2015 Dizajn Za Novi Svet WEB

Dizajn za novi svet / Design for a New World
978-86-84811-32-7
DIZAJN ZA NOVI SVET DESIGN FOR THE NEW WORLD
Izdavač: Muzej istorije Jugoslavije

Published by the Museum of Yugoslav History
Odgovorna urednica / Editor-in-chief:
Neda Knežević
Urednik publikacije / Editor of the catalogue:
Ivan Manojlović
Autori tekstova / Essey authors:
Lana Cavar, Marko Zubak, Ivan Manojlović,
Cvetka Požar, Ana Radovanović, Koraljka Vlajo,
Narcisa Vukojević
Recenzent / Reviewer:
Borut Vild
Redakcija Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije / Editorial
board of the Museum of Yugoslav History:
Slađana Bojković, Ljiljana Gavrilović, Milan
Ristović, Milan Terzić
Sekretar redakcije / Secretary of the editorial board:
Aleksandra Momčilović-Jovanović
Lektura i korektura teksta na srpskom /
Serbian language editing and proofreading:
Milan Miljković
Prevod na engleski / Translation into English:
Jelena Bajić, Zoran Ž. Paunović
Lektura i korektura teksta na engleskom /
English language editing and proofreading:
Jelena Bajić
Grafičko oblikovanje i dizajn publikacije /
Graphic design:
Benussi and The Fish
Štampa / Printed by:
DMD Štamparija
Tiraž / Print run: 500
Beograd 2015.
Autori projekta / Authors of the project:
Koraljka Vlajo (MUO / MAC) i
Ivan Manojlović (MIJ / MYH)
Autorka edukativnog programa / Author of the
education programme:
Sara Sopić
Stručne saradnice / Collaborating experts:
Ana Panić, Sara Sopić
Grafičko oblikovanje i dizajn izložbene postavke /
Graphic and exhibition design:
Benussi and The Fish
Produkcija video materijala / Production of the
video material:
Samaljot production
Prevod i titlovanje video materijala / Translation
and subtitling of the video material:
Zvonimir Ivanov
Koordinatorka / Coordinator:
Ana Panić
Fotografije / Photographs:
Rastko Šurdić
Tehnička produkcija / Technical production:
Perollo
Postavka izložbe / Exhibition installation:
Dejan Klajić, Sava Kovačević, Tihomir
Nedeljković, Vlada Vidaković, Ivan Vukadinović
Partneri projekta / Project partners:

Narodna biblioteka Srbije / National Library of
Serbia, Muzej primenjene umetnosti, Beograd
/ Museum of Applied Art, Belgrade, Muzej
za arhitekturu i dizajn, Ljubljana / Museum
of Architecture and Design, Ljubljana, Muzej
savremene umetnosti, Beograd / Museum of
Contemporary Art, Belgrade, Visoka škola
likovnih i primenjenih umetnosti strukovnih
studija, Beograd / College of Fine and Applied
Arts, Belgrade, Arhiv Jugoslavije / Archives of
Yugoslavia
Zahvaljujemo se na savetima i podršci /
With thanks for advice and support from:
Sanja Bachrach Krištofić, Lana Cavar, Momo
Cvijović, Slavica Drobac, Branko Gavrić,
Veselinka Kastratović Ristić, Slobodan
Jovanović, Bata Knežević, Goroslav Keller, Mario
Krištofić, Željko Lončar, Boris Ljubičić, Irina
Ljubić, Slobodan Mašić, Mihailo Mihailović, Maša
Miloradović, Aleksandra Mirčić, Vasilije Perović,
Slaven Popara, Gordana Popović-Vasić, Dušan
Stanisavljević, Irina Subotić, Čedomir Vasić,
Borut Vild, Narcisa Vukojević, Radomir Vuković
Realizaciju izložbe i publikacije omogućilo je

Ministarstvo kulture i informisanja Republike
Srbije.
The exhibition and the printing of the
accompanying publication have been made
possible by the Ministry of Culture, and
Information of the Republic of Serbia.
Muzej istorije Jugoslavije

Museum of Yugoslav History
Botićeva 6, 11000 Beograd
6 Botićeva Street, 11000 Belgrade
www.mij.rs
Ova publikacija je objavljena povodom izložbe
Dizajn za novi svet, zajedničkog projekta Muzeja
istorije Jugoslavije (MIJ), Beograd i Muzeja za
umjetnost i obrt (MUO), Zagreb
This book has been published on the occasion
of the exhibition Design for a New World, a
collaborative project of the Museum of Yugoslav
History (MYH), Belgrade and the Museum of Arts
and Crafts (MAC).
SADRŽAJ / TABLE OF CONTENTS
10 Ivan Manojlović
Dizajn za novi svet
Design for a New World
22 Koraljka Vlajo
Svakodnevica državnih simbola
Everyday Life of State Symbols
36 Cvetka Požar
Građenje i rušenje slike socijalističke
države kroz plakat i vizuelni identitet
The Building and Destruction of the Image
of Socialist State through Posters and
Visual Identity
46 Lana Cavar i Narcisa Vukojević

Proizvodnja znakova za novi svijet
The Production of Logos for a New World
54 Ana Radovanović
Saveta i Slobodan Mašić i Dragan
Stojanovski kao kulturni radnici
jugoslovenske dizajnerske scene
Saveta and Slobodan Mašić and Dragan
Stojanovski as Cultural Workers in the
Yugoslav Design Scene
66 Marko Zubak
Od politike do stila: omladinski novinski
dizajn (1968-1980)
From Politics to Style: The Design of Youth
Press (1968-1980)
SADRŽAJ / TABLE OF CONTENTS
82 ILUSTRACIJE / ILLUSTRATIONS
82 Ivan Manojlović
Dizajn za novi svet
Design for a New World
88 Koraljka Vlajo
Svakodnevica državnih simbola
Everyday Life of State Symbols
94 Cvetka Požar
Građenje i rušenje slike socijalističke
države kroz plakat i vizuelni identitet
The Building and Destruction of the Image
of Socialist State through Posters and
Visual Identity
100 Lana Cavar i Narcisa Vukojević

Proizvodnja znakova za novi svijet
The Production of Logos for a New World
104 Ana Radovanović

Saveta i Slobodan Mašić i Dragan
Stojanovski kao kulturni radnici
jugoslovenske dizajnerske scene
Saveta and Slobodan Mašić and Dragan
Stojanovski as Cultural Workers in the
Yugoslav Design Scene
110 Marko Zubak

Od politike do stila: omladinski novinski
dizajn (1968-1980)
From Politics to Style: The Design of Youth
Press (1968-1980)
Ivan Manojlović
Dizajn za
novi svet
Ivan Manojlović
Design for
a New World
Ivan Manojlović Dizajn za novi svet Design for a New World
_11
Naslov ove publikacije, odnosno naslov izložbe povodom koje je publikacija štampana,
svoje poreklo duguje knjizi Dizajn za stvarni svijet Viktora Papaneka, koja je prema rečima
mlađe generacije jugoslovenskih dizajnera izvršila na njih snažan uticaj tokom 1970-ih i
1980-ih godina. Ovaj poznati teoretičar i inicijator mnogih aktivističkih projekata ponovnog
ispitivanja uloge dizajna u društvu izazvao je objavljivanjem svoje knjige šok i nevericu
u profesionalnim krugovima zapadnog sveta. Među dizajnerima socijalističke Jugoslavije
knjiga je naišla na najšire prihvatanje, a njen je autor viđen kao glasnik svih onih razmišlja-
nja i stavova, akumuliranih decenijama u dizajnerskoj profesiji bivše države. Iako se u knjizi
uglavnom osvrće na industrijski dizajn, Papanek je već na samom početku izneo stav da je
grafički dizajn antievolutivna profesija koja u potrošačkom društvu, kojim upravlja krupni
kapital, služi za „ubeđivanje“ ljudi „da kupuju stvari koje im ne trebaju“ ukazujući time na
krizu u dizajnu i veliki raskorak između ideologije i prakse dizajna.1 Pronalazeći odgovore
na pitanja šta i za koga oblikovati, autor će u prvi plan staviti „društvene i ekološke odgo-
vornosti dizajnera“.2 Na kraju, objašnjava Goroslav Keller u predgovoru jugoslovenskog
izdanja knjige, termin dizajn za stvarni svet podrazumeva dizajnersku praksu kojom se
iznalaze rešenja za stvarne probleme zajednice, čime se zauzima aktivistička pozicija pre-
ma profesiji.
U Arhivu Jugoslavije u Beogradu, u fondu Saveza udruženja likovnih umetnika prime-
njenih umetnosti i dizajnera Jugoslavije nalazi se dokument koji opisuje koncept postera
1 Victor Papanek, Dizajn za stvarni svijet, Nakladni zavod Marko Marulić, Split, 1973, 26.
2 Goroslav Keller, predgovor jugoslovenskom izdanju Dizajn za stvarni svijet.
The title of this publication, namely, the title of the exhibition that it accompanies owes its
origin to the book Design for the Real World by Victor Papanek, which according to the
members of the younger generation of Yugoslav designers had a strong influence on them
in the 1970s and 1980s. This well-known theoretician and initiator of many activist proj-
ects that re-examined the role of design in the society caused shock and disbelief in the
professional circles in the western world with the publication of his book. The book had
the widest acceptance among designers in socialist Yugoslavia and its author was seen
as a herald of all the thinking and attitudes that had been building for decades among the
design professionals in the former country. Although the book dwells mostly on industrial
design, Papanek stated his position that graphic design is an anti-evolutionary profession
whose purpose in a world ruled by big businesses is to persuade people “to buy things
they don’t need”, thus pointing to the crisis that hit design and to the big discrepancy
between the ideology and practice of design.1 Finding the answers to the questions of
what should be designed and for whom, the author highlighted “social and environmental
responsibilities of designers”.2 Finally, as explained by Goroslav Keller in his foreword to
the Yugoslav edition of the book, the notion of design for the real world refers to a design
practice that comes up with solutions for real problems of the community, which, in turn,
implies an activist attitude towards the profession.
1 Victor Papanek, Dizajn za stvarni svijet (Design for the Real World), Nakladni zavod Marko
Marulić, Split, 1973, 26
2 Goroslav Keller, preface to the Yugoslav edition of the book Design for the Real World
DIZAJN ZA NOVI SVET DESIGN FOR A NEW WORLD
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„Yugoslavia” namenjenog vizuelnom predstavljanju učešća Saveza na zajedničkoj konfe-

renciji međunarodnih udruženja za industrijski dizajn i vizuelne komunikacije u Helsinkiju
1981. godine.
Pored tehničkih propozicija veličine i tehnike u kojoj će se poster štampati, u dokumentu
se iznosi i glavna ideja postera koji je trebalo da prikaže „trejdmark“ Jugoslaviju. Do danas
je ostalo nepoznato da li je plakat izveden ali prema opisu njegovog koncepta saznajemo
da glavni deo plakata treba da sadrži raster mrežu, odnosno tabelu u koju bi bile smeštene
najvažnije ekonomsko-privredne vrednosti Jugoslavije. Tako saznajemo da su kao primer
glavnih polja uzete sirovine, kulturno nasleđe i dizajn. Ovi elementi, zajedno sa drugim
poljima koja je trebalo da budu dopunjena, viđeni su kao „činjenica življenja u Jugoslaviji“,
koju je trebalo na posteru ilustrovati fotografijama trodimenzionalnih objekata u funkciji
dokumentovanja glavne ideje. Osim što je zadatak postera bio da predstavi celokupnost
života u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji, pomenuti dokument otkriva i stav tima iz Centra za indu-
strijsko oblikovanje (CIO), Zagreb, da u Jugoslaviji nema uspešnih primera grafičkog dizajna
koji bi inostranstvu predstavio zemlju u celini. Konačno, u dokumentu se ističe potreba za
integrativnom prirodom dizajna koja se postiže kao rezultat razvoja privrednih, društvenih
i kulturnih potencijala zemlje. Pomenuti arhivski dokument ostaje redak primer zabeležene
namere da se napravi plakat koji bi predstavljao Jugoslaviju kao brend, ukazujući na veze
između države i grafičkog dizajna. Pored toga, simbolično su u jednom dokumentu pred-
stavljene sve nade, strahovi, prednosti i slabosti jugoslovenskog grafičkog dizajna.
Prema osnovnim teorijama menadžmenta, država kao brend predstavlja simbolički kon-
strukt (nad)nacionalnog identiteta sa ciljem da se predstavi na internacionalnoj sceni. Dru-
In the Archives of Yugoslavia, in the Union of Associations of Applied Artists and Design-
ers of Yugoslavia collection, there is a document describing the preliminary design of a
poster titled Yugoslavia whose intended purpose was to visually represent the participation
of the Union at the joint conference of international associations for industrial design and
visual communications held in Helsinki in 1981.
Apart from the technical requirements related to size and the printing technique to be
used, the document contains the general idea as to what a poster aiming to showcase the
trademark features of Yugoslavia should look like. Whether or not the poster was made
remains unknown to this day, but the description of the preliminary design reveals that a
raster mesh, namely a table showing the most important economic achievements of Yu-
goslavia was to occupy the main part of the poster. So we find that raw materials, cultural
heritage and design are listed as the examples of the main fields. These elements, togeth-
er with other fields that were to be added later were regarded as “facts describing life in
Yugoslavia” and the plan was to use photographs of tri-dimensional objects to document
the main idea. The document shows not only that the job of the poster was to paint a
comprehensive picture of life in socialist Yugoslavia, but also reveals the opinion of the
Zagreb-based Center for Industrial Design (CIO) team that in Yugoslavia there were no
successful examples of graphic design able to represent the country in its entirety. Ulti-
mately, the document emphasizes the need for an integrative nature of design that comes
as a result of the development of the economic, social and cultural potential of the country.
The above-mentioned archival document remains a rare example recording an intention to
make a poster showcasing Yugoslavia as a brand, pointing to the links between the state
_13
gim rečima, (nad)nacionalni brend je skup ideja, mišljenja i impresija koju neko može imati
o određenoj zemlji.3
Svest o važnosti međunarodne promocije razvila se u jugoslovenskoj političkog propa-
gandi vrlo brzo, već u drugoj polovini 1940-ih godina. Period od kraja Drugog svetskog rata
do polovine 1950-ih će u Jugoslaviji biti obeležen turbulentnim i dramatičnim događajima.
Sam kraj rata novoosnovana država, Federativna Narodna Republika Jugoslavija, doče-
kaće organizovana prema sovjetskom ekonomskom i društvenom modelu, sa opštim uki-
danjem privatnog vlasništva, ekonomskom krizom i petogodišnjim privrednim planovima,
velikom nemaštinom i teškim snabdevanjem građanstva hranom i odećom, kao i propagira-
njem socijalističkih vrednosti i predstava. „Titov komunistički sistem predstavljao je do tada
najambiciozniji i najsveobuhvatniji pokušaj da se savladaju izopačenosti kapitalizma putem
industrijskog napretka i socijalne pravde, i da se tako uopšte i uspostavi modernizam“.4 Na
krilima industrijalizacije, tehničkog napretka, i vere u progres, sa entuzijazmom i optimiz-
mom se gradilo novo društvo za novog čoveka. Putem organizovanih omladinskih radnih
akcija ali i zahvaljujući velikoj materijalnoj pomoći u vidu inostranih kredita, Jugoslavija je
postavila osnovu za opštu obnovu zemlje.5
3 P. Kotler, K. L. Keller, Marketing menadžment, Mate, Zagreb, 1997.

4 Mari Žanin Čalić, Istorija Jugoslavije u 20. veku, Clio, Beograd, 2013, 227.
5 Isto. Autorka navodi da je između 1945. i 1952. između ostalog sagrađena pruga Zagreb–
Beograd kao i auto-put „Bratstvo i jedinstvo“, 14 industrijskih preduzeća i veliki broj
stambenih jedinica.
and graphic design. Besides, all the hopes, fears, advantages and weaknesses of Yugoslav
graphic design are thus symbolically presented in a single document.
According to the fundamental theories of management, the state as a brand is a symbolic
(trans)national identity construct intended for presentation in the international scene. In
other words, a (trans)national brand is a set of ideas, opinions and impressions that one
can have about a country.3
The awareness of the importance of promotion on the international stage developed
very quickly in the Yugoslav political propaganda, as early as the second half of the 1940s.
The period from the end of World War II until the mid-1950s in Yugoslavia was marked by
turbulent and dramatic events. The newly established state, the People’s Republic of Yugo-
slavia saw the very end of the war organized according to the Soviet economic and social
model, with the complete abolishment of private property, an economic crisis and five-year
economic plans, severe poverty and difficulties in supplying the population with food and
clothes, while promoting socialist values and ideas. “Tito’s communist system was the most
ambitious and comprehensive attempt to overcome the depravity of capitalism through in-
dustrial progress and social justice and thus establish modernism in the first place”.4 A new
society for a new man was built with enthusiasm and optimism, on the wings of industrial-
ization, technological advancement and faith in progress. By means of organizing voluntary
3 Kotler, P., Keller, K.L, Marketing menadžment (Marketing Management), Mate, Zagreb,
1997.
4 Mari Žanin Čalić, Istorija Jugoslavije u 20. veku, Clio, Beograd (A History of Yugoslavia in
the 20th Century, Clio, Belgrade) 2013, p. 227.
_14
U počecima postojanja države partija je posvećivala veliku pažnju kulturi i umetnosti,

aktivno stvarajući sopstvenu estetsku ideologiju u kojoj su saradnja i prihvatanje uticaja sa
Zapada bili česta pojava.6 Iz ovog razloga često se stvara pogrešna slika da je socijalistički
realizam osnovno kulturno oruđe komunističkog sistema. Ukoliko se prihvati stanovište De-
jana Kršića da o socijalističkom realizmu treba razmišljati više kao o modelu institucionalne
organizacije kulturnog i umetničkog života7 može se izvesti zaključak da je zapravo soci-
jalistički realizam bio produžetak revolucionarne borbe drugim sredstvima, a da je u svojoj
formi koristio alate koji su mu bili poznati iz predratnih istorijskih avangardi, među kojima
su svakako velikog uticaja imali levo orijentisani Bauhaus, ruski avangardni eksperiment ali
i međuratna jugoslovenska umetnička praksa. Nakon izbijanja sukoba sa Sovjetima i Sta-
ljinom trebalo je osmisliti i „sopstveni put u umetnosti“. Stoga pojava modernizma u kulturi
nije bila „osvojena sloboda“ umetnika već partijski podržan projekat razlaza sa SSSR-om
kao i stvaranja slike „drugačijeg“ socijalizma.
„Ubrzo nakon što uspeva da izbori prava na svoje postojanje, modernizam i sam postaje
dominantna kulturna formacija doba u kom nastaje, postaje normalno stanje umetnosti koje
će unutar sebe ili na svojim rubnim područjima, upravo zbog simptoma akademizacije mo-
dernosti, početi da izaziva otpore i sukobe.“8 U svojim razmatranjima vizuelnih umetnosti
6 Predrag J. Marković, Trajnost i promena, Službeni glasnik, Beograd, 2012, 56.

7 Dejan Kršić, „Grafički dizajn i vizuelne komunikacije 1950–1975“, u: Socijalizam i
modernost. Umjetnost, kultura, politika 1950-1974, Muzej suvremene umjetnosti, Zagreb,
2012, 224.
8 Ješa Denegri, Pedesete: teme srpske umetnosti, Svetovi, Novi Sad, 1993, 13.
youth labour drives and also thanks to the considerable financial aid in the form of interna-
tional loans, Yugoslavia laid the foundations for a country-wide reconstruction effort.5
In the early stages of existence of the state, the Party devoted considerable attention to cul-
ture and art, actively creating its own aesthetic ideology, where cooperation and acceptance
of western influences were a frequent occurrence.6 This is the reason why a false picture that
socialist realism was the main tool of the communist system in the domain of culture is often
presented. If we accept Dejan Kršić’s opinion that socialist realism should be thought of more
as a model of institutional organization of cultural and artistic life7, a conclusion can be made
that socialist realism was in fact a continuation of the revolutionary struggle using a different
medium and that as far as form is concerned, it used the tools that it became familiar with
via the pre-war historical avant-garde movements, among which the left-oriented Bauhaus,
the Russian avant-garde experiment and also the Yugoslav artistic practice between the two
World Wars were certainly very influential. After the conflict with the Soviet Union and Stalin
flared up, it was necessary to develop “our own approach in the field of art”. Therefore, the
5 Ibid. The author states that the railway connecting Belgrade and Zagreb, the Brotherhood
and Unity motorway, fourteen industrial plants and a large number of housing estates were
among the things built from 1945 to 1952.
6 Predrag J. Marković, Trajnost i promena, Službeni glasnik, Beograd (Permanence and
Change, Službeni glasnik, Belgrade), 2012, 56.
7 Dejan Kršić, “Grafički dizajn i vizuelne komunikacije 1950-1975” in: Socijalizam i
modernost. Umjetnost, kultura, politika 1950-1974, Muzej suvremene umjetnosti, (Graphic
Design and Visual Communications 1950-1975 in : Socialism and Modernity. Art, Culture,
Politics 1950-1974, Museum of Contemporary Art), Zagreb, 2012, 224.
_15
u Jugoslaviji tokom šeste decenije 20. veka Ješa Denegri će uočiti da je „jugoslovenski“
modernizam, zapravo, istovremeno sa svojom emancipacijom nosio i opasnost političke
zloupotrebe te da se pojavljuje kao prerušena verzija državno i društveno podsticane umet-
nosti. U tom pravcu on zaključuje da pojam „socijalistički estetizam“, uveden od strane
književnog kritičara i estetičara Svete Lukića, na adekvatan način pozicionira modernizam
1950-ih i prve polovine 1960-ih, u okviru socioloških odrednica.9 I pored Lukićevog negativ-
nog stava da socijalistički estetizam „umrtvljuje“ oštricu umetničke kritike i „guši određeniju,
dalju divergenciju“, drugi kritičari, među njima i Miodrag B. Protić, isticali su aktivističku di-
menziju estetizma u kome se distanciranjem od realnosti života stvarao prostor za kreiranje
nove slike čovekovog sveta.10
Međutim, bitka za modernizam bila je mnogo šira od jednostavne sistemske zloupotre-
be umetnosti od strane vladajuće partije, kao instrumenta za stvaranje politički simpatične
slike Jugoslavije kao zemlje. Ona je pre svega bila ideološka borba za socijalističku eman-
cipaciju.11 Dizajneri (i arhitekte), angažovani na velikim državnim projektima, bore se već
od kraja 1940-ih za modernizam i uvođenje modernističkih vrednosti u likovni izraz. Ovi
umetnici su nakon iskustva Drugog svetskog rata bili modernisti po ubeđenju, antifašisti
i revolucionari, sa verom da će u svojoj profesiji učestvovati u promeni sveta za potrebe
9 Sveta Lukić, „Socijalistički estetizam. Jedna nova pojava“, Politika, 28. 04. 1963.
10 Ješa Denegri, isto, 105.
11 „Što, kako i za koga? Modernizam i njegovo nezadovoljstvo: Hrvatska avangarda
pedesetih“, u: Ideology of Design/Ideologija dizajna, New York - Novi Sad: Autonomedia -
Centar za nove medije, 2009, 73.
appearance of modernism in culture was not the result of the “achievement of freedom” on
the part of artists. Rather, it was a Party-backed project implemented as part of the breakup
with the USSR, as well as the creation of the image of a “different socialism”.
“Not long after it had managed to win the right to its own existence, modernism itself be-
came the dominant cultural form of the time in which it emerged, it also became the regular
state of affairs in art that started causing resistance and conflicts within its own ranks, or on
its fringes, precisely because of the syndrome of academization of modernity”.“8 In his anal-
yses of visual arts in Yugoslavia in the 1960s, Ješa Denegri remarked that “Yugoslav” mod-
ernism, in fact, simultaneously with its emancipation ran the danger of political abuse and
that it appeared to be a disguised version of art whose development was encouraged by the
state and the society. He concludes, along these lines that the term “socialist aestheticism”,
introduced by the literary critic and aesthetician, Sveta Lukić, aptly positions the modernism
of the 1950s and the first half of the 1960s within a sociological frame of reference.9 In spite
of Lukić’s negative opinion that socialist aestheticism took the edge of art criticism and sup-
pressed “a more specific, further divergence, other critics, like Miodrag B. Protić, among
others, emphasized the activist dimension of aestheticism, where the space for creating a
new picture of the human world was made by distancing oneself from the reality of life.10
8 Ješa Denegri, Pedesete: Teme srpske umetnosti (The Fifties: Themes in Serbian Art), Svetovi,
Novi Sad, 1993, 13.
9 Sveta Lukić, Socijalistički estetizam. Jedna nova pojava (Socialist Aestheticism. A New
Phenomenon), Politika April 28, 1963.
10 Ješa Denegri, ibid, 105.
_16
novog radnog čoveka.12 Monolitnost nikako neće biti odlika dizajnerskog modernizma u Ju-
goslaviji. Predrag J. Marković ističe da je specifičnost jugoslovenskog modernizma u tome
što njegov cilj nije bio samo kreiranje slike za inostranstvo već je on korišćen i za „unutraš-
nje potrebe“. „Jugoslovenski komunisti su možda jedini koji su kult svoje partije i revolucije
gradili modernističkim sredstvima na zapadnjački način“.13
Pojam modernizma u grafičkom dizajnu je tema kojom se retki teoretičari dizajna i kul-
ture bave tek odskora. U dosadašnjoj istoriografiji dizajna utemeljen je bipolarni sistem
mišljenja. Prema jednoj struji, modernizam je bio cilj koji su poneki hrabri arhitekti i dizajneri
vremenom osvojili, pobedivši partijski nametani socijalistički realizam, plativši pri tom veliku
cenu za svoju proaktivnu poziciju. Drugo mišljenje ističe (zlo)upotrebu apstraktnih moderni-
stičkih tendencija od strane političke partije kao pogodnog sredstva za isključivo stvaranje
slike Jugoslavije kao savremene liberalne zemlje koja se, iako socijalistička, bitno razlikuje
od Sovjetskog Saveza.
Novije interpretacije ostvarenja dela grafičkog dizajna pomakla su se sa pozicije prouča-
vanja čisto likovnog izraza ka širem društvenom angažmanu dizajnera u društvu i refleksiji
vladajućih stavova i ideologija na produkciju. Još krajem 1940-ih godina, država i politički
partijski vrh će narudžbinama velikih državnih projekata, kroz izgradnju izlagačkih paviljona
za nastup Jugoslavije u inostranstvu, sponzorisati i podsticati razvoj akademskog moder-
12 Dejan Kršić, „Grafički dizajn i vizuelne komunikacije 1950-1975“, u: Socijalizam i

2012, 225.
13 Predrag J. Marković, Trajnost i promena, Službeni glasnik, Beograd, 2012, 57.
However, the fight for modernism was much more far-reaching than simple system-wide
abuse of art by the ruling party that instrumentalized it so as to create a politically desir-
able image of Yugoslavia as a country. That was above all, an ideological fight for socialist
emancipation.11 Designers (and architects) working on large projects funded by the state
began fighting for modernism and the introduction of modernist values into visual arts
expression as early as the late 1940s. Having experienced World War II, these artists were
convinced modernists, anti-fascists and revolutionaries who believed that by practicing
their profession they would participate in changing the world in such a way as to suit the
needs of the new working man.12 Monolithic uniformity was by no means a trait of mod-
ernist design in Yugoslavia. Predrag J. Marković points out that the distinguishing feature
of Yugoslav modernism lay in the fact that its aim was not just to create an image to be
shown off abroad. Instead, it was also used for internal purposes. “Yugoslav communists
are perhaps the only ones who built the cult of their Party and the revolution using mod-
ernist means the way they were used in the west“.13 The notion of modernism in graphic
design is a topic that has only recently become the focus of research of very few theore-
ticians. Until now, the history of design has been marked by a bipolar division of thought.
11 Što, kako i za koga, Modernizam i njegovo nezadovoljstvo: Hrvatska avangarda pedesetih

