Disliking

Others
LOATHING, HOSTILITY,
AND DISTRUST
IN PREMODERN
OTTOMAN LANDS
Ottoman and Turkish Studies

Series Editor
HAKAN T. KARATEKE (The University of Chicago)
Disliking
Others
LOATHING, HOSTILITY,
AND DISTRUST
IN PREMODERN
OTTOMAN LANDS
Edited by
HAKAN T. KARATEKE
H. ERDEM ÇIPA
HELGA ANETSHOFER

Boston
2018
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data:
The bibliographic data for this title is available from the Library of Congress.
ISBN 978-1-618118-80-6 (hardback)
ISBN 978-1-618118-81-3 (electronic)
Book design by Kryon Publishing Services (P) Ltd.
www.kryonpublishing.com
Cover design by Ivan Grave.
On the cover:

Published by Academic Studies Press in 2018

press@academicstudiespress.com
www.academicstudiespress.com
 Table of Contents

vii
viii
xi

Changing Perceptions about Christian-Born Ottomans:

. Sentiments in Ottoman Historiography 1

of the :
vi Table of Contents

Forms and Functions of Graecophobia in the Danubian

S-

“The Greatest of Tribulations”: Constructions of Femininity

Seventeenth-Century Ottoman Invective 296

D.

in a Proverbial Saying 321

 Ambiguous Subjects and
Uneasy Neighbors: Bosnian
Franciscans’ Attitudes
toward the Ottoman State,
“Turks,” and Vlachs
Vjeran Kursar

T his study focuses on eighteenth-century Franciscan chronicles and

other writings as narrative sources rich in individual and collective

atmosphere of religious and ethnic tensions that marked the turbulent

from Ottoman documents preserved in the archives of Franciscan

monasteries. While one would expect the use of cautious language

was created for Catholics who “crossed to the other side” and “became
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 149

seemingly in accordance with the old chauvinistic Serbian saying that

“a Turkified person is worse than a Turk.”1 This unforgiving attitude might

treatment than the “infidel Turks.” This animosity was further increased

INTRODUCTION: THE STATE OF CATHOLICISM

IN OTTOMAN BOSNIA

Catholic Church in the country and the custodian of the Franciscan

2

of security (

1 This saying was coined in the first half of the nineteenth century by the Serbian
-

and poet Petar

II Petrovi

.”
150 Vjeran Kursar

-
tion ( ) to the Franciscans and their churches. The

in Ottoman Bosnia and as such served as the basis for future imperial

status and the rights of Franciscans and Catholics via

interpretation and implementation of sharia-based legislation concerning

movement of clerics (which was particularly important for Franciscan

-

and

managed to preserve these tax exemptions until the end of the seven-
teenth century.6
In addition to the
with a ceremonial robe of honor (

7 This
garment further implicated a newly established official relation between

”).
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 151

robes of honor symbolized acceptance into state service or promotion.8

s as insignia were also bestowed on
9

-
)—and an organization
-

the beginning of the early modern era (and thus the arch-enemy of the

sultan. Their contracts with the state were not made at the imperial level

in different parts of the Ottoman realm. Groups of Catholics were given

s.10

“Ottoman

10 2 2

(J. Schacht);
152 Vjeran Kursar

rose to eighteen.11

12 The general

absence of Catholic clergy in those areas further stimulated its mission-

Ottoman Balkans.

economic motives as well: the increase of the number of parishes brought

higher income to the mother monasteries in Bosnia. The new territorial
magnitude of the Franciscan Province of Bosnia was self-confidently
highlighted by the Franciscans themselves. Bishop Bali evi wrote that

13

toward the Ottomans may have been the result of pragmatic consider-

Franciscans had a general inclination toward Catholic states neighboring

11 Jeleni
12

and Orthodoxy.”
13 Jeleni
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 153

Collaboration with the enemy provoked Ottoman retaliation.

Franciscan chronicles report that the Ottomans demolished Franciscan

s were arrested.16 -
17

and treason.18 -
ration with the enemy is stressed in the provisions of the s of
the
penalties for those “infidels and priests in the churches who are asking

infidels.”19 The real crisis followed in the second half of the seventeenth

20
Some of the monasteries were destroyed by the
Ottomans as retaliation for betrayal and siding with the enemy; others
were abandoned and eventually fell into ruin. Still other monasteries were

21 and
22

16 267.
17 267.
18 Lastri
19 ur

20
21
22
154 Vjeran Kursar

Savoy in 1697.23

activities under discriminatory sharia-based regulations that significantly

best to compensate for the loss with alternative approaches: the general
absence of churches in Bosnia had driven the Franciscans to make use of

help of so-called “portable altars” (

transform lay spaces into consecrated areas.

