Anthropomorphic and

Zoomorphic Miniature Figures

in Eurasia, Africa and
Meso-America
Morphology, materiality, technology,
function and context
Edited by

Dragos Gheorghiu
Ann Cyphers

BAR International Series 2138

2010
Published by

Archaeopress
Publishers of British Archaeological Reports
Gordon House
276 Banbury Road
Oxford OX2 7ED
England
bar@archaeopress.com
www.archaeopress.com

BAR S2138

Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Miniature Figures in Eurasia, Africa and Meso-America:

Morphology, materiality, technology, function and context

© Archaeopress and the individual authors 2010

ISBN 978 1 4073 0679 7

Printed in England by 4edge, Hockley

All BAR titles are available from:

Hadrian Books Ltd

122 Banbury Road
Oxford
OX2 7BP
England
bar@hadrianbooks.co.uk

The current BAR catalogue with details of all titles in print, prices and means of payment is available
free from Hadrian Books or may be downloaded from www.archaeopress.com
 Artificial Cranial Vault Modification in Olmec Figurines:
Identity, Ancestry and Politics in Early Mesoamerica

Ann Cyphers

Abstract
The study of the representation of artificial cranial vault modification in Early Preclassic Olmec clay figurines from the first Olmec capital,
San Lorenzo, Veracruz, Mexico, shows that great homogeneity in head shape correlates with a high degree of social complexity and indicates
an overarching social identity that is based on shared ancestry. When the second capital of La Venta comes to power in the Middle
Preclassic, a greater heterogeneity in head shapes appears in the remaining population of San Lorenzo, and there is an increasing tendency to
adopt the head shapes characteristic of the new center.
Key-words: Mesoamerica; Olmec; figurines; artificial cranial vault modification; social identity.

the distinction between individual portraits and general

Introduction
Anthropomorphic terracotta figurines may provide a kind of
unconventional snapshot of people from the past (see Bailey
1994) that can aid in understanding strategies of social
differentiation and integration in different regions. Although
physical models sometimes may be blurry, in general, the
majority of Early and Middle Preclassic anthropomorphic
figurines from Mesoamerica (Fig. 1) illustrate important
bodily features and attire that are related to different people
and diverse social identities.

Fig. 1: Map of Mesoamerica showing the location of the Olmec heartland and the sites mentioned in the text.
Colossal stone heads are often considered emblems of the Olmec culture (Drawing by author).