(What, How & for Whom, Modernism and Its Discontents: Croatian Avant-Garde of the
50s) in: Ideology of Design/Ideologija dizajna, New York-Novi Sad: Autonomedia-Centar za
nove medije, 2009. 73
12 Dejan Kršić, Ibid., 225.
13 Predrag J. Marković, Ibid., 57.
_17
nizma koji je osim stvaranja percepcije Jugoslavije kao poželjnog „brenda“ za zadatak imao
i razvijanje emancipatorskog potencijala apstraktnog modernizma. Imajući u vidu demo-
grafsku situaciju nakon Drugog svetskog rata, kao i nivo obrazovanja stanovništva koje se
za potrebe industrije masovno doseljava u gradove, borba za modernizam je bila borba
protiv malograđanske kulture. Iz ovih razloga funkcija plakata bila je od ključnog značaja
za komunikaciju u javnom prostoru. Bilo da je politički, agitacioni ili reklamni, plakat, kako
navodi Mitja Velikonja, ne predstavlja sliku društva već projekciju skupa vrednosti kojom
to društvo želi da se predstavi.14 Pri razmatranju produkcije grafičkog dizajna i vizuelnih
komunikacija socijalističke Jugoslavije, razumevanje istorijskog, društvenog i političkog
konteksta, upozorava Velikonja, od krucijalnog je značaja budući da se time izbegava da
na plakate gledamo samo kao na predmete estetske arheologije koje danas fragmentarno
nalazimo u muzejima i bibliotekama. Plakat je potvrda legitimiteta vladajuće ideologije i
njime vlast komunicirajući sa građanima potvrđuje i ostvaruje predstave i vrednosti. Tako je
plakat kao glavno sredstvo za komunikaciju, naročito pre omasovljenja televizije ali i nakon
toga, održavao veru u narodnooslobodilačku borbu i produžetak revolucije, bratstvo i jedin-
stvo, jedinstveni kult Titove ličnosti, pozivao na akcije, propagirao blagostanje, pozivao na
dokolicu i (ne)vešto ubeđivao da se kupuju jugoslovenski proizvodi.
U periodu uspostavljanja „liberalnijeg“ samoupravnog socijalizma, polovinom 1950-ih go-
dina, i užurbane industrijalizacije zemlje javlja se potreba za jedinstvenim identifikacionim
znacima jugoslovenskih preduzeća. Potpuni vizuelni identiteti fabrika, logotipi preduzeća
14 Mitja Velikonja, „Stari odgovori na nova pitanja“, u: Jugoslavija moja zemlja i njen politički
plakat 1969–1989, KD Codeep, Tretaroka, Ljubljana, 2006.
According to one way of thinking, modernism was the aim that some brave architects and
designers managed to achieve over time by overcoming the socialist realism imposed by
the party, but paid a high price for their proactive position in the process. The other way
of thinking emphasizes the (ab)use of abstract modernist tendencies by the political party,
as they were viewed as a suitable means of exclusively creating an image of Yugoslavia
as a modern, liberal state, which although a socialist country, differed considerably from
the Soviet Union.
More recent interpretations of the works belonging to the field of graphic design are
marked by the shift in position, from exploring purely visual expression to the broader so-
cial engagement of designers in the society and the ways in which dominant attitudes and
ideologies influenced production. As early as the late 1940s, the state and political and party
leadership began sponsoring and stimulating the development of academic modernism by
commissioning large state-funded projects, via the construction of large exhibition venues
serving the purpose of promoting the country abroad. In addition to creating a perception of
Yugoslavia as a desirable brand, academic modernism had another task, namely, the devel-
opment of the emancipatory potential of abstract modernism. Having in mind the demograph-
ic situation after World War II, as well as the educational level of the population that migrated
to the towns in large numbers to work in industrial plants, the fight for modernism was a fight
against middle-class culture. This is the reason why the role of posters was vitally important
for communication in public. Posters, either political or serving the purpose of agitation or ad-
vertising, as stated by Mitja Velikonja, do not show what the society is like. Rather, they show
_18
na talasu modernističke apstrakcije odbacuju radnike, zupčanike i fabričke dimnjake zame-

njujući ih prvim apstraktnim simbolima, prepoznatljivim identitetima i zaokruženim promo-
tivnim kampanjama. No, ni ove promene nisu ostajale bez otpora i onih partijskih polemika
koje su ukazivale da je reklama, pa samim tim i vizuelno kodiranje znaka i imena preduzeća,
tipično kapitalistički alat za podsticanje nepostojećih želja kod kupaca i sticanje većeg pro-
fita.15 Profesionalni aktivizam kojim su se dizajneri u okviru ili za potrebe najvećih preduzeća
borili ogledao se u obezbeđivanju šire sistemske podrške za ovakvu vrstu posla. Kao jedan
od najvećih rezultata ove borbe je razlikovanje pojmova „primenjena umetnost“ i „dizajn“,
ali i institucionalizacija dizajna kroz osnivanje ili jačanje postojećih obrazovnih institucija
koje će obrazovati nove kadrove, kao i kroz popularizaciju dizajnerskih radova organizaci-
jom izložbi širom Jugoslavije.16
Pozicija grafičkog dizajna i dizajnera ostaće nepromenjena sve do raspada zajedničke
države. Dizajnerske rasprave i okrugli stolovi organizovani na temu, čini se, nepromenjenih
i nerešenih pitanja položaja dizajna, ukazuju na aktivizam profesionalnog tipa. Jednu takvu
raspravu, vođenu za dnevni list Borba i objavljenu u njemu 1981. godine posebno ističemo.
Tokom ovog okruglog stola Predrag Stepanić iznosi stav da dizajner mora da predstavlja
konglomerat struka; mora biti ergonomista, filozof, pedagog. Osim što su polemisali o po-
ziciji dizajna u uslovima socijalističke privrede i industrijske proizvodnje, dizajneri su tokom
15 Gordana Popović Vasić, Između straha i oduševljenja. Primeri grafičkog dizajna u Srbiji
1950–1970, Galerija Grafički kolektiv, Beograd, 2009, 249.
16 Radomir Vuković, Znakovito Dva. Pedeset godina grafičkih komunikacija u Srbiji
1960/2010, Muzej primenjene umetnosti, Beograd, 2011, 13.
a projection of a set of values that the society intends to present as its own’.14 Velikonja warns
that the understanding of the historical, social and political context is crucial when examin-
ing the production of graphic design and visual communications in socialist Yugoslavia. This
makes it possible to avoid looking at posters as if they were simply objects that are a matter
of aesthetic archelogy and that are fragmentarily present in museum and library collections
today. Posters provided a confirmation of legitimacy of the ruling ideology, through which
the authorities, communicating with people, reaffirmed and upheld ideas and values. Thus,
posters as the principal means of communication, especially before, but also after television
became a mass medium, maintained the faith in the national liberation struggle and the con-
tinuation of the revolution, brotherhood and unity, the unique cult of personality of Tito, urged
people to take action, promoted prosperity, encouraged taking advantage of leisure time and
(un)convincingly campaigned for buying Yugoslav products.
In the period when a “more liberal” form of self-management was introduced in the mid-
1950s, the time that was also characterized by rapid industrialization of the country, there
was a need for unique identifying marks of Yugoslav companies. Riding the wave of mod-
ernist abstraction, the complete visual identities of factories and company logos dropped
workers, clogs and factory chimneys. They were the first to replace them with abstract
symbols, recognizable identities and well-rounded promotional campaigns. However, these
changes too could not take place without facing resistance and party debates pointing
14 Mitja Velikonja, “Stari odgovori na nova pitanja” in: Jugoslavija moja zemlja i njen politički
plakat 1969-1989, (Old Answers to New Questions in: Yugoslavia, My Country and Its
Political Posters 1969-1989) KD Codeep, Tretaroka, Ljubljana, 2006.
_19
okruglog stola isticali i ulogu grafičkog dizajna u humanizaciji društva. Ističući da jedino
grafički dizajn „u našim prilikama ima nekog zamaha“ polemika će ukazati na neispunjeno
obećanje dizajna da će biti posvećen ispunjavanju stvarnih potreba čoveka. Edukacijom
potrošača, ali i dizajnera, grafički dizajn je trebalo da ispuni svoju najvažniju ulogu – po-
boljšanje uslova i kvaliteta života. I pored svih primera, učesnici su se na kraju polemike
saglasili u stavu, sličnom onom koji Dejan Kršić iznosi u zaključku, da pomenuta dihotomija
između grafičkog i industrijskog dizajna stvara rascep „samog modernizma u uvjetima sa-
moupravnog socijalizma“.17
Umesto zaključka, prenosimo opis rešenja koje se u vidu dijagrama nalazi na kraju jugo-
slovenskog izdanja knjige Viktora Papaneka Dizajn za stvarni svijet.
Izložbe, slobodni univerziteti, seminari, izmenjene zajednice, diskusije, radionice, plakati
doprinose sticanju neophodnog nivoa obrazovanja, koje podstiče kreativnost. Zajedno sa
društvenim planiranjem i istraživanjem, ovi elementi stvaraju uslove za perpetualno smenji-
vanje revolucije i evolucije.
17 Dejan Kršić, „Grafički dizajn i vizuelne komunikacije 1950–1975, u: Socijalizam i

2012, 280.
out that advertising and, by the same token, visual coding of the symbols and names of
companies were regarded as a typical capitalist tool for stimulating otherwise non-existent
desires in the minds of buyers and generating bigger profit.15 Professional activism that was
the weapon that designers used when working at or for the biggest companies manifested
itself in securing a broader systemic support for this line of work. One of the most important
results of that fight was drawing the line between the notions of applied art and design and
institutionalization of design by establishing new or strengthening the existing educational
institutions training new professionals, as well as by popularizing the works of designers by
holding exhibitions throughout Yugoslavia.16
The position of graphic design and designers would remain unchanged until the disintegra-
tion of the federal state. The debates and round table discussions bringing together design-
ers and focusing on what seemed to be the same unresolved issues related to the position
of design were indicative of activism of the professional kind. One such debate hosted by
Borba (Fight) daily newspaper and published there in a 1981 deserves a special mention here.
In the course of that round table, Predrag Stepanić put forward an opinion that a designer
must possess a variety of skills: he must be an ergonomist, philosopher and an educator. In
15 Gordana Popović Vasić, Između straha i oduševljenja. Primeri grafičkog dizajna u Srbiji
1950-1970, Galerija Grafički kolektiv, Beograd, (Between Fear and Enthusiasm. The Examples
of Graphic Design in Serbia 1950-1970, Graphic Collective Gallery, Belgrade) 2009, p. 249.
16 Radomir Vuković, Znakovito Dva. Pedeset godina grafičkih komunikacija u Srbiji
1960/2010, Muzej primenjene umetnosti, Beograd, (Significant. Two, Fifty Years of Graphic
Communications in Serbia 1960/2010, Museum of Applied Art, Belgrade) 2011, 13.13.
_20
addition to discussing the position of design in the socialist economy and industrial produc-
tion, the designers emphasized the role of graphic design in the humanization of the society.
They highlighted the fact that graphic design was the only profession “to have some kind of
momentum in our circumstances”. The discussion brought to the fore the unfulfilled promise
of design that it would be committed to meeting the actual needs of people. By educating not
only consumers, but also designers, graphic design was supposed to fulfil its most important
role – improving living conditions and the quality of life. In spite of all the examples, at the end
of the debate, the participants agreed on a stance, similar to the one taken by Dejan Kršić in
his conclusion, namely that the above-mentioned dichotomy between graphic and industrial
design created a rift “in modernity itself, under the conditions of self-management socialism”.17
Instead of a conclusion, let us convey a description of the solution proposed in a flow
chart appended at the end of the Yugoslav edition of Victor Papanek’s book Design for the
Real World:
Exhibitions, open universities, changed communities, workshops and posters contribute
to the acquisition of the necessary level of knowledge that stimulates creativity. Together
with social planning and research, these elements create the conditions for a perpetual
alternation of revolution and evolution.
Translated by Jelena Bajić
17 Dejan Kršić, Ibid., 280

_21
Koraljka Vlajo
Svakodnevica
državnih simbola
Koraljka Vlajo
Everyday Life
of State Symbols
Koraljka Vlajo Svakodnevica državnih simbola Everyday Life of State Symbols
_23
Više smo puta u posljednjih stotinjak godina imali čudnu sreću na ovome području svje-
dočiti procesima stvaranja novih ideologija novih država: od prve Jugoslavije, pa profaši-
stičkih režima, zatim Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije, do država koje su
nastale raspadom SFRJ, te u određenoj mjeri i Europske zajednice. Međutim, iako pone-
kad i dijametralno suprotnih ideologija, svi su ovi režimi koristili (i koriste) slične metode
u stvaranju svoje državne mitologije. Glumci i scenografija se mijenjaju, no u svakoj ide-
ološkoj predstavi postoji onaj ključni mit svake ljudske zajednice – Mit o postanku; zatim
Borba protiv vanjskog neprijatelja kao faktor ujedinjenja nacije te lik Spasitelja kao vođe
u Bolju budućnost.1
Državni simboli igraju izuzetno značajnu ulogu pri oblikovanju nacionalnog identiteta: oni
definiraju naciju u očima pripadnika grupe (naroda), ali i naspram Drugih. Kroz pažljivo ruko-
vanje te ujedinjen i repetativan nastup, simboli postaju vizualna reprezentacija mitova. Njiho-
va čitljivost – kao što je davno pokazala kršćanska ikonografija – posebno dolazi do izražaja
u komunikaciji s nepismenim i politički neobrazovanim masama: simboli su brz i jednostavan
kanal za prijenos čitavog niza značenja u vremenu bez televizije i radio aparata.
Međutim, simboli nisu zamrznuti u vremenu – njihovo se značenje tijekom vremena mije-
nja. Svakodnevno izlaganje kroz masovne medije u jednu ruku osnažuje simbole moći, no
istovremeno ih izlaže preispitivanju javnosti2. Odnos društva (ili dijelova društva) naspram
1 Gill, Graeme: Symbols and Legitimacy in Soviet Politics, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, 2010.
2 Luthar, Breda (Editor), Pusnik, Marusa (Editor): Remembering Utopia: The Culture of
Everyday Life in Socialist Yugoslavia, New Academia Publishing, Washinton DC, 2010.
Quite a few times, over the last hundred years or so, in this part of the world we have had
the weird luck of witnessing the processes of creation of new ideologies of new states: from
the first Yugoslavia, the pro-fascist regimes, followed by the Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia (SFRY), through to the states created after the disintegration of the SFRY and to
a degree the European Union as well. However, although, these regimes sometimes had
entirely opposite ideologies, all of them used (and keep using) similar methods when cre-
ating their respective state mythologies. The actors and stage props change, but in every
ideological play, there is the key myth of every human community - the Myth of Genesis,
then the Fight against Outside Enemies as a unifying factor of the nation and ultimately the
figure of the Saviour leading his people to a Better Future.1
State symbols play an exceptionally important role in shaping the national identity: they
define the nation in the eyes of the members of a group (the people) and also in relation to
Others. With careful handling and a unified and repetitive application, symbols become a
visual representation of myths. Their interpretability, as was shown by the Christian iconog-
raphy long ago – comes out as particularly prominent in communication with illiterate and
politically uneducated masses: symbols provide a rapid and simple channel transmitting a
whole range of meanings at the time without television or radio.
But symbols are not frozen in time - their meaning changes with the passage of time.
Their daily presence in the mass media, on the one hand, strengthens the symbols of
1 Gill, Graeme: Symbols and Legitimacy in Soviet Politics, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, 2010.
_24
simbola može se promijeniti pa ono što je nekad bilo efikasno sredstvo državne propagan-
de postaje naubojitije sredstvo otpora. U borbi protiv sistema, subverzija sistemu svetog
svakako je najšokantnija. Stoga, zdravlje i opstojnost države mjeri se i po tome koliko je
država/društvo spremna/no prihvatiti pluralizam u tumačenju svojih najsvetijih simbola3.
Dakako, između ova dva ekstrema postoji i svakodnevica života sa simbolima, te pitanje
što čak i one najbenignije derivacije simbola (korištene, recimo, u ekonomskoj propagandi)
poručuju onima na pozicijama moći. Iako državni simboli nastaju kao dokaz političke moći
i koriste se kao svojevrsni službeni žig odobrenja, tek ih svakodnevna društvena manipu-
lacija čini živima.
Ono što je „uobičajeno“ donedavno je prolazilo ispod (dizajnersko) povjesničarskog radara,
iako se upravo kroz svakodnevicu najjasnije iščitavaju ekonomski, politički i društveni odnosi
unutar neke zajednice: suvremena povijest i sociologija već neko vrijeme u sredstvima ogla-
šavanja nalaze bogati izvor materijala. Odnos društva (i dijelova društva) prema etabliranim
simbolima moći – čitljiv iz raznovrsne „svakodnevne“ građe – podjednako je informativan.
Iako ovaj tekst ne može pružiti iscrpan uvid u korištenje državnih simbola SFRJ, na sljedećih
nekoliko stranica moguće je istaknuti njihove važnije mutacije u primjeni i značenju.
Službeni i neslužbeni državni simboli u SFRJ

Razvoj ključnih simbola SFRJ dokumentiran je od njihovog uvođenja u politički život do talo-
ženja značenja tijekom godina i može se dobro definirati već punktiranjem nekoliko komu-
3 Ruganje državnim simbolima gorka je pilula i za najdemokratskije sisteme: recimo, izvođenje

pjesme „God save the Queen“ Sex Pistolsa bilo je zabranjeno na BBC-u sedamdesetih godina.
power, but at the same time, it exposes them to public reassessment2. The attitude of the
society (or parts of it) towards symbols can change and what was once an efficient tool of
state propaganda becomes the most lethal means of resistance. In the fight against the
system, the subversion of that which the system considers sacred is certainly the most
shocking. Therefore, the health and survival of the state is also measured by the extent
to which the state or the society are ready to embrace pluralism when interpreting their
most sacred symbols3. Surely, between these two extremes, there exists the everyday life
with symbols, so the question is what kind of messages are sent, even by the most benign
derivations of symbols (used in advertising, for instance) to those in the positions of power.
Even though state symbols are created as a proof of political power and used as an official
seal of approval of sorts, it is only by being handled by the society on a daily basis that
they become alive.
The “usual” things have, until recently been passing under the radar of (design) histori-
ans, although the economic, political and social relations in a community are most clearly
reflected precisely in the everyday life. The contemporary history and sociology have been
discovering a rich source of material in advertising, for quite some time now. The attitude of
the society (and its parts) towards the established symbols of power that can be discerned
2 Luthar, Breda (Editor), Pusnik, Marusa (Editor): Remembering Utopia: The Culture of

Everyday Life in Socialist Yugoslavia; New Academia Publishing, Washington DC, 2010
3 Mocking state symbols is a bitter pill to swallow, even in the most democratic systems; for
example, playing the song God Save the Queen by the Sex Pistols was forbidden on the BBC in
the 1970s.
_25
nikacijskih kanala koji dosad nisu zaokupljali pažnju povjesničara dizajna. Iako je, posebice
prije pojave elektronskih medija, plakat bio neprikosnoveni kralj masovnog komuniciranja,
tijekom istraživanja povodom ove izložbe, kao vrlo popularan, sveprisutni medij pokazale
su se i kutije šibica (riječ je o proizvodu osječke tvornice žigica Drava) te poslovni zidni
kalendari (koji su nadilazili svoju ulogu poslovnog komuniciranja: svaka je jugoslavenska
obitelj kitila zid stana barem jednim takvim kalendarom).
Službeni državni simboli u SFRJ – zastava trobojnica, crvena zvijezda petokraka te držav-
ni grb, bili su zanimljiva konglomeracija povijesnih značenja. Trobojnica je nosila panslaven-
ske boje (plavo-bijelo-crvena) a omjeri i raspored boja preuzeti su od Kraljevine Jugoslavije.
Crvena petokraka bila je, dakako, simbol komunizma no iznad svega snažan, evokativan
simbol antifašističke borbe (i u dijelu zapadnoeuropskih zemalja etablirala se kao popula-
ran simbol otpora fašizmu).
Grb SFRJ (zajednički rad Antuna Augustinčića i Đorđa Andrejevića Kuna iz 1943. godi-
ne) bio je prava riznica prenesenih značenja. Poput grbova mnogih drugih socijalističkih
zemalja, očitu je inspiraciju našao u grbu SSSR-a: tako je i jugoslavenski grb sadržavao
uobičajen vijenac od klasja žita, već spomenutu petokraku zvijezdu, sunčeve zrake (oba-
vezna najava bolje budućnosti) i datum „rođenja“ države (Mit o postanku). Posebnost
su činile baklje (isprva pet, a od šezdesetih godina šest baklji) republika koje su tvorile
zajednički plamen u jasno čitljivom simbolizmu bratstva i jedinstva. Grb je bio sveprisutan
u najslužbenijoj sferi državnih poslova: on je krasio službene državne dokumente, između
ostalog osobne dokumente, službena izdanja (npr. obveznice narodnog zajma) i, dakako,
novac.
from the diverse “everyday” material is equally informative. Despite the fact that this essay
cannot provide an in-depth insight into the use of the state symbols of the Socialist Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, their more important mutations of application and meaning can be
highlighted in the following pages.
Official and unofficial state symbols in

the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
The development of key state symbols of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia had
been documented from the moment of their introduction into the political life, through to
the accumulation of meanings over the years and it can be defined in a satisfactory way
already by tapping into some of the communication channels which have not attracted
the attention of historians of design until now. Although posters were undisputed kings of
mass communication, especially before the advent of the mass media, during the research
conducted for the purpose of this exhibition, matchboxes proved to have been a very
popular, omnipresent medium (we refer to the products of the Osijek-based Drava match
factory) along with business wall calendars (which transcended their business communi-
cation role: every family in Yugoslavia decorated a wall in their apartments with at least
one such calendar).
The official state symbols in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia – the tricolour
flag, the red five-pointed star and the coat of arms of the state offered an interesting mix-
ture of historical meanings. The tricolour flag featured pan-Slavic colours (blue, white and
red) and its measures and the order of colours were taken from the flag of the Kingdom of
_26
Uz ove oficijalne državne oznake postojali su brojni drugi simboli koji su se tijekom go-
dina razvijali (i nestajali) iz jugoslavenske mitologije, no kao najotporniji pokazali su se srp
i čekić – simbol zajedništva proletarijata i Komunističke partije, lik (Spasitelja) Josipa Broza
Tita i žarko crvena boja revolucije.
Promjene značenja
Već spomenute promjene u značenju i tretmanu državnih simbola događale su se kao po-
sljedica značajnih društvenopolitičkih potresa. Dramatičan prekid odnosa s SSSR-om i, nešto
kasnije, prihvaćanje moderne apstrakcije kao dominantnog likovnog izraza donijele su odu-
stajanje od soc-realističke estetike. Lik radnika / ratnika u herojskim pozama (koji se, istina, od
prijeratnih prikaza razlikuje4 tek po ulozi glavnog lika i eventualnoj primjeni državnih simbola
u pozadini slike) sve češće je zamijenjen dominantnim simbolom – zvijezdom i/ili srpom i če-
kićem. Titov lik možda se i najdramatičnije transformirao tijekom godina: od nimalo suptilnih
pseudoreligijskih scena (primjerice, na kalendaru iz 1951., grafičkoj formi koja je tradicionalno
bila namijenjena obaviještavanju puka o datumima religijskih praznika i danima pojedinih sve-
taca) do kasnije uobičajenog, monarhističkog „numizmatičkog“ portreta. Puno kasnije, ovaj
simbol doživljava još drastičniju izmjenu: Titov lik sveden je tek na ideju i – potpis.
Zaokret prema tržišnoj ekonomiji nakon privredne reforme 1964. i postepena profesio-
nalizacija dizajnerske struke dovode do pokušaja tretiranja simbola kao elemenata kućnog
stila pojedinih tvrtki. U kulturnoj sferi, otvaranje prema Zapadu relativizira čak i dotad neu-
4 kao što je razrađeno u tekstu Dejana Kršića u katalogu ID: Ideologija dizajna, 2009.
Yugoslavia. The red five-pointed star was, of course, a symbol of communism and above all
a strong and evocative symbol of the antifascist struggle (that established itself as a popular
symbol of resistance to fascism in some Western European countries as well).
The coat of arms of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (co-designed by Antun
Augustinčić and Đorđe Andrejević Kun in 1943) was a genuine treasure trove of figurative
meanings. Like the coats of arms of many other socialist countries, it was obviously inspired
by the coat of arms of the USSR. Thus the Yugoslav coat of arms too included the usual
sheaves of wheat forming a circle, the above-mentioned five-pointed star, sun’s rays (a fea-
ture heralding a better future was obligatory) and the “date of birth” of the state (the myth
of Genesis). The torches were its distinguishing feature (at first five and from the 1960s
onward, six torches) representing the country’s republics fusing into a single flame, making
for easily readable symbolism of brotherhood and unity. The coat of arms was ubiquitous
in the most official sphere of public affairs: it graced the official state documents, personal
identification documents, the official state-issued printed matter (such as state securities)
and naturally money.
In addition to these official state insignia, there existed numerous symbols forming part
of the Yugoslav mythology that had developed (and disappeared) over the years, but the
hammer and sickle – the symbol of unity of the proletariat and the Communist Party, the
figure of Josip Broz Tito (the Saviour) and bright red colour of the revolution proved to be
the most resilient.
_27
pitnu simboliku i komunistički pedigre zvijezde petokrake (sjajan su primjer vizualni identi-
teti Ateljea 212, Bitefa i Festa).
Konačno, disonantni tonovi sedamdesetih i osamdesetih godina, kritičko preispitivanje
smjera u kojem se kreće jugoslavensko društvo te, do određene mjere, i sloboda da se
takva pitanja postavljaju, odražavaju se u postepenoj deformaciji simbola pa i dotad neza-
mislivom nestajanju državnih simbola iz javne komunikacije.
Upotreba državnih simbola

Općeprihvaćeni i mahom poštivani državni simboli činili su dobru osnovu za gradnju na-
cionalnog identiteta i povezivanje dotad po mnogočemu (od religije do pisma) razjedinje-
nih nacija.
U političkoj sferi, način korištenja državnih simbola zasigurno je bio najviše kontroliran,
najmanje prepušten slučajnosti i vlastitim interpretacijama. Država je, posebno u početku,
strogo upravljala slikom koju je željela komunicirati svojim stanovnicima. Već spomenuti
službeni simboli koristili su se u službenim distribucijskim kanalima – kao potvrda oficijel-
nosti raznih propisa, državnih i osobnih dokumenata, novčanica.5 Kao i u drugdje u svijetu,
poštanske marke6 i dopisnice, tada vrlo raširen (a danas gotovo iščezao) komunikacijski
5 Kao kuriozitet, a vezano uz nedavne žestoke rasprave o mogućom svođenju grafički

kompliciranog hrvatskog grba na daleko primjerenija dva kvadratića na registarskim tablicama,
valja podsjetiti da je SFRJ na tablicama kao nacionalnu oznaku koristila samo crvenu zvijezdu.
6 Prva poštanska marka Demokratske Federativne Jugoslavije tiskana je 21. 2. 1945. godine.
Na njoj je prikazan lik maršala Tita po nacrtu Đorđa Andrejevića Kuna.
The changes of meaning

The already mentioned changes of meaning of state symbols and the attitude towards
them were a consequence of significant turmoils in the society and in the domain of poli-
tics. The dramatic severance of relations with the USSR and some time later, acceptance of
modernist abstraction as the dominant form of artistic expression resulted in abandoning
the aesthetics of socialist realism. The figures of workers/warriors in heroic poses (which,
in truth, differ from the pre-war representations4 only in the role of the main protagonist
and the possible application of state symbols in the background of the picture) more and
more often got replaced by the dominant symbol – the star or the hammer and sickle. It
is the likeness of Tito that may have undergone the most dramatic transformation over
the years: from the everything but subtle pseudo-religious scenes (for example on the
1951 calendar, with calendar itself being a graphics form traditionally meant to inform the
masses about the dates marking religious holidays and days dedicated to certain saints)
to the monarchical “numismatic” portrait that became customary later on. Much later, this
symbol underwent an even more drastic change: Tito’s likeness was reduced to a pure
idea and a signature.
The shift to a market economy after the 1964 economic reform and gradual profession-
alization of design led to an attempt to treat symbols as elements of the in-house style of
certain companies. In the domain of culture, the opening of the country to the West brought
4 The issue is analyzed further in the essay by Dejan Kršić in the catalogue ID: Ideologija
dizajna (ID: Ideology of Design), 2009.
_28
kanal, također su bile sjajna prilika za masovnu distribuciju poželjnih simbola i mitova: od
portreta Josipa Broza do legendarnih bitaka NOB, veličanja radništva i slično.
Država je svoje simbole propagirala u obraćanjima narodu: pozivima na izbore, na ispu-
njenje petogodišnjih planova, na uključenje u omladinske radne akcije i na proslave držav-
nih praznika.
Vrlo važan element u kreiranju državnog identiteta bili su vizualni identiteti republič-
kih partijskih kongresa. Kongresi su bili pažljivo osmišljeni spektakli s velikim budžetom
i ambicijama, a autori vizualnog identiteta od osamdesetih su godina uglavnom birani na
natječajima koji su nagradom i opsegom posla privlačili naše najbolje dizajnere. Obzirom
na redovitost takvih kongresa, upravo je kroz ove identitete moguće pratiti vizualnu evo-
luciju državnih simbola (u ovom slučaju, zvijezde te srpa i čekića, simbola Komunističke
partije). Pregled ovih identiteta – prije svega raznih republičkih kongresa Srbije, Slovenije
i Hrvatske (kongresi Komunističke partije, kongresi Saveza socijalističke omladine) – po-
tvrđuje već spomenuti trend dezintegracije državnih simbola: od Vipotnikovog plakata za
9. kongres zveze socialistične mladine Slovenije iz 1974., do Ljubičićeve tek tipografijom
naznačene zvijezde za 10. kongres Komunističke partije Hrvatske, plakata Ivana Posavca
i Milislava Vesovića za 2. kongres SSO Hrvatske ili plakata za 11. kongres SSO Srbije (Ze-
ljug, Aleksić) iz 1986. Obzirom da je naručitelj u ovim slučajevima bila sama Komunistička
partija ili Savez socijalističke omladine, očito je da su promjene u tretmanu simbola bivale s
vremenom dozvoljavane: ne može se baš sve primjere takvih radova svrstati pod uspješne
podvale hrabrih i buntovnih dizajnera vizualno nepismenom klijentu. Preispitivanje smjera
u kojem bi trebala ići Partija, uloga socijalističke omladine u društvu – pitanja su koja su bila
about relativization even of the previously undisputed symbolism and communist pedigree
of the five-pointed star (the visual identities of Atelje 212, Bitef and Fest are impressive
examples of that).
Finally, the signs of disagreement in the 1970s and 1980s, critical reassessment of the
direction in which Yugoslav society was heading and, to an extent, the liberty to pose such
questions were reflected in gradual deformation of symbols and even the previously un-
thinkable disappearance of state symbols from the realm of public communication.
The use of state symbols

