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Material designs: Engineering cultures
and engineering states - Ireland 1650-1900
PATRICK CARROLL-BURKE
University of California, Davis
Materiality has proved one of the most difficult "objects" for social
science to theorize. In the early British social science movement, rep-
resented most clearly by the National Association for the Promotion of
Social Science (1857),1 materiality was a broad explanatory category,
encompassing all aspects of both the natural and built environment.
Informed by a seventeenth- and eighteenth-century discourse that linked
material conditions to moral and intellectual standards, many members
of the early social science movement viewed material "improvement"
as an important "agent" for advancing "civilization."2 In Marxist theory,
however, the material increasingly became confined to and made co-
terminous with "the economic," a concept made so abstract that it be-
came more a matter of theoretical "relations" than actual practices and
conditions.3 Culture, by definition, was not material. In the 1930s, Mar-
cel Mauss sought to advance a research agenda that would view the body
as a form of material culture, but the post-war period brought instead
increasingly abstract models of "systems" and "action." Culture, in this
context, was fundamentally psychological and, therefore, immaterial
(descriptively rather than normatively). The abstractions of structural
functionalism (now called the "old institutionalism") were countered
by American micro sociology, especially the symbolic interactionist
school. In this context, however, theorization of the material was muted
by an overarching concern with issues of "meaning," culture being sym-
bolic rather than material. While these literatures were in many respects
fundamentally at odds, all implicitly agreed that "material culture" was
a contradiction in terms. In more recent years, numerous "turns" -
linguistic, discursive, interpretive, cognitive, historical, social, and cul-
tural - have largely left the categorical distinction intact: the cultural
and material are mutually exclusive.
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mere land mass into a genuine state territory is a long and arduous
business, at the center of which in the modern period is a range of
scientific and engineering knowledges and practices.20 Before an ap-
preciation of such state craft is possible, we need to turn our attention
to the materiality itself. There we find great battles and controversies
over, for instance, the gauge of sanitary pipes or the design of sanitary
traps. The history of such practices and material culture is not in the
least peripheral to the formation of what we like to call modern states.
The material objects of the state country are land, bodies, and built
environment - materialities that serve as "boundary objects"24 be-
tween science and government. It is these materialities, their trans-
formation through scientifically informed practices at the level of the
state system (public health, education, police, public works), and the
ideas and discourses informing these practices (civility, design, im-
provement, control), that are the focus of this article. States must be
imagined, but they must also be built. They are no doubt, as Abrams
suggested, ideological constructions that mask the fragility and disor-
der of political subjection, but they are not the mere fictions he and
Miliband implied.25 The idea of the state, as Corrigan and Sayer show
in their work inspired by Abrams, is sustained through moral regula-
tions that are crucially practiced, routinized, and institutionalized.26
States do not have the strength or qualities they project, but nor are
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they easily re-imagined. The state, however, is more than this again. It
is, as Mukerji suggests, materially engineered across the land. As she
has demonstrated in the case of France, the formation of the modern
state demanded the transformation of a land-mass into a political
territory. Mukerji's analysis of the centrality of the knowledges and
technologies needed to achieve this, allowed her to recognize the pro-
found extent to which modern state formation was "as much an engi-
neering feat as a political one."27 Once built, states must be constantly
maintained and upgraded. This built environment, in the broadest
sense, becomes an agent of order and change in and of itself.