131
Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Miniature Figures in Eurasia, Africa and Meso-America Morphology, Materiality,
Technology, Function, and Context
Parallels with archaeological objects and skeletal remains
suggest that, despite their functional diversity, hand-modeled
anthropomorphic figurines may be considered a relatively
accurate material expression of ancient values, ideals and
perceptions. For example, the counterparts of some figurine
adornments are readily recognizable, such as ear-spools and
mirrors, which points to accuracy in representation. A
particular facet of physical appearance, intentionally
modified head shapes, also finds equivalents in skeletal
material from human burials (García Moll et al. 1991; Paillés
1980; Romano 1980), which suggests that head shapes shown
in figurines likely reflect the intentional cranial modification
practices of the ancient populations.
Early and Middle Preclassic period figurine functions and
meanings do not seem to be uniform across Mesoamerica,
with regional similarities and differences reflecting the kinds
of interactions that once existed. For example, interpretations
by site or region vary considerably with proposals that
figurines are indicative of ancestor cults (Marcus 1998),
stereotypes of social categories (Lesure 1999), high status
individuals (Clark 1991) and life-cycle rites (Cyphers 1993).
It would appear that figures may have multiple meanings and
each site or region may have made and used them in different
ways and for diverse reasons even as they share some
temporally sensitive stylistic traits. The existence of specific
figurine styles in different regions points to the local
production of aesthetically preferred images of social actors,
which play an important role in identity insofar as it relays
the inclusion/exclusion messages perceived by insiders and
outsiders.
In this essay I concentrate principally on the physical
appearance of Early and Middle Preclassic period
anthropomorphic figurine heads with regard to artificial
cranial vault modification. My point of departure consists of
the figurine collection from the first capital of the Olmec
culture, San Lorenzo, Veracruz, which flourished during the
Early Preclassic (1400-900 cal BC) and then declined in the
Middle Preclassic (900-400 cal BC) as the second capital, La
Venta, rose to power. My purpose is to consider identity and
changing group affiliation in circumstances characterized by
increasing and decreasing social complexity. Following
introductory reviews of the Olmec and their neighbors and
Olmec physical appearance, I consider the relationship of
artificial cranial vault modification to identity with attention
to comprehensive studies of human skeletal remains. Next, I
examine Early and Middle Preclassic trends in artificial
cranial vault modification at San Lorenzo, from the apogee
phase to the power transition from this capital to La Venta, in
order to trace changing practices of head shaping as well as
tendencies in physical homogenization. Then I compare and
discuss these trends with those in other contemporary but
distant sites in order to examine regional group identities. I
conclude with reflections on changing Olmec identities.
132
The Olmec and their neighbors
Around 1800 cal BC, Mexico’s southern Gulf coast coastal
plains (Fig. 1) witnessed the birth of the Olmec culture,
which is well-known for its imposing art style. The
emergence and development of the first Olmec capital, San
Lorenzo, Veracruz, between 1400 and 900 cal BC, included
the management of a regional system of communication and
transport consistent with the natural riverine-wetland
landscape. Genealogy was a basis for social differentiation
and ultimately stratification, which was formalized into a
system of hereditary rule and political administration.
Supernatural beliefs related to water and the underworld
comprised the ideological charter of royal descent groups.
The appearance of monumental stone sculpture during San
Lorenzo’s apogee was the materialization of a pre-existing
social and political capacity to organize productive
specialization and the extensive labor force required for long-
distance transport of the stone from the source area located
60km away. The San Lorenzo Olmec traded with neighboring
regions in order to obtain exotic materials (such as obsidian,
iron ores, pottery and green stone). Despite a major
population decline that occurred between around 900 cal BC,
a small population continued to reside at the site during the
Middle Preclassic period for several centuries.
Like its predecessor, the subsequent capital of La Venta was
governed by hereditary rulers who commissioned the creation
of immense stone sculptures such as colossal heads, thrones
and supernatural figures. Between 900 and 400 cal BC, the
public constructions at La Venta, the long-distance transport
of weighty stone monuments and extensive participation in
economic spheres across Mesoamerica testify to the political
might of its sovereigns. La Venta’s involvement in long-
distance trading networks was more intense than San
Lorenzo’s, as was their need to obtain great quantities of
exotic greenstones (jade, jadeite, serpentine and schist) that
were ceremonially interred in costly displays of wealth at the
capital. The desire for these and other luxury goods (i.e., iron
ore mirrors, amber, mica, shell, etc.) to fuel the prestige-
goods economy was a major stimulus for developing strong
social relations with the producers of these items and with
communities located near the sources of raw materials and
along the transport corridors to them. The demise of La Venta
is poorly understood but is known to have occurred at the
same time as the rise of early Maya centers.
The nature of the relationships of the early Olmec with
regions located far from the southern Gulf coastal plains,
such as the central and southern Mexican highlands and the
Pacific Coast of Chiapas, is largely unresolved but the
evidence to date suggests that early trade and exchange was
rather informal and did not necessarily involve elite control in
all materials and items. Through intermittent trade and
exchange among widely separated economic partners, the
less-developed neighboring societies adopted some of the
religious concepts and social customs of the more complex
San Lorenzo Olmec to enhance previously existing social
differences.
 Ann Cyphers: Artificial Cranial Vault Modification in Olmec Figurines: Identity, Ancestry and Politics in Early