The universally accepted and mainly respected state symbols provided a solid basis for
building the national identity and forging ties between the nations that had until then been
divided in many respects (from religion to the writing system).
The way of using state symbols was surely the most tightly controlled in the domain of
politics where precious little was left to chance and personal interpretations. The state ex-
ercised tight control of the image it wanted to communicate to its citizens, especially in the
beginning. Said state symbols were used in the official distribution channels, as a proof of
the official nature of different regulations, personal documents and money.5 As elsewhere
5 In relation to the recent fierce debates about the possibility of reducing the graphically
complex Croatian coat of arms on licence plates to a much more fitting sign consisting of two
squares, it’s worth remembering the curious fact that the country sign on licence plates at the
time of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was simply a red star.
_29
prihvatljiva7 još od studentskih nemira 1968. Ali, samo do određene granice, do izravnog
bacanja rukavice u lice, kao što je učinio Novi kolektivizam s već mnogo puta opjevanim,
zabranjenim plakatom za Dan mladosti 1987. godine.
Kada promatramo najraniju građu vezanu uz ekonomsku propagandu, tj. promociju ju-
goslavenske privrede i tvrtki, primjetit ćemo da su i na plakatima, i na kutijama šibica, i na
poslovnim novogodišnjim čestitkama8 i kalendarima državni simboli vrlo čest motiv kojim se
naglašava važnost novog društvenog sistema kao ključnog uvjeta ekonomskog napretka.
Iz tog razdoblja potječe i manija JUGO-naziva (npr. Jugovinil, Jugokeramika, Jugoplasti-
ka, Jugoton, Jugoriba)9 I mnogi tada nastali logotipovi, često djela više ili manje nadarenih
amatera, bogati su komunističkom heraldikom (od petokrake do siluete radnika ili tvornič-
kih dimnjaka).
S prodorom tržišne ekonomije, državni simboli gotovo potpuno nestaju iz sfere ekonom-
ske propagande – barem u onom prvotnom „naivnom“ formatu. Dizajneri će, posebno u
dizajnu poslovnih čestitki i naslovnica kataloga tvrtki, u potpunosti preuzeti modernističku
estetiku i apstraktne forme.
7 Kao što pokazuje, primjerice, naslovnica Omladinskog tjednika iz 1968. koja prikazuje
stisnutu šaku s pečatnjakom na kojem su zvijezda, srp i čekić (uz tekst „Radikalno ili nikako“).
8 Dizajn poslovnih novogodišnjih čestitki u SFRJ zanimljiv je već i zbog nužnosti
osmišljavanja potpuno novih motiva koji nemaju nikakve veze s dotad uobičajenim prikazom
kršćanskih simbola.
9 Kasnije, primjerice, u Hrvatskoj ponovljena s prefiksom CRO- te zatim ubrzo opet s
prefiksom EURO-.
in the world, postage stamps6 and postcards that used to be a very widespread (nowadays
almost extinct) communication channel also offered a great opportunity for mass dissem-
ination of desirable symbols and myths: from the portraits of Josip Broz, through to the
legendary battles fought in the National Liberation War, glorifying the working class and
the like.
The state promoted its symbols when it addressed the people: in the calls to the polls, to
fulfil five-year plans, to take part in youth voluntary labour drives or participate in celebrat-
ing state holidays. The visual identities of party congresses in the country’s republics were
a very important element of creating the identity of the state. The congresses were carefully
orchestrated spectacles with big budget and big ambitions and the authors of visual iden-
tities in the 1980s were mostly chosen in competitions where the awards and the scope
of work attracted our best designers. In view of the regularity with which the congresses
were held, it is precisely through their identities that we can track the visual evolution of
state symbols (in this case, the five-pointed star and the hammer and sickle, the symbols
of the Communist Party). An overview of these identities, primarily different congresses in
the country’s republics: Serbia, Slovenia and Croatia (namely, congresses of the Commu-
nist Party, congresses of the League of Socialist Youth) corroborates the above-mentioned
trend of disintegration of state symbols: from Vipotnik’s poster for the Ninth Congress of
the League of Socialist Youth of Slovenia held in 1974, to Ljubičić’s star indicated only by
6 The first postal stamp issued in the Democratic Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was printed
on February 21 , 1945. It bore the likeness of Marshall Tito and was designed by Đorđe
Andrejević Kun.
_30
Državni simboli u službu ekonomije vraćaju se kasnih sedamdesetih i osamdesetih go-

dina, kada ih – po uzoru na pojedine, nacionalnom simbolikom obilježene zapadne tvrtke
– nove generacije profesionalnih dizajnera pokušavaju uvesti u vizualne identitete domaćih
tvrtki. Takvih primjera nije mnogo, no postoji nekoliko vrhunskih razrada kućnih stilova tvrtki
koji su inspirirani jugoslavenskom državnom simbolikom. Primjerice, boje jugoslavenske
zastave kao osnovu vizualnog identiteta koriste slovenski dizajneri (Jani Bavčer i Dušan
Brajič) za bosanskohercegovačku tvrtku Sodaso. Trobojnicom je inspiriran i dizajn identiteta
najpoznatijeg jugoslavenskog izvoznog projekta – automobila Yugo (arhitekt Sokol Soko-
lović) tvornice Zastava (!) iz Kragujevca. Nažalost, taj element identiteta bio je uočljiv svuda
osim na samom automobilskom znaku.
Međutim, apsolutni pobjednik u ovoj kategoriji je vizualni identitet tvrtke YASSA dizajne-
ra Borisa Ljubičića, detaljno razrađen kućni stil koji koristi petokraku kao osnovni element
identiteta (ona je osnova i za tipografiju koju je Ljubičić dizajnirao za Yassu) te tri linije u boji
zastave, po uzoru na inozemne sportske brendove. Nažalost, kvaliteta vizualnog identiteta
bila je bolja od kvalitete izrade asortimana.
Boris Ljubičić još je od osamdesetih godina opsjednut temom promocije nacionalnog
identiteta kroz dizajn vizualnih identiteta tvrtki te je 1989. u tjedniku Danas analizirao si-
tuaciju na tadašnjem jugoslavenskom tržištu (a 1990. u istom tjedniku izašao je i s prvim
prijedlogom novog vizualnog identiteta Republike Hrvatske).
Mogu se pronaći još poneki bojažljivi primjeri uvođenja boja jugoslavenske zastave u
identitet tvrtke (JAT, Ledo) a posebno je zanimljiv primjer cigareta Benston (Tvornica duha-
na Zagreb) koje su do raspada Jugoslavije kao važni element dizajna kutije koristile linije u
typographic means, designed for the Tenth Congress of the Communist Party of Croatia,
the poster designed by Ivan Posavac and Milislav Vesović for the Second Congress of the
League of Socialist Youth of Croatia, or indeed the poster for the 1986 Eleventh Congress
of the League of Socialist Youth of Serbia (Zeljug, Aleksić). Having in mind the fact that the
designs had been commissioned by the Communist Party itself or the League of Socialist
Youth, it is obvious that the changes in the approach to symbols were becoming allowed
over time. Not all of the examples of such designs can be considered to have been suc-
cessful instances of deception contrived by brave and rebellious designers to trick the vi-
sually illiterate client. The re-evaluation of the direction to be taken by the Party, the role of
socialist youth in the society were the questions that had been acceptable7 ever since the
1968 student unrest. That however had its limits exceeded by openly throwing the gauntlet
down in the face of the system, as was done by Novi kolektivizam (New Collectivism) and
their banned 1987 Youth Day poster whose praises have been sung many a time.
If we take a look at the earliest material related to advertising, i.e. promoting the Yugo-
slav economy and companies, we will notice that state symbols were very often featured
on posters, matchboxes, business New Year’s cards8 and calendars alike. These symbols
7 As illustrated, for example by the cover of a 1968 issue of Omladinski tjednik (Youth Weekly),
showing a closed fist with a star-and-hammer-and-sickle seal ring (and the accompanying text
reading Radically - Take It or Leave It).
8 The design of business greeting cards in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is
interesting, if only because of the necessity of developing brand new motifs that had nothing
in common with the previously common representation of Christian symbols.
_31
boji jugoslavenske zastave (plavo-bijelo-crveno). Nakon raspada, linijama je naprosto zami-

jenjen redoslijed (crveno-bijelo-plavo).
U najmanje kontroliranom području društvenog života, sferi kulture, državni su simboli
– očekivano – prolazili živahan tretman. Krajem četrdesetih i početkom pedesetih, državni
simboli javljali su se kao logičan element plakata izložbi koje su se i tako bavile državotvor-
nom tematikom ili su prenosile izričitu edukativno-propagandnu poruku. Na sličan su način
simboli – ako ništa drugo onda efektno dodavanje crvene boje crno-bijeloj fotografiji – eg-
zistirali i na plakatima za jugoslavenske ratne filmove.
Pedesetih i šezdesetih, vizualni identiteti za kulturnu scenu također preuzimaju moder-
nističku estetiku te koriste apstraktne forme, tek rijetko se koristeći državnom simbolikom.
Mainstream mediji još će se neko vrijeme skrivati iza politički neutralnog modernizma,
međutim, krajem šezdesetih, stasa nova generacija dizajnera okupljena oko omladinskih
novina u Ljubljani, Zagrebu i Beogradu koja eksperimentira s novom pop estetikom i inova-
tivnim tehnikama tiska, a ne libi se ni oštrog podbadanja države i Partije na naslovnicama.
Istina, njihov je društveni utjecaj bio ograničen na malu i probranu publiku no nesumnjivo
je ostavio veliki trag na primjerice Mašićevim vizualnim identitetima za Bitef ili na radove
Mihajla Arsovskog za Teatar ITD.
Početkom sedamdesetih, politička represija privremeno utišava ovaj kanal, no vizualni
identiteti izložbi i kazališnih predstava10 i dalje služe kao podloge za povremene subver-
10 Primjerice Vipotnikovi plakati za Slovensko Mladinsko Gledališće, plakat Stefana Borote

za izložbu Toma Gotovca iz 1983., Bućanov plakat za Voltairovog Candida (za splitski HNK)
1983, ...
highlighted the importance of the new social system as the key condition for economic
development.
That is when the mania for YUGO-names began (e.g. Jugovinil (Yugovinyl) Jugokeramika
(Yugoceramics), Jugoplastika (Yugoplastics), Jugoton (Yugotone), Jugoriba (Yugofish))9 and
numerous logos created at that time, often designed by more or less gifted amateurs, rich
in communist insignia (from the five-pointed star to the figure of worker of the image of
factory chimneys).
Following the foray into a market economy, state symbols almost completely disappeared
from the sphere of advertising – at least in the original “naïve form”. The designers fully
embraced modernist aesthetics and abstract forms, especially in the design of business
greeting cards and the covers of company catalogues.
State symbols returned in the late 1970s and 1980s for the purpose of serving the econ-
omy, when new generations of professional designers attempted to incorporate them into
the visual identities of local companies, following the example of some Western companies
that opted for national symbolism. There not many such cases, but there are a few superb
examples of development of company in-house styles inspired by Yugoslav state symbols.
For instance, Slovenian designers (Jani Bavčer and Dušan Brajič) used the colours of the
Yugoslav flag on the logo of Sodaso factory based in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The tricolour
flag also provided the inspiration for the design (by the architect Sokol Sokolović) of the
9 Such a situation was later on repeated in Croatia, for instance, first with the prefix CRO- and
again the prefix EURO- not long after that.
_32
zivne dizajnerske akcije koje se drugdje ne mogu provesti. Male doze subverzivnosti za
odabranu, probranu publiku očito je lakše progutati i progurati dok sredstva distribucije
masovne kulture – poput, recimo, gramofonskih ploča i filmova – ipak imaju Savjete koji
brinu o pravovjernosti sadržaja.
Od kraja sedamdesetih oporavlja se scena omladinskog tiska a s njom se na naslovnice
vraćaju i simboli u „kompromitirajućim pozama“ (Polet, Mladina, Omladinske novine, Mla-
dost,...).
Početkom osamdesetih s djelovanjem počinje Neue Slowenische Kunst koji posuđuje
rječnik totalitarističke propagande, stvara vlastiti simbolički svijet i ogoljava postojeći si-
stem koristeći u svom nastupu već dobro poznatu „državotvornu“ metodologiju. Umjetnici
Tomislav Gotovac i Marijan Molnar održavaju performanse „žigošući“ vlastito tijelo komu-
nističkim simbolima. Tjednik Danas, osnovan 1982, u više navrata na naslovnici (ilustracije
Mirka Ilića) koristi državne simbole (zvijezdu, srp i čekić) za prikaz dnevnopolitičke situacije.
Ovaj kratki pregled mutacije državnih simbola tijekom pedesetak godina trajanja jugosla-
venske države najprimjerenije je završiti slikom destrukcije onog simbola čijim je rađanjem
utjelovljena država. Naime, u listu Danas 1989. godine krah Socijalističke Federativne Re-
publike Jugoslavije navješten je ilustracijom11 – jugoslavenskog grba u plamenu.
11 Danas, 29. 8. 1989., ilustracija: Joško Marušić.
identity of Yugoslavia’s best known export – the Yugo car, manufactured at the Zastava
(Flag) (!) factory in Kragujevac. Unfortunately, that element of the identity was visible every-
where except on the car logo itself.
However, the supreme champion in this category is the visual identity of the YASSA com-
pany, created by the designer, Boris Ljubičić, a finely developed in-house style that uses
a five-pointed star as a cornerstone (the star also provided the basis for the font Ljubičić
designed for YASSA) and three lines in the colours of the national flag, modelled on foreign
sports brands. Unfortunately, the quality of the visual identity was superior to the quality of
the company’s product range. Ever since the 1980s, Boris Ljubičić has been obsessed with
the issue of promoting national identity by means of designing visual identities for compa-
nies. He thus analyzed the situation in the then Yugoslav market in a 1989 issue of Danas
(Today) weekly (and in 1990, in the very same weekly, he also put forward the first proposal
of the new visual identity of the Republic of Croatia).
A few other examples of cautious attempts of incorporating the colours of the Yugoslav
flag into company identity (JAT, Ledo) can also be found. The example of the cigarette
brand Benston (produced by Tvornica duhana Zagreb (Zagreb Tobacco Factory) is espe-
cially interesting. Namely, the lines in the colours of the Yugoslav flag (blue – white – red)
had been a significant element of the design of the cigarette box, before the disintegration
of Yugoslavia. After the country disintegrated, the order of lines was simply reversed (red
– white – blue).
As expected, state symbols received a lively treatment in the least controlled area of
social life, the domain of culture. In the late 1940s and the early 1950s, state symbols ap-
_33
peared as a logical element on posters of the exhibitions that explored the topics related
state building anyway or conveyed an explicit education and propaganda-oriented mes-
sage. These symbols were also featured on the posters for Yugoslav war films, if in no other
form, then as a powerful effect of adding red colour to black-and-white photographs.
In the 1950a and the 1960s, visual identities appearing on the cultural scene also em-
braced modernist aesthetics and applied abstract shapes, only rarely making use of state
symbols. The mainstream media still managed, for a time, to hide behind politically neutral
modernism. Nevertheless, a new generation of designers came of age. They worked for
youth newspapers in Ljubljana, Zagreb and Belgrade and experimented with the new pop
aesthetics and innovative printing techniques. They did not shy away from provoking the
state and the Party on newspaper covers. Sure, their influence in the society was limited to
a small and select audience, but it undoubtedly had a profound impact on the visual identi-
ties Mašić developed for BITEF, or the work of Mihajlo Arsovski for Teatar ITD, for example.
In the beginning of the 1970s, political repression temporarily suppressed this communi-
cation channel, but visual identities of exhibitions and theatre plays10 still served as a back-
drop for occasional subversive design activities that could not be carried out elsewhere. It
was obviously easier to swallow and push through small doses of subversiveness intended
for select audiences, while the means of distribution of mass culture – like, for example,
gramophone records and films were monitored by committees ensuring political correct-
10 For example, Vipotnik’s posters for the Slovenian Youth Theatre, the poster by Stefan
Borota for Tom Gotovac’s exhibition held in 1983, Bućan’s 1983 poster for Voltaire’s Candide
(For the Croatian National Theatre in Split), ...
_34
ness of content. The recovery of the youth press scene began in the late 1970 and thus the
symbols returned to newspaper covers (of Polet, (Enthusiasm) Mladina (Youth), Omladinske
novine (Youth Newspapers), Mladost (Youth),...) in “compromising positions ”.
The early 1980s saw the launch of activities of the Neue Slowenische Kunst (New Slo-
venian Art) collective that borrowed the vocabulary of totalitarian propaganda, created its
own world of symbols and exposed the existing system by using the already well-known
“state-building” methodology in their performances. The artists, Tomislav Gotovac and
Marijan Molnar held performances “branding” their own bodies with communist symbols.
Danas Weekly, founded in 1982 used state symbols (the star, the hammer and sickle) on a
number of occasions on its covers (designed by Mirko Ilić), so as to illustrate political issues
of the day.
The most fitting way of ending this short overview of the transformation of state symbols
during the fifty years or so of existence of Yugoslavia would be by referring to the image
of destruction of the very symbol whose birth marked the creation of the state. Namely, a
1989 issue of the newspaper Danas featured an illustration11 showing the Yugoslav coat of
arms in flames foreshadowing the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
11 Danas (Today), August 29, 1989, illustration: Joško Marušić

_35
Cvetka Požar
Građenje i rušenje
slike socijalističke
države kroz
plakat i vizuelni
identitet
Cvetka Požar
The Building and
Destruction of the
Image of Socialist
State through
Posters and Visual
Identity
Cvetka Požar Građenje i rušenje slike The Building and Destruction of
socijalističke države kroz plakat i the Image of Socialist State through _37
vizuelni identitet Posters and Visual Identity
U Jugoslaviji u doba socijalizma (1945–1991) propaganda je bila značajan faktor afirmacije

novog društvenopolitičkog uređenja a kasnije, i same vlasti. U tome je važnu ulogu odigrala
vizuelna komunikacija. Ovde ću izložiti nekoliko ključnih primera takve upotrebe grafičkog
dizajna tokom tri vremenska perioda socijalizma kako bih jasno pokazala na koji način se
menjala vizuelna komunikacija jednopartijskog sistema. Tokom prvih, posleratnih godina,
novo društvenopolitičko uređenje konsolidovalo se pomoću intenzivne, kontrolisane pro-
pagande – čiji je osnovni nosilac bio plakat koji se stilskim rešenjima oslanjao na socrea-
lizam – kao i isticanjem novih državnih simbola (zvezda, srp, čekić, crvena boja kao boja
revolucije). Tokom 1970-ih godina, kroz raspisivanje prvih konkursa za vizuelne identitete
partijskih kongresa i drugih skupova partijskih organizacija, dogodili su se prvi pomaci na
formalnom planu građenja afirmativnog vizuelnog identiteta vlasti, a samim tim i države. To-
kom 1980-ih došlo je do radikalnog preokreta u odnosu na posleratnu socrealističku propa-
gandu. Putem resemantizacije, državni odnosno partijski simboli, pre svega na plakatima iz
oblasti kulture, postali su prikrivene odnosno metaforama sakrivene „kritike” rigidnosti par-
tije i sistema. Simboli koji su označavali pobedu nad okupatorom i teško osvojenu slobodu
na kraju Drugog svetskog rata, kao i nadu u pravednije i ravnopravnije društveno uređenje,
koje nažalost nije ostvareno u obliku u kojem je zamišljeno, tokom poslednje decenije so-
cijalizma postali su, kroz metamorfozu i postavljanje u drugačiji, aktuelni društvenopolitički
kontekst, njen „rušitelj”. Vrhunac je u tom smislu dostignut u drugoj polovini 1980-ih kada
je dizajn afirmativnog plakata naručenog od strane vlasti postao kritika te iste afirmacije
(plakat za Dan mladosti 1987. godine).
The propaganda in Yugoslavia in the socialist era (1945-1991) was a significant factor of the
affirmation of a new socio-political order and the authorities themselves later on. Visual
communication played an important role in that. Here I will expound a couple of key exam-
ples of such use of graphic design during the three periods of socialism, in order to show
clearly how the visual communication of a one-party system was changing. During the first,
post-war years, the new socio-political order was consolidated by the intense, controlled
propaganda - whose pillars were the posters that relied on socialist realism in terms of style
- as well as by highlighting the new state symbols (five-pointed star, sickle, hammer, red as
the colour of the revolution, etc.). The first moves in the formal plan of building an affirma-
tive visual identity of the authorities, and therefore, the state, occurred in the 1970s through
calling the first open competitions for the visual identities of party congresses and other
meetings of party organizations. In the 1980s, there was a radical shift in relation to the
post-war socialist realism propaganda. Through resemantisation, state and party symbols,
on the posters in the field of culture, in the first place, became disguised, i.e. “criticisms” of
rigidness of the party and the system hidden by metaphors. The symbols that represented
victory over the occupier and hard-won freedom at the end of World War II, as well as hope
for a more just and equitable social order, which unfortunately was not realized in the form
it had been designed, during the last decade of the socialism, through a metamorphosis
and setting in a different, current socio-political context, became its “destroyer.” The peak
in this regard was reached in the second half of the 1980s, when the design of an affirma-
tive poster commissioned by the authorities became a critique of that very affirmation (the
poster for the 1987 Youth Day).
_38
Plakat kao sredstvo agitacije i propagande

u prvim godinama posle rata
Odmah nakon Drugog svetskog rata započete su intenzivne političko-propagandne de-
latnosti sa ciljem pružanja snažne podrške mobilizaciji naroda u obnovi domovine, dono-
šenju novih zakona i njihovoj konkretnoj primeni, rešavanju problema granica i u drugim
političkim akcijama Komunističke partije, te potpunom ideološkom preobražaju društva u
novom sistemu. Važan vizuelni nosilac tih akcija je bio upravo plakat, u većoj meri nego
drugi mediji budući da je u tadašnjim okolnostima predstavljao najdostupnije sredstvo za
informisanje narodnih masa.
Komunistička partija Jugoslavije je odmah po oslobođenju svoj kulturno-politički program
prilagodila sovjetskom i preuzela sva načela socrealizma. Agitpropovska delatnost, zasno-
vana na pojednostavljenim motivima nabijenim emocijama, crpela je svoj sadržaj iz revolu-
cionarne borbe, strastima nabijenog zanosa pobede nad okupatorom, krvavo izvojevane
slobode i iz usmerenosti ka napretku i izgradnji bolje budućnosti. Kontrolisanjem idejnih
koncepata svakog od motiva, nova vlast je do poslednjeg detalja definisala sadržaj agit-
propovskog plakata, obeležavajući ga ikonografijom socrealizma koji je zahvaljujući svojoj
izrazitoj afirmativnosti bio u potpunom skladu sa zahtevima naručilaca.
Stereotipne herojske figure udarnika, omladinaca i sportista, postavljene u monumen-
talne kompozicije koje su svedočile o bezgraničnoj veri u napredak i lepšu budućnost,
promovisale su, poticale, negovale i projektovale vrednosti nove vlasti. Posle sukoba sa
Informbiroom 1948, kada je Jugoslavija započela svoje postepeno otvaranje ka Zapadu,
počelo je i napuštanje socrealističke simbolike na plakatima.
The posters as means of agitation and propaganda

in the first post-war years
Immediately after World War II, intense political and propaganda activities were launched
with the aim of providing strong support for the mobilization of the people in rebuilding
the country, the adoption of new laws and their actual implementation, the borders issue
troubleshooting and other political activities of the Communist Party, as well as for the full
ideological transformation of the society into a new system. It was the posters in particular
that were significant visual mainstays of such activities and they were more so than other
kinds of media, because they were the most accessible means of informing the masses
under the then circumstances.
The Communist Party of Yugoslavia, immediately after the liberation of the country, at-
tuned its cultural and political program to the Soviet one and adopted all the principles of
socialist realism. The agitprop activities, based on simplified, emotionally charged motifs,
derived their content from the revolutionary fight and passionate enthusiasm about the
victory over the occupier and the blood-won freedom, and orientation towards progress
and building a better future. By controlling the preliminary concepts of each and every motif
on the posters, the new authorities defined the content of the agitprop posters to the last
detail, marking them with the iconography of socialist realism, which due to its prominent
affirmativeness was in full compliance with the clients’ requirements.
Stereotypical heroic figures of shock workers, youth and athletes, set in monumental
compositions that testified to the unconditional faith in progress and better future, pro-
moted, encouraged, cherished and projected the values of the new authorities. After the
Vizuelni identitet partijskih i drugih kongresa političkih

organizacija tokom sedamdesetih godina XX veka
Velike političke svečanosti – kao što su bili partijski kongresi, kongresi ZSMS (Savez soci-
jalističke omladine Slovenije), kongresi sindikata, izbori i tako dalje – imale su od sredine
1970-ih po pravilu sopstveni vizuelni identitet. To možemo pripisati napretku dizajna u Slo-
veniji, na šta su uticali pojedinci tokom 1950-ih i 1960-ih godina, kao i nova generacija
mladih dizajnera koja se probila 1970-ih unoseći nove koncepte u slovenački grafički dizajn.
Uprkos tome što je država počela da raspisuje konkurse za vizuelne identitete političkih
kongresa i priredbi, angažovanost poruke ostala je u domenu partijskog nadzora. U javnosti
su se videle samo one promene kojima su i sami naručioci težili.
Drugačije pristupe vizuelnoj komunikaciji partije i njenih političkih organizacija određiva-
la je i sama društvena klima. Posle studentskih demonstracija krajem 1960-ih i na početku
1970-ih, bilo je jasno da će političke organizacije pod okriljem SKJ morati da upotrebe
ubedljiviji i inovativniji pristup za pridobijanje novih članova; toga je naročito bio svestan
Savez socijalističke omladine Slovenije (ZSMS) za čiji je 9. kongres 1974. godine celoku-
pan vizuelni identitet uradio Matjaž Vipotnik. Ideološki neopredeljen dizajn plakata bio
je sveden na fotografiju drveća u polju i njegovu namenu objašnjavaju samo ispis i znak
kongresa, koji tvori zvezdu. Svedeni izraz plakata ne nameće stroga ideološka opredelje-
nja. Drugačija ikonografska osnova označava prekretnicu u dizajnu vizuelnog identiteta
za političku organizaciju u posleratnoj istoriji Slovenije i predstavlja novi smer u razvoju
savremene vizuelne komunikacije vlasti – ka manjoj opterećenosti dogmatičnim simboli-
ma komunizma.
conflict with the Cominform back in 1948, when Yugoslavia began its gradual opening
to the West, the abandonment of the symbolism of socialist realism on the posters also
began.
The visual identity of party and other political

organizations’ congresses in the 1970s
Massive political ceremonies, as the party’s congresses used to be, congresses of the ZSMS
(League of Socialist Youth of Slovenia), trade unions’ congresses, elections and so on, since
the mid-1970s, as a rule, had their own visual identity. This can be attributed to the progress
of design in Slovenia, which was influenced by individuals during the 1950s and the 1960s,
as well as by the new generation of young designers, who made a name for themselves in
the 1970s and brought new concepts in Slovenian graphic design. Despite the fact the state
began to call open competitions for visual identities of political congresses and events, the
engagement of the message remained within the domain of party control. The public saw
only those changes that the clients themselves aspired to.
Different approaches to visual communication of the party and its political organizations
were dictated by the very social atmosphere. After the student protests in the late 1960s
and in the early 1970s, it was clear that political organizations under the auspices of the
League of Communists of Yugoslavia (SKJ) had to use a more persuasive and innovative
approach to win new members over; the League of Socialist Youth of Slovenia (ZSMS) - the
complete visual identity for its 9th congress back in 1974 having been developed by Matjaž
Vipotnik - was particularly aware of that. Ideologically uncommitted design of the poster
_40
Četiri godine kasnije (1978), promeni vizuelnog govora partije značajno su doprineli Mi-
ljenko Licul1, Ranko Novak, Boris Benko, Milan Zornik i Janez Koželj, pre svega zahvaljujući
redefinisanju ustaljenih znakovnih elemenata Partije u okviru vizuelnog identiteta za tada
najvažniji politički kongres Saveza komunista Slovenije.
O stvaranju vizuelnog identiteta za 8. kongres ZKS Licul je rekao sledeće: „Osmi partij-
ski kongres je bio prvi gde su rešenje zapravo prepustili autorima. Tada smo se pokazali
kao osveženje.”2 Svežina je vidljiva u savremenom konceptu i u rekonstrukciji do tada
nedodirljivih simbola. Sadržaj plakata 8. kongresa ZKS pokazuje sliku Slovenaca i Saveza
komunista u različitim vremenskim periodima i u različitim oblastima delovanja, što bi tre-
balo da asocira na njihovu povezanost. Vizuelni nosilac poruke je crno-bela fotografija
kao realističan i ubedljiv medij; dopunjuju je citati značajnih kulturnih poslenika, pesnika,
pisaca i političara, koji veličaju lik Tita, ustanak, dostignutu slobodu, napredak, rad i rad-
ničku klasu, omladinu… Poruka tih i ostalih kongresnih plakata još uvek je bila afirmacija
socijalizma i partije.
1 Na javnom konkursu koji je 1977. raspisao CK ZKS, Licul je dobio priliku da dizajnira
celokupan vizuelni identitet 8. kongresa ZKS. Za saradnika je pozvao Novaka s kojim je radio
godinu i po dana u odeljenju za dizajn pri „Iskri“, Dušana Benka koji se brinuo za reči na
plakatima i ostalom štampanom materijalu, kao i Milana Zornika i Janeza Koželja.
2 Tina Lesničar, “Dober znak za slabo uslugo je slab znak. Prešernov nagrajenec Miljenko
Licul”, Delo, 9. 2. 2008, 22.
was reduced to a photo of trees in a field. Its purpose was clarified only by the print of
the congress name and sign forming a five-pointed star. The reduced expression of the
poster did not impose strict ideological choices. A different iconographic basis indicated
a milestone in the design of the visual identity for the political organization in the post-war
history of Slovenia and marked a new direction in the development of contemporary visual
communications of the authorities, i.e. less preoccupation with the dogmatic symbols of
communism.
An important contribution to the change in the visual communication of the party four
years later (1978), primarily through redefinition of the established semiotic elements of the
party within the visual identity of the then most important political congress of the League
of Communists of Slovenia was made by Miljenko Licul1, Ranko Novak, Boris Benko, Milan
Zornik and Janez Koželj. Licul said the following about creating the visual identity of the
ZKS (League of Communists of Slovenia) 8th Congress: “The eighth party congress was the
first one where the solution was actually left to the authors. We proved to be a breath of
fresh air2 back then.” The freshness is evident in the modern concept and the reconstruc-
1 At an open competition, which was called by the Central Committee of the League of
Communists of Slovenia back in 1977, Licul was given an opportunity to design the entire
visual identity of the ZKS 8th Congress. He asked Novak, with whom he worked for a year and
a half at the Iskra “Spark” company design department, Dušan Benko, who took care of the
words on the posters and other printed material, as well as Milan Zornik and Janez Koželj to
collaborate on the project.
2 Tina Lesničar, “A good logo for a poor service is a bad logo. The Prešern Award winner
Miljenko Licul”, Delo (Work), 9. 2. 2008, p. 22
Na mestu loga najvažnijeg partijskog kongresa, dizajneri su zamislili računarski obra-