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81
The linking together of culture and civility, on the one hand, and wild-
ness and wilderness, on the other, and also their paired opposition
were not new in the seventeenth century.30 As Joep Leerssen has
shown, this equation was articulated in relation to Ireland as early as
the twelfth century. Giraldus Cambrensis, in his topography of Ire-
land, described the Irish as beast-like forest dwellers, lacking agricul-
ture and village life, and thus "civil society." Lacking civility, under-
stood as culture, the Irish were "semi-bestial 'naturals."' What
changed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is that Ireland
moved from being on the edge of the world to being near the center of
the English orbit.31 In the context of English colonial expansion across
the Atlantic, the Irish who lived "beyond the pale" were no longer to be
treated as "wild men" outside the English civil domain. They were
reconceived as "recalcitrant subjects of the King," who were to be
rescued from their wild natural state by fully incorporating them, in
the most literal sense of the term, into English civil culture. Taming the
land and culturing the environment became central to the practice
(rather than process) through which this was effected. As John Davies
put it in his Discoverie of the True Causes why Ireland was never entirely
Subdued (1619), the Irish were not to be left to themselves to live as
"wild men," they were to be made subject to Common Law, and "if the
country is too "wild" to enforce Common Law, to Forest Law":
Againe, if King Henry the second, who is said to be the K. that Conquered
this Land, had made Forrests in Ireland ... or if those English Lordes,
amongst whom the whole Kingdome was devided, had beene good Hunters,
and had reduced the Mountaines, Boggs, and woods within the limits of
Forrests, Chases, and Parkes; assuredly, the very Forrest Law, and the Law
De Malefactoribus in parcis, would in time have driven them into the Plains &
Countries inhabited and Mannured, and made them yeeld uppe their fast
places to those wild Beastes which were indeede less hurtful and wilde, then
they.32
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82
The experiment ended abruptly with the rebellion that preceded the
1688 "Glorious Revolution." The iron works and industrial colony
were destroyed, and the planters driven from the land. But the cultural
configuration that spawned this experiment in socio-material engi-
neering would continually reassert itself in the following two centuries.
This was so even in the case of Petty's Kerry estate. His great-grand-
son, Lord Shelburn (who became prime minister of Britain in the
1780s), had Petty's town replanned and rebuilt into an eighteenth-
century "model town." Local experimentation with a view to national
designs remained a feature of engineering Ireland, however, and in the
nineteenth century crown lands were used for "experimental improve-
ments."35
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thick woods which covered the greater part of that country, and necessarily
affected the salubrity of its climate, by impeding the current of the air, and
retaining the moisture wasted by the westerly winds from the Atlantic ocean,
have ceased to exist; and the deep rich soil, which pervades it in various
directions, is no longer undrained or in a state of nature.41
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we would soon behold a sturdy race of loyal mountaineers, who would not
only greatly improve the appearance of the country, but would strengthen the
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88
hand of the government by rendering what had lately been considered the
shelter of lawless rebels, the residence of a population, grateful to those who
had rescued them from a transatlantic emigration.63
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89
Rivers, canals, and roads were of little use, however, if they did not
connect, in Latour's terms, centers of political, epistemic, and eco-
nomic calculation.68 The ports, harbors, fortresses, barracks, and
court buildings, and the hospitals, infirmaries, and prisons, were nodes
in the communications network. The towns grew at a steady pace in
the eighteenth century. Dublin gained its great streets and Georgian
buildings that today give it so much of its character. The office of public
works played a central role in the development of public buildings in
the nineteenth century, work that was originally under the responsibil-
ity of the "Surveyor-General and Chief Engineer" of Ireland, and that
from 1759 was brought under the Barrack Board and Board of Works.
In 1802, the maintenance of civil and military buildings was separated,
a barrack inspectorate created to deal solely with military buildings,
the "Civil Buildings Commissioners" taking responsibility for non-
military buildings. The state system, in this respect, developed in fits
and starts. Historians sometimes view this as showing that develop-
ments were ad hoc, and did not follow any particular logic. But this
misunderstands the difference between system realism, which is re-
jected here, and system history, which shows how the logic of engineer-
ing culture and practice continually reasserts itself despite the vicissi-
tudes of politics and regimes. The state system is not given in advance,
perfectly ordered and arranged in the form imagined by structural
functionalism. It develops experimentally. The constant process of
reversal and redesign should not, however, lead to the conclusion that
state formation lacked system. Empirical findings of disorder require
instead that one take a naturalistic (in the sense of actual) rather than a
rationalistic (in the sense of abstract) view of systems. Looked at in this
way, the discourse of rationalization appears to correspond more to a
dream than a reality. Approaching systems from a rationalist perspec-
tive obscures rather than reveals their character, and this explains
somewhat the reasons for historians' complaints about sociologists
doing history. The solution, however, cannot be found in the raw
empiricism of radical historicism any more than it can in the lofty
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90
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Given that land reclamation was part of the English mission in Ireland
from the seventeenth century at least, and continued throughout the
nineteenth century, it is ironic that later commentators would blame
Irish rural poverty - to a considerable extent - on the government's
"failure to bring [the] waste land of the country into cultivation."88 In
fact, the government encouraged and provided financing for land rec-
lamation throughout the nineteenth century, and in the second half of
the century extended their rural improvement strategy to include more
farm buildings, and even laborers' dwellings.89 With the passage of the
Sewage Utilization act in 1865, and the Public Health acts in the 1870s,
the board of works became much more involved in sanitary engineer-
ing. In 1881, apart from the usual works of land improvement, public
buildings, transportation (now including trams and rail), etc., the
commissioners included funds in their budget estimates for a range of
works connected with water supply, sewerage, public urinals, paving,
and cemetery construction, works covering the entire country. Out of
all these materials, apparently so trivial when compared to the great
discourses of philosophy, the state was engineered.