FRANCISCAN CHRONICLES OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

eighteenth century witnessed a blossoming of Franciscan chronicles and

literature. This flourishing might be ascribed to general global trends—
such as an increase in literacy—that were to a great degree sparked by

restoration and renewal was primarily geared toward the evangelization

and Christianization of the common people—the firm establishment of

creation of confessional boundaries in public and private life.26 This pro-

23 Skari
See Jeleni

26
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 155

27

linked with formation of the early modern state.28 By the beginning of

29

Catholic Church but also key bearers of reform. The role of the Bosnian
Franciscans in the evangelization of Bosnia—as well as Catholicism in

-
ticularly important for Bosnian Catholics because confessionalization

particular state.”30 -
tion of a clear-cut identity was amplified by fears of Catholic extinc-

-
fessionalization as confessional polarization and Sunnitization—certain

31

seriousness of the situation appear to have been among the main

factors that incited the Franciscans to write chronicles. By their own
-
mony of their time for new generations and to serve as examples and

27
28
29
30
31
156 Vjeran Kursar

lessons for the future.32

Fr. Bono Beni

33

Bosnian Franciscans and Catholics but also because they provide valu-
able material for the history of Bosnia in general. While each chronicle

in the sense that its author left less personal imprint on the text than the
other two chroniclers did. -

left a

not to mention as a protagonist of many of the events depicted there-

in.

in detail. Bogdanovi
context and general situation in the province of Bosnia.36
The Franciscan chroniclers received a contemporary western

37 Beni and
Bogdanovi
they taught philosophy and theology in Dalmatia before returning to

( ) to the top offices of the deputy ( ) and the head of

32
33 ; Beni ; and Bogdanovi .

36
37
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 157

the province ( ; Beni ) as well as the bishop and apostolic vicar

(Bogdanovi ).38 -

not the official stance of the Catholic Church.

focus on a text of historiographical character titled

Short Historical-Chronological Compendium). Written by Filip Lastri

39

often is praised as the first historiographical work in Bosnia and contains

various historical documents that were intended to guarantee the rights
of the Province against contenders from the Dalmatian and Slavonian
Franciscan provinces. -

was edu-
cated in Italy and later served in high offices of the Bosnian Franciscan
.

“WICKED” TURKS
-
tious language and self-censorship in Franciscan writings. Beni

38

39 Lastri .

.
158 Vjeran Kursar

prison.
;
the nonsense of others.

The chroniclers themselves often could not or did not want to

638 were also “Turks.” -

verted to Islam was considered to have turned Turk.
the chroniclers accepted the dichotomy of “us” versus “Turks” when

Christian states and the Ottomans. In a description of events that followed

it is [actually] ours.”

besieging the “Turks.”

-
tory of Catholicism in Bosnia is represented as the history of suffering

Beni

the sacrilege.
Beni
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 159

poor Franciscans suffered and are still suffering these things and

called
name “tribute in blood” ( ).
the of
to collect Christian boys for .

This practice obvi-

ously caused significant distress and trauma in the Christian community.
Parents tried almost everything to save their children from collection:

might have incited

an opportunity to elevate

He applied for s (collected by the

) voluntarily
converted to Islam to be recruited to the s corpus. There

Lastri
”; 2
2

Beni dated it 1667.

160 Vjeran Kursar

( ) of the same year. These cases indicate that

was sometimes used as a vehicle for the social elevation of a family.
The best-known example of this approach is that of the recruit

-
bers of his family into important state services. He also played an import-
ant role in the reestablishment of the Patriarchy of Pe (Serbian Orthodox

of s did
This

to an order sent to the of the

-
lected were to be circumcised. The order sent to the of

of unbelievers ( 60

The
eligible for .61 This might explain the discontent and opposi-

as a privilege

represented a heavy burden that they would have preferred to avoid. For

flock represented an alarming situation that was heavily lamented and

condemned.

no. 3108.
2

60
61
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 161

Lastri

62

”(

who was the of the

67.63

since the

and was skillful at it.

