1

ABSTRACT

The discourse explores the effects of architecture and design on the

psychology and behaviour of its end users. Using the analysis of Hannah
Arendt’s Human Condition and James Gibson’s Theory of Perception, it
attempts to draw up the reciprocal relationship between architecture and
its user/maker, thus proving the capacity of architecture and design in
stimulating and influencing the behaviour of its users.

Delving into the extent in which architecture effectively does so, I have
divided the discourse into two parts, allowing for the analysis of
contrasting case studies:

Designing Against Crime is an analytical investigation into Oscar

Newman’s theory of Defensible Space. It explores the four principles of
design used to deter crime in high-risk residential areas, and its success
reinforcing security. The significant rise in CCTV cameras as means of
deterring crime is also acknowledged and discussed in reflection to the
effectiveness of Newman’s theory.

Designing for Leisure looks into two architectural genres that contribute
significantly to the success of theme parks and casinos as leisure
destinations: the architecture of excess and the architecture of persuasion.

The intrinsic exploration of the discourse reveals the varying degree of

effectiveness in particular types of architecture due to the differences in
social and psychological factors. It also highlights the relationship
between the architect and the end user, and the significance of a
harmonious relationship in the pursuit for successful architecture.

2
 CONTENT

INTRODUCTION

ARCHITECTURE & THE HUMAN CONDITION 4

PART I

DESIGNING AGAINST CRIME 10

PART II
DESIGNING FOR LEISURE 24

CONCLUSION
DEFENSIBLE SPACE VS. THE ARCHITECTURE OF EXCESS &
PERSUASION 38

BIBLIOGRAPHY 41

3
 INTRODUCTION
ARCHITECTURE & THE HUMAN CONDITION

4
 “There is no doubt whatever about the influence of
architecture and structure upon human character and
action. We make our buildings and afterwards they make
us. They regulate the course of our lives.”
-Winston Churchill-1

Men, according to theorist Hannah Arendt, are

perceived as conditioned forces with the capability to
influence the environment that they come in contact with
into a condition of their existence. As elaborated by
Arendt— “whatever touches or enters into a sustained
relationship with human life immediately assumes the
character of a condition of human existence. This is why
men, no matter what they do, are always conditioned
beings.”2

Interestingly, Arendt further elaborates that man does

not stand independently as a conditioning force, as he in
turn becomes conditioned by the object and environment
that has now assumed the character of the human
existence— “…things that owe their existence exclusively

1
Dan Locton, Architecture, Urbanism, Design and Behaviour: A
Brief Review
http://architectures.danlockton.co.uk/2011/09/12/architecture-
urbanism-design-and-behaviour-a-brief-review/ [accessed
05/03/2013]
2
Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition, p.9

5
to men nevertheless constantly condition their human
makers.”3 This thus draws a correlation, a mutual
relationship between man and his environment, that man
becomes the conditioned entity as much as he is the
conditioning force, and the environment assumes the role
of the conditioning force as much as it is the conditioned
entity.

A similar relationship between man and his

environment is also observed by psychologist James
Gibson in his ecological theory of perception whereby the
observer— human or animal— productively engages with
the environment through movement and visual perception.4
The environment is no longer perceived a seen object or
‘thing’, but an ‘affordance’—a stimulus which holds the
capacity to offer meaning to the observer, thus stimulating
the observer to productively respond and engage with the
environment, as elaborated by Gibson: “a ledge affords
sitting, air affords breathing and water affords drinking and
bathing.”5

3
Ibid.
4
Tim Ingold, Being Alive, p. 11
5
E. Bruce Goldstein, The Ecology of J. J. Gibson’s Perception,
p.192

6
 It is intriguing to note that albeit Gibson’s theory is
derived from a different spectrum of study to that of
Arendt’s, it appears to intertwine and support Arendt’s
Human Condition in conveying the reciprocal relationship
between man and his environment. Gibson’s theory
acknowledges the environment as a stimulus that drives the
observer to react to it accordingly to the way he perceives
it, thus the environment now assumes the role of a
conditioning force. Furthermore, because movement and
the sensory use of vision is fundamental for perception to
occur, it can be deduced that Gibson’s observer is always
in visual and physical contact with his environment. Hence,
reverting to Arendt’s theory, Gibson’s observer, who
comes into contact with the environment and is conditioned
by it, must also be Arendt’s conditioned being.