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94
The linking of the moral with the physical resonated with the more
ancient connection that was drawn between bestiality and the natural
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95
In 1848, an argument was made before the Royal Dublin Society on the
necessity of "model lodging houses" that would promote "not only
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96
health but morality ... among the labouring classes."10' By the 1880s,
the idea of a "physical culture of bodies" (to use an expression from the
period) was being articulated in terms of "healthy houses," "healthy
nurseries and bedrooms," "healthy furniture and decoration,"
"healthy schools," and so on.102 The great "International Health Exhi-
bition" held in London in 1884 led to the publication of no less than
nineteen volumes of material dealing with these and other subjects
related to engineering health. Concern was early expressed about both
the "social and moral evils resulting from the practice of one or more
families of all ages and sexes sleeping in the same room,"'03 and the
health exhibition literature offered numerous designs for healthy
houses that were intended to separate children of the same sex.104 In
1877 it was reported that a "City of Health" was to be constructed in
Sussex, England, and advertisements began to appear that sought out
partnerships between "sanitary capitalists" and sanitary engineers.'05
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97
pie of regulation through material design was the key. An article in The
Sanitary Inspector some hundred years later noted how "construction
fills a much larger space in Bentham's correspondence than all his
codes put together."109 Although his "panopticon" design was never
built, numerous others certainly were.110 The historians' critique is
nonetheless important, in that it points up the necessity of uniting
analyses of ideas, discourses, and designs with actual practices and
material culture.
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98
tem through which health, discipline, and social order were engi-
neered.
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99
classes supplied with instructors, and the whole machinery moves, as it were
of itself - no noise - no bustle - no disorder of any kind.116
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102
The effect of such policing was marked. It made the streets, or at least the
principal streets more and more into sterile territory on which the public had
the right of passage but nothing else, not to meet, assemble, loiter, sit, gossip,
trade or play.130
The arrangement was, when the public houses were cleared, to place a line of
police, horse and foot, truncheons drawn, across the fair green and to drive
vie et armis any individual capable of leaving it out of the village, the inca-
pable, and those who felt annoyed at this novel mode of clearing a fair were
taken care of elsewhere.133
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A new state idea was, however, articulated. It went under the name of
the "Free State," and was represented as a completely new state, a new
beginning - indeed, a rebirth. But as with the state system, the materi-
al culture of the colonizing government remained. The great buildings
were not torn down, nor were they given new facades. The land was not
reforested, nor was enclosure reversed. Indeed, little changed for the
vast majority of the people, for when the call was made to "burn
everything English but their coal," few took it seriously. It was very
different from, for instance, the rebellions of the seventeenth century,
when the plantations themselves were attacked and destroyed. Indeed,
the Russians probably tore down more statutes and monuments after
the collapse of the Soviet Union than the Irish did after 1922 - the
statute of Queen Victoria, located outside Leinster House (seat of the
new government) was not removed until 1948. This fact is symbolic of
the profound continuity within the Irish state before and after 1922.
Thus it takes a momentous slight of hand to say, as the current Depart-
ment of Foreign Affairs of the Irish Government does on its web site,
that the "modern Irish State was founded in 1922." "Free State" and
"modern state" are not substantively or historically equivalent. Gov-
erning ideas/discourses, practices/organizations, and material culture
had been so effectively engineered into a modern state in Ireland by
1922, that it could not easily, except ideologically, be undone. That
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Notes
5. Lyn H. Lofland, The Public Realm. Exploring the City's Quintesential Social
Territory (Hawthrorne: Aldine de Gruyter, 1998); Susan Davis, Parades and
Power: Street Theatre in Nineteenth-Century Philadelphia (Philadelphia: Temple
University Press, 1986); Thomas Gieryn, this issue.
6. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish. The Birth of the Prison (1979); Chandra
Mukerji and Patrick Carroll-Burke, "Representations, Demonstrations, and the
Material Operators of State Power," in preparation.
7. Richard Biernacki, The Fabrication of Labor. Germany and Britain, 1640-1914
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).
8. Thomas Osborne, "Security and vitality: Drains, liberalism, and power in the
nineteenth century," in Andrew Barry, Nikolas Rose, and Thomas Osborne, edi-
tors, Foucault and political reason: liberalism, neo-liberalism and rationalities of
government (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 99-121; Patrick Joyce,
"Maps, Blood and the City: The Governance of the Social in 19th Century
Britain," in P. Joyce, editor, The Social in Question. New Bearings in History and
the Social Sciences (New York: Routledge, 2001).
9. Andrew Pickering, The Mangle of Practice. Time, Agency, and Science (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1995); Steven Shapin and Simon Schaffer, Leviathan
and the Air-pump: Hobbes, Boyle and the Experimental Life (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1985); David Gooding, Trevor Pinch, and Simon Schaffer,
editors, The Uses of Experiment: Studies in the Natural Sciences (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1989); Peter Galison, Image and Logic: A Material
Culture of Microphysics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997).
10. Wiebe E. Bijker and John Law, editors, Shaping Technology/Building Society
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107
(Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992); Bruno Latour, "Give me a Laboratory and I will
Raise the World," reprinted in Mario Biagioli, editor, The Science Studies Reader
(New York: Routledge, 1999).
11. James Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human
Condition have Failed (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998); Chandra Muker-
ji, Territorial Ambitions at the Gardens of Versailles (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, 1997).
12. Patrick Carroll-Burke, "The Science/State Plexus: Engineering Cultures and Mod-
ern State Formation" (unpublished book manuscript).
13. John Meyer, "The Changing Cultural Content of the Nation-State: A World
Society Perspective," in George Steinmetz, editor, State/Culture: State-Formation
after the Cultural Turn (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999), 123-143, 123; also,
John Meyer, "The World Polity and the Authority of the Nation-State," in George
M. Thomas et al., editors, Institutional Structure: Constituting State, Society, and
the Individual (Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1987), 41-70: "We argue that the world
polity is a highly institutionalized system that is reified in an ongoing manner in
international discourse," emphasis added, 42.
14. Charles Tilly, "Epilogue: Now Where?" in ibid., 407-419, 411-412.
15. Patrick Carroll-Burke, "Science, Power, Bodies: The Mobilization of Nature as
State Formation," Journal of Historical Sociology 9/2 (1996): 139-167.
16. Books in themselves record information, but they only constitute knowledge when
they are embedded in interpretative communities.
17. Meyer (1999), 123.
18. See Patrick Carroll, "Medical Police and the History of Public Health," Medical
History, 2002.
19. Meyer suggests that Anderson's analysis of "nationalism" applies equally to "na-
tion-states," Meyer, ibid., 123; Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Re-
flections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1995 [1983]).
20. Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States: AD 990-1992 (Malden,
Mass.: Blackwell, 1992 [1990]); Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions.
21. The late Latin systema meant musical interval; when mixed with Greek meanings
of an "organized whole, government, constitution, a body of men or animals,
union of several metres into a whole," the medieval and modern Latin meaning
came to encompass everything from "the universe" to "the articles of faith." With-
in science and engineering, by the mid-nineteenth century, it meant any arrange-
ment of things, "natural or artificial, forming a complex whole," for instance, sets
of physical laws, bodies of knowledge, geological formations, biological systems,
geometrical graphs, mechanical contrivances, architectural schemes, canals, rail-
ways, or telegraphs, political and civil boundaries, administrative structures, or
any organized scheme or plan, particularly of a complex and comprehensive kind
(OED).
22. Bijker and Law, editors, Shaping Technology/Building Society; Latour, "Give me a
Laboratory and I will Raise the World."
23. This is not system realism of the sort associated with the old institutionalism. It is
a concept of system that captures the organizational forms at the center of Weber-
ian analyses, particularly those associated with the "organizational turn" in state
theory. For instance, Peter Evans, Deitrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda Skocpol,
Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).
24. Leigh Star and James R. Griesemer, "Institutional Ecology, 'Translations' and
Boundary Objects: Amateurs and Professionals in Berkeley's Museum of Verte-
brate Zoology, 1907-1939," Social Studies of Science 19 (1989), 387-420.