đen3 znak sastavljen od umnoženih i deformisanih oblika tri klasična simbola komunizma
– zvezde, čekića i srpa – rastavljenih i sastavljenih u novi oblik. Iz njih su stvorene tri
verzije znaka koje prema rečima autora, svojim repetitivnim, zaokruženim i dinamizujućim
oblikom, kao i svojom homogenizujućom i precizno uređenom strukturom same po sebi
nameću poređenje sa Savezom komunista, s njegovom masovnošću, zaokruženošću i
otvorenošću.4
Deformisani oblici su kod naručilaca izazvali nedoumice i podozrenje zbog diskreditova-
nja partijskih simbola, nosilaca vrednosti partije i njenih revolucionarnih tekovina. Kompli-
kacije u vezi sa prihvatanjem ovog predloga dokazuju koliko su veliki identifikacijski značaj
imali simboli komunizma za Partiju, dok je prihvatanje drugačijih rešenja dokaz da je bio
kucnuo čas za takva rešenja. Licul je o transformaciji simbola na plakatima rekao sledeće:
„Problematika simbolike je sigurno zanimljiva. Naše društvo se neprestano razvija, dobija
nove kvalitete; međutim, ono sa sobom nosi i simbole nasleđene iz različitih perioda. Ne
mislim time da srp i čekić nisu pravi simboli, ali je za razvoj društva neophodna i revolucija
simbola koji to društvo označavaju.”5
3 U preduzeću „Iskra“ znak je računarski obradio Matjaž Durjava, a kolektiv Iskrinog

marketinga je učestvovao „u organizaciji izvođenja celokupnog kongresnog događaja“. Vidi:
Lado Drobež, „Čestitke od vsepovsod“, Iskra, 18/19, 29. 4. 1978, 6.
4 Dušan Benko, „Celostna podoba 8. kongresa ZKS“, Sinteza, 43, 44, 1978, 68.
5 „Nizka raven oblikovne kulture“, Informator, 105/106, 1979, prilog, XI.
tion of the previously untouchable. The poster for the ZKS 8th Congress features a picture
of Slovenians and the League of Communists in different periods of time and in various
fields of work, which should evoke the bond between them. The visual aspect of the mes-
sage is conveyed a black and white photo as a realistic and convincing medium; it is com-
plemented by the quotations of important cultural activists, poets, writers and politicians
who praised the figure of Tito, the uprising, the attained freedom, progress, labour and the
working class, youth, etc. The message of these and other congress posters was still an
affirmation of the socialism and the party.
For the logo of the most important party congress, the designers conceptualized a
computer processed3 symbol formed of multiplied and deformed shapes of the three
classic symbols of communism: the five-pointed star and the hammer and sickle, which
were dismantled and assembled in a new form. According to the authors, three versions
of the symbol were created out of them, which by their repetitive, rounded and dynam-
izing form, as well as by their coherent and precisely regulated structure, themselves
imposed a comparison with the League of Communists, its massiveness, completeness
and openness4.
3 Matjaž Durjava computer-processed the logo at the Iskra company whereas the staff of Iskra’s
marketing department took part “in the organization of carrying the entire congress event out,”
See: Lado Drobež, “Čestitke od vsepovsod,” (“Congratulations from Everywhere”), Iskra, 18/19,
29. 4. 1978, p. 6.
4 Dušan Benko, “Celostna podoba 8. kongresa ZKS” (“Visual Identity of the ZKS 8th
Congress”), Sinteza 43, 44, 1978, p. 68.
_42
Uprkos i dalje prisutnoj ulozi ideološke propagande, čiji je vizuelni nosilac partijska ikono-
grafija, redefinisanje ustaljenih simbola značilo je prvi korak ka kompleksnom semantičkom
raslojavanju komunističke simbolike, a sa njom i dizajna socijalističkih političkih plakata,
odnosno kompletnog vizuelnog identiteta u oblasti politike uopšte.
Savez komunista, koji je finansijski mogao da sprovodi takve konkurse, ponudio je
jedinu mogućnost za to, mada definisanu pragmatičnim zahtevima i ograničenjima. Ako
je dizajnerima u okviru afirmativne estetike socijalističke propagande uspelo da spro-
vedu nove, kritičke pristupe stereotipnoj simbolici, bila je to isključiva zasluga njihove
snalažljivosti prilikom transformisanja simbola, kao i ubedljivog predstavljanja pred ko-
misijom i, ne ponajmanje, moći ubeđivanja onih koji su ubedili partijske funkcionere u
komisijama.
U Sloveniji je postmodernistička estetika, zasnovana na pluralizmu, eklekticizmu, vizuel-
nom i verbalnom citatu i prisvajanju, relativno rano ponudila prikladan odgovor na okoštali
formalizam partijske simbolike i njenih političkih sadržaja. U tom trenutku su takvi vizuelni
identiteti (i za 9. kongres ZKS, 1982, ali i za druge prilike) podrazumevali visok nivo kulture
oglašavanja i razvoja vizuelnog identiteta za političke događaje.
Kulturni plakati kao nosioci prikrivenih političkih poruka i

oživljavanja (aktivističkog) političkog plakata osamdesetih
godina XX veka u Sloveniji
Sedamdesete i osamdesete godina prošlog veka su u Sloveniji bile izuzetno plodne po
pitanju produkcije kulturnih plakata, među kojima se svojim snažnim političkim izrazom
The deformed shapes raised the client’s dilemmas and doubts whether party symbols
that embodied its values and its revolutionary achievements may have been discredited.
The complications related to the acceptance of this proposal proved that the symbols of
communism had great identification significance for the party, whereas the acceptance of
different solutions was a proof that the moment had arrived for such solutions. Licul said
the following about the transformation of symbols on the posters: “The issue of symbolism
is certainly interesting. Our society is constantly evolving, getting new standards, however,
it passes on the symbols inherited from different periods. By saying that I do not think that
the hammer and sickle are not real symbols, but a revolution of symbols representing the
society is also necessary for the development of the society.5”
Despite the still-present role of the ideological propaganda, whose visual mainstay was
the party iconography, redefining the established symbols meant the first step towards a
complex semantic stratification of the communist symbolism, and at the same time of the
design of the socialist political posters, i.e. the complete visual identity in the domain of
politics in general. The League of Communists, which was financially able to carry out such
open competitions, offered the only chance for that, albeit defined by pragmatic require-
ments and restrictions. If the designers managed to implement new, critical approaches to
the stereotypical symbolism, within the affirmative aesthetics of the socialist propaganda,
it was the sole merit of their resourcefulness when transforming the symbols as well as the
5 “Nizka raven oblikovne kulture” (“The low level of design culture”), Informator, 105/106,
1979, appendix, p. XI.
izdvajaju plakati Matjaža Vipotnika za Slovenačko omladinsko pozorište (Slovensko mla-

dinsko gledališče – SMG). Uspostavljanjem tzv. „političkog pozorišta” u SMG-u počet-
kom 1980-ih godina, pozorišni plakati preuzeli su ulogu nosilaca metaforičke simbolike
prikrivenih političkih poruka i kao takvi postali subverzivno oruđe u rukama dizajnera i
kulturnih radnika.
Ovde bih istakla tri rana plakata: Missa in a Minor (Misa u a molu) (1980), Smrad opera
(1982) i Ali je prihodnost že prišla? – Da li je budućnost već stigla? (1983). Kroz resemantiza-
ciju partijske simbolike (zvezda, crvena boja, …) ti plakati su poručivali ono što se u tadašnjoj
društvenopolitičkoj stvarnosti neposredno nije smelo izgovoriti. Zbog kontrole nad sadrža-
jem političkih plakata u socijalizmu, kritika vlasti i gorućih društvenih problema preselila se
u druge vrste plakata, što je jedinstvena odlika kulturnog plakata u jugoslovenskom prosto-
ru u doba socijalizma. To se odrazilo i na izložbene plakate; pre svega na početku 1980-ih,
na plakatima za nastupe grupe Laibach ili na fotokopiranim plakatima delatnika okupljenih
oko ljubljanskog kluba FV i ŠKUC-a.
Vrhunac je dostignut plakatom grupe Novi kolektivizem za Dan mladosti 1987. godi-
ne kada se dogodio zanimljiv preokret: plakat napravljen kao podrška vlastima postao je
zapravo njena neposredna kritika. Ako su pomenuti kulturni plakati posredno kritikovali
aktuelnu političku stvarnost i prikrivene, tabuizirane događaje iz skorije istorije, Novi ko-
lektivizem je retrogradnim pristupom i upotrebom istovetnih slika suočio propagandne
pristupe u ubeđivanju masa iz dva ideološki potpuno različita društvena sistema (nacizma i
socijalizma), učinivši to na neposredan i provokativan način. Nacrt plakata bio je prihvaćen
najpre na republičkom, a potom i na saveznom nivou, ali tek pošto je otkriven nacistički
ability to hold a convincing presentation before the commission and, not least the power of
persuasion of the ones who convinced the party officials in the commissions.
In Slovenia, the postmodern aesthetics based on pluralism, eclecticism, visual and ver-
bal quotation and appropriation, relatively early offered an appropriate response to the
ossified formalism of the party symbolism and its political content. At that point, such
visual identities (not only for the ZKS 9th Congress, held in 1982, but also for other events)
implied a high level of culture of advertising and the development of a visual identity for
political events.
Cultural posters as holders of hidden political messages and

revival of (activist) political posters in Slovenia in the 1980s
The 1970s and the 1980s in Slovenia were extremely productive in terms of production
of cultural posters, among which the posters by Matjaž Vipotnik for the Slovenian Youth
Theatre (Slovensko Mladinsko Gledališče - SMG) stood out for their powerful political ex-
pression. With the establishment of the so-called “political theatre” at the SMG in the early
1980s, theatre posters took the role of the principal means of conveying the metaphorical
symbolism of hidden political messages, and as such they became a subversive tool in the
hands of designers and cultural workers.
I will single out three early posters: Missa in a Minor (Mass in A Minor), 1980; Smrad Op-
era (Stench Opera), 1982 and Ali je prihodnost že prišla? (Has the Future Already Come?),
1983. Through resemantisation of party symbolism (the five-pointed star, the colour red,
etc.), these posters were sending messages of that which could not be said directly in the
_44
uzor6, izbila je i tzv. „plakatna afera”. Plakat za Dan mladosti nikada nije bio štampan niti
distribuiran. Plakatnu aferu je izazvao nacrt plakata objavljen u časopisu! Ti plakati, pozo-
rišni, izložbeni, muzički i ne ponajmanje politički, bili su odraz aktuelne društvenopolitičke
situacije. Napravili su ih angažovani i osvešćeni ljudi (pojedinci, grupe, pravci…) koji su
reagovali na društvenu stvarnost. Tako su, u datom istorijskom trenutku, takve vizuelne
poruke postale ubedljivije od jednostranačke političke propagande lišene sadržaja, ili je,
kao u primeru plakata za Dan mladosti, ta ista propaganda postala sama svoj rušitelj.
Preveo Mihailo Tešić
6 Plakat je napravljen na osnovu slike nacističkog slikara Riharda Klajna iz 1936. Dizajneri
su zamenili nacističke simbole (svastika, germanski orao, ...) simbolima partije, državnim
simbolima (zvezda, jugoslovenski grb) i slovenačkim simbolima (maketa slovenačkog
parlamenta arhitekte Jožeta Plečnika).
then socio-political reality. Because of the control over the content of the political posters
in socialism, criticism of the authorities and the most pressing social issues moved to other
kinds of posters and that is a unique characteristic of cultural posters in the Yugoslav space
in the socialist era. It had an effect on exhibition posters too; especially at the beginning of
the 1980s, on the posters for the Laibach band concerts, or on the photocopied posters of
the activists with ties to the Ljubljana-based FV club and ŠKUC.
The peak was reached in the poster of Novi Kolektivizem (New Collectivism) group for
Youth Day back in 1987, when an interesting turn took place, namely, a poster designed to
support the authorities became their direct criticism. If the above-mentioned cultural post-
ers indirectly criticized the then political reality, as well as hidden events and the ones put
under taboo in recent history, Novi Kolektivizem, through a retrograde approach and the
use of identical images, brought face to face the propaganda approaches to persuading
the masses in two ideologically completely different social systems (Nazism and socialism)
and did it in a direct and provocative manner. The draft poster was accepted first at the
republic, and then at the federal level, and it was only after the Nazi model6 was detected,
that the so-called “poster scandal” broke out. The poster for Youth Day was never printed
or distributed. The poster scandal was caused by the draft poster published in a magazine!
6 The poster was made on the basis of the 1936 painting by the Nazi artist Richard Klein.
The designers replaced the Nazi symbols (swastika, Germanic eagle, etc.) by the symbols of
the party and the state (five-pointed star, Yugoslav coat of arms) and Slovenian symbols (the
architect Jože Plečnik’s model of the Slovenian parliament building).
These posters - theatre, exhibition, music, and not least political ones - were a reflection of
the then socio-political situation. They were made by the engaged and conscious people
(individuals, groups, movements, etc.) who reacted to social reality. Thus, at a given mo-
ment in history, such visual messages became more convincing than one-party political
propaganda devoid of content, or, as in the case of the Youth Day poster, that very propa-
ganda became its own destroyer.
Translated by Zoran Ž. Paunović

Lana Cavar i Narcisa Vukojević
Proizvodnja
znakova za
novi svijet
Lana Cavar and Narcisa Vukojević
The Production
of Logos for a
New World
Lana Cavar i Proizvodnja znakova The Production of Logos
Narcisa Vukojević za novi svijet for a New World _47
Čini se da je konačno došlo vrijeme za okupljanje partikularnih iskustava i rezultata istra-

živanja na manjim uzorcima koja su se proteklih desetak godina događala na valu svoje-
vrsnog hypea kada je posrijedi ponovno otkrivanje doista pozamašne ostavštine dizajna
produciranog na prostoru i u vremenu bivše SFRJ.
Nošene istim valom, prije otprilike pet godina, započele smo seriju istraživanja znakovi-
tog naziva „Iskopavanja“ koja je iz posve autorskog rakursa, ponajprije formatiranog prak-
tičnim radom u dizajnu, ciljala istražiti, interpretirati i javno predstaviti različita djela dizajna
nastala upravo u razdoblju koje tematizira i izložba Dizajn za novi svijet.
Zbog produkcijskih, kapacitetskih i ostalih ograničenosti, dva ciklusa Iskopavanja („Sudi
knjigu po koricama“ i „Znakovi proizvodnje – proizvodnja znakova“) odnosila su se samo na
prostor i vrijeme bivše SR Hrvatske. Unatoč suženom okviru istraživanja i analize, uz neke „re-
publičke“ specifičnosti, vjerujemo da s priličnom sigurnošću možemo govoriti i o prepoznava-
nju općih mjesta u dizajnu jugoslavenskog vremena/prostora (jugoslavenska kultura dizajna).
Prvo izdanje „Iskopavanja“ – „Sudi knjigu po koricama“ – tematiziralo je dizajn naslovnih
stranica knjiga koje su tada objavljivali hrvatski nakladnici. Drugo izdanje „Iskopavanja“
– „Znakovi proizvodnje – proizvodnja znakova“ – tematiziralo je dizajn zaštitnih znakova
tvrtki (radnih organizacija) proizvodnog i uslužnog usmjerenja.
S obzirom na to da je sadržaj naše posljednje teme u agendi ove izložbe, u nastavku
teksta ćemo se posvetiti njezinoj detaljnijoj analizi.
Odabir proizvodno-poslovnog sektora kao ondašnjeg „Velikog“ naručitelja dizajna proi-
zašao je iz potrebe da se djela dizajna ove tipologije, obično obilježena etiketom komer-
cijalnog dizajna, verificiraju kao jednakopravna dizajnerska baština (u nju redovno ulaze
It seems that the time has finally come to bring together the particular experiences and
results of researches on small samples that have occurred over the last ten years or so on
a wave of a sort of hype when it comes to the rediscovery of truly massive legacy of the
design produced within the territory and during the time of the former Socialist Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY).
Riding the same wave, some five years ago, we launched a series of researches under
the telling title of “Excavations” carried out entirely from the authors’ point of view, format-
ted primarily by practical work in design and aimed at exploring, interpreting and present-
ing in public various works of design created in the very period of time that is in the focus
of the exhibition “Design for a New World”.
Due to production- and capacity-related and some other restrictions, two cycles of “Ex-
cavations” (“Judge a Book by Its Cover” and “Logos of Production - Production of Logos”)
related only to space and time of the former Socialist Republic of Croatia. Despite the nar-
rowed framework of the research and analysis, with some “republic” specific qualities, we
believe that we can also talk with a measure of certainty about identification of common
traits in the design of the Yugoslav space/time (Yugoslav culture of design).
The first cycle of “Excavations” - “Judge a Book by Its Cover” - dealt with the design of the
cover pages of the books published by Croatian publishers back then. The second cycle
of “Excavations” - “Logos of Production - Production of Logos” - dealt with the design of
trademarks of enterprises belonging to the production and service sectors.
Given that the content of our last topic is in the focus of this exhibition, from now on we
will devote our attention to its in-depth analysis.
_48
kanonska djela dizajna dominantno vezana uz naručitelje iz tzv. kulturne sfere), tim više što
zadivljuje kvantum, formalna/oblikovna kvaliteta te visoka razina profesionalnog standarda
ovakve dizajnerske produkcije.
Cilj nam je bio sakupiti i rekonstruirati što veći broj zaštitnih znakova radnih organizaci-
ja: kombinata, tvornica, poduzeća, robnih kuća... kako bismo s većim pouzdanjem mogle
izvoditi zaključke o općeprimjenjivim oblikovnim/formalnim principima i postupcima u „pro-
izvodnji“ znakova te kako bismo spekulirale o semantičkom potencijalu znakova u „proi-
zvodnji“ značenja.
Najveći broj sakupljenih znakova nije bilo moguće pouzdano atribuirati u smislu pove-
zivanja konkretnog autora i djela/znaka pa smo svjesno napustile princip autorstva koje
prevladava u pregledima ili antologijama umjetničke/dizajnerske produkcije. Neinzistiranje
na utvrđivanju autorstva i hijerarhizaciji ovakve vrste dizajnerskih djela na liniji je s prokla-
miranom paradigmom o kolektivnom stvaranju „novog svijeta“ te otvara slobodniji metodo-
loški pristup temi.
Uloga dizajnera u kolektivnoj težnji, barem na počecima stvaranja novog svijeta, mogla
je biti u projektiranju njegove odgovarajuće „slike“ i uvjeravanju (persuazivna komunikacija)
da je upravo takav svijet za nas najbolji.
Dizajn, u prvom redu grafički dizajn ili dizajn vizualnih komunikacija, idealno je sredstvo
diseminacije ideja i vrijednosti koje trebaju doprijeti do što većeg broja ljudi da bi ih oni
zatim uspješno usvojili procesom socijalizacije.
Kada je riječ o vizualnim identitetima radnih organizacija, odnosno o njihovim zaštitnim
znakovima kao vizualnim eksponentima, zanimljivo je promotriti kako konstruirani i odozgo
Opting for the production and business sector as the then “Big” design client resulted
from the need for the design works of this type, usually labelled as commercial design, to
be verified as equal design heritage (which regularly includes canonical works of design
dominantly associated with clients from the so-called cultural sphere), all the more be-
cause the quantity and formal/formative quality, as well as the high level of professional
standards of this design production are astonishing.
Our goal was to collect and reconstruct as many trademarks of companies - plants, fac-
tories, companies, department stores, etc. - as possible to draw a conclusion with more
confidence about the generally applicable formative/formal principles and procedures in
the “production” of logos as well as to speculate about the semantic potential of logos in
the “production” of the meaning.
The largest number of the collected logos could not be unfailingly attributed in terms
of connecting a specific author with a work/logo, so we deliberately abandoned the prin-
ciple of authorship prevalent in the overviews or anthologies of art/design production.
Non-insisting on determining the authorship or on hierarchization of this kind of design
work is in the line with the proclaimed paradigm of collective creation of “a new world”
and opens a freer methodological approach to the subject.
The role of the designers in the collective aspiration, at least at the beginning of the
creation of the new world, could be in the design of its corresponding “image” and
offering assurance (persuasive communication) that precisely such a world was best
for us.
postavljeni znakovi, zbog svoje visoke frekventnosti, bivaju asimilirani u društvenoj okolini
te u konačnici postaju i obilježja okoline same. S obzirom na promjene društvene okoline,
mijenja se percepcija i značenje tih znakova. Kada se društvena okolina radikalno promijeni,
kada se jedan svijet doslovno sruši, današnja percepcija svog materijalnog i nematerijalnog
nasljeđa prošlog svijeta, a ovdje apostrofiramo zaštitne znakove jugoslavenskih radnih orga-
nizacija, uglavnom se kreće između dvije suprotstavljene krajnosti: sentimenta i resantimana.
Kako bismo izbjegle zamku preplavljivanja značenjem (semiotic overload), osobito zato
što su zaštitni znakovi kao funkcionalni označitelji radnih organizacija odavno izgubili svoje
označeno (radne organizacije su uglavnom propale ili su se restrukturirale) – analizu smo
zaokrenule u egzaktnijem smjeru pokušajem uvođenja stanovitog reda u repozitoriju s veli-
kim brojem do tada nerazvrstanih znakova. Uspostavile smo svojevrsnu znakovnu sistema-
tiku raspoređujući i razlikujući znakove prema izrazitim karakteristikama koje se uočavaju
na većem broju znakova u ukupnom uzorku. Dva su bazična principa raspoređivanja naših
znakova u skupine: formalni (prema obliku, upotrebi različitih likovno-grafičkih elemenata,
prepoznatljivosti motiva – figuracija/apstrakcija, tipografiji, kompoziciji...) i onaj komunika-
cijsko-referencijalni (u odnosu na označeno – radne organizacije, u odnosu na društvo, u
odnosu na kulturu...).
Važan princip u projektiranju zaštitnog znaka (radne organizacije) je ekonomičnost – s
manje formalnih elemenata komunicirati dovoljno ili više značenja. Oblik koji odgovara
ovom principu je krug pa zato ne iznenađuje da je većina znakova u našem repozitoriju
kružnog oblika. Kružni oblik znaka je jednostavno primjenjiv u različitim sredstvima i medi-
jima komunikacije.
Design, primarily graphic design or visual communications design, is an ideal medium

for disseminating the ideas and values that should reach as many people as possible so
that these would be then successfully adopted through a process of socialization.
When it comes to visual identities of companies, i.e. their trademarks as visual rep-
resentations, it is interesting to observe how the logos, constructed and put up over-
head, because of their high frequency, were assimilated into the social environment, and
ultimately became the characteristics of the environment itself. Due to the changes in
the social environment, both the perception and the meaning of these logos have been
changed too. When the social environment radically changes, when a world literally col-
lapses, today’s perception of all tangible and intangible heritage of the past world, (and
here we refer to the trademarks of Yugoslav companies in particular) mostly ranges be-
tween two extremes: sentiment and resentment.
In order to avoid the semiotic overload trap, particularly because trademarks as func-
tional referents of companies have long lost that which they signified (the companies have
mostly collapsed or have been restructured), we took the analysis in a more exact direc-
tion by attempting to introduce a certain order in the repository containing a large number
of previously unclassified logos. We set up a sort of system of logos by classifying and
distinguishing between logos in relation to the distinctive characteristics observed in a
number of logos in the total sample. There are two basic principles of classifying our logos
into groups: formal (in relation to their form, application of various artistic and graphic ele-
ments, recognisability of motifs - figuration/abstraction, typography, composition, etc.) and
_50
Osim kružnog oblika, razmjerno manje su zastupljeni i ostali jednostavni geometrijski

oblici poput kvadrata ili trokuta (u koje se upisuju drugi formalni elementi), odnosno razve-
deni oblici znakova.
Primjetan je karakterističan tretman pismovnih znakova (najčešće korištenih za akronime
složenih naziva radnih organizacija) u kojemu slovni ili brojčani znakovi poprimaju jedin-
stven izgled (lettering) za osobitu namjenu (za razliku od prefabriciranih pismovnih setova
namijenjenih ponovljenoj i čestoj upotrebi – typography) te tako čine posebnu skupinu
tipografskih znakova. Ovako izvedeni znakovi sugeriraju visoku razinu profesionalnog umi-
jeća naših anonimnih autora.
U projektiranju znakova nije zanemariva upotreba ponavljajućih uzoraka, najčešće linij-
skog rastera. Mjestimično su u znakovima materijalizirani utjecaji koji se prelijevaju iz likov-
ne umjetnosti, primjerice geometrijske apstrakcije, optičke umjetnosti i sl.
Na ovom mjestu čini se važnim napomenuti visoku izvedbenu razinu naših znakova, ima-
jući na umu ondašnje tehničke i tehnološke mogućnosti.
Spomenule smo razlikovanje znakova prema prepoznatljivosti korištenih motiva pa se svi
prethodno distingvirani znakovi prema važećem formalnom principu mogu razvrstati u dvije
nadskupine znakova: znakovi s prepoznatljivim, figurativnim motivima, nasuprot znakovima
čiji su motivi svedeni na jednostavne geometrijske forme te su postali teže odredivi, apstrak-
tni. Znakovi s reduciranim formalnim izrazom su najzrelije dizajnirani znakovi. Njihove veze
s odnosnim subjektima (radnim organizacijama koje reprezentiraju) su proizvoljne i dozvo-
ljavaju upisivanje značenja preko svoje početne namjene. Zbog toga su relativno otporni
na protok vremena pa bi i u eventualnoj suvremenoj upotrebi mogli biti sasvim funkcionalni.
the one combining communicational and referential features (in relation to that which is
signified - companies, in relation to the society, in relation to culture, etc.).
An important principle in the design of a (company) trademark is efficiency – the ability
to communicate enough or with more meanings with fewer formal elements. The shape
corresponding to this principle is a circle, so, it is not surprising that most of the logos in our
repository are circular. The circular shape of a logo is easily applicable to a variety of means
and media of communication.
Apart from the circular shape, other simple geometric shapes like squares or triangles
(where other formal elements are inserted), i.e. indented forms of logos, are proportionally
less represented.
There is noticeable distinctive treatment of logos featuring letters (mostly used for acro-
nyms of complex names of companies) in which letters or numeric characters assume an
unique form (lettering) for special purposes (unlike the prefabricated sets of letters intend-
ed for repeated and frequent use - typography) constituting therefore a separate group of
typographic characters. Logos designed in this way suggest a high level of professional
skill of our anonymous authors.
The use of recurring patterns, usually a halftone, is not irrelevant in the design of logos.
Here and there, the influences spilling over from fine arts, for example from geometric ab-
straction, optical art and the like, got materialized in the logos.
At this point, it seems important to mention the high quality workmanship of our logos,
bearing in mind the then technical and technological possibilities.
Naš repozitorij obiluje znakovima s različitim figurativnim motivima. Prema znatnijoj broj-
čanoj zastupljenosti određenog motiva u ukupnom uzorku znakova razlikovale smo sljede-
će skupine znakova: a) znakovi s motivima živog svijeta (čovjek, životinja, biljka); b) znakovi
sa stereotipnim motivima koji su najčešće denotirali određenu vrstu industrije ili usluge
(stilizirana munja = elektroindustrija; kalem za konac, konac, igla, škare = tekstilna industrija;
retorta, laboratorijsko posuđe = kemijska industrija; motiv krila s Hermesovih/Merkurovih
krilatih sandala ili kacige = (vanjska) trgovina, uvozno/izvozna poduzeća; cigareta = duhan-
ska industrija); c) znakovi sa sinegdohičnim motivima koji se ne odnose nužno na samo
jednu vrstu industrije ili usluge, već konotiraju širi kontekst (zupčanici, tvornički dimnjaci,
dijelovi stroja...); d) znakovi s heraldičkim ili historijskim motivima (dijelovi grba, klasje, po-
vijesne lađe...).
Mnogima od znakova iz ove skupine, u mjerilima profesionalnih dizajnerskih kriterija, bi
se mogla prigovoriti pretjerana narativnost, doslovnost, naivnost, komunikacijska, značenj-
ska i vremenska ograničenost, i vjerojatno bi ih se proglasilo manje uspješnim dizajnerskim
rješenjima koja bi u nekim drugim preglednicima dizajna završila ispod radara osjetljivog
samo na visoko rezonantna djela. Međutim, kada se uzmu u obzir kao materijalni ostaci
vizualne kulture jednog svijeta, onda postaju vrijedni prilozi u pokušaju rekonstrukcije nje-
gove slike i prilike.
Otprilike ovako:
Dimi iz tvorničkih dimnjaka. Gusta mreža dalekovoda dovodi struju do posljednjeg za-
kutka – zrak svijetli. Strojevi rade u četiri smjene, zupčanici se nezaustavljivo vrte. Kotač
povijesti ubrzano grabi naprijed... naprijed... Samoprijegorni udarnici prebacuju normu, bez
We have already mentioned distinguishing between the logos in relation to the recog-
nisability of the applied motifs. Therefore, in line with the formal principle applied here,
all of the previously distinguished logos can be classified into two super-groups: logos
featuring recognizable figurative motifs in contrast to logos whose motives are reduced to
simple geometric shapes, thus becoming more imponderable, abstract. Reduced formal
expression characterizes the logos whose design is the most mature. Their ties with the
subjects to which they refer (the companies they represent) are arbitrary and allow the
meanings that go beyond their initial purpose to be read into them. That’s why they are
relatively resistant to the passage of time, so they could be quite functional even in the
contemporary use.
Our repository abounds in logos featuring various figurative motifs. In relation to the pres-
ence of a particular motif on a significant number of logos in the total sample, we made a
distinction between the following groups of logos: a) logos with motifs showing different
forms of life (people, animals, plants, etc.); b) logos with stereotypical motifs that usually
denote a specific type of industry or services (stylized lightning = electrical industry; spool
of thread, thread, needle, scissors = textile industry; retort, laboratory glassware = chemical
industry; motifs of wings from Hermes/Mercury’s winged sandals or helmets = (foreign)
trade, import/export companies; cigarette = tobacco industry); c) logos with synecdoche
motifs that do not necessarily apply to only one type of industry or services, but also con-
note a wider context (gears, factory chimneys, machine parts, etc.); d) logos with historical
or heraldic motifs (parts of coats of arms, ears of grain, historical ships, etc.).
_52
časa oklijevanja. Na poljima se njiše zlatno klasje. Šivaće mašine gutaju kilometre konca.
Nešto se veliko kemija. Nema šta nema – od igle do lokomotive. I nema mjesta sumnji.
Na krilima Napretka ništa nas ne može zaustaviti!
Naši znakovi su, međutim, ostali iza svijeta kojega su identificirali. Taj se svijet više ne
može restaurirati, ali njegovi znakovi, koji su dobrim dijelom ispražnjeni od inicijalnog zna-
čenja, se mogu resemantizirati.
I ovom prilikom to činimo: koristimo ih kao legitimnu arhivsku građu koja pomaže u bo-
ljem razumijevanju prošlog vremena te ih promoviramo u dizajnersku baštinu koju bi vrijedi-
lo sačuvati – od zloupotrebe i pretjerane upotrebe – ali svakako bi ju vrijedilo i upotrijebiti.
In relation to the standards of professional design criteria, one could find fault with many
logos from this group due to their excessively narrative nature, literalness, naiveté, limited
communicative potential, meaning or ability to stand the test of time, and they would prob-
ably be declared less successful design solutions that in some other overviews of design
would end up under the radar sensitive only to highly resonant works. However, when they
are considered as tangible remains of the visual culture of a world, they become valuable
contributions in an attempt to reconstruct its precise image.
Something like this:
Smoke rises from factory chimneys. A dense network of power-transmission lines brings
the electricity to the last nook and cranny - the air glows. Machines operate in four shifts,
the gears spin unstoppably. The wheel of history hurriedly moves forward fast ... further
and further ... Self-sacrificing shock workers exceed their quotas without a moment of hes-
itation. Golden ears of wheat are swaying in the fields. Sewing machines are swallowing
kilometres of thread. Something big has been cooking up. You name it, we’ve got it – from
soup to nuts. And there’s no room for doubt.
Nothing can stop us on the wings of Progress!
Our logos, however, are what is left of the world they were associated with. That world
cannot be restored any more, but its logos, which are largely devoid of the initial meaning,
can be re-semanticised.
And that is what we are doing on this occasion: we use them as legitimate archivalia that
help to better understand the past time and promote to the design heritage that would be
worth protecting from abuse and overuse alike, but definitely worth using.
Translated by Zoran Ž. Paunović