Churchill’s statement to the English Architectural

Association in 1924 thus strongly ties Arendt’s and
Gibson’s theories to the reciprocal relationship between
human beings and the built environment: Users create and
define the spaces that they inhabit as much as elements of
these spaces physically and psychologically condition the
user’s perception as to how they should move, use and
inhabit the space. In architectural context, however, the
conditioning force and the conditioned user may consist of
different entities within the same context. The architect

7
may assume the role of the former, whereby he designs and
conditions spaces to meet architectural intentions
appropriate to programmatic needs, while the latter will
consist of end users of the built product, who will carry out
programmatic activities influenced by the spatial elements
and architectural aesthetics. Visual perception is crucial on
the end user’s part, to enable the perception and response
of the user to the ‘affordances’ of these architectural
elements.

One may challenge the idea of structure and design

being influential on human behaviour. What is
architecture, after all, but a careful combination of barriers,
apertures, horizontal and vertical planes constructed out of
dormant, non-living materials inert and indifferent to the
existence of human beings and their intellect? The reality is
that the combinations of these ‘inert’ architectural elements
have become heavily influential to the human psychology
and perception of senses since the beginning of time—
hunter-gatherers of the Paleolithic age recognized the
enclosure of the cave as a territory associated with safety
and shelter in contrast to the open, vulnerable lands. In the
more recent and relevant age of postmodern architecture,
the conditioning force of architecture on the human psyche
has developed into more advanced and refined elements,

8
presenting itself in the form of both bold and subtle spatial
arrangements, choice of material, and colour.

Acknowledging that architecture and design stimulate

and condition the psychology and behaviour of its users,
one is then drawn to the degree in which it becomes
successful in doing so: to what extent does architectural
space affect us in our thoughts, senses, perceptions, and
decisions? To what extent can architecture successfully
drive human beings away from societal ills and guide them
towards the desired urban life, or influence the psyche of
consumers in boosting trade and consumerism?

The discourse will be an intrinsic exploration into the

correlation between architectural design and the human
behaviour, looking into dialectical spectrums of designing
to delimit crime and societal ills, and designing to promote
excessive consumption in leisure. The discourse will focus
and critic on the ideology and theory of Defensible Space
by Oscar Newman for the former, and a repertoire of
casino, theme park and mall designs for the latter subject.

9
 PART I
DESIGNING AGAINST CRIME:
DEFENSIBLE SPACE

10
 “Defensible Space” according to Oscar Newman, is as a
combination of architectural mechanisms that is instilled
within an environment with the intentions to
psychologically stimulate residents to be more vigilant of
neighbourhood activities.6 The ideology came about in the
‘70s as a response to the rising crime rates in cities,
believed to be aggravated by the disappearance of small-
town environments and increasing size and density of the
urban megalopolis.

The rapid emergence of super blocks and high rise

buildings to accommodate increasing population density
has exacerbated what Newman described as feelings of
“anonymity, isolation, irresponsibility, lack of identity with
surroundings, etc.”7 amongst dwellers, causing them to
behave like strangers amongst themselves thus fuelling the
collapse of the social mechanism that once aided and
supported police activity in deterring acts of crime.8

Newman states that one of the main reasons for this

phenomena is the issue of the super block having limited if
not nonexistent private and semi-private thresholds leading

6
Oscar Newman, Defensible Space: People and Design in the
Violent City, p.3
7
Ibid. p. 28
8
Ibid. p. 1

11
into the dwelling, causing ambiguity between private
thresholds and collective public spaces9. This ambiguity
instills a lack of association with the surroundings and lack
of proprietorship and belonging to an establishment10.
Residents who feel no sense of belonging or ownership to
their dwelling and immediate surroundings hence cease to
care about the ongoing activities that takes place
immediately outside of their doors. The way in which
these housing developments are situated on site also affects
the security of these developments: buildings that are
located in free compositional form, indifferent to its
relation with the main street also pose high risk of crime
occurrence, as lack of ground differentiation inhibits the
definition of territories, causing intruders11 to
psychologically assume that it is acceptable to be
wandering around in the open space.12