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108
25. Philip Abrams, "Notes on the Difficulty of Studying the State," Journal of Histori-
cal Sociology 1/1 (1988 [1977]), 58-89. The explicit suggestion that the state is a
"fiction" belongs to Miliband. Ralph Miliband, The State in Capitalist Society
(London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1969), 49.
26. Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer, The Great Arch. English State Formation as
Cultural Revolution (Oxford: Blackwell, 1985).
27. Chandra Mukerji "The political mobilization of nature in seventeenth century
French formal gardens," Theory and Society 23/5 (1994), 656.
28. Patrick Carroll-Burke, "Tools, Instruments and Engines: Getting a Handle on the
Specificity of Engine Science," Social Studies of Science 31/4 (August 2001): 593-
626.
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109
38. OED.
39. Thomas Newenham, Statistical and Historical Inquiry into the Progress and Mag-
nitude of the Population of Ireland (London: C. & R. Baldwin, 1805), 29. New-
enham cited Petty to back up the claim.
40. Ibid., 30.
41. Ibid., 29-30.
42. Samuel Madden, A Letter to the Dublin Society etc. (1736), 30.
43. Rawlinson MSS c.406 fol. 68, Bodleian.
44. Arthur Dobbs, An Essay on the Trade and Improvement of Ireland (Dublin:
Rhames, Smith, & Bruce, 1729), 167.
45. 49 Geo. III, c. 102. See also, Reports of the Commissioners Appointed to Enquire
into the Nature and Extent of the Several Bogs in Ireland (1810-1814).
46. Quoted in Gordon L. Herries Davies and R. Charles Mollan, editors, Richard
Griffith 1784-1878 (Dublin: Royal Dublin Society, 1980), 33.
47. The project was led by the inimitable Richard Griffith, who also participated in
the ordnance and geological surveys, and was an important player in relation to
roads, railways, and inland navigation.
48. L.M. Cullen, "Economic Development, 1750-1800," in T.W Moody and W.E.
Vaughan, editors, A New History of Ireland 4 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), 180.
49. 1 & 2 Will. IV., c. 33: An Act for the Extension and Promotion of Public Works in
Ireland (1831).
50. 3 Geo. IV., c. 34: Poor Employment Act (1822). 1 & 2 Will. IV., c. 57: More
O'Terrall's Act (1831).
51. 5 & 6 Vict., c. 89: The Drainage (Ireland) Act (1842). 9 Vict, c. 4: Drainage
(Ireland) Act (1846).
52. When government turned to labor schemes as a way of providing relief during the
Great Famine, work began in earnest. One-hundred and forty drainage districts
were created, and works carried out in 121 of them. Over a quarter million acres
were affected by the work at a cost of almost two million (1840s) pounds, close to
ninety percent of which was borne by central government. Further legislation in
1863 saw about another half million spent draining about 78,000 acres over a
period of twenty-five years.
53. Anderson, Imagined Communities.
54. The Grand Canal was initiated in the mid-eighteenth century by the newly created
Commissioners of Inland Navigation. A Grand Canal Company was formed in
1772, which took over construction and ran the canal, providing a passenger
service until 1852. The Royal Canal was initiated by a private company, but was
subsequently taken over by the Commissioners of Inland Navigation, which com-
pleted the project in 1822. Anon. An Account of the Rise and Progress of the Royal
Canal in Ireland, and also of the Opposition Thereto (Dublin: N. Kelly, 1797), 6.
55. The Barrow Navigation connected the Grand Canal, which ran west on the south
side of Dublin, with Waterford harbour. The Boyne Navigation linked Slane,
north-west of Dublin, with Drogheda on the eastern seaboard. The Lough Corrib
Navigation in Galway connected the lake with Lough Mask. The Maigue Naviga-
tion linked Adare in Limerick with the Shannon. And the Ballinamore, Ballycon-
nell, and Ulster canals served the north. Rena Lohan, Guide to the Archives of the
Office of Public Works (Dublin: Stationary Office, 1994).
56. Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions (1997).
57. The material stuff that traveled through the material infrastructure needs to be
studied in itself as well as in terms of the discourses about it. A comprehensive
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analysis would consider closely the fabrics, machines, paper, and so on, for these
reveal the world of skill and craft that carried meaning throughout the country.