However, by the Middle Preclassic, the long-distance impact
of the La Venta Olmec increased, with profound changes
evident in far-away societies engaged in trade relations with
them. It became increasingly common that the trading
partners were the elites in each society. Contact with the
Olmec at this time coincides with rapid and complex
sociopolitical development at specific sites which became
political centers in their respective regions.
Olmec physical appearance
What constitutes an ‘Olmec’ physical appearance? Past
treatment of this issue was often confused by poor
chronological controls. Not only were Gulf Coast
chronologies poorly refined until recently, but also certain
highland Preclassic sites were incorrectly defined as Olmec.
Consequently, the sporadic presence of objects in the Gulf
Coast Olmec style at these sites led scholars to assume that,
by association, the complete repertoire of artifacts was
‘Olmec’. For figurines, it meant that local highland types
were subsumed into the same Olmec category as the Gulf
lowland ones.
Despite such difficulties, the acute interest of the early
olmequistas led to excellent observations. Their driving
theoretical concern involved the identification of two groups
of people in the society-- two interacting traditions that
stimulated the development of civilization (Bernal 1969, 28).
Thus, they sought to identify the coexistence of a ‘normal
physical type’ (representing the bearers of Olmec culture)
and outsiders. In particular, Covarrubias (1944) perceived
two physical types, the jaguar-child and the bearded man
with aquiline nose (considered a visitor). Bernal (1969, 25-
26) summarized the physical characteristics of the Olmec
type that is associated with the feline as: short stature; well-
formed but obese bodies; slanted, puffy eyes with the
epicanthic fold; a short wide nose; a mouth with thick lips
and down-turned corners; a prominent jaw; and a short heavy
neck (Fig. 2).
Fig. 2: An Olmec stone monument (height= 87cm) showing an
anthropomorphic head with slanted, puffy eyes, a short wide nose, a
mouth with thick lips and down-turned corners, a prominent jaw and a
short heavy neck. The personage wears a double banded headdress
adorned with sacred symbols. Left, side view. Right, front view
(photo by Brizio Martínez).
What is important about these early observations is that these
pioneer scholars clearly recognized components of an
idealized ‘physical type’ that is geographically associated
133
Mesoamerica
with the southern Gulf Coast region. Although their early
definition of the ‘Olmec heartland’ is usually interpreted ex
post facto as a geographic area (the southern Gulf Coast) with
a high concentration of Olmec-style monolithic stone
monuments, it is clear that the early scholars also took into
account the predominant physical appearance of the
anthropomorphic images as probable ethnic indicators. This
is evident in Covarrubias’ (1944) and Drucker’s (1952) views
that the Olmec physical type seen in stone carvings and clay
figurines closely resembles that of modern populations in
southern Mexico. The issue of identity is echoed by Dávalos
and Ortiz (1953) who emphasize that artificial head
deformation, such as practiced by the Olmec, is a useful
characteristic for defining ethnic groups.
The present paper on figurines supports these initial
characterizations of Olmec identity by showing the
distribution of predominant artificial craniofacial
modifications during the Early and Middle Preclassic periods.
Even though some overly broad definitions of the term
‘Olmec’ dilute its geographic and ethnic implications, the
original formulation of an ‘Olmec heartland’ in the southern
Gulf Coast continues to be a reasonably convincing
characterization of a dynamic political territory whose Early
Preclassic habitants shared broad concepts of identity based
on ancestry and physical appearance. However, significant
changes to these concepts during the Middle Preclassic point
to the transformation of identity under conditions of rapid
sociopolitical change.
Artificial cranial vault modification and identity
It is generally accepted that any one person may have many
identities, and the multiple components of self constitute ‘role
identities’. It is the difference between the actors’ cultural
traits and those of others that defines an identity. Because
identity is a dynamic social process, actors sometimes may
change their membership in a group (see Barth 1969;
Emberling 1997, 299), an act which may be accompanied by
the manipulation of dress and adornment. In times of social
discontent, peoples’ identity may be altered, as well as their
social status. When faced with change, individuals may
modify their social identities by personal choice and through
the manipulation of symbols. In such times, the people whose
bodies incorporate an inalterable group identifier may modify
some social identities. However, not all actors may be able to
change their membership in a given group particularly when
an identity is directly associated with permanent body
modifications. Such modifications, such as artificial cranial
vault modification, constitute an enduring way of assigning
group membership and identity and accompany a person
throughout his or her life and differentiate that person from
others lacking it (Gill 1977; Tiesler 1998; Torres-Rouff
2003).
Artificial cranial vault modification affects not only the shape
of the cranium but also facial features so it is best called
‘craniofacial’ modification. It must be applied at an early age,
preferably up to three years, before the infant’s bones begin
to harden and the spaces close. Clearly, the infant has no
choice whatsoever in the matter, which indicates decisions
Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Miniature Figures in Eurasia, Africa and Meso-America Morphology, Materiality,
Technology, Function, and Context
enforced by the child’s family and/or society. Since artificial
cranial vault modification is non-reversible, it transmits
messages about fixed, immutable group identity. What could
drive such a fixed membership? Real or fictive common
ancestry is one possibility since head shape would promote
an identity that goes beyond propinquity and could be of a
political and/or social nature.
The amalgamation of all the positions in the social scale
requires mechanisms of integration. The practice of uniform
artificial cranial vault modification may form part of these