Newman acknowledges the significance of architectural

influence on the human behaviour in his theory:

9
Ibid. p.52
10
Ibid. p. 51
11
Oscar Newman’s ‘intruder’ in Defensible Space is generally
conveyed as an outsider to the neighbourhood—a person who
assumingly has no affiliations to the dwellings nor neighbourhood
life, and poses the risk of intrusion and possibly carrying out acts
of crimes. The intruder is thus is seen as a threat to the security of
the neighbourhood.
12
Ibid. p. 22

12
“Architecture can create encounter and prevent it [crime].
Certain kinds of space and spatial layout favour the
clandestine activities of criminals.”13 In acknowledgement
that architecture has the conditioning potential to promote
social ills as well as delimit it, it then becomes the crucial
role of the architect as the conditioning force to investigate
the correlation between high-risk areas and the behaviour
of intruders to counteract this matter through design.

Defensible space thus incorporates four elements of

physical design to counteract these spaces that promote the
occurrence of crime—the manipulation of territories and
boundaries to create zones that sharpen the vigilance of
residence and delineate the paths of intruders, the
enhancement of natural surveillance for both interior and
exterior spaces through strategic openings and windows
(fig. 1 to 4), the adoption of building designs and
appearances which avoid stigma and prejudice against
residents and their social status (fig. 5), and the location of
residential developments near to trustworthy urban areas
that are associated with low threat reputations (fig. 6).14

13
Ibid. p. 12
14
Ibid. p. 9

13
 Is Defensible Space effective in deterring crime?
Newman admits that the incorporation of physical and
symbolic barriers to determine private and semi-private
territories is only successful providing that the intruder is
able to read and psychologically perceive the intentional
elements of walls, steps, foliage and changes in texture of
walking paths15 as elements marking the existence of
private territories and boundaries. The internal space must
also be clearly conveyed and read as a place which has low
tolerance for ambiguous use, thus an intruder must be clear
of what his intentions are upon entering these spaces.
Simultaneously, inhabitants must also be capable of
carrying out surveillance and challenging the intruder’s
presence, taking precautionary action when needed.16

15
Ibid. p.63
16
Ibid. p. 64

14
15
16
17
 A critique by Russel Ellis reveals that Defensible Space
is only effective in architectural theory. In aspects of social
science, the theory is argued to be “terribly weak”17,
because of its reliance on the subjective notions of
nurturing values such as proprietorship, belonging, and
communal spirit18 which project inconsistent subjective
results unsuitable for objectively measured assessment.
Ellis also points out that Newman’s theory catalyzes
suspicion and manipulates mistrust19 with the assumption
that all passer-bys are intruders with motives to commit
offense. Undoubtedly, this also raises questionable issues
regarding the identity of the intruder in a defensible space.

The principles of defensible space stress on the

importance of semi-private thresholds in design to help
residents differentiate the neighbour from the intruder 20. It
is perhaps important to note that Newman’s projection of
the intruder is one that appears to be of an anonymous
outsider generally exclusive to the community— this then
completely disregards crimes that occur with the
involvement of internal members of the community, and

17
W. Russel Ellis, Book Reviews: Defensible Space: Crime
Prevention Through Urban Design by Oscar Newman
p.11
18
Ibid.
19
Ibid.
20
Oscar Newman, p.18

18
the complex web of social ills that take place within a
society, hence revealing a biased flaw in Newman’s theory.

19
20
 Furthermore, the emergence of CCTV cameras in the
‘80s21 and its reputation as a common additional fixture on
buildings in the present day gives way that architecture and
design can only be so effective in deterring crime. Before
one can judge Newman for being too ambitious, however,
an insight into the effectiveness on CCTV cameras in the
present day reveals that technological advancements, too,
can only do so much to prevent clandestine activities from
being carried out.