”
( ; Bosnian: ). It seems that they were influenced by the

was so zealous and self-righteous that he

62 Bogdanovi 89.
63

.
162 Vjeran Kursar

66 In this
-

67

The actions of such a man and his followers must have contributed to
commented in a

-
ing.”68
he was appointed

69 In
-

among the citizens.70

71

66
67
68 Bogdanovi
69
70
71
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 163

individual cases.72

(Ott. (Ott. -

-
sities.”73 The fate of the principal culprit of the Franciscan trouble—and

means—obviously amused the chronicler.

and sometimes loathing and hate. On such occasions “Turks” were most

to Beni

with his mother to Transylvania. Beni

“Poor is he who relies on Turkish help.” In his depiction of the long-last-

seems to be the harshest critic of this

who were left literally without a roof above their heads in bitter winter.
When a “lying” envoy who was sent to the sultan to obtain a for
the repair of the monastery returned to Bosnia without even meeting the
angrily

of Greeks!”

72 Beni
73 231.
Beni
Bogdanovi
164 Vjeran Kursar

“Turkish” deceitfulness often was connected with their perceived rapac-

three hundred
condemned

and bandit.”76

77

“Turkish” peasants were not immune to the vices of greed and

to be unfaithful” because they did not respect their contract with the

as s.”78 The word “

that denotes crudeness and roughness. Bogdanovi used another deroga-

79

condemned an attack on the monas-

80

-
tors of perpetual mischief and violence throughout the eighteenth century
s. The need

in the recruitment of individuals who traditionally had been considered

outside the pool of

76 Bogdanovi
77 Bogdanovi
78 Bogdanovi 91.
79 Bogdanovi
modern Croatian and Serbian languages. The word “ ” conveys an especially
negative meaning.
80 Bogdanovi 171.
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 165

target for extortion.81

Bogdanovi portrayed the s in a particularly negative light—

monk from Bogdanovi

dung.”82

pay ninety
Bogdanovi
released while innocents are punished by fine and scared with threats!
83

disappearance and forced to pay not only fees for various documents that
It was in
this context that Bogdanovi cried out on the occasion of the departure of

because they were excrements of Bosnia.”

they were involved in several litigations with the Ottoman authori-

violating an imperial .86

“if a single nail was found nailed over the

81 See Su
82 Bogdanovi 120.
83 Bogdanovi 121.
Bogdanovi
Bogdanovi 122.
86
166 Vjeran Kursar

be demolished!”87

expenses and fees for the procedure.

experienced a dramatic turn of events. Several

to the “infidels” ( ; Ott. sg.

guardian to submit a petition to the pasha
in Travnik. While waiting for the petition-writer to awake the follow-

was beaten
several times by the

was verbally

88

were fined no less than five hundred .89

more critical and suspicious stance toward the “Turks.” The general situ-

-
-

87 220.
88 Beni
89
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 167

come.90

91

THOSE WHO TURNED TURK

was created for the Catholics who “became Turk.” Such “deserters” and

and often were charged with hatred of their former coreligionists. The
prospect of the diminution of the Catholic flock via Islamization may have

the pace of Islamization had significantly diminished (if not completely

-

that although Islamization was not as substantial as it had been in the

-
ries that followed. 92

-
demning and alarming remarks—seems to testify that the process of con-
version to Islam during this period was far from over in Bosnia as well.

93 I argue that the process of Islamization actu-

argument is based on individual cases from the Franciscan chronicles.

-
icant number of former Franciscans—reveals the ongoing vitality of the

90 Bogdanovi 133.
91 Bogdanovi
92 .
93
168 Vjeran Kursar

which confirms this impression: the relatively large number of “those

who turned Turk” ( ) mentioned in the chronicle suggests that
in the second half of the eighteenth century Islamization remained an

and to accept it as the true faith was especially strong in the Ottoman

Ottoman state. Bosnian chronicles suggest that pressure on Christians

because a large crowd of Turkish idlers with drums and pipes would

“Would you like to turn Turk ( 96

preacher

to cause grief to
97

The chroniclers noted a surprisingly high number of ex-Franciscan

98
Converts to Islam from the ranks of the Christian priest-
hood were particularly encouraged by rich stipends and gifts from the

; .
96
97
98
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 169

authorities. The chroniclers were especially troubled by the conversion of

explained in the case of the guardian of the monastery of Srebrenica in

the guardian

99

woman.100
s and
started a case in court ( ) against the Franciscans.
The Franciscans won the case but nevertheless paid 120 for various

Sava to Habsburg territory.101

102

high fine for the allegedly false accusation of reconverting a “Turkified

child” to “the faith.”103

99 Beni
100
women in general.
101 Beni
102 Beni
103
170 Vjeran Kursar

boy ( ) who had converted to Islam.