See C. Mukerji, From Graven Images. Patterns of Modern Materialism (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1983).
58. William Greig, Strictures of Road Police, containing views of the present systems, by
which roads are made and repaired, together with sketches of its progress in Great
Britain and Ireland, from the earliest to the present times (Dublin: Archer, Cum-
ming, Milliken, Dugdale, Keene, Hodges & McArthur, and Larkin, 1819), xii.
59. Lohan, Guide to the Archives, 4.
60. 1 Geo. 11., c. 13 (1727); 13 Geo. 11., c. 10 (1739). See also, David Broderick, An Early
Toll-Road: The Dublin-Dunlear Turnpike, 1731-1855 (Dublin: Irish University
Press, Maynooth Studies in Local History, 1996), 48.
61. "Directions for Making Roads," in Dublin Society ... Essays and Observations
(Dublin, 1736 and 1737). The Dublin Society expressed the view that the turnpike
roads already built according to these specifications were recognized as "the finest
in Europe." In the 1760s legislation allowed roads to be financed by county cess
which was levied on each barony by the grand jury. L. M. Cullen, "Economic
Development, 1691-1750," in A New History of Ireland 4 (Oxford: Clarendon
Press), 184.
62. Peter O'Keeffe, "Richard Griffith: Planner and Builder of Roads," in Gordon
Davies and R. C. Mollan, editors, Richard Griffith 1784-1878 (Dublin: Royal
Dublin Society, 1980), 59.
63. Quoted in O'Keeffe, "Richard Griffith," 59.
64. First Report of the Commissioners of Public Works in Ireland, Upon the State of
several Roads and Bridges placed under their care by the Act 1 & 2 Will. IV., c. 33;
Pursuant to the Act of Parliament, 6 Geo. IV., c. 101, s. 9, 1-2.
65. Quoted in O'Keeffe, "Richard Griffith," 61.
66. Report on the Southern District. H.C. 1824 (352) M.
67. Charles Vallancey, A Treatise on Inland Navigation or the Art of making Rivers
Navigable, Of making Canals in all sorts of Soils, and of Constructing Locks and
Sluices (1763); Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions.
68. Bruno Latour, Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers Around
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press).
69. Apart from Dublin Castle and the military barracks, government built or main-
tained the great Four Courts building on the river Liffey, the Chapel Royal in
Irishtown, the vice-regal and secretaries buildings in the Phoenix Park, the Royal
Hospital in Kilmainham, parts of the great Custom House on the Liffey, the
General Post Offices in Dublin and Cork, and a number of law courts and prisons.
Government also provided knowledge, work, or money for the Royal Hibernian
Military School, the constabulary barracks in Dublin and throughout the country,
and an extensive system of schools and teacher training institutions.
70. Patrick Carroll-Burke, Colonial Discipline: The Making of the Irish Convict System
(Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2000).
71. After 1850 government funded the maintenance of Leinster House, and in 1868 a
Science and Art Commission recommended an expansion of the complex to
include a public library, a science and art museum, an agricultural museum, a
museum of Irish antiquities, and a school of art. In 1916, the nationalist rebels
evicted the Royal Dublin Society from Leinster House, making it the seat of the
new government, which it remains to this day. It is flanked on the Kildare street
side by the National Library and the National Museum, and on the Merrion
Square side by the National Gallery and Natural History Museum.
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111
72. Star and Griesemer, "Institutional Ecology, 'Translations' and Boundary Objects."
73. Extractsfrom the Minutes of the Commissioners appointed by Act af Parliament, for
Making Wide and Convenient Ways, Streets, and Passages, in the City of Dublin:
Containing the copy of a Memorial to His Excellency the Lord Lieutenant; Together
with a General Statement of their Proceedings, Engagements, and Funds from the
Commencement of the Institution in 1757, to January 1802 (Dublin: 1812).
74. Mukerji and Carroll-Burke, "Representation, Demonstration, and Material
Operators of Power."
75. In 1782 a duty of one shilling per ton of coal imported through Dublin harbor was
levied to help pay the costs of further projects. The duty was abolished in 1810.
76. Wide Streets Commission (1812), 16.
77. Ibid., 18. In all about 140,000 pounds were spent by 1810 on street development, 31.
78. Report of the Royal Commissioners appointed to inquire into the Sewerage and
Drainage of the City of Dublin, and other matters connected therewith, together
with minutes of evidence, appendix, index, &c. (Dublin: Alex Thom, 1880), vii.