Some may argue that the sight of security cameras

psychologically cause pedestrians to be more aware that
they are being watched, causing them to avoid projecting
any suspicious behaviour. Ironically, crime continues to
occur in places deployed and affixed with cameras. The
UK, for example, is known as the country with the largest
number of surveillance cameras in the world. 22 And yet,
studies have found no reduction in crime in correlation to

21
American Civil Liberties Union, What’s Wrong with Public
Video Surveillance? http://www.aclu.org/technology-and-
liberty/whats-wrong-public-video-surveillance [accessed
03/04/2013]
22
The Telegraph, CCTV Cameras: If they do not stop crimes or
catch criminals, what are they for?
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/telegraph-
view/6083476/CCTV-cameras-If-they-do-not-stop-crime-or-
catch-criminals-what-are-they-for.html [accessed 05/04/2013]

21
the number of security cameras.23 An interview with expert
in intelligence and security Jeff Corkill highlights that
under normal circumstances numerous camera footage are
manned by the limitations of a human operator.24 Upon
detection of abnormal activity, time is spent dispatching
policemen to site, creating a time lapse for which criminals
have the opportunity to flee the scene. Thus, surveillance
cameras are more effective as means of crime detection and
post-crime analysis than it is a crime deterrent.

The success of CCTV cameras, like that of Newman’s

Defensible Space, relies heavily on the capability of the
observer to perceive that they are under surveillance—a
warning against unacceptable behaviour. However, while a
law abiding observer may easily acknowledge security
cameras and semi-private thresholds as elements of
deterrence, an observer with poor morale may choose to be
indifferent to them. As Newman acknowledges, “The root
cause of inner city and ghetto crime lie deep in the social
structure of our nation.”25 Internal issues embedded in the
social structure must therefore be addressed first before

23
American Civil Liberties Union, What’s Wrong with Public
Video Surveillance?
24
Maryke Steffens, ABC Science, How Good Are CCTV
Cameras at Preventing Crime?
http://www.abc.net.au/science/articles/2009/04/15/2543768.htm
[accessed 05/04/2013]
25
Oscar Newman, p. 13

22
external solutions can take effect. Thus, defensible space
cannot be used as a solution to completely eradicate crime
through the manipulation of human psychology— it merely
creates opportunities for citizens of the open society to be
more vigilant and in control of their environment.26

26
Ibid. p. 204

23
 PART II
DESIGNING FOR LEISURE

24
 “Temptations rarely come in working hours. It is in their
leisure time that men are made or marred.”
-W. N. Taylor- 27

Las Vegas. Steeple Chase. Disney World. What makes

these places so appealing that they become significant and
momentous destination points for people from various parts
of the globe? Escapism is perhaps the most appropriate
answer. The aforementioned places offer such extravagant
promises of leisure and pleasure, that one easily identifies
these places as means of feasible escape from the
contrastingly mundane and problematic reality. As
explored by Scott Lukas in his study of theme parks, the
theme park allows a person to be fully absorbed by the
“joy, ecstasy and excitement”28 of the rides and shows, thus
creating a temporary block to the perils of everyday life.29

The inclusion of Las Vegas in the legacy of the theme

park is a subject that has drawn many mixed criticisms.
While the development of Vegas over recent years has
steered towards a more family-friendly leisure industry

27
Lotte F.Van Dillen, et al.,Turning a Blind Eye to Temptation:
How Cognitive Load can Facilitate Self Regulation, p.1
29
Scott A. Lukas, Theme Park, preface

25
with the expansion of Disney-esque themed casinos30,
those who work in Vegas are adamant to keep the label of
‘adult theme park’ at bay 31. Lukas, however, is quick to
point out otherwise, highlighting elements which ring an all
too familiar bell: “Moving through the Treasure Island one
sees constant references to the pirate theme, including
building features, signage and attractions of all sorts.”32
Lukas also notes the behaviour of visitors who do not stay
content at visiting one casino, but attempt to explore as
many as possible. Each casino thus begins to assume the
characteristics of a quasi-theme park, and the Strip a mega-
theme park.33