mechanisms since physical homogenization may indicate the
existence of some type of sociopolitical control over the
population that promotes membership and group identity
through body modification. The study of artificial cranial
vault modification in skeletal material by physical
anthropologists has shown the ways in which such permanent
body alterations may be related to social complexity and
change.
Classic period Mayan iconography shows a rich corpus of
anthropomorphic representation in which tabular oblique
deformation (occipital flattening) and frontal flattening are
commonly portrayed. Tiesler suggests, based on her study of
Mayan skeletal material that various head shapes were
intentionally produced during the Classic period and that
head shape does not correlate with social status; quite the
opposite is noted for the Postclassic period-- greater
homogenization and a preference for a single shape (1999).
Unfortunately, little can be said about synchronic and
diachronic spatial patterns due to the poor preservation of the
bone material and the coarse chronological controls of a
limited sample of 740 crania spanning a period of 2500 years.
In contrast, the studies of Andean skeletal material by Torres-
Rouff (2003) have finer chronological controls since they are
based on a large sample (2729 individuals) spanning a shorter
time period of 1300 years. Her results indicate that in less
complex societies there is a greater variety of artificial cranial
vault modification techniques that are used to identify
families, lineages or place of origin, and that homogeneity in
cranial vault modification forms part of an integrative process
associated with increasing social complexity. The high
percentage—over 80%-- of a single type of artificial cranial
vault modification occurs in contexts of high social
complexity, which seems to indicate that uniformity in
cranial shape may constitute a sociopolitical or religious
strategy designed to promote group identity and reinforce
solidarity in the face of increasing competition.
A high degree of homogenization (Torres-Rouff 2003; see
also Andrushko 2007; Schijman 2005) can ensue in several
circumstances. It may occur when growing complexity within
a society may give rise to mechanisms of social control that
dictate the form of cranial modification. Another scenario is
when a dominant group exercising external political power
over subordinate groups compels the use of social identifiers
such as body modification, dress, and adornment (see
Henschen 1966). In this case of external influence, an
expansionist society may impose its specific form of cranial
modification on a subordinate one, or it may attempt to
134
standardize and regulate a previously existing local form in
the lesser group.
Torres-Rouff and Yablonsky have examined situations in
which artificial cranial vault modification may be influenced
by external factors, for example, in the case of the movement
of the Huns into the Central Asian and Russian steppes and
their impact on the local peoples (2005, 9-10). The Huns’
circular cranial vault modification was introduced those
regions and adopted by the people there. In response to the
changes instigated through this conquest, nearly 80% of the
steppe population began to shape their children’s heads in a
circular fashion.
In the case of the Tiwanaku state’s influence on other
societies (Torres-Rouff 2002; Torres-Rouff and Yablonsky
2005), the study of artificial cranial vault modification
reveals a dynamic picture of varied kinds of regional
interaction. In some cases, such as in southern Peru,
Tiwanaku influence involved the standardization of head
shape following traditional local forms, which was a double-
pronged tactic that reinforced local identity while at the same
time underscoring state dominion. On the other hand, the
distribution of the forms of artificial cranial vault
modification shows that Tiwanaku did not colonize the
Atacama Desert; in other words, the Tiwanaku annular vault
modification was not widely assimilated there and, in fact, is
present only in a few female burials which suggests possible
female exogamy (Torres-Rouff 2003, 131). Rather, the
enduring Atacama cranial vault modification traditions
suggest that shared ideologies between the regions may
obtain from the interactions centered on trade and exchange.
In sum, these studies strongly suggest that, in societies that
traditionally practice head shaping, the less complex ones
seem to show the coexistence of several forms of artificial
cranial vault modification which may be linked to gender,
family and other group differences. In contrast, in highly
complex situations, trends toward increasing homogeneity in
head shaping practices may be attributed not only to the
formation and maintenance of local identity but also to
impositions by a central authority.
Trends in artificial cranial modification in the San
Lorenzo figurines
The San Lorenzo figurine collection is composed mostly of
fragments, although there are a few complete pieces. In total,
there are over 1800 specimens pertaining to
anthropomorphic, zoomorphic and composite figurines which
were obtained in controlled excavations by the San Lorenzo
Tenochtitlán Archaeological Project. Similar proportions of
females, males and undefined genders (i.e., babies and
sexless images) are represented. The discard pattern shows
they concentrate in and around domestic spaces, indicating
they were used by both elite and commoners. In this data set
it is clear that the predominant images are anthropomorphic
and generally greater detail is shown in the head than in the
body.
The study of over 340 anthropomorphic heads reveals two
principal types of artificial craniofacial modification
 Ann Cyphers: Artificial Cranial Vault Modification in Olmec Figurines: Identity, Ancestry and Politics in Early
(following Tiesler 1998; see also Dembo and Imbelloni
1938). Each type produces dramatically different features,
and each one has been considered ‘Olmec’ within its specific
time frame due to their most common occurrence in the
Olmec heartland. Unfortunately, few Olmec burials have
come to light so it is not possible to cross-check the
proportions of each kind of artificial cranial vault
modification in the human population against the head shapes
in figurines.
The first head shape is the product of a specific artificial
cranial vault modification procedure called ‘tabular erect
pseudo annular’ (Fig. 3). It is achieved by binding the head in
