 74.5

Other certificate 4 2.9 2.9 77.4

Year 12 16 11.7 11.7 89.1

Year 11 3 2.2 2.2 91.2

Year 10 3 2.2 2.2 93.4

Year 9 or below 1 .7 .7 94.2

Other 8 5.8 5.8 100.0

Total 137 100.0 100.0

Figure A4 Education Distributions

279
Relationship Status

Table A5 Relationship Frequencies


Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent Percent

Single 32 23.4 23.4 23.4

In a steady 14 10.2 10.2 33.6


relationship

Living with 22 16.1 16.1 49.6


partner/de-facto

Married 62 45.3 45.3 94.9

Other 7 5.1 5.1 100.0

Total 137 100.0 100.0

Figure A5 Relationship Distributions

Children

Table A6 Children Living at Home


Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent Percent

Yes 51 37.2 38.1 38.1

No 83 60.6 61.9 100.0

Total (Question) 134 97.8 100.0

Missing 3 2.2

Total (Survey) 137 100.0

280
Figure A6 Number of Children

Job Type

Table A7 Job Type Frequencies


Responses

N Percent Percent of Cases

Standard employment 105 70.0% 76.6%

Volunteer work 13 8.7% 9.5%

Traineeship/Apprenticeship 2 1.3% 1.5%

Other 30 20.0% 21.9%

Total 150 100.0% 109.5%

The ‘Other’ job type category included:

- owner/self-employed/freelance (9 - lifestyle/my choice of vocation (2


responses); participants).
- owner and operator/manager (8
responses);
- owner and guide/leader (2 responses);
- owner, operator/manager and
guide/leader (2 responses);
- manager (2 responses);
- director (2 responses);
- director, operator/manager and
guide/leader (1 participant);
- owner, operator/manager and director
(1 participant);
- head guide (1 participant); and
281
Job Perception

Table A8 Job Perception Frequencies


Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent Percent

A job 75 54.7 54.7 54.7

A hobby/leisure 18 13.1 13.1 67.9


activity

Other 44 32.1 32.1 100.0

Total 137 100.0 100.0

Figure A7 Job Perception Distributions

Workload

Table A9 Workload Frequencies


Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent Percent

Full-time and permanent 63 46.0 46.0 46.0

Part-time and permanent 18 13.1 13.1 59.1

Full-time and non-permanent/contract 9 6.6 6.6 65.7

Part-time and non-permanent/contract 14 10.2 10.2 75.9

Casual 33 24.1 24.1 100.0

Total 137 100.0 100.0

282
Figure A8 Workload Distributions

Type of Activities

Table A10 Type of Activities


Responses

N Percent Percent of Cases

Canyoning 10 2.5% 7.3%

Abseiling 48 11.9% 35.0%

Rock Climbing 39 9.7% 28.5%

Adventure Caving 22 5.4% 16.1%

Bushwalking 94 23.3% 68.6%

Mountain Biking 37 9.2% 27.0%

River Rafting 19 4.7% 13.9%

Canoeing 40 9.9% 29.2%

Kayaking 55 13.6% 40.1%

Other 40 9.9% 29.2%

Total 404 100.0% 294.9%

283
The ‘Other’ category (9.9% of total responses) included the following 42 activities:

- archery - initiative/problem solving - snow climbing


- body boarding activities - snow craft
- camping/snow camping - motorcycle rental tours - snow shoeing
- coasteering - navigation - snowboarding
- cruise boat guiding - paintballing - solos
- cultural tours/aboriginal - photography - surf carnivals
cultural tours - quad biking - surf kayaking
- diving - remote area trekking - surf rafting
- expeditioning - river drifting/liloing - surfing
- fishing tours - river sledging - swimming/ocean swimming
- 4WDriving - sailing - teambuilding/leadership
- high altitude - sandboarding activities
trekking/mountaineering - search and rescue - trail running/adventure racing
- high/low rope course - sightseeing - wakeboarding
- horse riding - skiing - waterskiing
- snorkeling