79. J. L. McCracken, "The Social Structure and Social Life, 1714-60" in A New History
of Ireland 4, 45.
80. Fiftieth Annual Report from the Commissioners of Public Works in Ireland: with
Appendices, for the Year 1881-1882 (1882).
81. First Report of the Commissioners of Public Works in Ireland, Upon the State of
several Roads and Bridges placed under their care by the Act 1 & 2 Will. IV. c. 33;
pursuant to Act of Parliament, 6 Geo. IV c. 101, s. 9 (1833), 1.
82. Twentieth Annual Report from the Board of Public Works in Ireland (1852).
83. Tenth Annual Report from the Board of Public Works in Ireland (1842).
84. About two-and-a-half thousand individual loans were made for land improve-
ment, costing almost two million pounds. Thirty-eight of these loans permitted
expenditure on farm buildings. Twentieth Annual Report from the Board of Public
Works in Ireland (1852), 8.
85. In 1851 over twenty-thousand acres benefited from the more effective method of
"thorough draining, and a considerable proportion of this land was also "sub-
soiled." Twentieth Annual Report from the Board of Public Works in Ireland
(1852), 11.
86. Twentieth Annual Report from the Board of Public Works in Ireland (1852), 41.
87. Census of Ireland for 1851 (1856), xiii.
88. W O'Brien, The Great Famine in Ireland and a Retrospect of the Fifty Years, 1845-
1895 (London, 1896), 4-5.
89. After the passing of the Landlord and Tenant act of 1870, applications were
received for loans to allow tenants to purchase their holdings. Almost forty-six
thousand pounds was granted for this purpose.
90. Among these were the Towns Improvement Clauses Act (1847), the Commis-
sioners Clauses Act (1847), the Lands Clauses Consolidation Act (1845), the
Towns Improvement Act (1854), and the Dublin (amended 1864), Cork (1855),
Belfast, Limerick, and Derry improvement acts.
91. Arthur Moore, The Towns Improvement (Ireland) Act, 1854, 17 & 18 Vict. Ca 103:
with Provisions of Acts Incorporated therewith, and Acts amending the same (Dub-
lin: Alex. Thom, 1856), iii.
92. Moore, The Towns Improvement (Ireland) Act, iii.
93. William Hogan, "On the Necessity for Model Lodging Houses in Dublin," read
before the Royal Dublin Society (1848). Published in William Hogan, The Depend-
ence of National Wealth on the Social and Sanatory Condition of the Labouring
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112
Classes; [and] On the Necessity for Model Lodging Houses in Dublin, and the
Advantages they would confer on the community (Dublin: Hodges and Smith,
1849), 11.
94. T. C. Barnard, "Improving Clergymen, 1660-1760," in Alan Ford et al., editors, As
by Law Established: The Church of Ireland Since the Reformation (Dublin: Lilliput
Press, 1995), 144.
95. William Petty, "The Political Anatomy of Ireland" (London: Brown & Rogers,
[1672], 1691). Reprinted in A Collection of Tracts and Treatises Illustrative of the
Natural History, Antiquities, and the Political and Social State of Ireland 2
(Dublin: Thom & Sons, 1861), 77.
96. Petty, "Political Anatomy of Ireland," 77.
97. George Berkeley, Bishop of Cloyne, A Word to the Wise: or, an Exhortation to the
Roman Catholic Clergy of Ireland (Dublin: Faulkner, 1752).
98. Berkeley, A Word to the Wise, 8.
99. Thomas Willis, On the Social and Sanatory Condition of the Labouring Classes in
Dublin (1845), 28.
100. Jonathan Pim, An Address Delivered at the Opening of the Thirtieth Session of the
Statistical Society of Ireland, being a Review of the Economic and Social Progress of
Ireland since the Famine (Dublin, 1876). The famine's devastation was concen-
trated amongst the subsistence population, and as this population declined so did
the mud cabins. Those consisting of one room and no windows fell from 491,278 in
1841 to 135,589 in 1851, and to 89,374 in 1861, a drop of over 400,000, or eighty
percent, in just two decades.
101. Hogan, "On the Necessity for Model Lodging Houses in Dublin," 10-19. Two
model lodging houses had been established in London at this time, one run by the
Metropolitan Association for Improving the Dwellings of the Industrious
Classes," and another by the Labourers' Friend Society."