circumferential manner with a band of cloth or leather and
also involves the use of a stiff object behind the head to
produce occipital flattening. This type predominates during
the Early Preclassic florescence of San Lorenzo.
Fig. 3: Schematic representation of two variants of artificial
craniofacial deformation. Arrows indicate compression planes. Left,
tabular erect pseudo-annular; right, tabular erect plano-frontal
(Drawing by author).
As far as I know, no material evidence of Olmec head-
binding devices has come to light in excavations probably
because they were made of perishable material. Nonetheless,
the San Lorenzo figurines shed some light this. The use of a
board and bindings seems to be the manner in which the
tabular erect pseudo annular shape was achieved. Several San
Lorenzo figurines show a binding apparatus for producing
this shape which appears to be composed of a wooden board
placed behind the skull that is held in place by tightly wound
bands that give it a turban shape (Fig. 4). It is unclear if this
apparatus was used alone or in conjunction with a
cradleboard.
Fig. 4: Left, Anthropomorphic clay figurine head from San Lorenzo
showing an infant wearing a head-binding apparatus designed to
achieve the tabular erect pseudo-annular shape with the use of a
board placed behind the skull and turban-like bindings. Right, artist’s
reconstruction of an infant wearing the head-shaping device
(Drawings by Fernando Botas).
135
Mesoamerica
The second, and chronologically later, type of artificial
cranial vault modification is easily distinguishable from the
first insofar as it is the product of a somewhat different
procedure, called ‘tabular erect plano frontal’ (Fig. 3), which
is common in the figurines of the Middle Preclassic capital of
La Venta and its region (see Drucker 1952; Tway 2004). This
technique includes the use of stiff pads or boards to flatten
both the front and back of the head while allowing for
parietal expansion (Tiesler 1998; Torres-Rouff 2003). This
type also has been documented in Middle Formative Maya
burials (Tiesler 1998, 176).
For the sake of brevity in the following discussion, I will
refer to these two types as ‘pseudo-annular’ and ‘plano-
frontal’.
Chronological trends in head shapes at San Lorenzo
The depiction of artificial cranial vault modification in the
San Lorenzo figurines shows important changes from the
Early to Middle Preclassic periods (see Figs. 5 and 6). The
following discussion organized by chronological phases
highlights the important trends in head shape and associated
facial features.
Fig. 5: Early Preclassic figurine heads from San Lorenzo showing
tabular erect pseudo annular modification.
In the Early Preclassic San Lorenzo A phase (1400-1200 cal
BC), both solid and hollow figurines increase in abundance
from previous times. The pseudo-annular cranial
modification is present in over 90% of the figurines. Their
bald heads, slit and puffy eyes and down-turned mouths are
typically considered Olmec. Two mouth shapes occur in
conjunction with this head shape-- the less frequent one is
straight and horizontal, and the most common one is down-
turned at the corners. Baldness predominates in heads with a
down-turned mouth. The straight-mouthed examples have slit
eyes and are either bald or wear a helmet. In other words, the
foremost physical appearance at this time is composed of
tabular erect pseudo annular modification, a bald head, a
down-turned mouth and slit eyes.
In the Early Preclassic San Lorenzo B phase (1200-950 cal
BC) there are some minor changes. The trend in head
treatment shifts slightly with bald figurines continuing but
Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Miniature Figures in Eurasia, Africa and Meso-America Morphology, Materiality,
Technology, Function, and Context
less abundant than in the previous phase; these figures
invariably have pseudo-annular modification and slit eyes,
and their mouths may vary from straight to down-turned.
Different types of helmets continue to be shown on these
heads, with the majority displaying slit eyes and a mouth with
down-turned corners. Pseudo-annular cranial modification
continues to predominate (c. 90%) although a few examples
of plano-frontal head shapes appear at this time. An
increasingly popular head adornment is the use of one or
more round appliqués, however, heads adorned in this way do
not surpass the frequency of bald figurines; as well, these
pieces always have slit eyes and usually a horizontal mouth.
Fig. 6: Middle Preclassic figurine heads from San Lorenzo showing
tabular erect plano frontal modification.
During the Middle Preclassic Nacaste phase (950-650 cal
BC), there was a major population reduction at San Lorenzo,
and the site was reduced from a major capital to a medium-
sized village. For this reason, there are fewer figurines in the
sample at this time. Helmets are no longer common; instead a
headband is the fashion. Topknots and appliqués appear as
adornments on otherwise bald heads. Face shape is oval, and
mouths are straight. Only a few conical shaped and plano-
frontal heads are present. In general, there is a slightly more
pronounced assimilation of novel traits and adornments, and
a few San Lorenzo figurine heads are similar to those of La
Venta, the next major Olmec capital.
During the next Middle Preclassic phase, called Palangana
(650-400 cal BC), there is a very small occupation with only
a few figurines. Headbands continue to be more popular than
helmets. The plano-frontal head shape now rivals the pseudo-
annular form in popularity. It is associated with oval faces,
straight mouths and crossed eyes and is strikingly similar to
the figurines that are popular at La Venta. The dramatic
change in physical aspect is accompanied by changes in the
manufacturing techniques related to eye treatment.
Implications of changing head shapes
The diachronic study of the San Lorenzo figurines shows the
Early Preclassic predominance of the pseudo-annular head
shape whose extreme popularity perhaps reflects the
materialization of concepts of social cohesion and common
identity among the inhabitants during the site’s florescence.
The notably high representation of a single shape points to
136
the consolidation of group identity that goes beyond lineage
or social position. The fact that intentional cranial vault
modification must be achieved at an early age may indicate
that, as a symbol of certain social values, it complements an
ascribed position in society and could have been a