Ana Radovanović
Saveta i Slobodan
Mašić i Dragan
Stojanovski kao
kulturni radnici
jugoslovenske
dizajnerske scene
Ana Radovanović
Saveta and
Slobodan Mašić
and Dragan
Stojanovski as
Cultural Workers
in the Yugoslav
Design Scene
Ana Radovanović Saveta i Slobodan Mašić i Dragan Saveta and Slobodan Mašić and Dragan
Stojanovski kao kulturni radnici Stojanovski as Cultural Workers in the _55
jugoslovenske dizajnerske scene Yugoslav Design Scene
Nakon okretanja leđa Staljinu 1948. godine, 1950-ih godina Jugoslavija će raditi na defini-
sanju, formiranju i stabilizovanju društvenog sistema i društvenih vrednosti. Kompleksna ar-
tikulacija strukture podrazumeva socijalizam, samoupravnost, federaciju, osnivanje Pokreta
nesvrstanih i naravno, modernizaciju države.
Država u izgradnji, u svakom smislu te reči, u centar svog sistema postavlja radnika. Ovaj
pojam postaje sinonim za čoveka, pa radnik postaje „nosilac društvene aktivnosti“.1 Kako
primećuje Vukić, mnoge aktivnosti definišu se upravo kovanicama poput kulturni, zdrav-
stveni, socijalni radnici, gde on-radnik zauzima glavno mesto i postaje svojevrsni glavni
junak državne nomenklature.
U idealnim uslovima, unutar svake sfere radnik nije izdignut iznad ostatka društva, me-
đutim, njegova je aktivnost do te mere bitna da se fokus sa radnika koji aktivnost sprovodi
premešta na sam značaj aktivnosti, što uvodi pojam aktivizma. Istovremeno i glavni i jed-
nak ostalim činiocima samoupravnog državnog sistema, radnik preuzima odgovornost za
bavljenje datom aktivnošću. Tako u kulturnoj sferi, socijalistički okvir podrazumeva planski
i strukturisan rad, u kome kulturni radnik – aktivista svojim radom doprinosi društvenom i
javnom, komentariše ga, kanališući i usmeravajući buduća pokolenja.
Režis Debre takođe, unutar socijalističke kulture, uz intelektualca i profesora određuje i
tipografa-štampara 19. veka kao figure zaslužne za proizvodnju i divulgaciju kulture, odno-
1 Feđa Vukić, „Pitanje modernosti (The Modernity Issue)“, Oris 14, Zagreb 2002, 112–122.
After the country turned its back to Stalin in 1948, in the 1950s, Yugoslavia worked on defin-
ing, establishing and stabilizing its social system and its values. A complex structural frame-
work entailed socialism, self-management, federation, the founding of the Non-Aligned
Movement and naturally, modernization of the state.
A developing state in every sense of the word, it gave the worker the central role in its
system. This notion became synonymous with everyman, therefore the worker became “a
pillar of activity in the society“.1 As noted by Vukić, many activities were defined precisely by
the terms like cultural, health or social workers, where he – the worker took centre stage,
becoming the key protagonist of sorts in the state’s nomenclature.
In the ideal circumstances in every domain, the worker was not placed above the rest of
the society, however, his activities were so important that the focus was shifted from the
worker performing an activity to the significance of the activity itself, whereby the notion
of activism was introduced. Having been both a pivotal element of the state system based
on self-management and at the same time equal to all the other elements of it, the worker
took the responsibility for engaging in a particular activity. Thus, in the domain of culture,
the socialist framework required planned and well-structured work, where a cultural worker
– activist did the work that contributed to the social and public domain, commenting on it
and channelling it, as well as providing guidance for future generations.
1 Feđa Vukić, “Pitanje modernosti (The Modernity Issue)“, Oris 14, Zagreb 2002, pp. 112-122.
_56
sno suštinskog radnika-intelektualca ili intelektualnog radnika; ideala ljudske vrste koji će
postati pilon socijalizma – „svesni proleter“.2
U okvirima beogradske grafičko-dizajnerske scene od sredine 1960-ih do kraja 1980-ih
čini se zanimljivom analiza upravo tog fenomena kulturnog radnika u likovima Savete i
Slobodana Mašića i Dragana Stojanovskog. Ovi autori godinama su radili dizajn za ključne
kulturne manifestacije i institucije toga doba, poput Ateljea 212, Jugoslovenskog dramskog
pozorišta, Doma omladine, Studentskog kulturnog centra i drugih. Zahvaljujući svojim spe-
cifičnim praksama oni su figurirali kao društveni komentatori, nosioci novih kulturno-druš-
tvenih i vizuelnih vrednosti.
Iako u različitim uslovima, ovi autori doprinose razvoju kolektivne vizuelne svesti kreiranjem
plakata i drugih štampanih artefakata, stvarajući vizuelni identitet velikih kulturnih manifesta-
cija i institucija. Oni su zanimljivi upravo zbog uloge grafičkog dizajnera – kulturnog radnika
koji se svojim specifičnim odabirom vizuelnog koda, odnosno date umetničko-dizajnerske
paradigme i ideologije, pozicionira unutar struke, kulturne scene i društva uopšte.
Premda generacijski sličnih godina, njihov karakterističan stvaralački opus kojeg ovaj
tekst uzima u obzir, počinje da se vremenski prepliće tek početkom 1970-ih godina. Spe-
cifičnost opusa Dragana Stojanovskog, koji nastaje u uslovima institucije, i s druge strane
Mašića koji se razvija u okviru samostalnog studija, leži svakako u porukama inkorporiranim
u vizuelnom kodu ovih stvaralaca, koje na manje ili više posredan način svedoče o društvu i
komentarišu ga. Autore možemo svrstati unutar paradigmi modernizma (Mašići) ili pak siro-
2 Régis Debray, „Socialism: a life-cycle“, New Left Review 46, jul-avgust 2007, http://
newleftreview.org/II/46/regis-debray-socialism-a-life-cycle [pristupljeno 10. februara 2015]
Moreover, Régis Debray maintains that the figures responsible for the production and
dissemination of culture are not only intellectuals and teachers, but also 19th century typog-
raphers-printers. Namely, a printer is considered to be quintessentially a ‘worker intellec-
tual or an intellectual worker’, the very ideal of that human type who would become the
pivot of socialism: ‘the conscious proletarian’.2
It seems that an analysis of just that phenomenon of cultural worker in the graphic
art and design scene in Belgrade, from the mid-1960s to the late 1980s, personified by
Saveta and Slobodan Mašić and Dragan Stojanovski would prove to be interesting. For
years, these authors had been developing design projects for key cultural events and
institutions at the time, like the Atelier 212 theatre, Yugoslav Drama Theatre, Youth Cul-
tural Centre, Student Cultural Centre and others. Thanks to their specific approaches,
they emerged as social commentators and promoters of new cultural, social and visual
values.
Although they worked in different conditions, these authors contributed to the develop-
ment of collective visual consciousness by making posters and other print artefacts, creat-
ing visual identities of major cultural events and institutions. What makes them interesting
is precisely the role of a graphic designer – a cultural worker who positions himself in his
profession, cultural scene and the society as a whole by his distinctive selection of a visual
code, namely, the given artistic and design paradigm and ideology.
2 Régis Debray, “Socialism: a life-cycle“ in New Left Review 46, July-August 2007, http://
newleftreview.org/II/46/regis-debray-socialism-a-life-cycle [accessed on February 10, 2015]
mašne umetnosti (Stojanovski). Međutim, ta pripadnost nikako ne podrazumeva aspolutnu

doslednost u praćenju izvornog oblika date paradigme. Nije u pitanju samo uobičajena
primenjivost na jugoslovensko, socijalističko društvo, već i lično autorstvo, odnosno inter-
pretacije ovih kulturnih radnika.
Dok Mašići tokom pedeset godina rada stvaraju oko osamdeset plakata, Stojanovski za
SKC prozvodi preko 2000 postera uz dodatne letke, programe i sl. Isto tako, Stojanovski sa-
rađuje kako sa urednicima programa i ostalim rukovodiocima SKC-a, tako i sa pojedinačnim
umetnicima, muzičarima i kreativcima sa kojima dogovara krajnji rezultat plakata. Slobodan
Mašić pak, ne dozvoljava ulogu izvršioca zadatka, ne priznaje drugi autoritet do svog sop-
stvenog i obrće uloge naručilac–dizajner.
Formalno, plakatni opus Mašića može se podeliti u nekoliko faza. Dok prvu odlikuju či-
sto geometrijske forme i simboli, u kasnijoj fazi nailazimo isključivo na fotografiju. Međutim,
svrstavanje prakse Mašića u karakteristične vizuelne jezike toga doba čini se krajnje neza-
hvalnim budući da ona ne pripada u potpunosti ni jednom od njih, već kolažiranjem različitih
impulsa stvara sopstveni vizuelni kod. Na samom početku taj kod podrazumeva prijemčive
ali jarke i često fluorescentne (pop-art) boje, uz istovremeno korišćenje Helvetike. Na ovom
pismu par excellence internacionalnog stila, Mašići će često insistirati i u kasnijem periodu,
kao na potvrdi svog modernističkog creda strukture, čistine, jasnoće i reda... Zamena geo-
metrijskih oblika fotografijom biće sredinom 1970-ih godina u skladu sa umetničkim stremlje-
njima, odnosno načinima dokumentovanja i prezentovanja umetničke misli nove umetničke
prakse. Međutim, značenje raznolikih oblika koje oni koriste, bilo da je u pitanju apstraktna
geometrija, ponavljanje paterna ili fotografija, prevazilazi jednostranost forme koja se uočava
Even though they were of a similar age, their signature creative work, which is in the
focus of this essay began to overlap timewise as late as the beginning of the 1970s. The
distinguishing features of the work of Dragan Stojanovski, on the one hand, created within
an institution and the work of the Mašićs developing in an independent studio, on the other,
are definitely to be found in the messages incorporated into visual code of these authors.
In a more or less indirect way, these messages bear witness to the society and comment
on it. These authors can be said to belong to the modernist paradigm (the Mašićs) or to
that of Arte Povera (Stojanovski). However, belonging to that paradigm in no way implied
absolute consistency in terms of following its original form. What is at issue here is not just
the usual applicability to the Yugoslav socialist society, but also the personal mark they left
as authors, namely, the interpretations given by these cultural workers.
While the Mašićs have produced around eighty posters over a period of fifty years, during
which they have been active, Stojanovski made over two thousand posters for the Student
Cultural Centre (SKC) and additional flyers, event programmes and the like. Moreover, Sto-
janovski collaborated both with programme managers and other SKC officials and individ-
ual artists, musicians and people from the creative sector, with whom he agreed the details
of the final version of poster design. Slobodan Mašić, on the other hand does not accept
the role of an executor of a task, he does not recognize other authority than his own and
reverses the roles of customer and designer.
As far as its formal characteristics are concerned, the body of poster work produced by
the Mašićs can be divided into several stages. While the first stage is marked by purely
geometric shapes and symbols, what is encountered later on is exclusively photographs.
_58
pri prvom pogledu na plakat. Njen kompleksni sistem simbola deo je jednog koncepta koji
umesto direktnog odgovora daje puno prostora za lične i višeslojne interpretacije. Zagonetka
koju Mašići postavljaju svakim plakatom predstavlja njihovu kulturno političku strategiju. Kori-
steći elemente vizuelnog jezika modernizma, oni se takođe delimično pronalaze i u njegovoj
ideologiji – aktivističkoj utopiji edukacije publike, korisnika dizajna. Uz pomoć strukture i reda,
Mašići sprovode misiju poboljšanja okruženja, divulgacije slobodarskih ideja, odnosno pro-
pagiranja sopstvene vizije društvenog sistema. Suprotno od ideologije modernizma, Mašići
negiraju neutralnost dizajnera, nameću sopstveno autorstvo i svojevrsni totalitarizam.
U svom prvom programskom pravilniku iz 1971. godine, beogradski Studentski kulturni
centar definiše nameru za jasnim angažmanom ove institucije u cilju pridobijanja i stvaranja
profilisane publike. U nameri da se takav cilj postigne, SKC se obavezuje na odabir, izlaganje
i razvoj progresivnog, umetničkog nasleđa. Takođe, iskazuje nameru da efikasno propagira
događaje unutar Centra uz neophodnu realizaciju i distribuciju reklamnog i dokumentaci-
jskog materijala, kao i „jasnog i lako prepoznatljivog simbola Centra”.3 Shodno tome, vrlo
brzo osniva se Grafička radionica, nabavljaju se ramovi za sitoštampu, reprokamera i sl.
U skladu sa nastojanjem SKC-a da definiše sopstvenu poziciju i Stojanovski nekoliko
puta odlučuje da menja vizuelni identitet SKC-a, odnosno ono što bi trebalo da bude lo-
gotip institucije. U njegovoj interpretaciji, logotip se transformiše sve do tačke nestanka.
Tako umesto prvobitne spiralne forme, koja se možda poziva na stepenište kule bivšeg
oficirskog doma u kom je SKC smešten, nailazimo na fotografiju zgrade, zatim na fotografiju
3 Žiga Testen, Naš zajednički rad - Our Group Wourk, Stokholm: Konstfack University
College of Arts Crafts and Design, 2013.
However, subsuming the Mašićs’ practice into the typical visual languages of that time
seems utterly unrewarding, since it does not completely belong to any of them, creating its
own visual code by making a collage of different impulses. In the very beginning, that code
implied appealing, but also bright and often glowing (pop-art) colours and simultaneous
use of Helvetica. In the period that followed, the Mašićs’ again often insisted on using this
font, known for its international style par excellence, which they saw as an embodiment of
their modernist credo of structure, purity, clarity and order… The substitution of geometric
shapes for photographs in the mid-1970s was in line with the art trends of the day, i.e.
the ways of documenting and presenting new views on art belonging to the new artistic
practice. But the meaning of the diverse shapes they are using, regardless of whether they
opt for abstract geometric shapes, repeated patterns or photographs goes beyond the
one-sidedness of form that is observed when one looks at a poster for the first time. The
complex system of symbols is part of a concept that allows ample room for personal and
multifaceted interpretations. The riddle created by the Mašićs on every poster embodies
their cultural and political strategy. They employ elements of the visual language of mod-
ernism and also partially identify with its ideology – an activist utopian idea of educating the
audience, the users of design. With the help of structure and order, the Mašićs carried out
the mission of improving the surroundings, disseminating liberal ideas, namely, promoting
their own vision of the social system. Contrary to the modernist ideology, the Mašićs deny
the neutrality of the designer, imposing their own authorial perspective and a particular kind
of totalitarianism instead.
ulične table sa adresom u kojoj se ustanova nalazi (Maršala Tita 48) i na kraju na ispis imena
i adrese iskucanih pisaćom mašinom.
Upravo takva efemernost, aistoričnost, nepostojanje konzistentnog, fiksnog oblika i tre-
nutnost, odlike su i siromašne umetnosti4 koja je u to doba deo internacionalne i domaće
umetničke prakse. One prakse koju je Studentski kulturni centar, između ostalog, prikazi-
vao u okviru svog programa.
Stojanovski je zbog bezbrojnih zahteva na dnevnoj bazi prinuđen da prezentuje brza
i efikasna grafička rešenja. Ni tehnička opremljenost radionice ne dozvoljava mu kvalite-
tan rad – što zbog stepena trenutne razvijenosti tadašnje štamparske industrije, što zbog
skromnih sredstava kojim radionica raspolaže. Sa druge strane, kako drugačije prezento-
vati umetnost koja se zasniva na ideji, na toku misli, koja teži ka deestetizaciji umetničkog
dela, koja ne želi da bude dokumentovana, koja teži da ogoli formu do njene srži?
Stojanovski ignoriše internacionalni stil koji je 1970-ih već uveliko vladao jugoslovenskom
scenom. Međutim, ne može se reći ni da se u njegovom radu u potpunosti iščitava italijanski
radikalni dizajn5, tadašnja savremena antiteza pomenutog modernističkog pristupa. Nje-
govo autorstvo više podleže karakteristikama koje su srodnije siromašnoj umetnosti nego
ekscentričnom antidizajnu.
4 Ješa Denegri, „Jedna nova mogućnost: siromašna umetnost“, u: Razlozi za drugu liniju, za novu
umetnost sedamdesetih, Novi Sad, M. Sudac, Muzej savremene umetnosti Vojvodine, 2007.
5 Žiga Testen spekuliše o povezanosti vizuelnog jezika Stojanovskog sa pomenutom
italijanskom praksom. Testen navodi publikacije i održane skupove (u Beogradu) na kojima se
diskutovalo o tezama za koje su se predstavnici Antidizajna zalagali. Videti: Testen, 2013.
In its first programme rule book issued in 1972, Belgrade’s Student Cultural Centre de-
fined its intention to demonstrate clear commitment to winning over, namely, creating a
well-defined audience. Aiming to achieve that goal, the SKC made a commitment to se-
lect, display and develop progressive art heritage. It also stated the intention to promote
the events held at the centre in an efficient manner, which required the production and
distribution of advertising and documentary material as “a clear and easily recognizable
symbol of the Centre”.3 The Graphic Workshop was thus set up before long and silkscreen
frames, a process camera and other equipment acquired.
Following the efforts of the SKC to define its own position, Stojanovski too chose, on
several occasions, to change the visual identity of the Centre, namely, that which should
have been the logo of the institution. His interpretation led to a transformation of the
logo to the point of disappearance. So instead of the original spiral shape that may have
evoked the staircase of the tower of the building, formerly home to the Officers Club,
subsequently housing the Centre, we find a photograph of the building, then a photo-
graph of the street name sign and the number at which the premises of the institution
were situated (48 Maršala Tita Street) and ultimately the typewritten name and address
of the Centre.
3 Žiga Testen, Naš zajednički rad - Our Group Work, Stockholm: Konstfack University College
of Arts Crafts and Design, 2013
_60
Njegovi plakati predstavljaju paralelna narativna polja. Ona najčešće podrazumevaju ko-
egzistenciju fotografije i teksta koji se međusobno niti objašnjavaju niti ilustruju, već podje-
dnako sugerišu atmosferu. Stojanovski oskudne uslove i tehničke nedostake preinačuje u
sopstveno oruđe i lični pečat. Slučajnost, reciklaža i materijalna potrošnost, deo su njego-
vog vizuelnog koda. Fotografija, pisaća mašina ili rukom ispisani natpisi, iako nastaju kao
nužda, vrlo brzo postaju deo koncepta koji podrazumeva izmeštanje pažnje sa forme na
činjeničnost same značnosti.6 Poput Debreovog štampara, Stojanovski svoj intelekt koristi
radi višeg cilja i sopstvenog kreativnog izraza. Misija njegovog autorstva suštinski se svodi
na proces mišljenja, dok njegov zadatak kao kulturnog radnika predstavlja upravo sposob-
nost kreativne dovitljivosti.
Pored evidentnih razlika u uslovima nastajanja i artikulaciji praksi Dragana Stojanovskog
i Mašića, ovi kulturni radnici predstavljaju važne figure koje su svojim radom doprinele for-
miranju vizuelno-intelektualne kulture jugoslovenske javnosti. Budući da su bili angažovani
kao dizajneri nekoliko ključnih manifestacija i institucija u višedecenijskom rasponu, njihov
se domet nikako ne može definisati uskim okvirima. Kroz predlaganje novih koncepata čit-
anja i interpretacije društvenih kodova, odnosno zalaganjem za nove društvene i vizuelne
strukture ne samo da su učestvovali u stvaranju javne svesti već su je i uslovljavali i ka-
nalisali. Svojim specifičnim praksama i svojevrsnim ličnim aktivizmom, opravdali su zvanje
kulturnog radnika.
6 Ješa Denegri, „Jedna nova mogućnost: siromašna umetnost“, u: Razlozi za drugu liniju, za
novu umetnost sedamdesetih, Novi Sad, M. Sudac, Muzej savremene umetnosti Vojvodine,
2007.
Precisely that kind of transience, lack of historicity, absence of a consistent, fixed form
and instantaneity are the characteristics of Arte Povera4, as well, which was part of the
international and local artistic practice at the time, the practice that was among the things
showcased at the Student Cultural Centre through its events programme.
Numerous requests made on a daily basis forced Stojanovski to offer quick and efficient
graphic solutions. The technical equipment at the workshop made high quality work impos-
sible as well, partly because of the level of development of the printing industry at the time
and partly because of the modest financial means that the workshop had at its disposal.
On the other hand, how else to present art that is based on an idea, on the stream of con-
sciousness, art striving to de-aestheticize the work of art, not wanting to be documented
and aiming to strip form to the core?
Stojanovski disregarded the international style that had already been dominating the
Yugoslav scene for quite some time. However, his work cannot be said to have fully re-
flected Italian radical design,5 the then contemporary antithesis of the above-mentioned
4 Ješa Denegri “Jedna nova mogućnost: siromašna umetnost“ in: Razlozi za drugu liniju, za
novu umetnost sedamdesetih. Novi Sad, M. Sudac, Muzej savremene umetnosti Vojvodine (A
New Possibility: Poor Art in: The Reasons for a Different Line, for New Art in the Seventies,
Novi Sad, M. Sudac, Museum of Contemporary Art of Vojvodina ), 2007
5 Žiga Testen speculates about the links between Stojanovski’s visual language and the
above-mentioned Italian practice. Testen refers to certain publications and meetings (held in
Belgrade) discussing the principles upheld by the representatives of Anti-Design. Cf. Testen
2013.
Slobodan Mašić (1939), približava se grafičkom dizajnu putem dvojne uloge diplomira-
nog arhitekte i likovnog kritičara – urednika beogradskih studentskih listova Student i Vi-
dici. Mnogostruke uloge unutar beogradskog društva profilišu se postupno i uporedno.
Srećemo ga kao predstavnika tehničkih fakulteta u okviru Studentskog saveza Beograd-
skog univerziteta, kao govornika na javnim panelima Doma omladine pa kao osnivača
opozicionog lista,7 ili pak grafičkog urednika levičarskih Susreta. Svoje literarno obrazo-
vanje, kako sam ističe, stiče zahvaljujući poznanstvima i dugim razgovorima sa ljudima iz
literarnog miljea, poput Milorada Pavića, Vaska Pope, Zorana Gluščevića, itd.8 Zajedno sa
suprugom Savetom Mašić, 1966. godine osniva samostalnu, alternativnu izdavačku kuću
Nezavisna izdanja, koja će ukupno objaviti preko pet stotina naslova.
Kao arhitekta – grafički dizajner, počinje sa radom sredinom 1960-ih godina. U sarad-
nji sa Savetom Mašić, Borom Ćosićem i Dragošem Kalajićem, 1968. godine osniva grafič-
ko-arhitektonski Studio Structure. U ulozi grafičkog dizajnera, sa piscem Borom Ćosićem
će sarađivati na neoavangardnom časopisu Rok – časopisu za estetičko ispitivanje stvar-
nosti, oblikovaće časopis Umetnost, kao i prvi broj zagrebačke publikacije Enciclopedia
moderna. Grafički će oblikovati i filmove crnog talasa poput Ranih radova Želimira Žilnika i
Nevinosti bez zaštite Dušana Makavejeva. Sa suprugom Savetom radiće plakate i kataloge
7 „Sa Mihajlom Mihajlovim, Leonidom Šejkom, Predragom Ristićem, Danijelom Ivinom i

Franjom Zenkom učestvuje 1966. u pokretanju opozicionog lista koje se završava policijskim
progonom.“ Slobodan Lazarević, „Biografija, Slobodan Mašić“, u katalogu izložbe Slobodan i
Saveta Mašić: plakati, Galerija Narodnog muzeja Kragujevac, Kragujevac, Narodni muzej, 2004, 7.
8 Intervju sa autorom, septembar 2015. godine.
modernist approach. His authorial method displays traits that are closer to Arte Povera
than to the eccentric Anti-Design.
His posters present two parallel narrative fields, most often presupposing the coexis-
tence of photographs and text that do not explain or illustrate each other. Rather, they
both evoke the atmosphere in equal measure. Stojanovski turns poor conditions and
technical shortcomings into his tools and his trademark. Chance, recycling and expend-
ability are part of his visual code. Photographs, the use of a typewriter or handwritten
inscriptions, although created out of necessity, quickly became part of a concept that
implied shifting attention from the form to the factuality of meaning itself.6 Like Debray’s
printer, Stojanovski put his intellect at the service of a high purpose and his own creative
expression. The mission of his authorial approach essentially boils down to the thought
process, while his task as a cultural worker requires the ability to be creative and re-
sourceful.
In spite of the obvious differences in conditions and formulation of the artistic prac-
tice of Dragan Stojanovski and the Mašićs, these cultural workers are important figures,
whose work contributed to the development of visual and intellectual culture of the Yu-
goslav public. Since they were hired to provide the design for a number of key events
and institutions over a period of several decades, their achievements cannot in any way
be defined in a narrow context. By putting forward new ways of understanding and in-
terpreting social codes, namely, promoting new social and visual structures, they not
6 Ješa Denegri, Ibid.