102. See International Health Exhibition. The Health Exhibition Literature, 19 Vols.
(London: William Clowes and Sons, 1884), and particularly the following from
volume one: Catherine Gladstone, "Healthy Nurseries and Bedrooms"; Henry
Acland, "Health in the Village"; William Eassie, "Healthy and Unhealthy Houses
in Town and Country"; Robert Edis, "Healthy Furniture and Decoration"; Charles
Paget, "Healthy Schools"; James Lakeman, "Health in the Workshop."
103. Hogan, "Model Lodging Houses," 10.
104. See, for instance: H.H. Collins, "What Conditions are Essential for a Healthy
Dwelling and how far is it desirable that they should be rendered Compulsory by
Legislation" Vol. II; William Eassle, "Healthy Town and Country Houses," Vol.
III; T. Pridgin Teale, "Healthy Houses," Vol. III. Henry Acland's "Health in the
Village" provides a design that designates the locations for the bedrooms for boys,
girls and parents, the boys and girls separated by a landing, 33.
105. The Sanitary Inspector 1 (London: E.W. Allen, 1877), reported that the City of
Health was to be erected to the west of Worthing, on the Sussex coast, to be named
"Courtlands," and to be built by "The Sanitary Estates Association, Limited," 26.
106. Foucault, Discipline and Punish.
107. Jeremiah Fitzpatrick, An Essay on Gaol-Abuses, and on the Means of Redressing
them. Together with the General Method of Treating Disorders to which Prisoners
are most Incident (Dublin: Byrne, 1784).
108. Jeremiah Fitzpatrick, Essay on Gaol Abuses, 27-28.
109. "Indeed, among the numerous wrongs, great and small, on which the philosopher
in his old age used to dilate with a kind of cheerful acrimony peculiar to himself,
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113
there was none which roused so much resentment as the suppression of his
Panopticon, which he always attributed to a personal grudge on the King's part."
The Sanitary Inspector 1 (London: E.W. Allen, 1877), 91.
110. Carroll-Burke, Colonial Discipline.
111. John Grey, Observations on House and General Sewerage, and on an Improved Plan
for Cleansing and Ventilating House Drains by a Self-acting Mechanism: with a
Description of the Apparatus, as applied in the North Dublin Union Workhouse,
under the Superintendence of the Poor-law Commissioners: Being the substance of
a paper read at the Royal Dublin Society (Dublin: Hodges & Smith, 1855).
112. Ibid., 30.
113. Quoted in Oliver MacDonagh, "Ideas and Institutions, 1830-1845,"A New History
of Ireland 5 (Oxford: Clarenton Press, 1989), 206.
114. Anon., "A Glance at Irish Statistics," in Dublin University Magazine (1855), 251.
115. Ibid., 251.
116. Anon., "Our juvenile Criminals: the Schoolmaster and the Gaoler," in the Irish
Quarterly Review (1854), 27. Quoted in Patrick Carroll-Burke, Colonial Discipline:
The Making of the Irish Convict System (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2000), 151.
117. "Corporeity" meaning a condition of material being, "socio" for obvious reasons.
118. Gustave Beaumont and Alexis de Tocqueville, On the Penitentiary System in the
United States and its Application to France (Southern Illinois University Press,
1964), 81.
119. Franz Von Holtzendorff, Reflections and Observations on the present condition of
the Irish Convict System (1863), 7.
120. Designed by Joshua Jebb, who also designed "Pentonville" in London (1842).
Mounjoy was opened in 1850. See Carroll-Burke, Colonial Discipline.
121. Lohan, Guide to the Archives, 38-39.
122. See the introduction by Powell and DiMaggio in Walter W. Powell and Paul J.
DiMaggio, editors, The New Institutionalism in Organizational Analysis (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1991), 14-15, and the chapters by Jepperson and
Zucker.
125. Issues now more central to institutionalism. See Roger Friedland and Robert R.
Alford, "Bringing Society Back in: Symbols, Practices, and Institutional Contra-
dictions," in Powell and DiMaggio, 232-263.
126. "... taken-for-granted scripts, rules, and classifications are the stuff of which institu-
tions are made." Powell and DiMaggio, "Introduction," in The New Institutionalism,
15.
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