prerequisite for later rituals, such as marriage. The
overwhelming application of pseudo-annular modification at
the first Olmec capital of San Lorenzo seems to point to some
kind of religious and/or sociopolitical control that defines
group membership.
The gradual appearance of plano-frontal head shape near the
end of the Early Preclassic marks the beginning of a
significant cultural trend since the flattened or sloping
forehead marks a new social identity. Conquest may be ruled
out as a cause of its appearance due to the sporadic
occurrence of this head shape over a span of 250 years. Its
early presence indicates a greater time depth to this head
shape than previously recognized. Its source may have been
La Venta or the early Maya, although no temporal
equivalents have yet been reported in either region. The most
parsimonious explanations for its appearance at San Lorenzo
at the present time seem to be the arrival of a group of
outsiders and/or the adoption of new head-shaping practices
introduced as a consequence of widened interaction spheres.
By the end of the Early Preclassic florescence, political
upheaval fostered the abandonment of San Lorenzo, and by
the Middle Preclassic it was a mere shadow of its former
glory, with a 92% population reduction (Symonds et al.
2002). The people who departed likely re-established
themselves in various places, which may have included La
Venta. Insofar as these migrants probably had pseudo-annular
modification, it is possible that they formed ethnic enclaves
in their new abodes and perhaps with time their descendants
assimilated into the local society by adopting local trends in
physical appearance.
The survival of a number of early traditions into the Middle
Preclassic, including pseudo-annular head modification,
points to a degree of population continuity from the earlier
period. Even as the pseudo-annular modification continues, it
noticeably diminishes from a 90% occurrence in the Early
Preclassic to about 70% in the Middle Preclassic. Plano-
frontal modification and its corollary, oval face shape,
increase at this time. Continued figurine manufacture and use
from the Early to the Middle Preclassic would appear to
indicate that, despite the difficulties of the time, ritual
activities persisted during the complicated transition period.
The maintenance of rituals would have helped ameliorate
conflicts since they enable people to emphasize shared norms
and goals (see Ross 2001, 168).
The analogy to tendencies observed in physical
anthropological studies (e.g., Torres-Rouff 2003; Torres-
Rouff and Yablonsky 2005) implies that, due to its frequency,
Early Preclassic head-shape standardization was subject to
centralized control in the society (see Cyphers and Villamar
2006). And, during the Middle Preclassic, the significant
reduction in the degree of this homogenization hints at the
absence of such centralized mechanisms.
 Ann Cyphers: Artificial Cranial Vault Modification in Olmec Figurines: Identity, Ancestry and Politics in Early
The Middle Preclassic changes in artificial cranial vault
modification raise other questions and possible alternative
interpretations. Was there merely an introduction of new
social values, or did new people arrive and become
established at San Lorenzo? Or did both occur? The answer
to these questions is not readily apparent on the basis of the
presently available data. The possibility of migration to San
Lorenzo cannot be entirely dismissed; however, to date, there
is no clear evidence for the arrival of distant people at the
site. The figurines showing plano-frontal head modification
may have been important in the process of altering concepts
of group identity in the absence of actual colonization.
Perhaps a new social identity accompanied its appearance
even though the degree of its acceptance in the local society
was weak. Indeed, its lack of integration could also be
considered a mark of local resistance to external influences
from emerging centers. As well, it is important to consider
the possibility that the novel head shape may have functioned
as a socioeconomic status marker at the local level during the
Middle Preclassic. If it were a consequence of La Venta’s
influence and only certain members of the resident
population at San Lorenzo were emulating the new capital’s
head-shaping customs, then plano-frontal modification may
have participated in horizontal social status differentiation on
at San Lorenzo. Whether this emulation was influenced by
socioeconomic interactions stemming from trade relations or
actual political domination is not yet clear.
The pseudo-annular head shape has not been reported in clay
figurines from La Venta and environs, perhaps due to the
poor sample of Early Preclassic deposits thus far excavated,
and all reported figurines (Drucker 1952; Rust 2008; Tway
2004) show plano-frontal cranial vault modification. The
overwhelming adoption of plano-frontal modification
practices points to a striking identity shift from Early to Late
Olmec times in the heartland. The identity shift is defined by
the flattened or sloping forehead that is considered typical of
later Maya peoples (Romano 1987) and is manifested at this
time in early figurines from many sites scattered across the
Mayan area. Its appearance in the Olmec heartland may
signal new patterns of cultural interaction that could account
for the emergence of a dramatically changed physical
appearance. Based on the available evidence, it is possible to
postulate that the remarkable change in the dominant physical
appearance during La Venta’s Middle Preclassic apogee may
indicate that the bulk of the population was increasingly
indifferent to displaying shared or common descent with the
San Lorenzo Olmec as new group identities were embraced.
But this indifference may not have extended to the rulers and
nobles at La Venta since many of its stone monuments and
portable anthropomorphic figures show the pseudo-annular
type that is depicted in San Lorenzo’s earlier monumental
and portable sculpture. This seems to indicate that at least for
several centuries the La Venta ruling elite continued to
proclaim a common ancestry with the people of San Lorenzo,
an identity which later shifted, as manifested in
anthropomorphic representations with a sloping or flattened
forehead. Elite pedigree, strictly bound to a status-validating
sacred charter, was reinforced by the ancestral head shape
137
Mesoamerica