_62
za izložbe, pozorišne manifestacije i institucije poput Bitefa, Festa, Ateljea 212, Jugosloven-
skog dramskog pozorišta, sarađujući povremeno sa Domom omladine, Muzejom savreme-
ne umetnosti i beogradskim Studentskim kulturnim centrom. Često putuje u Zagreb kako bi
koristio usluge tamošnje radionice za sito štampu pri Studentskom centru i provodio vreme
sa Ivanom Piceljem, Eugenom Felerom, Dimitrijem Bašičevićem, Radoslavom Putarem.
Saveta Mašić (1941) završava studije arhitekture u Beogradu, nakon čega 1967. godine
osniva i postaje prvi direktor Zavoda za urbanizam u Staroj Pazovi. Već naredne godine
postaje osnivač i studija Structure. Dok će u državnoj službi ostati tri godine, u arhitekton-
sko-grafičkom studiju Structure ostaće do današnjih dana. Iako nije poznata tačna raspode-
la kreativnog rada u okviru projekata pomenutog studija, Savetino prisustvo je neizostavno
i njen potpis nalazimo na većini projekata i plakata, među kojima su mnogi bili deo interna-
cionalnih takmičenja i festivala.
Dragan Stojanovski (1940–2006), rođen u Skoplju, dolazi u Beograd 1959. godine. Na-
kon završenih studija zidnog slikarstva bavi se dizajnom pozorišnih plakata9 da bi početkom
1970-ih započeo saradnju sa beogradskim Studentskim kulturnim centrom.10 Te 1971. godi-
9 Savremeno pozorište, danas Beogradsko dramsko pozorište. „Beogradsko dramsko pozorište”

Grad Beograd, http://www.beograd.rs/cms/view.php?id=2243 [pristupljeno 1. oktobra 2015]
10 Žiga Testen, Naš zajednički rad – Our Group Wourk, Stokholm: Konstfack University
College of Arts Crafts and Design, 2013.
only participated in building public awareness, but also shaped and channelled it. Their
distinctive forms of practice and unique personal activism proves that they deserved to
be referred to as cultural workers.
Slobodan Mašić (1939) grew closer to graphic design through his double role of an archi-
tecture graduate and art critic – the editor of the Belgrade-based student magazines Stu-
dent and Vidici (Views). His varied roles in the Belgrade society took shape gradually and
simultaneously. We encounter him as a representative of the faculties of technical sciences
in the University of Belgrade Student Association, as a speaker at public panel discussions
held at the Youth Cultural Centre, even as a founder of an opposition paper,7 or a graphic
design editor of the leftist magazine Susret (Encounter).
As he pointed out himself, his literary education was acquired thanks to his acquaintanc-
es and long conversations with people from literary circles, like Milorad Pavić, Vasko Popa,
Zoran Gluščević, etc.8 In 1966, together with his wife, Saveta Mašić, he founded an inde-
pendent alternative publishing house, Nezavisna izdanja (Independent Publications) which
produced over five hundred titles.
7 “In 1966, together with Mihajlo Mihajlov, Leonid Šejka, Predrag Ristić, Danijel Ivin and
Franjo Zenko, he participated in launching an opposition newspaper, an activity which ended
in police persecution. See Slobodan Lazarević, “Biografija, Slobodan Mašić“ (Slobodan Mašić,
a Biography), in the catalogue of the exhibition Slobodan and Saveta Mašić: Posters held at
Kragujevac Town Museum Gallery, Kragujevac, Town Museum), 2004, p. 7.
8 Interviewed by the present author, September 2015.
ne, urednik Grafičke radionice SKC-a je Nenad Čonkić,11 čiju će funkciju Stojanovski preuze-
ti naredne, 1972. godine.12 Uz asistente dizajnere Novicu Kocića i Đorđa Tucića, Stojanovski
na ovoj poziciji ostaje sve do 1992. godine kada daje otkaz i osniva samostalni studio.13
Grafička radionica obuhvatala je fotosekciju, štamparsku sekciju i dizajn sekciju. Specifič-
nost SKC-a i novostečenog radnog mesta Stojanovskog prepoznaje se u činjenici da je on
postao zvanični grafički dizajner jedne institucije, ma kako ona alternativna bila. U datom
momentu, unutar drugih kulturnih institucija, poput različitih pozorišta, Doma omladine ili
pak Muzeja savremene umetnosti takvo radno mesto nije zapravo zvanično ni postojalo.
Dizajn potrebnih materijala, plakata, kataloga i ostalih štampanih artefakata rađen je po
potrebi, u vidu honorarnih poziva umetnicima, dizajnerima, arhitektama. Stoga je osnivanje
i opremanje samostalne grafičke radionice unutar SKCa zapravo predstavljalo veliki pomak
u poimanju važnosti figure grafičkog dizajnera i definisanju potrebe za ujednačenim vizuel-
nim identitetom jedne kulturne ustanove.
11 Slavko Timotijević, Ovo je Studentski kulturni centar – This is the Students Cultural Center:
prvih 25 godina: 1971–1996, Studentski kulturni centar, Beograd, 1996.
12 Arhivski spisi beogradskog Studentskog kulturnog centra, D. V. Sećanje – Dragan
Stojanovski 1940–2007, Beograd, Studentski kulturni centar, februar 2007.
13 „From 1992 to 2006 he runs a small commerical graphic design studio with his son and it
seems one single client (a large import-export company).“ Prema: Testen, 2013.
He began working as an architect – graphic designer in the mid-1960s. In collaboration

with Saveta Mašić, Bora Ćosić and Dragoš Kalajić, he founded Studio Structure, specializing
in graphic and architectural design. As a graphic designer, he collaborated with the writer,
Bora Ćosić on a neo-avant-garde magazine Rok – magazine for aesthetic examination of
reality. He also designed the first issue of the Zagreb-based publication Enciclopedia Mod-
erna. Besides, he produced graphic design for films belonging to the Black Wave move-
ment, such as Early Works by Želimir Žilnik and Innocence Unprotected by Dušan Makave-
jev. Together with his wife, Saveta, he made posters and catalogues for exhibitions, theatre
events and institutions including Bitef, Fest, Atelje 212 theatre, Yugoslav Drama Theatre and
collaborated occasionally with the Belgrade Youth Centre, the Museum of Contemporary Art
and the Student Cultural Centre in Belgrade. He often travelled to Zagreb where he used the
services provided by the screen printing workshop operating at the local Student Centre and
spent time with Ivan Picelj, Eugen Feler, Dimitrije Bašičević and Radoslav Putar.
Saveta Mašić (1941) completed her undergraduate degree, graduating in architecture in

Belgrade, after which she founded the Town Planning Institute in Stara Pazova and became
its first director. As early as the following year, she became the founder of Studio Struc-
ture. While she remained in civil service for three years, she has been affiliated with Studio
Structure specializing in graphic and architectural design to this day. Although the exact
division of creative labour at the studio and in its projects is not known, Saveta’s presence
is indispensable and her signature is found on the majority of projects and posters, many of
which were entries in international competitions and festivals.
_64
Dragan Stojanovski (1940-2006) was born in Skopje. He came to Belgrade in 1959. Hav-
ing obtained his undergraduate degree in wall painting, he focused on the design of the-
atre posters9 and started collaboration with the Student Cultural Centre in Belgrade in the
early 1970s.10 In 1971, the managing editor at the Graphic Workshop was Nenad Čonkić,11
whose position Stojanovski took over the following year, in 1972.12 Together with assistant
designers, Novica Kocić and Đorđe Tucić, Stojanovski occupied this position until 1992
when he resigned and founded an independent studio.13 The Graphic Workshop had pho-
tography, printing and design departments. What distinguished the SKC and Stojanovski’s
new position was the fact that he became the official graphic designer of an institution,
albeit an alternative one. At that moment, in fact, such a position did not officially exist in
other cultural institutions like different theatres, the Belgrade Youth Centre or indeed the
9 The Contemporary Theatre, today Belgrade Drama Theatre. “Beogradsko dramsko

pozorište”, Grad Beograd (Belgrade Drama Theatre, The City of Belgrade) http://www.
beograd.rs/cms/view.php?id=2243 [accessed on October 1, 2015]
10 Žiga Testen, Ibid.
11 Slavko Timotijević, Ovo je Studentski kulturni centar - This is the Students Cultural Center:
prvih 25 godina: 1971-1996, Beograd: Studentski kulturni centar, (This is Student Cultural
Centre: the First 25 Years 1971-1996, Belgrade, Student Cultural Centre ) 1996
12 Archived documents of the Student Cultural Centre in Belgrade, D.V. “Sećanje – Dragan
Stojanovski 1940-2007“ (Remembering Dragan Stojanovski 1940-2007) Belgrade, Student
Cultural Centre, February 2007.
13 “From 1992 to 2006 he runs a small commercial graphic design studio with his son and it
seems one single client (a large import-export company).“ Cf. Testen 2013.
Museum of Contemporary Art. The design of the necessary material, namely, posters, cat-
alogues and other print artefacts was obtained as the need arose from free-lance artists,
designers and architects who were invited to submit their work. Therefore, establishing and
equipping an independent graphic workshop at the SKC was a significant improvement in
the understanding of the importance of the role of graphic designers and determining the
need for a unified visual identity of a cultural institution.

Marko Zubak
Od politike
do stila:
omladinski
novinski dizajn
(1968-1980)
Marko Zubak
From Politics
to Style:
The Design
of Youth Press
(1968-1980)
Marko Zubak Od politike do stila: From Politics to Style:
omladinski novinski dizajn The Design of Youth Press _67
(1968-1980) (1968-1980)
Ovaj esej se bavi jednim zanemarenim aspektom grafičkog dizajna u socijalističkoj Jugo-
slaviji – oblikovanjem novina, i to čini gledajući van okvira mainstream medija. Konkretnije,
u tekstu se analizira grafički doprinos mreže raznolikih publikacija, od središnjih tjednika do
specijaliziranih kulturnih časopisa, izdavanih pod okriljem državnih omladinskih i student-
skih organizacija, poznatih kao omladinska štampa. Počevši od kraja 1960-ih, ovaj arhetip-
ski komunistički žanr stvoren da odgaja mlade lojalne podanike režima postao je neočeki-
vano rodno mjesto brojnih vizualnih eksperimenata i inovacija koji su odražavali kako razvoj
ovog osebujnog medija, tako i tekuće društvene promjene i nastajuće omladinske kulture,
ostavljajući pritom dubok trag na medijskoj slici čitave zemlje1.
Krajem 1960-ih, grafičko oblikovanje novina u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji bilo je u povojima,
još uvijek nepriznato kao profesija.2 Okolni milje, međutim, činio se povoljnim za njegov
razvoj. Modernističke umjetničke grupe poput EXAT 51 svojim su inzistiranjem na društve-
nom značaju umjetnosti rano počele brisati razliku između visoke i primijenjene umjetnosti i
tako su posredno legitimirale dizajn.3 I dok se plakatna djelatnost revitalizirala, za afirmaciju
1 Marko Zubak, Jugoslavenski omladinski tisak kao underground press (1968-1972): Depilijan
izložbe (Velika Gorica: Galerija Galženica, 2012).
2 Grafičko oblikovanje novina ostalo je na samom rubu rastuće, no još uvijek tek osnovne
literature o jugoslavenskom grafičkom dizajnu: Feđa Vukić, ur., Od oblikovanja do dizajna (Zagreb:
Meandar, 2003); Jasna Galjer, Arsovski (Zagreb: Horetzky, 2010); Branka Čurčić, ur., Ideology of
Design/Ideologija dizajna (New York-Novi Sad: Autonomedia-Centar za nove medije, 2009).
3 Grupa je razvila zasebni diskurs o dizajnu. Vidi izvrsnu recentnu analizu: Dejan Kršić, “Grafički
dizajn i vizualne komunikacije” u Socijalizam i modernost. Umjetnost, kultura, politika: 1950.-
1974. (Zagreb: Muzej suvremene umjetnosti, Institut za povijest umjetnosti, 2012), 216-235.
This essay examines a neglected aspect of graphic design in socialist Yugoslavia, namely,
newspaper design and does so by looking outside of the framework of the mainstream me-
dia. More specifically, it analyses remarkable graphic achievements of a network of diverse
publications, from central weeklies to specialized culture magazines, produced under the
auspices of youth and student state organizations, known as the youth press.1 From the late
1960s onward, this archetypical communist genre, designed to shape loyal young subjects
of the regime, became an unlikely birthplace of a wide range of visual experiments and
innovations that reflected the evolution of this distinctive medium and the ongoing social
changes, as well as the emerging youth culture, while leaving a profound mark on the me-
diascape of the country as a whole.
In the late 1960s, newspaper design in Yugoslavia was still in its formative stages, not
yet recognized as a profession.2 Yet, the immediate environment seemed favourable to
its development. Modernist art groups, such as EXAT 51 that insisted on the social rele-
vance of art, began erasing the differences between high and applied art early on and,
1 Marko Zubak, Jugoslavenski omladinski tisak kao underground press (1968-1972):

Depilijan izložbe (Velika Gorica: Galerija Galženica, 2012). (Yugoslav Youth Press As
Underground Press (1968-1972): exhibition brochure (Velika Gorica: Galženica Galley, 2012))
2 Newspaper design remained on the margins of the burgeoning, but still rudimentary
literature on Yugoslav graphic design. See: Feđa Vukić, ed., Od oblikovanja do dizajna (From
Layout to Design))(Zagreb: Meandar, 2003); Jasna Galjer, Arsovski (Zagreb: Horetzky, 2010);
Branka Čurčić, ed., Ideology of Design/Ideologija dizajna (New York - Novi Sad: Autonomedia
- Centar za nove medije, 2009).
_68
discipline unutar tiska važnijim se pokazalo uključivanje tržišnih elemenata u plansku eko-
nomiju. Okretanje k tržišnom poslovanju novinskih poduzeća početkom 1960-ih uvelike je
diferenciralo medijsku scenu. Boreći se za svoj udio na tržištu, novopokrenuta specijalizira-
na izdanja u sve većoj mjeri obraćaju pažnju na svoj izgled. U postojećem profesionalnom
vakuumu, najprije grafički tehničari, a potom ilustratori i arhitekti počinju određivati kompo-
nente kao što su odnos teksta i slike, prijelom, format i odabir tiskarskog pisma. Zapadnjač-
ki koncept art-directora polako je zaživio i ovdje, premda pod drugim imenom.
Omladinska štampa u tom je pogledu malo kaskala za ostatkom medijske scene. Od svo-
jih je početaka ovaj marginalni žanr djelovao izvan okvira glavnih medija, s ruba postojeće
scene, ostajući uvelike neokrznut njenim općim razvojem. Bez većih vlastitih kvaliteta i s
grafikom koja je odražavala opći vizualni nemar komunističkog tiska, omladinska štampa
služila je kao klasično propagandno sredstvo svojeg izdavača, drugorazredne političke or-
ganizacije koja je tek ponavljala poruke Partije. Točnije, sve dok krajem 1960-ih reformski
val unutar omladinskih organizacija nije u njene organe unio novi život. Od 1968. do 1972.
godine omladinska štampa postala je glavni zagovornik lokalnih studentskih pokreta i okol-
ne, pretežno ljevičarske politizacije koji su nastojali oživiti korumpirane osnove samoupravl-
janja suvremenim novoljevičarskim strujanjima.
Grafički odgovor studentskim pokretima i

kontra-kulturi
Usporedno s političkom afirmacijom, omladinska štampa krajem 1960-ih radi i odmak od
vlastite, rigidne grafičke tradicije. Niz međusobno isprepletenih, no raznolikih rješenja, po-
by extension, legitimized design.3 While poster design was revived quickly, the inclusion
of market elements into the planned economy proved more important for the recogni-
tion of the discipline within the press. The market turn in the press enterprises greatly
differentiated the media scene in the early 1960s. Fighting the for market share, new
special-interest magazines started paying more and more attention to their look. In the
existing professional vacuum, at first graphic technicians, followed by illustrators and ar-
chitects began determining the components such as the text-image ratio, layout, format
and typefaces. The Western notion of art-director was slowly taking hold, although under
a different name.
For a while, the youth press lagged behind the rest of the media scene in this regard.
From its beginnings, this marginal genre operated outside the main media framework, on
the fringes of the scene, remaining by and large unaffected by its overall development. With
few merits of its own and the graphics that mirrored the general indifference towards the
domain of the visual, typical of the communist press, the youth press served as a classic
propaganda tool of its publisher, namely, a political organization of second-rate influence
that merely repeated the messages of the Party. That is until a reformist wave in the youth
3 The group developed a distinctive discourse on design. See an excellent recent analysis by
Dejan Kršić, “Grafički dizajn i vizualne komunikacije” in Socijalizam i modernost. Umjetnost,
kultura, politika: 1950.-1974. (Zagreb: Muzej suvremene umjetnosti, Institut za povijest
umjetnosti, 2012), (Graphic Design and Visual Communications 1950-1975 in: Socialism and
Modernity. Art, Culture, Politics 1950-1974, Museum of Contemporary Art), Institute for Art
History, 2012) 216-235.
(1968-1980) (1968-1980)
kušavalo je novom sadržaju pronaći prikladnu formu, svjedočeći rađanju svijesti o rastućoj
važnosti vizualne prezentacije. Isprva, nije bilo moguće govoriti o nekoj zajedničkoj estetici.
Sklonost k eksperimentima miješala se s uvozom suvremenih grafičkih trendova. Na najop-
ćenitijoj razini, manje uniformni prijelom razbijao je oktogonalnu organizaciju teksta, propitu-
jući njegov privilegirani status. Članci, sastavljeni od nejednakih stupaca i redaka, pozicioni-
rali su se uz rub stranica i lomili brojnim podnaslovima, uz korištenje uvećanih, deformiranih
slova. Ovakvi tipografski eksperimenti odražavali su širi suvremeni otklon od funkcionalne
tipografije.4 S druge strane, bili su uvjetovani i zastarjelim, dvobojnim olovnim tiskom većine
središnjih omladinskih listova, koji urednicima nije ostavljao previše mogućnosti.
Političke poruke i narasle ambicije izražavale su se tako pomoću najjednostavnijih sred-
stava, kao što je neobična veličina lista.5 Od polovice 1970. godine, grafički urednik radika-
liziranog beogradskog kulturnog časopisa Vidici, Florian Hajdu, oblikuje sedam uzastopnih
brojeva u različitom formatu i prijelomu, kao da je riječ o posve novoj publikaciji.6 Broj
posvećen sovjetskim disidentima našao se tako umotan u sovjetski revolucionarni poster;
onaj o hrvatskom proljeću bio je ubačen u kuvertu s jugoslavenskom zastavom na poleđini.7
4 Steven Heller, Design Literacy. Understanding Graphic Design (New York: Allworth Press,
2004), 168-69.
5 “O veličini tjednika”, Omladinski tjednik (Zagreb), br. 143, 17. III. 1971., 12.
6 Hajdu, koji je karijeru započeo u revolucionarnoj redakciji Studenta, ove je eksperimente
radio u suradnji s pomoćnim urednkom Vidika Lazarom Stojanovićem. Florian Hajdu,
intervju s autorom, 15. XI. 2010., Düsseldorf.
7 Vidici (Beograd), br. 142/143, jun/septembar. 1970.; Vidici (Beograd), br. 146, decembar,
1970.
organizations in the late 1960s instilled a new life into their organs. From 1968 to 1972, the
youth press became major advocate of student movements and the surrounding mostly
leftist politicization that tried to restore the corrupted foundations of self-management by
introducing the contemporary Western New Leftist trends.
Graphic response to student movements and

youth counter-culture
Coinciding with the birth of the politically relevant youth press in the late 1960s, its graphic
design began distancing itself from the rigid tradition. A range of overlapping yet diverse
solutions attempted to devise a form suitable for the new content, testifying to the grow-
ing importance of visual presentation. Initially, one could hardly speak of some common
aesthetics. An inclination for experimentation merged with imported foreign contemporary
graphic trends. Generally speaking, a less uniform layout disrupted the octagonal orien-
tation of the text, calling its privileged status into question. Articles, divided into atypical
columns and lines, were placed near the margins of the page and broken by numerous sub-
titles in enlarged, deformed lettering. While such practices echoed a wider contemporary
break with functional typography, they were further dictated by the prevailing, outdated
two-coloured hot type printing technique shared by nearly all central youth weeklies that
left the editors with few options.4
4 Steven Heller, Design Literacy. Understanding Graphic Design (New York: Allworth Press,
2004), 168-69.
_70
Beogradski Student i zagrebački Omladinski tjednik slično su reagirali na pokuša-

je cenzure – praznom naslovnicom. 8 Drugdje se, pak, osuvremenjuju složenije tehnike
montaže pomoću novih predložaka, pri čemu se oponaša grafizam američke podze-
mne štampe, pogodan za kreiranje kritičkih poruka podrivanjem izvornih značenja.9
U paradigmatskom primjeru, Omladinski tjednik preuzeo je iz londonskog The Black
Dwarfa anti-kapitalističku plakatnu pjesmu Christophera Loguea, zamijenivši sliku Che
Guevarre srpom i čekićem, zahtijevajući novi reformski kurs.10 Jedan drugi kolaž ispre-
pleo je plakat gostujućeg američkog cirkusa The Greatest Show in the World s krvavim
prizorima Vijetnamskog rata, kritizirajući Nixonovu posjetu Jugoslaviji na punom tragu
Nove ljevice.11
Izgled novina, međutim, nije uvijek bio u punoj ravnoteži sa sadržajem. Nisu svi politizi-
rani listovi bili vizualno zanimljivi, niti je njihov dizajn bio najbolji u vrijeme njihove najveće
radikalizacije. Štoviše, najatraktivnije dizajniran omladinski časopis, Pop-Express, bavio
se pop-rock glazbom, a ne politikom. Dva su razloga za ovaj nesklad. S jedne strane, za
kreativni vizualni iskorak bila je nužna adekvatna tiskarska infrastruktura, krajem 1960-
ih dostupna tek rijetkim omladinskim publikacijama. S druge strane, grafičke inovacije
8 Omladinski tjednik (Zagreb), br. 83/84, 25. III. 1970., 1.; Student (Beograd), br. 29/30, 24.
XII. 1968., 1.
9 Jeremy Aynsley, A Century of Graphic Design (London: Octopus Publishing Group, 2001),
162-63.; 198.
10 Omladinski tjednik (Zagreb), br. 27, 9. X. 1968., 1.
11 Omladinski tjednik (Zagreb), br. 99, 23. IX. 1970., 3.
The political messages and growing ambitions were thus expressed with the simplest
of means, such as the unorthodox size of the magazine.5 From the mid-1970, seven con-
secutive issues of the radicalized Belgrade’s culture magazine Vidici (Views), designed by
Florian Hajdu, appeared in a different format and layout each, as if they were entirely new
publications.6 The one on Soviet dissidents was wrapped in a large Soviet revolutionary
poster; the one criticizing the Croatian Spring was inserted in a postal envelope with the
Yugoslav flag on its back.7
In their struggle against censorship, Belgrade’s Student and Zagreb-based Omladinski
tjednik (Youth Weekly) reacted to censorship attempts in a similar way – by running a
blank cover page.8 Elsewhere, more complex techniques of montage were being updat-
ed with new patterns, emulating the graphics of the Western underground press, suited
to producing critical statements by subverting the original meanings.9 In a paradigmat-
ic example, Omladinski tjednik appropriated Christopher Logue’s anti-capitalist poster
poem from The Black Dwarf, replacing the image of Che Guevara with the hammer and
5 “O veličini tjednika”, (About the Size of the Weekly) Omladinski tjednik 143 (17 March
1971): 12.
6 Hajdu, who began his career as a member of the editorial staff of the revolutionary Student
magazine, carried out his experiments in collaboration with Vidici’s assistant editor Lazar
Stojanović. Florian Hajdu, Interview by the author, 15 Nov. 2010, Düsseldorf.
7 Vidici 142/143 ( June/Sept. 1970); Vidici 146 (Dec. 1970).
8 Omladinski tjednik 83/84 (25 March 1970), 1; Student 29/30 (24 Dec. 1968), 1.
9 Jeremy Aynsley, A Century of Graphic Design, 162-63; 198.
(1968-1980) (1968-1980)
najvećim dijelom nisu bile u najužoj vezi s pokrenutim političkim inicijativama. Nov odnos
spram vizualnosti predstavljao je ponajprije njihovu (kontra)kulturnu nadopunu.
U tom smislu potrebno je spomenuti trojicu talentiranih dizajnera koji su, dobivši priliku
raditi u boljim tehničkim uvjetima, prilagodili suvremene estetske stilove lokalnom kontek-
stu, stvarajući osebujni vizualni identitet rađajuće omladinske kontrakulture u dijalogu do-
maćih i stranih impulsa. Vjerojatno najznačajniji među njima bio je Mihajlo Arsovski koji je,
zajedno sa bliskim suradnikom Zoranom Pavlovićem, postavio visoke vizualne standarde
zagrebačke omladinske štampe.12 Pod utjecajem Ellovog art-directora, Romana Cieślewic-
za, Arsovski je brisao granice između akademskog i popularnog dizajna, spajajući ekspresi-
onističke i konstruktivističke eksperimente s modernim pop-kulturnim fenomenima privlač-
nim mladima.13 Tretirajući slovo kao dekorativni element, Arsovski je, poput Herba Lubalina,
dekonstruirao konvencionalna pravila komunikacije.14 Prije pojave letraseta u tu je svrhu
sam izrađivao niz tiskarskih pisama, precrtavao fontove iz stranih kataloga ili je, pak, koristio
stara drvena tiskarska slova kojima bi razbijao naslove i stupce tvoreći složene kompozicije
čije je razumijevanje iziskivalo napor.15 U prvih devet brojeva Pop-Expressa, tiskanih u rav-
12 U vrijeme pokretanja Poleta i Pop-Expressa krajem 1960-ih, Arsovski je već bio relativno
etablirani dizajner, započevši karijeru sredinom desetljeća u omladinskoj štampi. Mihajlo
Arsovski, intervju s autorom, 16. XI. 2010., Zagreb.
13 Vidi Poletove pop-artističke naslovnice: Polet br. 22, listopad 1968., 1; Polet br. 23, studeni
1968., 1.
14 Heller, Design Literacy. Understanding Graphic Design, 251-52.
15 Polet (Zagreb) br. 22, listopad 1968., 44; Polet (Zagreb) br. 23., studeni 1968., 1, 48.
sickle, thus demanding a new reform course.10 Another collage juxtaposed a poster of a
visiting US travelling circus The Greatest Show in the World with violent scenes of the
Vietnam War to criticize Nixon’s visit to Yugoslavia, thus fully following the line of the New
Left.11
However, the newspaper design was not always fully balanced with the content. Not
all politically-oriented magazines were graphically inspiring, nor was their look always at
its peak at the time when they were the most radical. Indeed, the magazine with the most
striking graphics of the period, Pop-Express, focused on pop and rock music, rather than
politics. Two reasons stood behind this disparity. Firstly, for the creative visual breakthrough
to occur the appropriate printing infrastructure was necessary, available only to a handful of
youth publications in the late 1960s. Secondly, graphic innovations for the most part were
not directly linked to the launched political initiatives. The new visual approach should rath-
er be regarded as their counter-cultural complement.
With that in mind, the work of three talented designers should be mentioned. Namely,
having got the chance to take advantage of working with better equipment, they adapted
the contemporary Western aesthetic trends to fit the local context, creating the distinctive
visual identity of the emerging youth counter-culture that was the result of the dialogue
between local and foreign impulses, Arguably the most important among them was Mihajlo
Arsovski who, together with his close collaborator Zoran Pavlović, set the high visual stan-
10 Omladinski tjednik 27 (9 Oct. 1968): 1.

11 Omladinski tjednik 99 (23.09.1970): 3.
_72
nom off-setu, ovu figurativnu tipografiju ukomponirao je u raznobojne predloške iz stranih

glazbenih časopisa, uvodeći hipijevsku estetiku u jugoslavenski medijski prostor.16
Grafički urednik ljubljanske Tribune, Kostja Gatnik, na sličan je način, u jesen 1970., vjerno
prenio duh američke podzemne kontra-kulture u socijalistički kontekst, uz manje ustupaka od
pretežno političkog sadržaja časopisa.17 Daroviti student likovne akademije sklon pop-artu,
Gatnik je, radeći u iris tisku, uklanjao crnu iz negativa kako bi dobio jarke, svijetle boje, u su-
protnosti s postojećom sivoćom domaćeg tiska.18 Rubrike Zoom i Freaking out prepune Gatni-
kovih provokativnih ilustracija, samostalno je uređivao pod snažnim utjecajem rock kulture, in-
spiriran psihodeličnim grafizmom američke podzemne štampe.19 Uistinu, poput klasika žanra,
od Moscosa do Griffina, Gatnik je ilustrirao rock-plakate i omote za ploče. I njegov iluzionistički
vizualni jezik odudarao je od uniformnog modernizma, protkan istom implikacijom: samo oni
„unutra“, možda i pod utjecajem droga, u stanju su razumjeti predočeni vizualni kod.20
Naposljetku, u Beogradu je Slobodan Mašić eksperimentirao stalnim redizajniranjem
glave Susreta.21 Vješto koristeći mogućnosti bakrotiska, stvorio je prepoznatljiv izgled li-
16 Pop-Express (Zagreb), br. 5, 7. IV. 1969., 1.; Pop-Express (Zagreb), br. 9, 2. VI. 1969., 12-13.
17 Više o Gatniku: Kostja Gatnik et al., Kaj sem videl 1968-2008 (Ljubljana: Narodna Galerija
2008).
18 U tu svrhu, Gatnik, kojeg se snažno dojmio londonski underground časopis Oz, često je
tretirao naslovnicu i poleđinu kao cjelinu: Tribuna br. 1, 15. X. 1970., 1., 8.; Tribuna br. 6, 19.
XI.1970., 1., 8.
19 Tribuna (Ljubljana), br. 2, 22. X. 1970., 4-5., 8.; Tribuna (Ljubljana), br. 15., 1971. 8.
20 Catherine McDermott, Design. The Key Concepts (London: Routledge, 2007), 188.
21 Susret (Beograd), br. 93, 10. I. 1969., 1.; Susret (Beograd), br. 95, 5. III. 1969., 1.
dards of the Zagreb-based youth press.12 Inspired by Elle’s art-director Roman Cieślewicz,
he broke the barriers between academic and popular design combined expressionist and
constructivist experiments with contemporary pop-culture phenomena that appealed to
young people.13 Following Herb Lubalin, Arsovski treated letters as decorative elements,
de-constructing the conventional rules of communication.14 Working before the appearance
of letraset, he himself developed a range of typefaces, copied typefaces from foreign cat-
alogues or used old discarded wooden printing letters for this purpose, with which he then
broke headings and columns in order to devise composite images whose interpretation
required effort.15 In the first nine issues of Pop-Express, printed using the flat offset meth-
od, he combined this figurative typography with intensely bright coloured collages made
using the material from foreign music magazines, introducing the hippy aesthetics into the
Yugoslav mediascape.16
In Ljubljana, in the autumn of 1970, Tribuna’s (The Tribune) graphic editor Kostja Gatnik,
in a similar way, faithfully transferred the spirit of the Western underground counter-culture
in the socialist context with fewer concessions than the magazine’s predominantly political
12 By the late 1960s, at the time of the launching of Polet and Pop-Express, Arsovski was
already a relatively established designer, who began his career in the youth press in the middle
of the decade. Mihajlo Arsovski, Interview by the author, 16 Nov. 2010, Zagreb.
13 See Polet’s pop-art covers: Polet 22 (October 1968); Polet 23 (November 1968).
14 Heller, Design Literacy. Understanding Graphic Design, 251-52.
15 Polet 22 (October 1968): 44; Polet 23 (November 1968): 1, 48.
16 Pop-Express 5 (7 April 1969): 1; Pop-Express 9 (2 June 1969) 12-13.
(1968-1980) (1968-1980)
sta pozicioniranjem tekstova na retuširane fotografije lišene detalja i polutonova.22 Često

u jedinstvu forme i sadržaja, stvoreni amalgami zahtijevali su pažljivu interpretaciju.23 U
mnoštvu Susretovih pozadinskih referenci i utjecaja, veću ulogu od politike imala je bogata
pop-kulturna ikonografija, od muzike i filma do mode.24
Poticajno dizajnersko okruženje nastalo oko omladinske štampe vjerojatno najbolje ilu-
strira otvaranje prvih dizajnerskih studija krajem 1960-ih. Upravo Mašić 1968. godine pokre-
će prvi privatni dizajnerski studio u Jugoslaviji Studio Structure.25 Otprilike u isto vrijeme,
pod okriljem kulturne podružnice zagrebačke omladinske organizacije, Arsovski i Pavlović
osnivaju grafički studio P&D (Pop Design) koji je trebao pokrivati sve dizajnerske potrebe
navedene organizacije.26
Polet: Okret k stilu

Politička kriza i posljedični kraj omladinske politizacije s početka 1970-ih privremeno okon-
čali su ovaj ambiciozni projekt, imajući poguban učinak po čitavu omladinsku štampu koja
je sa smjenom uredničkih ekipa i dokidanjem subvencija iznova marginalizirana. Ideja je,
22 Susret (Beograd), br. 86, 2. X. 1968., 2.