Table A11 Most Frequent Activity Frequencies


Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Canyoning 1 .7 .7 .7

Abseiling 8 5.8 5.8 6.6

Rock Climbing 8 5.8 5.8 12.4

Adventure Caving 9 6.6 6.6 19.0

Bushwalking 51 37.2 37.2 56.2

Mountain Biking 9 6.6 6.6 62.8

River Rafting 4 2.9 2.9 65.7

Canoeing 6 4.4 4.4 70.1

Kayaking 25 18.2 18.2 88.3

Other 16 11.7 11.7 100.0

Total 137 100.0 100.0

284
Figure A9 Most Frequent Activity Distributions

Seasonality

Table A12 Seasonality Frequencies


Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent Percent

Seasonal 41 29.9 29.9 29.9

All-year-round 96 70.1 70.1 100.0

Total 137 100.0 100.0

Figure A10 Seasonality Distributions

285
Payment

Table A13 Payment Frequencies

Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Paid 123 89.8 89.8 89.8

Not paid 14 10.2 10.2 100.0

Total 137 100.0 100.0

Figure A11 Payment Distributions

Commercial versus Non-commercial Employer

Table A14 Commercial versus Non-Commercial Employer Frequencies

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Commercial (for 108 78.8 78.8 78.8


profit)

Non-commercial (not 29 21.2 21.2 100.0


for profit)

Total 137 100.0 100.0

286
Figure A12 Commercial versus Non-Commercial Employer Distributions

Payment and Commercial versus Non-commercial Employer

Table A15 Cross-tabulation Payment and Commercial versus Non-commercial


Employer

Commercial (for Non-commercial


profit) (not for profit)

Payment Paid Count 105 18 123

% of Total 76.6% 13.1% 89.8%

Not paid Count 3 11 14

% of Total 2.2% 8.0% 10.2%

Total Count 108 29 137

% of Total 78.8% 21.2% 100.0%

Compensation

Table A16 Compensation Frequencies

Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent Percent

Yes 84 61.3 61.3 61.3

No 53 38.7 38.7 100.0

Total 137 100.0 100.0

287
Figure A13 Compensation Distributions

The types of compensation mentioned by participants are listed below:

- access to vehicle/car
- accommodation
- camp allowance
- clothes/protective clothing
- discounted equipment/commission on some
products
- expedition costs fully covered
- expenses/flights/transport
- food
- fuel
- gear/equipment
- general perks
- living allowance
- not having to work in a town/city
- pleasure
- portion of electricity
- share of profits (business owner)
- sunglasses
- tickets to music festival
- training/professional support
- travel
- use of equipment/access to sites
- use of phones and internet
- write off against the business

288
Levels of Difficulty

Table A17 Levels of Difficulty


Responses
Percent of
N Percent Cases

Easy/beginner 113 44.1% 82.5%

Medium/intermediate 94 36.7% 68.6%

Hard/advanced 49 19.1% 35.8%

Total 256 100.0% 186.9%

Table A18 Most Frequent Level of Difficulty Frequencies


Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Easy/beginner 80 58.4 58.4 58.4

Medium/intermediate 49 35.8 35.8 94.2

Hard/advanced 8 5.8 5.8 100.0

Total 137 100.0 100.0

Figure A14 Most Frequent Level of Difficulty Distributions

289
Experience

Table A19 Years in Organisation Frequencies

Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent Percent

0-4 64 46.7 47.1 47.1

5-9 31 22.6 22.8 69.9

10-14 25 18.2 18.4 88.2

15-19 4 2.9 2.9 91.2

20-24 6 4.4 4.4 95.6

25-29 4 2.9 2.9 98.5

35-39 2 1.5 1.5 100.0

Total (Question) 136 99.3 100.0

Missing 1 7

Total (Survey) 137 100.0

Figure A15 Years in Organisation Distributions

290
Table A20 Years in Industry Frequencies

Valid Cumulative
Frequency Percent Percent Percent

0-4 33 24.1 24.4 24.4

5-9 35 25.5 25.9 50.4

10-14 26 19.0 19.3 69.6

15-19 14 10.2 10.4 80.0

20-24 12 8.8 8.9 88.9

25-29 7 5.1 5.2 94.1

30-34 4 2.9 3.0 97.0

35-39 3 2.2 2.2 99.3

40-44 1 .7 .7 100.0

Total (Question) 135 98.5 100.0

Missing 2 1.5

Total (Survey) 137 100.0

Figure A16 Years in Industry Distributions

291

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