While critics continue to debate the association of

Vegas with theme park culture, it is undeniable that the
design strategies implemented into developing Vegas,
Disney World and the like have been impressively
successful in continuously drawing visitors. The 2011
Theme Park Industry Attendance Report shows that Walt
Disney World’s Magic Kingdom experienced an influx of
17.1 million visitors, a 1.0% increase from the previous

30
Karin Jaschke, Casinos Inside Out in Stripping Las Vegas: A
Contextual Review of Casino Resort Architecture,
p.109
31
Scott A. Lukas, p 28
32
Scott Lukas p.169
33
Ibid, p.170

26
27
year.34 To further elaborate on the success of the
aforementioned design strategies, recent years have
projected the manifestation of theme park elements into
other consumer havens such as shopping malls (Fig. 10)
and contemporary museums to make them more appealing
to visitors.

34
Robert Niles, Theme Park Insider, Disney Claims Top 8 Spots
in 2011 Global Theme Park Industry Report,
http://www.themeparkinsider.com/flume/201205/3073/
[accessed 05/04/2013]

28
29
 Upon closer analysis, it is significant to point out that
the Vegas Strip and most major theme parks attribute a
major portion of their success to two types of architectural
genre that constitute them: the architecture of excess and
the architecture of persuasion.

The strategy of excess in design draws out what Lukas

describes as the transition of industrial vernacular to
consumer vernacular 35, distorting Mies Van de Rohe’s
aesthetic vision of “less is more” to “more is more”36.
Excess, as examined by Karin Jaschke in her discourse on
the development of casino design along the Strip, becomes
fundamental in cognitively overwhelming and stimulating
the psychological needs of gamblers into the pursuit of
excessive behaviour 37, influencing them to invest more
time and money in casinos. The Freudian principle of
pleasure is also instilled via excess, whereby the visitor’s
journey to the desert is made worthwhile and justified
when greeted by extravagant and excessive décor that
symbolizes escapism from the daily norm. Excessive décor
also functions to ease the transition between separate

35
Scott A. Lukas, p.137
36
Ibid.
37
Karin Jaschke, p.110

30
leisure facilities, making up elements of surprise that
distract visitors from their remote surroundings (Fig.13).38

38
Ibid.

31
32
33
 Simultaneously, the strategy of persuasion is present in
the manipulation of spaces to geographically disassociate
visitors such that they become disoriented and more
vulnerable to the excessive temptations of leisure. Getting
lost in the theme park or casino is assimilated to the thrill
of getting lost in foreign travels, thus generating a
temporary sense of adventure and excitement amongst
visitors.39 The labyrinth-like layout of the casino
exemplifies this situation in the way in which it intricately
weaves itself amongst restaurants, shops and lobbies to
create a sense of ‘never leaving but always arriving’40,
generating the illusion of being in infinite space. Visitors
disorientated by the layout experience excitement in trying
to navigate themselves amongst the plethora of attractions,
unbeknownst that the design intentionally functions as a
ploy to prolong the time spent in casinos, thus increasing
the establishment’s chances of reaping higher profits.

Design elements that carefully manipulate sensory

perceptions are also crucial in projecting optical illusions to
conceal any unsightly details that would break the spell of
the perfect world of leisure. The unavoidable queue in a
theme park, for example, is disguised by designing the

39
Scott A. Lukas p. 104
40
Karin Jaschke, p.124

34
35
queue area such that queues appear to project out from
obscure directions. Thorough landscaping also diverts the
visitors’ vision to interesting vistas, whilst the strategic
positioning of foliage, speakers and screens distract them,
letting them believe that they are not that far off from
boarding the rides. 41

Whilst theme parks usually expand across open grounds

and thus rely on the limitations of daylight to operate,
casinos celebrate the advantage of being enclosed through
the manipulation of ceiling heights, lighting and total
disconnection from natural light to create a sense of
limitless time coupled with dark, atmospheric spaces that
amplify what Venturi, Brown and Izenour describe as the
ambience of “privacy, protection, concentration and
control.”42 Constant sounds emitted by slot machines
further add to the ambience, celebrating the gambler’s
participation and heightening their senses, titillating them