The Franciscans were careful to deny such accusations in front of

several sources suggest that the reality was in accordance with the very

and other unbelievers.” The most iconic figure of Bosnian Catholicism

“many thousands of unbelievers to Christ.”106 The number of converts

as a holy person

107
This
-
fies that the Franciscans were not merely “Turkish victims” and passive
observers but active agents ready to take risks in the battle for souls with
their mighty adversary.

GOOD TURKS
-
sionally recognized as virtuous and righteous “Turkish” dignitaries who
-

Lastri published this letter alongside other important documents concerning the
Bosnian Franciscans. See Lastri
106 Lastri 128.
107 Jeleni -

.
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 171

108

his reign the poor did not know what evil was.”109 Beni and Bogdanovi
also praised the pasha as good and righteous. Beni basically repeated
-
110 Bogdanovi

“really noble and genuine duke.”111

of this pasha was an inexpensive permission (“only two hundreds ”)
-
commented upon the new
whom a Franciscan delegation of the three guardians visited in 1771.

112

expressed appreciation toward individuals

-
ther does he act perfidiously toward the Franciscans—according to the

with the fair price.”113 In a similar manner he remarked on the of

108

109

110 Beni 178.

111 Bogdanovi

112 Bogdanovi
113 Bogdanovi 133.
172 Vjeran Kursar

SCHISMATIC VLACHS
The chroniclers appear to have reserved their worst treatment for fellow

particularly the Serbian Orthodox Church and its representatives. The

roots of this mistrust and enmity were historical and dogmatic. In their

and Beni -

believe that the Holy Ghost originates both from the Son and the Father [
].” The Bosnian Franciscan enmity toward Orthodox Christianity
had its local particularities as well. While Orthodox Christians were called

-
116

Ottoman official documents labeled the Serbian Orthodox Church—the

Patriarchate of Pe
).117

Orthodox Churches was aggravated by the worldly rivalry between com-

as a first step toward religious submission and the eventual loss of a sepa-

linguistic and other close ties between Bosnian and Croatian Catholics

Bogdanovi
261; and Beni
116 This was originally the name of the nomadic and semi-nomadic pastoral autochtho-

to use “ ” as an administrative term for all pastoral clan groups in the region.
117
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 173

syncretism and acculturation.

The first conflicts between the two Christian denominations in front
118

brought a case to the attention of the

extortion of taxes from Catholic villagers as well as violence toward

of Imotski.119
Despite the otherwise-acknowledged independence of the Catholic

in the -
gering numerous litigations.120 In the Ottoman register ( ) of the

in the
golden coins as the tax.121

spheres.122 The conflict that broke out in 1661 initially was recorded in
the -
pute was transmitted and embellished by later chroniclers. 123

attempted to force Catholics and their priests to pay an annual tax but also
tried to subdue them to the “Greek rite and schism.” Catholics managed

118
119
120
121
122
123 and Lastri wrote prose versions of

Beni
174 Vjeran Kursar

again failed in subduing the Catholics. Lastri wrote that “with the mercy of

of the dragon.”

Orthodox Christian side paid an exceptionally high price:

was fined three hundred s for another reason which is not

related to this case.

the “Orthodox Christian bishop” ( ).126

called the Patriarch names such as “pig” and “swine” ( ).127

128

Lastri
Lastri
126 Following the example of the
as a synonym for “Patriarch.”
127
128
other chronicles.
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 175

-
-

slaves of the Devil.”129

worse than Luther and Calvin and called an “apostate” ( ).130 These

Church was shifted to the inner problems such as “magic” and various
deviations in the core Catholic lands.131 In the periphery of the Catholic

(Ott. 132 and as a “worthless” or

“shameless person.” This loan word may have been introduced because
.

133 He also was

) should not touch

holy things.”
Beni and Lastri recorded a new litigation with the Orthodox

129
130 The term appears as “ -

131 68.
132
133
176 Vjeran Kursar

Patriarch of Pe and the Bishop of Ohrid (Ohri) came to Travnik.