while the bulk of the population adopted the plano-frontal
modification in accord with the dominant winds of economic
influence.
Head shapes in other regions
Patterns of artificial cranial modification in the figurines
serve as a basis for characterizing the physical appearance of
people who lived in different regions assuming, of course,
that the figurines are faithful depictions of social actors. If the
figurine data are considered in light of the studies of skeletal
materials mentioned earlier, then it is possible to assess the
possible degree of physical homogenization in each
population and infer its foundations. Not all publications
provide the information needed to accomplish this, but there
are useful figurine data from several sites such as Zohapilco
in the Basin of Mexico (Niederberger 1976), San José
Mogote, Oaxaca (Marcus 1998), Cantón Corralito, Chiapas
(Cheetham 2007) and Chalcatzingo, Morelos (Cyphers 1993).
These studies are the basis for tracing preliminary diachronic
trends in head shape at sites far from the Olmec heartland.
For the Early Formative, there are widely divergent
proportions of pseudo-annular modification as shown on
figurine heads from the Basin of Mexico, Oaxaca and
Chiapas. At the central highland site of Zohapilco, located
about 500km from San Lorenzo, about 41% of the locally
made Pilli figurines of the Ayotla phase seem to show this
modification but notably in conjunction with a set of
headdresses and eye treatments different from the Olmec
region; for the subsequent Manantial phase (also Early
Preclassic), this proportion diminishes to 14%. At the
Oaxacan site of San José Mogote, located about 230km from
San Lorenzo, the proportion of pseudo-annular modification
in the San José phase seems to parallel that of Zohapilco,
with a conical shape as the locally preferred head form. At
Cantón Corralito, Chiapas, a site on the southern Pacific
Coast of Mexico that is located about 300km from San
Lorenzo, the proportion of pseudo-annular modification
hovers around 70%.
In all cases, the acceptance of pseudo-annular modification
coincides with the intensification of extra-regional contacts
with the Gulf Coast Olmec region. Its low proportion in the
central and southern highland figurine samples does not point
to Olmec expansionist tendencies but rather suggests that
certain groups assumed this kind of artificial cranial vault
modification as a social identifier, which in some cases may
be linked to local status differences.
The high degree of homogenization of physical appearance at
Cantón Corralito, Chiapas, is notable since it points to a
significant sharing of common practices and/or common
identity with the Gulf Coast but not necessarily Olmec
domination. The proposal of a colony of San Lorenzo people
at this site (Cheetham 2007) based on the presence of
imported pottery vessels should be regarded with caution
insofar as genetic evidence for a resident San Lorenzo
population is thus far lacking. As well, the location and
extent of excavations at this site remain unreported, leaving
open the possibility that only one or a few internal areas
Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Miniature Figures in Eurasia, Africa and Meso-America Morphology, Materiality,
Technology, Function, and Context
contain ceramics and figurines that are similar to those of San
Lorenzo which would indicate local status differences. As
trading partners of the Early Preclassic Olmec, the people of
Cantón Corralito likely developed a stronger affinity with
San Lorenzo or with another heartland site — much more so
than the inhabitants of the more distant Basin of Mexico and
Oaxaca.
The Middle Preclassic predominance of plano-frontal
modification in the Gulf Coast Olmec figurines does not
extend to all other regions. At Chalcatzingo, an important site
located in the central highlands in Morelos that has La Venta-
style bas-relief carvings (Grove 1987), this head shape
composes only 33% of the figurine corpus (Harlan 1987).
This may suggest that this head shape was reserved as a
status marker for only part of the population. On the other
hand, its virtual absence in the Basin of Mexico and Oaxaca
may mean that these regions did not share the similar values
due to increasing social and economic distance from more
southern and southeasterly networks. In contrast, it is
relatively high in Chiapas and Guatemala (see Lee 1969)
which indicates a stronger affinity among these populations.
In sum, figurine head shapes at the less complex sites located
outside the Olmec heartland show diversity rather than the
predominance of a single type of cranial modification, which
fits nicely with Torres-Rouff’s model (2003). The generally
low degree of assimilation of typical Olmec head shapes also
shows a close correlation to her model, indicating that the
Olmec did not conquer these societies but that interactions
based on trade and exchange promoted their adoption by
local elites in order to enhance their social position.
Final comments
Patterns of artificial cranial vault modification in Early and
Middle Preclassic figurines reveal important tendencies in the
plastic representation of physical appearance. The
confirmation or rejection of these trends in the ancient
populations is not yet possible due to the lack of a
representative sample of human skeletal material. Until such
a sample is obtained, the assumption that the figurines
accurately show ancient people and their social roles stands
as a valid point of departure.
Throughout the Early Preclassic, the figurines of the first
Olmec capital indicate the homogenization of physical
appearance through specific artificial cranial modification
practices. The promotion of identity and social cohesion
through the enforcement of norms and rules was an essential
accessory to San Lorenzo’s complex sociopolitical structure
and its operation. Head shape did not distinguish commoners
from elite, or men from women, but was instrumental in
identifying outsiders. This contrasts with situations of
emerging complexity outside the Gulf Coast where the
representation of pseudo-annular modification may have been
a local status marker.
With the emergence of La Venta, physical homogenization
was reduced at San Lorenzo due to the weakening of
centralized mechanisms governing artificial cranial vault
modification practices, and new social identities emerged in
138
emulation of the new capital. La Venta’s early rulers
maintained pseudo-annular modification practices in order to