41
Scott A. Lukas, p.153
42
Robert Venturi, et al., Learning from Las Vegas: The Forgotten
Symbolism of Architectural Form p.49

36
and encouraging further attempts for the promise of more
possible achievement.43

One of the unintentional and yet interesting phenomena

that casinos and theme parks experience through the
attraction of large numbers of visitors is the presence of a
crowd that ecologically influences individuals to behave as
part of a society. This is perhaps relatable to sociologist
Erving Goffman’s study on walking as “an intrinsically
social activity”44, which provokes the notions of perception
and response amongst one individual and another—a
seemingly familiar echo to the theory of James Gibson’s
perception. The perception of others thus allows a person to
acknowledge their presence, and therefore provokes a
response so that the person moves in relation to them45.
This behaviour becomes a natural advantage to the leisure
industry, as the sight of queues and pleasurable indulgence
of a visitor in a ride or game thus provokes the reaction of
other patrons to feel compelled to join in and participate,
creating a domino effect of overturns that would garner
profitable returns to the industry.

43
Mark Griffiths, Design of the Times: How does Venue Design
Influence Gambling Behaviour?
http://drmarkgriffiths.wordpress.com/2012/06/19/design-of-the-
times-how-does-venue-design-influence-gambling-behaviour-
revisited/ [accessed 06/03/2013]
44
Tim Ingold, p.43
45
Scott. A. Lukas, p.146

37
DEFENSIBLE SPACE VS. THE ARCHITECTURE OF
EXCESS & PERSUASION

38
 Interestingly, the discourse reveals the contrasting
effects of architecture on the psychological behaviour of
human beings: whilst the principles of defensible space
prove to be effective only to a minimal extent, the design
principles of excess and persuasion in the leisure industry
appear to be remarkably successful, such that it becomes a
prototype for other consumer-related developments. What
makes the latter so much more successful in comparison to
the former? Is architecture then inconsistent as a
conditioning force to its end users? In order to draw a
sound conclusion from the dialectical study, it is crucial to
understand the different psychological backgrounds in
which each spectrum resides in.

The ineffectiveness of defensible space as a

comprehensive solution to crime deterrence lies in deep-
rooted problems of the social strata whereby issues of poor
morale in society have to be addressed before social ills can
be successfully reduced and further eradicated. Designing
for leisure, on the contrary, deals with the psychology of
hedonism—the pursuit of happiness which all human
beings willingly and naturally seek. When patrons visits a
place of leisure, intentions have already been made in their
subconscious to be willingly acceptant and submissive to
temptations that come their way. The bombardment of

39
excessive décor and persuasive design elements creates
such an overwhelming atmosphere that it distracts and
disorientates them, causing a temporal effect of lowered
mental capacity which results in the inability to regulate the
consequences of these temptations on their behaviour.46
During this time, leisurely temptations appear more
appealing to the eye, thus stimulating a submissive
response so that these design strategies successfully exert
control over the psychology of the patrons.

Hence, it can be deduced that the effectiveness of

architecture as a conditioning force relies fundamentally on
the perception of its conditioned user. In order to respond
to the architecture, end users must first and foremost have
the capacitance to perceive the meaning of the architectural
affordances in the manner intended by the initial
conditioning force (the architect). This thus highlights the
significance of having a harmonious and understanding
relationship between the conditioned force (the architect)
and the conditioned user (the inhabitant) in the pursuit for
successful architecture.

46
Lotte F.Van Dillen, et al., p. 8

40
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42
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43
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http://www.archdaily.com/137692/architecture-city-guide-san-
diego/olympus-digital-camera-196/ [accessed 09/04/2013]

Fig. 11 & 12 Oscar Newman, Defensible Space: People and Design in the
Violent City, London: Architectural Press 1973

Fig. 13 Robert Venturi, et al, Learning from Las Vegas, London: MIT
Press 1972

Fig. 14 http://www.vegas.nu/hotell/caesars_palace [accessed 09/04/2013]

Some images have been personally edited to support the arguments of the
discourse.

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