To refute the claims of the Orthodox Church and to obtain confirmation

Dobreti
136

this unbelief went to hell.”137

the two Orthodox Christian s concerning the seat of the bishop

138
It is noteworthy
that Beni made this point despite the fact that the Franciscans them-
selves appealed to the Ottoman authorities many times in inter-Catholic

in the first half of the seventeenth century.139

The animosity that at times turned into open hatred toward Orthodox
Christians significantly surpassed the antipathy the Franciscan chroni-

Christians must be understood not only in light of religious and dogmatic

differences but also within the context of a more worldly rivalry between
competing Christian elites. Such extremely negative attitudes toward
“Christian brethren” could be explained by the real danger of being sub-
dued in fiscal terms by the Serbian Orthodox Church. The process that

step toward the “Orthodoxisation” of Bosnian Catholics and the grad-

ual loss of their distinct ethno-confessional identity. The closeness of the
two South Slavic communities in this respect must have increased the

Lastri calls him the

bishop (
136 Lastri
137 Lastri
138 Beni
139
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 177

urged the chroniclers to an uncompromising stance toward the Orthodox

Church.

Out of thirty-five Ottoman documents that pertain to conflicts between

-
-
nations. The Ottoman authorities handled conflicts between Christian

It is difficult
to determine whether or not the Ottoman state wanted to keep Christians

obviously raised significant amounts of money via fees to the state trea-
sury and to the Ottoman institutions and individuals involved. Despite

state courts and admitting their own feuds to the supposedly disliked

The feud between the two communities appears to have had an

of disputes between Orthodox Christian and Catholic merchants through-

-
178 Vjeran Kursar

intercommunal conflict.
event in 1697 involving two members of the powerful Bosnian Catholic
in litigation with the Orthodox Christian

Conflicts between the Orthodox and the Catholic Churches were not
specific to the Balkans. While the first confrontations started as early as

toward the more aggressive Catholic infiltration into the Ottoman realm
began to worsen in the first half of the seventeenth century—when the
papal office of the Congregation for the Propagation of Faith started its
activities. Conflicts ensued in the second half of the seventeenth cen-

enmities escalated due to the increasingly aggressive attitude of the

Patriarchate of Constantinople.
was supported by the Ottomans not only due to political and diplomatic
calculations but also as a result of the rising influence of the Phanariot
Greeks.
denominations was aggravated by the unbearable economic pressure that

the Orthodox Church to the Ottoman state—such as taxes like and

—pressured the Orthodox clergy to attempt to extract

The Franciscans themselves were obliged to pay the

Clash of ‘
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 179

forced to discontinue this unpopular practice despite protestations and

monasteries.
introduce a new fiscal burden could trigger a fierce and uncompromising
reaction from the other.
Their otherwise unforgiving attitude toward the Orthodox Church

Bogdanovi

and excellent masons. -

good workers.
sultanic monogram ( ) of the
who was very skillful in this business.”

however. The employment of a “Greek schismatic” carpenter in the reno-

-

Franciscans who served the meal on the day of the Orthodox Christian

Church and its clergy did not necessarily result in segregation and dis-

Beni
Bogdanovi
Bogdanovi from

Bogdanovi
Beni
180 Vjeran Kursar

CONCLUSION
Franciscan attitudes toward members of other communities were by and large

internal coherence and external exclusion. Local circumstances further rad-

icalized those tendencies. While the proximity of three South Slavic ethno-
confessional communities in Bosnia must have represented an obstacle to

created by war and unrest further aggravated inter-confessional relations.

-
-
promising attitudes present in the Franciscan chronicles seem to have been
necessary for the affirmation and protection of the fragile Bosnian Catholic

seems to have been used occasionally to fur-

ther strengthen the walls of besieged Catholicism both externally (against
-
gades). Negative emotions seem to have risen in accordance with the social
and cultural proximity of the contender.
Orthodox Church and its representatives as natural rivals of the Franciscans

so-called

Sharia-based legislation introduced discriminatory regulations that lim-

 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 181

and local authorities—as well as the Serbian Orthodox Christian clergy—

worsened the position of the Catholic Church in eighteenth-century

avoided whenever possible.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Sources

Unpublished Sources

Published Sources

Beni

Bogdanovi

7
ur

Lastri Filip.

Nikola.
182 Vjeran Kursar

1999.

Barbari
a.”

21 (1909):

Studies

In

In

Spaces in Istanbul.”

Impact in the Ottoman Capital.” In

Iva. .

.
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 183

. anska

Orthodox Patriarchates during the late 17th and early 18th centuries.”

Norman. .
Duki Davor.

Foti
primer sremskih manastira.”
edited and with

. Translated by

.”

a.” In
184 Vjeran Kursar

2 (1987):

Jeleni .
1990.

-
la-lasvanin.
 Ambiguous Subjects and Uneasy Neighbors 185

Domination of the Country.” In

Church in Ottoman Hungary.”

Nilevi
.

Skari

oko.

Su u.”

a.”
186 Vjeran Kursar

in

O
Hercegovine.” In Filip Lastri