monopolize rights to divine ancestry while the bulk of the
population adopted a novel head shape characterized by
frontal flattening that permanently indicated their
commitment to new social values and customs.
Acknowledgments
It is a pleasure to recognize the support and generosity of the
following institutions that have made possible the research
conducted by the San Lorenzo Tenochtitlán Archaeological
Project: El Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas y La
Dirección General de Asuntos del Personal Académico de la
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México; El Consejo de
Arqueología del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e
Historia; The American Philosophical Society; El Consejo
Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología; The National Endowment
for the Humanities; The National Geographic Society; The
National Science Foundation; and The Foundation for the
Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc.
References
ANDRUSHKO, V. A.
2007 The bioarchaeology of Inca imperialism in the
heartland: an analysis of prehistoric burials from
the Cuzco region of Peru. Unpublished PhD thesis.
University of California at Santa Barbara.
BAILEY, D. W.
1994 Reading prehistoric figurines as individuals. World
Archaeology 25(3), 321-331.
BARTH, F.
1969 Introduction, in F. Barth (ed.), Ethnic groups and
boundaries: the social organization of culture
difference, 1-38. Boston, Little, Brown.
BERNAL, I.
1969 The Olmec world. Berkeley, University of
Califonia Press.
CHEETHAM, D.
2007 Cantón Corralito: objects from a possible Gulf
Olmec colony. http://www.famsi.org/reports/
05021/ [last accessed February 27, 2010].
CLARK, J. E.
1991 The beginning of Mesoamerica: apologia for the
Soconusco Early Formative, in W. L. Fowler (ed.),
The formation of complex society in southeastern
Mesoamerica, 13-26. Boca Raton, CRC Press.
COVARRUBIAS, M.
1944 La Venta: colossal heads and jaguar gods. DYN 6,
24-33.
CYPHERS, A.
1993 Women, rituals, and social dynamics at ancient
Chalcatzingo. Latin American Antiquity 4, 209-
224.
CYPHERS, A. and VILLAMAR, E.
2006 La representación del modelado cefálico en las
figurillas de San Lorenzo, in D.Aramoni, T.A. Lee
and M. Lisbona (eds.), Presencia zoque, una
 Ann Cyphers: Artificial Cranial Vault Modification in Olmec Figurines: Identity, Ancestry and Politics in Early
aproximación multidisciplinaria, 257-272.
Universidad de Ciencias y Artes de Chiapas,
Consejo de Ciencia y Tecnología del Estado de
Chiapas, Universidad Autónoma de Chiapas y
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México.
DÁVALOS, E. and ORTIZ, J. M.
1953 La plástica indígena y la patología. Revista
Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos 13 (2-3),
145-156.
DEMBO, A. and IMBELLONI, J.
1938 Deformaciones intencionales del cuerpo humano
de carácter étnico. Buenos Aires, Biblioteca
Humanior.
DRUCKER, P.
1952 La Venta, Tabasco: A study of Olmec ceramics
and art. Bureau of American Ethology Bulletin
153. Washington, DC, Smithsonian Institution.
EMBERLING, G.
1997. Ethnicity in complex societies: Archaeological
perspectives. Journal of Archaeological Research
5(4), 294-344.
GARCÍA MOLL, R., JUAREZ, D., PIJOAN, C., SALAS, M.
E. and SALAS, M.
1991 Catálogo de entierros de San Luis Tlatilco,
México, temporada IV. Mexico, Serie
Antropología Física-Arqueología, INAH.
GILL, G. W.
1977 Manifestations of a conceptual artistic ideal within
a prehistoric culture. American Antiquity 42 (1),
101-110.
GROVE, D. C.
1987 Chalcatzingo in a broader perspective, in D.C.
Grove (ed.), Ancient Chalcatzingo, 434-442.
Austin, University of Texas Press.
HARLAN, M.
1987 Chalcatzingo’s Formative figurines, in D.C. Grove
(ed.), Ancient Chalcatzingo, 252-263. Austin,
University of Texas Press.
HENSCHEN, F.
1966 The human skull: a cultural history. New York,
Praeger.
LEE, T, A., Jr.
1969 The artifacts of Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas,
Mexico. Papers of the New World Archaeological
Foundation 26. Provo.
LESURE, R.
1999 Figurines as representations and products at Paso
de la Amada, Mexico. Cambridge Archaeological
Journal 9 (2), 209-220.
MARCUS, J.
1998 Women’s ritual in Formative Oaxaca, figurine-
making, divination, death and the ancestors.
Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology 33. Ann
Arbor, University of Michigan.
NIEDERBERGER, C.
1976 Zohapilco, Cinco milenios de ocupación humana
en un sitio lacustre de la cuenca de México.
Colección Científica 33. Mexico, INAH.
139
Mesoamerica
PAILLÉS, M. C.
1980 Pampa El Pajón, an Early-Middle Preclassic site
on the Chiapas Coast, Mexico. Papers of the New
World Archaeological Foundation 44. Provo.
ROMANO PACHECO, A.
1980 Appendix 3: The skull from El Pajón Chiapas, in
M. C. Paillés (ed.), Pampa El Pajón, an early
estuarine site, Chiapas, México, 95-114. Papers of
the New World Archaeological Foundation, No.
44, Provo.
1987 Iconografía cefálica maya. Memorias del Primer
Coloquio Internacional de Mayistas, 1413-1473.
Mexico, Centro de Estudios Mayas, UNAM.
ROSS, M. H.
2001 Psychocultural interpretations and dramas: Identity
dynamics in ethnic conflict. Political Psychology
22(2), 157-178.
RUST, W. F.
2008 A settlement survey of La Venta, Tabasco, Mexico.
Unpublished PhD thesis. University of
Pennsylvania.
SCHIJMAN, E.
2005 Artificial cranial deformation in newborns in the
pre-Columbian Andes. Childs Nervous System 21,
945-950.
SYMONDS, S., CYPHERS, A., and LUNAGÓMEZ, R.
2002 Asentamiento prehispánico en San Lorenzo
Tenochtitlán, Mexico, Instituto de Investigaciones
Antropológicas, UNAM.
TIESLER, V.
1998 La costumbre de la deformación cefálica entre los
antiguos maya: aspectos morfológicos y
culturales. Mexico, INAH.
1999 Rasgos bioculturales entre los antiguos mayas,
aspectos arqueológicos y sociales. Unpublished
PhD thesis. UNAM.
TORRES-ROUFF, C.
2002 Cranial vault modification and ethnicity in Middle
Horizon San Pedro de Atacama, Chile. Current
Anthropology 43(1), 163-171.
2003 Shaping identity: cranial vault modification in the
pre-Columbian Andes. Unpublished PhD thesis.
University of California at Santa Barbara.
TORRES-ROUFF, C. ANDYABLONSKY, L. T.
2005 Cranial vault modification as a cultural artifact: a
comparison of the Eurasian steppes and the Andes.
Homo, Journal of Comparative Human Biology
56, 1-16.
TWAY, M. B. D.
2004 Gender, context and figurine use: ceramic images
from the Formative period San Andrés site,
Tabasco, Mexico. Unpublished Master’s thesis,
Florida State University.