23 Robespierreov monolog iz Büchnerove drame Dantonova smrt bio je, primjerice, pretisnut
preko retuširanog portreta Steve Žigona, podsjećajući na glumčev legendarni recital pred
studentima u lipnju 1968. “Društvo mora da služi duhovom životu čoveka”, Susret (Beograd),
br. 99, 1. V. 1969., 16.
24 Susret (Beograd), br. 93, 10. I. 1969., 6; Susret (Beograd), br. 94, 19. II. 1969., 14.; 24.
25 “Intervju: Slobodan Mašić”, http://www.designed.rs/intervju/slobodan_masic
26 “Od ῾Poleta’ do ῾Poleta’”, Polet 67/68/69 (22 May 1978): 36.
content.17 A talented art school student, Gatnik had a penchant for pop-art. Using the rain-
bow printing technique, he removed the black colour from the negatives to obtain bright and
light colours that contrasted the prevalent greyness of the local press.18 Gatnik’s self-edited
sections, Zoom and Freaking out, brimming with his provocative illustrations were strongly
influenced by rock culture and inspired by the psychedelic graphic art style of the under-
ground press in the U.S.19 Indeed, like the pioneers of the genre, from Moscoso to Griffin,
Gatnik would design rock posters and record covers.20 Moreover, his illusionistic visual lan-
guage stood out from the uniform modernism, carrying the same implication: only those
“inside”, maybe under the influence of drugs, could grasp the visual code in question.21
Finally, in Belgrade, Slobodan Mašić experimented by constantly re-working the logo
of Susret (Encounter) magazine. Skilfully taking advantage of the possibilities offered by
cooper plate printing, he created the magazine’s recognizable look by placing text on the
retouched photographs from which the details and halftones have been removed.22 Often
17 More on Gatnik: Kostja Gatnik et al., Kaj sem videl 1968-2008 (Ljubljana: Narodna
Galerija 2008) (What I Saw 1968-2008 (Ljubljana: National Galley 2008) .
18 To this purpose, Gatnik, who was fascinated by the London underground journal Oz,
often treated the covers and back-covers as a single entity. See: Tribuna 1 (15 Oct. 1970) 1, 8;
Tribuna 6 (19 Nov. 1970) 1-8.
19 Tribuna 2 (22 Oct.1970): 4-5, 8; Tribuna 15 (1971): 8; Tribuna 17 (1971): 8.
20 Catherine McDermott, Design. The Key Concepts (London: Routledge, 2007), 188.
21 Susret 93 (10 Jan. 1969): 1; Susret 94 (19 Feb. 1969): 2; Susret 95 (5 March 1969): 1.
22 Susret 86 (2 Oct. 1968): 2.
_74
međutim, revitalizirana sredinom desetljeća, u sklopu nove reforme omladinskih saveza i

njihovih organa. Svježe osnovani zagrebački Studio za grafički dizajn (SGD) i beogradski
ICS, u drugoj polovici 1970-ih podigli su vizualne standarde omladinske štampe.27 Kulturni
časopisi poput zagrebačkih Pitanja ili beogradskih Vidika pretvorili su se u stilizirane publi-
kacije, vrativši izgubljenu reputaciju.28
Ključni novi dizajnerski iskorak dogodio se, međutim, mimo ovih institucija. Zasluga je to
prije svega Gorana Trbuljaka, mladog zagrebačkog konceptualnog umjetnika čiji su rado-
vi na duhovit i ironijski način propitivali bit umjetnika i njegova djela.29 Paralelnu karijeru
grafičkog urednika Trbuljak je započeo početkom 1970-ih, uređujući katalog Galerije Stu-
dentskog Centra gdje je i sam izlagao.30 Sa svojim olovnim tiskom Novine Galerije SC nisu
ostavljale puno mjesta za kreativnost, no Trbuljak je tu naučio osnovne grafičke tehnike.
Ovdje je susreo i grupu entuzijasta koji će sredinom desetljeća pokrenuti specijalizirani
omladinski list posvećen marginalnim filmskim fenomenima. Kao grafički urednik Filma, ra-
deći u nešto boljim tehničkim uvjetima, Trbuljak je odmah pokazao sklonost improvizaciji.
27 Osnivač SGD-a bio je već spomenuti Zoran Pavlović. “Studio grafičkog dizajna”, Polet
(Zagreb), br. 70, 28. VIII. 1978., 22.
28 Vidi primjerice: Pitanja (Zagreb), br. 1, siječanj, 1977.; Vidici 5/6, 1978.
29 Trbuljakovi projekti, od 1969. godine nadalje, uključivali su izlaganje prazne galerije, poziv
slučajnim prolaznicima da uđu u galeriju i posljedičnu atribuciju autorstva i organiziranje
referenduma gdje su građani odlučivali da li je Trbuljak umjetnik. Više o Trbuljaku u: Branka
Stipančić, G. Trbuljak, (Zagreb: Muzej suvremene umjetnosti, 1996).
30 “Ne želim prikazati ništa novo i originalno”, 1971, Novine Galerije SC (Zagreb), br. 30,
1971.
uniting form and content, the amalgamated compositions required careful decoding.23 In
the myriad of background references and influences present in Susret, rich pop-culture
iconography - from music, to film and fashion had a bigger role to play than politics.24
A stimulating design environment created around the youth press is perhaps best illus-
trated by the opening of the first design studios in the late 1960s. It was precisely Mašić
who in 1968 founded the first Yugoslav private design studio Studio Structure.25 Around
the same time, under the auspices of the Zagreb youth organization, Arsovski and Pavlović
set up the P&D (Pop Design) graphic studio whose purpose was to meet all design-related
needs of said organization.26
Polet: Turn to Style

The political crisis of the early 1970s and the resulting suppression of student politicization
temporarily halted this ambitious project and had a detrimental effect on all the youth press
which was marginalized once again following the dismissal of editorial staff and suspension
23 The magazine, for example, reprinted Robespierre’s monologue from Büchner’s play
Danton’s Death on the portrait of Stevo Žigon, reminding the readers of the Belgrade actor’s
legendary recitation before the students in June 1968. “Društvo mora da služi duhovom životu
čoveka” (The Society Must Cater for the Spiritual Needs of the Population), Susret 99 (1 May
1969): 16.
24 Susret 93 (10 Jan. 1969): 6; Susret 94 (19 Feb. 1969): 14; 24.
25 “Intervju: Slobodan Mašić” (Interview: Slobodan Mašić), http://www.designed.rs/
intervju/slobodan_masic
26 “Od ῾Poleta’ do ῾Poleta’” (From Polet to Polet), Polet 67/68/69 (22 May 1978): 36.
(1968-1980) (1968-1980)
Dugačke eseje i nemontirane intervjue, otisnute na pisaćoj mašini i potom lijepljene selo-
tejpom, razdvojio je velikim crno-bijelim fotografijama bez polutonova, koje je izrezivao iz
filmskih knjiga ili ih snimao s platna zagrebačke Kinoteke.31 Ovakva karakteristična, mini-
malistički dizajnirana unutrašnjost Filma ukazivala je na grafički uzor na koji će se Trbuljak
oslanjati i ubuduće: Andy Warholov časopis Interview.32
Posredstvom Filmovog urednika Trbuljak je uskoro došao u kontakt s Denisom Kuljišem,
pomoćnim urednikom zagrebačkog omladinskog tjednika Poleta, koji mu je u jesen 1978.
povjerio osmišljavanje novog vizualnog identiteta časopisa. Međutim, uz već postojeći di-
zajnerski studio bilo je problematično da središnji organ saveza oblikuje vanjska osoba
koja nije zaposlenik SGD-a. Pokusni je prijelom Trbuljak stoga napravio gotovo potajno, u
kafiću preko puta uredničkih prostorija, gdje je redakcija odlazila na kavu.33 Nakon što je
Kuljiš osigurao institucionalno zaleđe, obranivši novi koncept pred nadležnim omladinskim
funkcionarima, Trbuljak je spremno preokrenuo ustaljene obrasce u oblikovanju novina.
Njegova osnovna ideja bila je jednostavna: prosječnom mladom Poletovom čitatelju slika
je bila jednako važna kao i tekst. Trbuljak je stoga izvrnuo njihov međusobni standardni
odnos. Zahtijevajući da svaki članak bude ilustriran originalnom novinskom fotografijom,
ova postaje okosnicom lista. Takva drastična promjena ne bi bila izvediva bez prelaska na
off-set tisak koji je omogućio kvalitetne crno-bijele fotografske reprodukcije. S druge stra-
31 Film (Zagreb), br. 2/3, jesen/zima 1975., 1-120.

32 Više o Interviewu s kojim se Trbuljak upoznao na jednoj od svojih umjetničkih rezidencija
u: David Bourdon, Warhol (New York: Abradale Press, 1989), 301-02.
33 Goran Trbuljak, intervju s autorom, 23. XI. 2010., Zagreb.
of state subsidies. However, the idea was revived in the mid-1970s as part of the new reform
of youth organizations and their bodies. The newly established Zagreb-based Studio for
Graphic Design (SGD) and Belgrade’s ICS raised the visual standards of the youth press.27
Culture magazines such as Zagreb’s Pitanja (Issues) or Belgrade’s Vidici were transformed
into stylish publications, which restored their reputation.28
A key new breakthrough, however, came from outside of these institutions. The credit for
it goes, above all, to Goran Trbuljak, the young conceptual artist from Zagreb, whose work
made use of wit and irony to question the meaning of the role of artists and their art.29 His
parallel career as an art-director commenced in the early 1970s when he began designing
the monthly catalogue of the Student Centre Gallery where he himself exhibited.30 Printed
in hot type, Novine Galerije SC (Bulletin of the Student Centre Gallery) left little room for
creativity, yet this is where Trbuljak learned the basic graphic techniques and met a group
of film enthusiasts who launched a youth magazine specializing in marginal cinematic phe-
nomena, towards the middle of the decade . As Film’s graphic editor, working in slightly
27 The founder of the SGD was the aforementioned Zoran Pavlović. “Studio grafičkog dizajna”
(Graphic Design Studio), Polet 70 (28 Aug. 1978): 22.
28 See among others: Pitanja 1 ( Jan. 1977); Vidici 5/6 (1978).
29 From 1969 onwards, Trbuljak’s projects included showing an empty gallery, inviting
random passers-by to enter the gallery, after which they were credited as authors of artworks,
organizing a referendum where citizens were asked to decide if he was an artist. For more on
Trbuljak see: Branka Stipančić, G. Trbuljak, (Zagreb: Muzej suvremene umjetnosti, 1996).
30 “Ne želim prikazati ništa novo i originalno” (I Don’t Want to Show Anything New and
Original), Novine Galerije SC 30 (1971).
_76
ne, Trbuljak se sada suočio sa složenom, njemu nepoznatom tehnologijom. Improvizacije

i pogreške bile su neizbježne. Primjerice, kako bi ostalo više mjesta za fotografije, tekst je
bio unificiran i otisnut u najsitnijem, teško čitljivom nonpareilu.34 Upravo ovakve sitne tran-
sgresije, poput micanja glave posvuda po naslovnici, često uz seksualne aluzije, pridonijele
su autentičnosti i originalnosti Poletovog grafičkog izgleda.35
Dok je u prošlosti dizajn često bio u neskladu sa sadržajem, sada je postao neizostavan i
komplementaran dio poruke, jednakovrijedan ako ne i važniji dio od sadržaja. Slijedeći ča-
sopise poput The New Musical Expressa, Polet je predočavao točno ono o čemu je pisao,
dajući gradskoj rock sceni i okolnoj omladinskoj supkulturi adekvatni vizualni izraz.36 Nje-
gov slikovni jezik posuđivao je elemente iz DIY punk estetike, poput gradskih foto-kolaža i
piratiziranih slika, no i odudarao je od tvrdokorne estetike fanzina.37 Umjesto da predstavlja
autentičnu supkulturnu produkciju odozdo, Polet je prikazivao njenu stiliziranu verziju, mo-
dificiranu odozgo. Konačni učinak svejedno je negirao Hebdidgovu tvrdnju o opasnostima
supkulturne kolonizacije koja navodno otupljuje njenu radikalnu oštricu.38 U kontekstu ka-
34 Polet (Zagreb), br. 72, 3. X. 1978., 1-12.

35 Polet (Zagreb), br. 120, 6. II. 1980., 1.; Polet (Zagreb), br. 121, 12. II. 1980., 1.
36 “Skoro ništa”, Polet (Zagreb), br. 82/83, 27. XII. 1978.; “Curice izišle na ulice”, Polet
(Zagreb), br. 103, 23. V. 1979., 20.; Polet (Zagreb), br. 120, 28. III. 1979., 12-13., 20.; Polet
(Zagreb), br. 111/112, 28. XI. 1979., 1.
37 Izvorni britanski DIY punk-stil karakterizira nasumični pristup prijelomu, upotreba
fotokopija i cut-and-paste tehnika pri čemu se svjesno kradu ideje. Aynsley, A Century of
Graphic Design, 198-99.
38 Dick Hebdige, Subculture, The Meaning of Style, (London : Routledge, 2002), 96.
better conditions, Trbuljak immediately showed an inclination towards improvisation. The

magazine’s long essays and non-edited interviews were printed on a typewriter, Sellotaped
and separated by large black and white photographs without halftones, which Trbuljak cut
out from the film books or took off the movie screen of the local Kinoteka cinema.31 Such
trademark minimalistic design pointed to the graphic role model on which Trbuljak would
rely in the future: Andy Warhol’s magazine Interview.32
Through Film’s editor-in-chief Trbuljak was introduced to Denis Kuljiš, assistant editor of
the Zagreb-based youth weekly Polet (Enthusiasm) who entrusted him with the design of
the magazine’s new visual identity in the autumn of 1978. However, with the existing graph-
ics studio already in place, the decision that an external collaborator, who was not a SGD
employee should design the Youth League’s central organ was problematic. Trbuljak thus
made the initial layout half-secretly in the café across the street from the editorial offices,
where staff members took coffee breaks.33 After Kuljiš eventually secured the institutional
backing, having successfully defended the new concept before the proper youth officials,
Trbuljak readily disrupted the well-established newspaper design conventions.
His guiding idea was relatively straightforward. To the average young Polet reader, im-
ages were as important as text. Accordingly, Trbuljak reversed the standard ratio between
the two. Following the demand that each article should be illustrated with an original pho-
31 Film 2/3 (Autumn/Winter 1975): 1-120.

32 For more on Interview that Trbuljak came across during one of his artistic residences see:
David Bourdon, Warhol (New York: Abradale Press, 1989), 301-02.
33 Goran Trbuljak, Interview by the author, 23 Nov. 2010, Zagreb.
(1968-1980) (1968-1980)
snog socijalizma, punk prepakiran u uglađeniji novi val svejedno je proizvodio parodijske
(ideološke) destabilizacije upisivanjem značenja u postojeće estetske elemente koja njihovi
izvorni tvorci nisu imali na umu.
U Trbuljakovom radu za Polet nije teško prepoznati produžetak njegovih pokušaja da
se umjetnost demistificira pretvaranjem običnih ljudi u umjetnike. Poput Interviewovog
art-directora Richarda Bernsteina, čiji je ružom iscrtan logo parafrazirao, Trbuljak je s gru-
pom talentiranih fotografa osmišljavao naslovnice koje su predstavljale prave umjetničke
intervencije. Primjerice, kao odgovor na privremenu zabranu lista zbog objavljivanja muške
golotinje, Polet je na naslovnicu stavio gradski kip diskobola, jasno ukazujući na licemjer-
nost odluke.39 Neke druge naslovnice nastale su, pak, kao izraz Trbuljakovih ideja koje su
spajale umjetnost i gerilsku reklamu, poput one s djevojkom koja drži prazne novine ili Po-
letovog novinara s logom na čelu.40 Stimulativni ambijent prepoznao je i Tomislav Gotovac,
tada relativno nepoznati pionir domaćeg performansa koji postaje stalni inventar Trbulja-
kovog ureda smještenog u kupaonici Poletovih prostorija, a list je zauzvrat bilježio njegove
ekscentrične akcije.41
Spajajući avangardni senzibilitet s omladinskim izrazom, Polet je postao generacijski
trendseter koji je odlučivao o tome što zaslužuje medijsku pažnju, anticipirajući pritom ča-
sopise poput britanskog The Facea, s njihovim naglaskom na stilu i dizajnerskim inovaci-
39 Polet (Zagreb), br. 128, 2. IV. 1980., 1.

40 Polet (Zagreb), br. 97, 11. IV. 1979., 1.; Polet (Zagreb), br. 100, 2. V. 1979): 1.
41 “Filmovi iz Tomove tintare”, Polet 72 (3 Oct. 1978): 23; “Pimpekart”, Polet 103 (23 May
1979): 20.
tograph, the latter came to dominate the magazine. Such a drastic change would not have
been possible without the shift to off-set litho printing that made high quality reproductions
of black and white images possible. On the other hand, Trbuljak now faced a complex,
technology unfamiliar to him. Improvisation and errors were thus inevitable. For example,
to allow more space for photographs, Trbuljak unified the lettering, opting for the smallest,
scarcely legible typeface nonpareil.34 And it was precisely such small transgressions, such
as moving the logo around the cover, often with sexual allusions, that contributed to the
authenticity and originality of Polet’s layout.35
Whereas in the past, design was often at odds with content, now it became an indispens-
able and complementary part of the message, equally if not more important than content.
Following the magazines such as The New Musical Express, Polet portrayed precisely what it
wrote about, giving the Zagreb rock scene and the youth subculture that developed around
it a fitting visual expression.36 This visual language borrowed elements from the DIY punk
style, such as urban photo-collages or pirated images, however, it also differed from the hard-
core fanzine aesthetics.37 Rather than presenting the authentic punk production from below,
34 Polet 72 (3 Oct. 1978), 1-12.

35 Polet 120 (6 Feb. 1980): 1; Polet 121 (12 Feb. 1980): 1.
36 “Skoro ništa” (Almost Nothing), Polet 82/83 (27 Dec. 1978); 12-13, 20, “Curice izišle
na ulice” (Girls Went out in the Streets), Polet 103 (23 May 1979): 20; Polet 120 (28 March
1979): 12-13, 20; Polet 111/112 (28 Nov. 1979): 1.
37 The original British DIY punk-style was characterized by a random approach to layout, the
use of photo-copies and cut-and-paste techniques whereby ideas were deliberately “plundered.”
Aynsley, A Century of Graphic Design, 198-99.
_78
jama. I dok je povremeno nailazio na povremene kritike odozgo, novi koncept privukao
je mlade čitatelje koji su razumjeli insajderske reference. Sa određenim zakašnjenjem, i s
promjenjivim uspjehom, i drugi središnji omladinski listovi u čitavoj zemlji, od Studentskog
lista do Omladinskih novina, pokušavaju u narednom desetljeću preuzeti Poletovo forsira-
nje fotografije. I veliki su mediji bili impresionirani, preuzimajući glavne likovne osobine i
zapošljavajući njihove tvorce unutar svojih redova.
Intrigantni vizualni put kojim je krenula omladinska štampa krajem 1960-ih godina ovime
je došao do svog logičnog završetka. Dočekavši početak studentske politizacije kao neu-
gledno sredstvo propagande, u tek nešto više od desetljeća, omladinska štampa pretvorila
se u alternativni subkulturni organ koji je tretirao formu ravnopravno sadržaju, ostavljajući
dubok trag i izvan omladinske štampe. Bez uvida u ovaj složen i nepravilni razvoj, u čijoj se
pozadini ocrtavaju obrisi (kasno)socijalističke omladinske kulture, niti jedna povijest jugo-
slavenskog dizajna ne može biti potpuna.
Preveo Marko Zubak
it conveyed its stylized version, modified from above. The final result nevertheless opposed
Hebdige’s claim about the dangers of sub-cultural colonization, which supposedly neutralizes
its radical edge.38 In the context of late socialism, punk re-packaged as the sophisticated new
wave still produced parodic (ideological) destabilizations, inscribing new meanings in the ex-
isting aesthetic elements that their original creators did not have in mind.
In Trbuljak’s work for Polet, it is not hard to see an extension of his attempts to demystify
art by turning ordinary people into artists. Like Interview’s art director, Richard Bernstein,
whose lipstick-drawn logo he paraphrased, Trbuljak along with a group of talented pho-
tographers designed covers which were genuine artistic interventions in their own right.
For instance, Polet responded to the temporary ban of the magazine for publishing male
nudity by featuring the city’s Discobolos statue on its cover, thus exposing the hypocrisy
behind the ruling.39 Other covers were inspired by Trbuljak’s ideas that merged art with
guerrilla advertisements, such as the one featuring a girl holding a blank newspaper or one
of the magazine’s journalists with Polet’s logo printed on his forehead.40 Among those who
recognized this stimulating atmosphere was also Tomislav Gotovac, a relatively unknown
performance artist at that time, who resided in Trbuljak’s office located in the bathroom on
Polet’s premises and the magazine, in turn, recorded his eccentric artistic actions.41
38 Dick Hebdige, Subculture, The Meaning of Style, (London : Routledge, 2002), 96.
39 Polet 128 (2 April 1980): 1.
40 Polet 97 (11 April 1979): 1; Polet 100 (2 May 1979): 1.
41 “Filmovi iz Tomove tintare” (Films from Tom’s Dome), Polet 72 (3 Oct. 1978): 23;
“Pimpekart”, Polet 103 (23 May 1979): 20.
(1968-1980) (1968-1980)
By merging avant-garde sensitivity with youth expression, Polet became a generational

trend setter, determining what deserved media attention. In that way, it anticipated British
magazines such as The Face, with their emphasis on style and innovations in design. While
receiving sporadic criticism from youth officials, the new look appealed to young readers
who were able to understand its insider’s references. With a certain delay and varying suc-
cess, other major youth magazines across the country, from Studentski list to Omladinske
novine (Youth Newspapers), tried to emulate Polet’s focus on images in the decade that
followed. Mainstream media were impressed as well, adopting the main visual art-related
features, while employing its architects who thus joined their ranks.
With this, the intriguing visual journey, on which the youth press set off at the end of the
1960s came to its logical end. Youth magazines saw the beginning of student politicization
as visually unappealing propaganda outlets of their publisher. In a little over a decade, they
turned into an alternative subcultural medium that treated form as equal to content, leaving
a profound mark beyond the youth press. No overview of Yugoslav graphic design could
be ever complete without insights into this complex and often random process, in whose
background the contours of Yugoslav late socialist youth culture can be discerned.
Ilustracije
Illustrations
_82
Ivan Manojlović
Dizajn za
novi svet
Ivan Manojlović
Design for
a New World
/ 1. / Skica / PREDLOG ZAŠTITNOG ZNAKA KLUBA STUDENATA TEHNIKE / Vasilije Perović / Beograd, 1974. / 21 x 29,7
cm / Pastel / Vlasništvo autora / PROPOSAL OF THE LOGO OF THE TECHNICAL STUDENTS CLUB / Vasilije Perović /
Belgrade, 1974. / 21 x 29.7 cm / Pastel / Owned by author / 2. / Plakat / SEDMI KONGRES SAVEZA KOMUNISTA HRVATSKE /
Mihailo Arsovski / Zagreb, 1974. / 69 x 96 cm / Ofset štampa / Iz fonda Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije / Poster / SEVENTH CONGRESS
OF THE LEAGUE OF COMMUNISTS OF CROATIA / Mihailo Arsovski / Zagreb, 1974 / 69 x 96 cm / Offset print / From
the collections of the Museum of Yugoslav History / 3. / Brošura / „PROLETER”, PRILEP - JUGOSLAVIJA / Beograd, godina
nepoznata / 22 cm / Iz fonda Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Brochure / PROLETER (PROLETARIAN), PRILEP - YUGOSLAVIA
/ Belgrade, year unknown / 22 cm / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia / 4. / Katalog / MEĐUNARODNA
IZLOŽBA LIVARSTVA / Beograd, 1969. / 23 cm / Iz fonda Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Catalogue / INTERNATIONAL
CASTINGS EXHIBITION / Belgrade, 1969 / 23 cm / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia / 5. / Brošura /
SEDAMNAESTO TAKMIČENJE ORAČA VOJVODINE I SMOTRA POLJOPRIVREDNE TEHNIKE / Novi Sad, 1974. / 22
cm / Iz fonda Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Brochure / SEVENTEENTH COMPETITION OF PLOUGHMEN OF VOJVODINA
AND AGRICULTURAL MACHINERY FAIR / Novi Sad, 1974 / 22 cm / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia /
6. / Brošura / TRINAESTO TAKMIČENJE METALSKIH RADNIKA VOJVODINE / Novi Sad, 1978. / 20 x 20 cm / Iz fonda
Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Brochure / THIRTEENTH COMPETITION OF METALWORKERS OF VOJVODINA / Novi Sad,
1978/20 x 20 cm / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia / 7. / Čestitka / TVORNICA RAČUNSKIH STROJEVA
ZAGREB / Zlatko Zrnec / Zagreb, 1960. / 9,3 × 21 cm / Sitotisak / Iz fonda Muzeja za umjetnost i obrt / GREETING CARD /
Zagreb Computing Machine Factory / Zlatko Zrnec / Zagreb, 1960 / 9.3 × 21 cm / Silk-screen print / From the collections of the
Museum of Arts and Crafts / 8. / Plakat / OMLADINSKE RADNE AKCIJE 1981. / Branko Gavrić / Beograd, 1981. / 58 x 84 cm
/ Ofset štampa / Vlasništvo autora / Poster / YOUTH LABOUR 1981 / Branko Gavrić / Belgrade, 1981 / 58 x 84 cm / Offset print
/ Owned by author / 9. / Plakat / DAN SAMOUPRAVLJAČA ‘76 / Mojsilović / Beograd, 1976. / 68 x 97,3 cm / Ofset štampa / Iz
fonda Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije / Poster / WORKER-MANAGERS’ DAY ‘76 / Mojsilović / Belgrade, 1976 / 68 x 97.3 cm / Offset
print / From the collections of the Museum of Yugoslav History / 10. / Plakat / DESETI KONGRES SAVEZA SOCIJALISTIČKE
OMLADINE SRBIJE / Radomir Vuković / Beograd, 1982. / 98 x 68 cm / Ofset štampa / Iz fonda Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije / Poster
/ TENTH CONGRESS OF THE LEAGUE OF SOCIALIST YOUTH OF SERBIA / Radomir Vuković / Belgrade, 1982 / 98
x 68 cm / Offset print / From the collections of the Museum of Yugoslav History / 11. / Plakat / SFR JUGOSLAVIJA 1945–1975
/ Aleksandar Pajvančić Aleks / Beograd, 1975. / 96 x 139 cm / Ofset štampa / Iz fonda Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije / Poster / SFR
YUGOSLAVIA 1945-1975 / Aleksandar Pajvančić Aleks / Belgrade, 1975 / 96 x 139 cm / Offset print / From the collections of
the Museum of Yugoslav History / 12. / Plakat / SEDMI KONGRES SAVEZA KOMUNISTA SRBIJE / Miloš Ćirić / Beograd,
1974. / 67 x 96 cm / Sito štampa / Iz fonda Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije / Poster / SEVENTH CONGRESS OF THE LEAGUE OF
COMMUNISTS OF SERBIA / Miloš Ćirić / Belgrade, 1974 / 67 x 96 cm / Silk-screen print / From the collections of the Museum of
Yugoslav History/
_83
/ 1. / Skica / PREDLOG ZAŠTITNOG ZNAKA KLUBA STUDENATA TEHNIKE / Vasilije Perović / Beograd, 1974. / 21 x 29,7 cm /
Pastel / Vlasništvo autora / PROPOSAL OF THE LOGO OF THE TECHNICAL STUDENTS CLUB / Vasilije Perović / Belgrade, 1974 /
21 x 29.7 cm / Pastel / Owned by author /
_84
/ 2. / Plakat / SEDMI KONGRES SAVEZA KOMUNISTA HRVATSKE / Mihailo Arsovski / Zagreb, 1974. / 69 x
96 cm / Ofset štampa / Iz fonda Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije / Poster / SEVENTH CONGRESS OF THE LEAGUE OF
COMMUNISTS OF CROATIA / Mihailo Arsovski / Zagreb, 1974 / 69 x 96 cm / Offset print / From the collections of the
Museum of Yugoslav History /
_85
/ 3. / Brošura / „PROLETER”, PRILEP - JUGOSLAVIJA / Beograd, / 4. / Katalog / MEĐUNARODNA IZLOŽBA LIVARSTVA /

godina nepoznata / 22 cm / Iz fonda Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Brochure Beograd, 1969. / 23 cm / Iz fonda Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Catalogue /
/ PROLETER (PROLETARIAN), PRILEP - YUGOSLAVIA / Belgrade, INTERNATIONAL CASTINGS EXHIBITION / Belgrade, 1969 / 23
year unknown / 22 cm / From the collections of the National Library of cm / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia /
Serbia /
/ 5. / Brošura / SEDAMNAESTO TAKMIČENJE ORAČA / 6. / Brošura / TRINAESTO TAKMIČENJE METALSKIH RADNIKA
VOJVODINE I SMOTRA POLJOPRIVREDNE TEHNIKE / Novi VOJVODINE / Novi Sad, 1978. / 20 x 20 cm / Iz fonda Narodne
Sad, 1974. / 22 cm / Iz fonda Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Brochure biblioteke Srbije / Brochure / THIRTEENTH COMPETITION OF
/ SEVENTEENTH COMPETITION OF PLOUGHMEN OF METALWORKERS OF VOJVODINA / Novi Sad, 1978 / 20 x 20 cm /
VOJVODINA AND AGRICULTURAL MACHINERY FAIR / Novi From the collections of the National Library of Serbia /
Sad, 1974 / 22 cm / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia /
_86
/ 7. / Čestitka / TVORNICA RAČUNSKIH STROJEVA ZAGREB / Zlatko Zrnec / Zagreb, 1960. / 9,3 × 21 cm /
Sitotisak / Iz fonda Muzeja za umjetnost i obrt / GREETING CARD / Zagreb Computing Machine Factory / Zlatko Zrnec /
Zagreb, 1960 / 9.3 × 21 cm / Silk-screen print / From the collections of the Museum of Arts and Crafts /
/ 8. / Plakat / OMLADINSKE RADNE AKCIJE 1981. / Branko Gavrić / 9. / Plakat / DAN SAMOUPRAVLJAČA ‘76 / Mojsilović / Beograd,
/ Beograd, 1981. / 58 x 84 cm / Ofset štampa / Vlasništvo autora / Poster / 1976. / 68 x 97,3 cm / Ofset štampa / Iz fonda Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije /
YOUTH LABOUR 1981 / Branko Gavrić / Belgrade, 1981 / 58 x 84 cm / Poster / WORKER-MANAGERS’ DAY ‘76 / Mojsilović / Belgrade, 1976 /
Offset print / Owned by author / 68 x 97.3 cm / Offset print / From the collections of the Museum of Yugoslav
History /
_87
/ 10. / Plakat / DESETI KONGRES SAVEZA SOCIJALISTIČKE OMLADINE SRBIJE / Radomir Vuković / Beograd, 1982. / 98 x 68 cm
/ Ofset štampa / Iz fonda Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije / Poster / TENTH CONGRESS OF THE LEAGUE OF SOCIALIST YOUTH OF
SERBIA / Radomir Vuković / Belgrade, 1982 / 98 x 68 cm / Offset print / From the collections of the Museum of Yugoslav History/
/ 11. / Plakat / SFR JUGOSLAVIJA 1945–1975 / Aleksandar Pajvančić / 12. / Plakat / SEDMI KONGRES SAVEZA KOMUNISTA SRBIJE /
Aleks / Beograd, 1975. / 96 x 139 cm / Ofset štampa / Iz fonda Muzeja Miloš Ćirić / Beograd, 1974. / 67 x 96 cm / Sito štampa / Iz fonda Muzeja
istorije Jugoslavije / Poster / SFR YUGOSLAVIA 1945-1975 / Aleksandar istorije Jugoslavije / Poster / SEVENTH CONGRESS OF THE LEAGUE
Pajvančić Aleks / Belgrade, 1975 / 96 x 139 cm / Offset print / From the OF COMMUNISTS OF SERBIA / Miloš Ćirić / Belgrade, 1974 / 67 x
collections of the Museum of Yugoslav History / 96 cm/Silk-screen print/From the collections of the Museum of Yugoslav
History/
_88
Koraljka Vlajo
Svakodnevica
državnih simbola
Koraljka Vlajo
Everyday Life
of State Symbols
/ 1. / Kutija šibica / GRB SFRJ / Tvornica šibica Drava / Osijek, 1950-1960. / Iz fonda Muzeja za umjetnost i obrt / Matchbox / COAT
OF ARMS OF THE SOCIALIST FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA / Drava Matchbox Factory / Osijek, 1950-1960 /
From the collections of the Museum of Arts and Crafts / 2. / KALENDAR ZA 1951. / Zagreb, 1950. / Iz fonda Muzeja za umjetnost i
obrt / 1951 Calendar / Zagreb, 1950 / From the collections of the Museum of Arts and Crafts / 3. / Plakat / 40 GODINA USTANKA
/ D. Andrić i R. Obradović / Beograd, 1981. / 50 x 70 cm / Ofset štampa / Iz fonda Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije / Poster / FOURTIETH
ANNIVERSARY OF THE UPRISING / D. Andrić and R. Obradović / Belgrade, 1981 / 50 x 70 cm / Offset printing / From the
collections of the Museum of Yugoslav History / 4. / Plakat / DAN MLADOSTI ‘81 / Branko Gavrić / Beograd, 1981. / 50 x 70 cm /
Ofset štampa / Vlasništvo autora / Poster / YOUTH DAY ‘81 / Branko Gavrić / Belgrade, 1981 / 50 x 70 cm / Offset print / Property
of the author/ 5. / Naslovna strana / Časopis Polet, br. 412 / Zagreb, 1989. / Iz fonda Muzeja za umjetnost i obrt / magazine cover /
Polet (Enthusiasm) Magazine, issue no. 412 / Zagreb, 1989 / From the collections of the Museum of Arts and Crafts / 6. / Ilustracija /
„GDJE IMA DIMA IMA I VATRE!“, časopis Danas od 29. 8. 1989. / Joško Marušić / Zagreb, 1989. / Iz fonda Muzeja za umjetnost
i obrt / Illustration / WHERE THERE’S SMOKE, THERE’S FIRE, Danas (Today) Magazine, August 29, 1989 / Joško Marušić /
Zagreb, 1989. / From the collections of the Museum of Arts and Crafts/ 7. / Plakat / DESETI KONGRES SAVEZA KOMUNISTA
HRVATSKE / Boris Ljubičić / Zagreb, 1985. / 70 x 100 cm / Sito štampa / Iz fonda Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije / Poster / TENTH
CONGRESS OF THE LEAGUE OF COMMUNISTS OF CROATIA / Boris Ljubičić / Zagreb, 1985 / 70 x 100 / Silk-screen print
/ From the collections of the Museum of Yugoslav History / 8. / Plakat / GORKI ŽUVELA / Boris Bućan / Zagreb, 1976. / Iz fonda
Muzeja za umjetnost i obrt / Poster / GORKI ŽUVELA / Boris Bućan / Zagreb, 1976 / From the collections of the Museum of Arts
and Crafts / 9. / Plakat / IZLOŽBA SLIKARSTVA I KIPARSTVA NARODA JUGOSLAVIJE / Nakladni zavod Hrvatske, Zagreb
/ Zagreb, 1947. / Iz fonda Muzeja za umjetnost i obrt / Poster / EXHIBITION OF PAINTINGS AND SCULPTURES CREATED
BY THE PEOPLES OF YUGOSLAVIA / Croatian Publishing Institute, Zagreb / Zagreb, 1947 / From the collections of the Museum
of Arts and Crafts / 10. / ELEMENTI VIZUELNOG IDENTITETA YASSA / Dizajn vizualnog identiteta YASSA: Boris Ljubičić
(1974) / Dizajn vizualnog identiteta za YU Team na Zimskim olimpijskim igrama: Boris Ljubičić (1984), Tim vizualne komunikacije
CIO Zagreb (1984) / Iz fonda Muzeja za umjetnost i obrt / YASSA - VISUAL IDENTITY ELEMENTS / YASSA visual identity
design: Boris Ljubičić (1974) / Visual identity design for Team Yugoslavia at the 1984 Winter Olympic Games / Boris Ljubičić; CIO
(Centre for Industrial Design) Visual Communications Team Zagreb, 1984 / From the collections of the Museum of Arts and Crafts
/ 11. / Mapa / PRIRUČNIK GRAFIČKOG LIKA SODASO / Dušan Brajić, Jani Bavčer / Ljubljana, 1978. / Iz fonda Muzeja za
umjetnost i obrt / Portfolio / SODASO GRAPHICS MANUAL / Dušan Brajić, Jani Bavčer / Ljubljana, 1978 / From the collections
of the Museum of Arts and Crafts / 12. / AMBALAŽA ZA CIGARETE BENSTON / Tvornica duhana Zagreb / Iz fonda Muzeja za
umjetnost i obrt / BENSTON CIGARETTE PACKAGING / Zagreb Tobacco Factory / From the collections of the Museum of Arts
and Crafts/
_89
/ 1. / Kutija šibica / GRB SFRJ / Tvornica šibica Drava / Osijek, 1950-1960. / Iz fonda Muzeja za umjetnost i obrt / Matchbox / COAT OF
ARMS OF THE SOCIALIST FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA / Drava Matchbox Factory / Osijek, 1950-1960 / From the
collections of the Museum of Arts and Crafts /
_90
/ 2. / KALENDAR ZA 1951. / Zagreb, 1950. / Iz fonda Muzeja za umjetnost i obrt / 1951 Calendar / Zagreb, 1950 / From
the collections of the Museum of Arts and Crafts /
_91
/ 3. / Plakat / 40 GODINA USTANKA / D. Andrić i R. Obradović / / 4. / Plakat / DAN MLADOSTI ‘81 / Branko Gavrić / Beograd, 1981.
Beograd, 1981. / 50 x 70 cm / Ofset štampa / Iz fonda Muzeja istorije / 50 x 70 cm / Ofset štampa / Vlasništvo autora / Poster / YOUTH DAY
Jugoslavije / Poster / FOURTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF THE ‘81 / Branko Gavrić / Belgrade, 1981 / 50 x 70 cm / Offset print/Property
UPRISING / D. Andrić and R. Obradović / Belgrade, 1981 / 50x70 cm / of the author /
Offset printing / From the collections of the Museum of Yugoslav History /
/ 5. / Naslovna strana / Časopis Polet, br. 412 / Zagreb, 1989. / Iz fonda / 6. / Ilustracija / „GDJE IMA DIMA IMA I VATRE!“, časopis Danas od
Muzeja za umjetnost i obrt / magazine cover / Polet (Enthusiasm) Magazine, 29. 8. 1989. / Joško Marušić / Zagreb, 1989. / Iz fonda Muzeja za umjetnost
issue no. 412 / Zagreb, 1989 / From the collections of the Museum of Arts i obrt / Illustration / WHERE THERE’S SMOKE, THERE’S FIRE, Danas
and Crafts / (Today) Magazine, August 29, 1989. / Joško Marušić / Zagreb, 1989 / From
the collections of the Museum of Arts and Crafts /
_92
/ 7. / Plakat / DESETI KONGRES SAVEZA KOMUNISTA HRVATSKE / Boris Ljubičić / Zagreb, 1985. / 70 x
100 cm / Sito štampa / Iz fonda Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije / Poster / TENTH CONGRESS OF THE LEAGUE OF
COMMUNISTS OF CROATIA / Boris Ljubičić / Zagreb, 1985 / 70 x 100 / Silk-screen print / From the collections of the
Museum of Yugoslav History /
/ 8. / Plakat / GORKI ŽUVELA / Boris Bućan / Zagreb, 1976. / Iz fonda / 9. / Plakat / IZLOŽBA SLIKARSTVA I KIPARSTVA NARODA
Muzeja za umjetnost i obrt / Poster / GORKI ŽUVELA / Boris Bućan / JUGOSLAVIJE / Nakladni zavod Hrvatske, Zagreb / Zagreb, 1947.
Zagreb, 1976 / From the collections of the Museum of Arts and Crafts / / Iz fonda Muzeja za umjetnost i obrt / Poster / EXHIBITION OF
PAINTINGS AND SCULPTURES CREATED BY THE PEOPLES OF
YUGOSLAVIA / Croatian Publishing Institute, Zagreb / Zagreb, 1947 /
From the collections of the Museum of Arts and Crafts /
_93
/ 10. / ELEMENTI VIZUELNOG IDENTITETA YASSA / Dizajn vizualnog identiteta YASSA: Boris Ljubičić (1974) / Dizajn vizualnog
identiteta za YU Team na Zimskim olimpijskim igrama: Boris Ljubičić (1984), Tim vizualne komunikacije CIO Zagreb (1984) / Iz fonda Muzeja
za umjetnost i obrt / YASSA - VISUAL IDENTITY ELEMENTS / YASSA visual identity design: Boris Ljubičić (1974) / Visual identity design
for Team Yugoslavia at the 1984 Winter Olympic Games / Boris Ljubičić; CIO (Centre for Industrial Design) Visual Communications Team
Zagreb, 1984 / From the collections of the Museum of Arts and Crafts /
/ 11. / Mapa / PRIRUČNIK GRAFIČKOG LIKA SODASO / Dušan / 12. / AMBALAŽA ZA CIGARETE BENSTON / Tvornica duhana
Brajić, Jani Bavčer / Ljubljana, 1978. / Iz fonda Muzeja za umjetnost i obrt / Zagreb / Iz fonda Muzeja za umjetnost i obrt / BENSTON CIGARETTE
Portfolio / SODASO GRAPHICS MANUAL / Dušan Brajić, Jani Bavčer / PACKAGING / Zagreb Tobacco Factory / From the collections of the
Ljubljana, 1978 / From the collections of the Museum of Arts and Crafts / Museum of Arts and Crafts /
_94
Cvetka Požar
Građenje i rušenje slike
socijalističke države
kroz plakat i vizuelni
identitet
Cvetka Požar
The Building and
Destruction of the
Image of Socialist State
through Posters and
Visual Identity
/ 1. / Plakat / OSVOBOJENI GRADIMO / Janez Trpin / Ljubljana, 1945. / 69 x 99 cm / Ofset štampa / © Muzej za arhitekturu i
dizajn, Ljubljana / Poster / WE BUILD FREE / Janez Trpin / Ljubljana, 1945 / 69 x 99 cm / Offset print / © Museum of Architecture
and Design, Ljubljana./ 2. / Plakat / SMRAD OPERA / Matjaž Vipotnik / Ljubljana, 1982. / 135 x 97,3 cm / Sito štampa / © Muzej
za arhitekturu i dizajn, Ljubljana / Poster / STENCH OPERA / Matjaž Vipotnik / Ljubljana, 1982 / 135 x 97.3 cm / Silk-screen
print / © Museum of Architecture and Design, Ljubljana./ 3. / Plakat / EST CE QUE L’AVENIR EST DÉJA VENU? (DA LI JE
BUDUĆNOST VEĆ STIGLA?) / Matjaž Vipotnik / Ljubljana, 1983. / © Muzej za arhitekturu i dizajn, Ljubljana / Poster / EST CE
QUE L’AVENIR EST DÉJA VENU? (HAS THE FUTURE ALREADY COME?) / Matjaž Vipotnik / Ljubljana, 1983 / © Museum
of Architecture and Design, Ljubljana. / 4. / Plakat / DEVETI KONGRES ZSMS / Matjaž Vipotnik / Ljubljana, 1974. / 68,7 x 98,5
cm / Sito štampa / © Muzej za arhitekturu i dizajn, Ljubljana / Poster / NINETH CONGRESS OF THE LEAGUE OF SOCIALIST
YOUTH OF SLOVENIA / Matjaž Vipotnik / Ljubljana, 1974 / 68.7 x 98.5 / Silk-screen print / © Museum of Architecture and Design,
Ljubljana./ 5. / Plakat / SMRT IDEOLOGIJE / Laibach / 1982. / 61,9 x 100 cm / Sito štampa / © Muzej za arhitekturu i dizajn,
Ljubljana / Poster / DEATH OF IDEOLOGY / Laibach / 1982 / 61.9 x 100 cm / Silk-screen print / © Museum of Architecture and
Design, Ljubljana. / 6. / Plakat / OSMI KONGRES ZKS / Miljenko Licul, Ranko Novak, Janez Koželj, Dušan Benko, Milan Zornik
/ Ljubljana, 1978. / 67,5 x 97,5 cm / Ofset štampa / © Muzej za arhitekturu i dizajn, Ljubljana / Poster / EIGHT CONGRESS OF
THE LEAGUE OF COMMUNISTS OF SLOVENIA / Miljenko Licul, Ranko Novak, Janez Koželj, Dušan Benko, Milan Zornik /
Ljubljana, 1978 / 67.5 x 97.5 cm / Offset print / © Museum of Architecture and Design, Ljubljana./ 7. / Plakat / OSMI KONGRES
ZKS / Miljenko Licul, Ranko Novak, Janez Koželj, Dušan Benko, Milan Zornik / Ljubljana, 1978. / 67,5 x 97,5 cm / Ofset štampa / ©
Muzej za arhitekturu i dizajn, Ljubljana / Poster / EIGHT CONGRESS OF THE LEAGUE OF COMMUNISTS OF SLOVENIA /
Miljenko Licul, Ranko Novak, Janez Koželj, Dušan Benko, Milan Zornik / Ljubljana, 1978 / 67.5 x 97.5 cm / Offset print / © Museum
of Architecture and Design, Ljubljana. / 8. / Plakat / MISSA IN A MINOR (MISA U A-MOLU) / Matjaž Vipotnik / Ljubljana, 1980.
/ 67 x 96,8 cm / Sito štampa / © Muzej za arhitekturu i dizajn, Ljubljana /Poster / MISSA IN A MINOR / Matjaž Vipotnik / Ljubljana,
1980 / 67 x 96.8 cm / Silk-screen print / © Museum of Architecture and Design, Ljubljana./ 9. / Plakat / DAN MLADOSTI / Novi
kolektivizam / Ljubljana, 1978. / 70 x 100 cm / Sito štampa / © Muzej za arhitekturu i dizajn, Ljubljana / Poster / YOUTH DAY / Novi
kolektivizam (New Collectivism) / Ljubljana, 1978 / 70 x 100 cm / Silk-screen print / © Museum of Architecture and Design, Ljubljana /
/ 1. / Plakat / OSVOBOJENI GRADIMO / Janez Trpin / Ljubljana, 1945. / 69 x 99 cm / Ofset štampa / © Muzej za arhitekturu i dizajn,
Ljubljana /Poster / WE BUILD FREE / Janez Trpin / Ljubljana, 1945 / 69 x 99 cm / Offset print / © Museum of Architecture and Design,
Ljubljana /
_96
/ 2. / Plakat / SMRAD OPERA / Matjaž Vipotnik / Ljubljana, 1982. / 135 x 97,3 cm / Sito štampa / © Muzej za arhitekturu
i dizajn, Ljubljana / Poster / STENCH OPERA / Matjaž Vipotnik / Ljubljana, 1982 / 135 x 97.3 cm / Silk-screen print / ©
Museum of Architecture and Design, Ljubljana /
/ 3. / Plakat / EST CE QUE L’AVENIR EST DÉJA VENU? (DA LI JE BUDUĆNOST VEĆ STIGLA?) / Matjaž Vipotnik
/ Ljubljana, 1983. / © Muzej za arhitekturu i dizajn, Ljubljana / Poster / EST CE QUE L’AVENIR EST DÉJA VENU?
(HAS THE FUTURE ALREADY COME?) / Matjaž Vipotnik / Ljubljana, 1983 / © Museum of Architecture and Design,
Ljubljana /
/ 4. / Plakat / DEVETI KONGRES ZSMS / Matjaž Vipotnik / Ljubljana, 1974. / 68,7 x 98,5 cm / Sito štampa / © Muzej za arhitekturu i dizajn,
Ljubljana / Poster / NINETH CONGRESS OF THE LEAGUE OF SOCIALIST YOUTH OF SLOVENIA / Matjaž Vipotnik / Ljubljana,
1974 / 68.7 x 98.5 / Silk-screen print / © Museum of Architecture and Design, Ljubljana /
_98
/ 5. / Plakat / SMRT IDEOLOGIJE / Laibach / 1982. / 61,9 x 100 cm / Sito štampa / © Muzej za arhitekturu i dizajn,
Ljubljana / Poster / DEATH OF IDEOLOGY / Laibach / 1982 / 61.9 x 100 cm / Silk-screen print / © Museum of
Architecture and Design, Ljubljana /
/ 6. / Plakat / OSMI KONGRES ZKS / Miljenko Licul, Ranko Novak, / 7. / Plakat / OSMI KONGRES ZKS / Miljenko Licul, Ranko Novak,
Janez Koželj, Dušan Benko, Milan Zornik / Ljubljana, 1978. / 67,5 x 97,5 Janez Koželj, Dušan Benko, Milan Zornik / Ljubljana, 1978. / 67,5 x 97,5
cm / Ofset štampa / © Muzej za arhitekturu i dizajn, Ljubljana // Poster cm / Ofset štampa / © Muzej za arhitekturu i dizajn, Ljubljana / Poster /
/ EIGHT CONGRESS OF THE LEAGUE OF COMMUNISTS OF EIGHT CONGRESS OF THE LEAGUE OF COMMUNISTS OF
SLOVENIA / Miljenko Licul, Ranko Novak, Janez Koželj, Dušan Benko, SLOVENIA / Miljenko Licul, Ranko Novak, Janez Koželj, Dušan Benko,
Milan Zornik / Ljubljana, 1978 / 67.5 x 97.5 cm / Offset print / © Museum Milan Zornik / Ljubljana, 1978 / 67.5 x 97.5 cm / Offset print / © Museum
of Architecture and Design, Ljubljana / of Architecture and Design, Ljubljana /
/ 8. / Plakat / MISSA IN A MINOR (MISA U A-MOLU) / Matjaž / 9. / Plakat / DAN MLADOSTI / Novi kolektivizam / Ljubljana, 1978.
Vipotnik / Ljubljana, 1980. / 67 x 96,8 cm / Sito štampa / © Muzej za / 70 x 100 cm / Sito štampa / © Muzej za arhitekturu i dizajn, Ljubljana /
arhitekturu i dizajn, Ljubljana /Poster / MISSA IN A MINOR / Matjaž Poster / YOUTH DAY / Novi kolektivizam (New Collectivism) / Ljubljana,
Vipotnik / Ljubljana, 1980 / 67 x 96.8 cm / Silk-screen print / © Museum of 1978 / 70 x 100 cm / Silk-screen print / © Museum of Architecture and
Architecture and Design, Ljubljana / Design, Ljubljana /
_100
Lana Cavar i Narcisa Vukojević

Proizvodnja
znakova za
novi svijet
Lana Cavar and Narcisa Vukojević

The Production
of Logos for a
New World
Kemijski kombinat Čelik, Križevci Svilana, Osijek Čateks, Čakovec
Ivanićplast, Ivanić Grad Adriamont, Rijeka YASSA Antilop, Zagreb
Biserka, Zagreb Poljotehnika, Osijek Jadran, Zagreb SOUR Šibenka, Šibenik
25. maj, SOUR ITKLI, Labin Jugovinil, Kaštel Sućurac Splitska banka, Split Interpublic, Zagreb
_102
Belje, Darda Cetinka, Trilj Državni osiguravajući zavod, Zagreb Elektroprenos, Zagreb
Elektrotehna, Zagreb Enol, Klara–Zagreb Fotokemika, Zagreb Generalinvest, Zagreb
Gorica, Dugo Selo Grafos, Zagreb Ivan Šikić, Zagreb Ivica Lovinčić, Zagreb
Josip Kraš, Karlovac Jugokeramika, Zagreb Jugokeramika, Zagreb Kontakt, Zagreb

L. R. C., Zagreb Litokarton, Osijek Meba, Zagreb Metalplastika, Makarska
Mobilia-commerce, Zagreb Nikola Mašanović, Dubrovnik OLT, Osijek Oxicolor, Sisak
Pluto, Zagreb RIZ—Radio–industrija Zagreb TAZ, Zagreb TT (TEŽ i Tesla), Zagreb.
Tehničar, Zagreb Textil, Zagreb Vukovarska tekstilna industrija, Vukovar Zagrebačka pivovara
_104
Ana Radovanović
Saveta i Slobodan
Mašić i Dragan
Stojanovski kao kulturni
radnici jugoslovenske
dizajnerske scene
Ana Radovanović
Saveta and Slobodan
Mašić and Dragan
Stojanovski as Cultural
Workers in the Yugoslav
Design Scene
/ 1. / Katalog / DRUGI MEĐUNARODNI FILMSKI FESTIVAL, FEST ‘72 / Saveta i Slobodan Mašić / Beograd, 1972. / 24
cm / Iz fonda Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Catalogue / SECOND INTERNATIONAL FILM FESTIVAL, FEST ‘72 / Saveta and
Slobodan Mašić / Belgrade, 1972 / 24 cm / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia / 2. / Plakat / STUDENTSKI
KULTURNI CENTAR POVODOM DANA SAMOUPRAVLJAČA / Grafička radionica SKC / Beograd, 1977. / 100 x 71 cm / Sito
štampa / Iz fonda Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Poster / STUDENT CULTURAL CENTRE MARKING WORKER-MANAGERS’
DAY / Student Cultural Centre Graphic Workshop / Belgrade, 1977 / 100 x 71 cm / Silk-screen print / From the collections of the
National Library of Serbia / 3. / Plakat / IZLOŽBA DOKUMENATA IZ MUZEJA „MARX-ENGELS”, TRIR, SR NEMAČKA /
Grafička radionica SKC / Beograd, 1978. / 100 x 71 cm / Sito štampa / Iz fonda Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Poster / EXHIBITION
OF DOCUMENTS FROM THE MARX-ENGELS MUSEUM, Trier, Federal Republic of Germany / Student Cultural Centre
Graphic Workshop / Belgrade, 1978 / 100 x 71 cm / Silk-screen print / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia / 4. /
Plakat / APRIL 14. MEETING (APRILSKI SUSRETI) / Grafička radionica SKC / Beograd, 1977. / 70 x 50 cm / Sito štampa / Iz
fonda Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Poster / APRIL 14. MEETING / Student Cultural Centre Graphic Workshop / Belgrade, 1977
/ 70 x 50 cm / Silk-screen print / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia / 5. / Katalog / DEVETI BEOGRADSKI
INTERNACIONALNI TEATARSKI FESTIVAL, BITEF 9 / Saveta i Slobodan Mašić / Beograd, 1975. / 24 cm / Iz fonda
Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Catalogue / NINTH BELGRADE INTERNATIONAL THEATRE FESTIVAL, BITEF 9 / Saveta and
Slobodan Mašić / Belgrade, 1975 / 24 cm / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia / 6. / Katalog / JEDANAESTI
BEOGRADSKI INTERNACIONALNI TEATARSKI FESTIVAL, BITEF 11 / Saveta i Slobodan Mašić / Beograd, 1977. / 25
cm / Iz fonda Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Catalogue / ELEVENTH BELGRADE INTERNATIONAL THEATRE FESTIVAL,
BITEF 11 / Saveta and Slobodan Mašić / Belgrade, 1977 / 25 cm / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia / 7. /
Katalog / ŠESTI MEĐUNARODNI FILMSKI FESTIVAL, FEST ‘76 / Saveta i Slobodan Mašić / Beograd, 1976. / 24 cm / Iz fonda
Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Catalogue / SIXTH INTERNATIONAL FILM FESTIVAL, FEST ‘76 / Saveta and Slobodan Mašić /
Belgrade, 1976 / 24 cm / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia / 8. / Katalog / SEDAMNAESTI BEOGRADSKI
INTERNACIONALNI TEATARSKI FESTIVAL, BITEF 17 / Saveta i Slobodan Mašić / Beograd, 1983. / 24 cm / Iz fonda Narodne
biblioteke Srbije / Catalogue / SEVENTEENTH BELGRADE INTERNATIONAL THEATRE FESTIVAL, BITEF 17 / Saveta and
Slobodan Mašić / Belgrade, 1983 / 24 cm / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia/
/ 1. / Katalog / DRUGI MEĐUNARODNI FILMSKI FESTIVAL, FEST ‘72 / Saveta i Slobodan Mašić / Beograd, 1972. / 24 cm / Iz fonda
Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Catalogue / SECOND INTERNATIONAL FILM FESTIVAL, FEST ‘72 / Saveta and Slobodan Mašić / Belgrade,
1972 / 24 cm / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia /
_106
/ 2. / Plakat / STUDENTSKI KULTURNI CENTAR POVODOM DANA SAMOUPRAVLJAČA / Grafička radionica SKC / Beograd,
1977. / 100 x 71 cm / Sito štampa / Iz fonda Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Poster / STUDENT CULTURAL CENTRE MARKING WORKER-
MANAGERS’ DAY / Student Cultural Centre Graphic Workshop / Belgrade, 1977 / 100 x 71 cm / Silk-screen print / From the collections of
the National Library of Serbia /
_108
/ 3. / Plakat / IZLOŽBA DOKUMENATA IZ MUZEJA „MARX-ENGELS”, TRIR, SR NEMAČKA / Grafička radionica

SKC / Beograd, 1978. / 100 x 71 cm / Sito štampa / Iz fonda Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Poster / EXHIBITION OF
DOCUMENTS FROM THE MARX-ENGELS MUSEUM, Trier, Federal Republic of Germany / Student Cultural Centre
Graphic Workshop / Belgrade, 1978 / 100 x 71 cm / Silk-screen print / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia /
/ 4. / Plakat / APRIL 14. MEETING (APRILSKI SUSRETI) / Grafička radionica SKC / Beograd, 1977. / 70 x 50 cm / Sito
štampa / Iz fonda Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Poster / APRIL 14. MEETING / Student Cultural Centre Graphic Workshop /
Belgrade, 1977 / 70 x 50 cm / Silk-screen print / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia /
/ 5. / Katalog / DEVETI BEOGRADSKI INTERNACIONALNI / 6. / Katalog / JEDANAESTI BEOGRADSKI INTERNACIONALNI

TEATARSKI FESTIVAL, BITEF 9 / Saveta i Slobodan Mašić / Beograd, TEATARSKI FESTIVAL, BITEF 11 / Saveta i Slobodan Mašić /
1975. / 24 cm / Iz fonda Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Catalogue / NINTH Beograd, 1977. / 25 cm / Iz fonda Narodne biblioteke Srbije / Catalogue /
BELGRADE INTERNATIONAL THEATRE FESTIVAL, BITEF 9 / ELEVENTH BELGRADE INTERNATIONAL THEATRE FESTIVAL,
Saveta and Slobodan Mašić / Belgrade, 1975 / 24 cm / From the collections BITEF 11 / Saveta and Slobodan Mašić / Belgrade, 1977 / 25 cm / From the
of the National Library of Serbia / collections of the National Library of Serbia /
/ 7. /Katalog / ŠESTI MEĐUNARODNI FILMSKI FESTIVAL, FEST / 8. / Katalog / SEDAMNAESTI BEOGRADSKI
‘76 / Saveta i Slobodan Mašić / Beograd, 1976. / 24 cm / Iz fonda Narodne INTERNACIONALNI TEATARSKI FESTIVAL, BITEF 17 / Saveta i
biblioteke Srbije / Catalogue / SIXTH INTERNATIONAL FILM Slobodan Mašić / Beograd, 1983. / 24 cm / Iz fonda Narodne biblioteke
FESTIVAL, FEST ‘76 / Saveta and Slobodan Mašić / Belgrade, 1976 / 24 Srbije / Catalogue / SEVENTEENTH BELGRADE INTERNATIONAL
cm / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia / THEATRE FESTIVAL, BITEF 17 / Saveta and Slobodan Mašić / Belgrade,
1983 / 24 cm / From the collections of the National Library of Serbia /
_110
Marko Zubak
Od politike
do stila: omladinski
novinski dizajn
(1968-1980)
Marko Zubak
From Politics
to Style:
The Design
of Youth Press
(1968-1980)
/ 1. / Naslovna strana / Časopis Polet, br. 23 / Mihailo Arsovski / Zagreb, 1968. / 27 cm / Cover page. Polet (Enthusiasm) Magazine,
no. 23 / Mihailo Arsovski / Zagreb, 1968 / 27 cm / 2. / Reklamni plakat / Časopis Omladinski tjednik, br. 99 / Zagreb, 1970. / 34 cm /
Poster advertisement. Omladinski tjednik (Youth Weekly) Magazine, no. 99 / Zagreb, 1970 / 34 cm / 3. / Članak / „Kako voditi ljubav
na 101 način“, časopis Susret, br. 99 / Slobodan Mašić / Beograd, 1969. / 41 cm / Article / 101 Ways of Making Love, Susret (Encounter)
Magazine, no. 99 / Slobodan Mašić / Belgrade, 1969 / 41 cm / 4. / Članak / „Pravila za jednu seksualnu revoluciju“, časopis Susret, br. 96
/ Slobodan Mašić / Beograd, 1969. / 41 cm / Article / The Rules for a Sexual Revolution, Susret (Encounter) Magazine, no. 96 / Slobodan
Mašić / Belgrade, 1969 / 41 cm / 5. / Članak / „Akademija erotike“, časopis Susret, br. 78 / Slobodan Mašić / Beograd, 1968. / 41 cm
/ Article / The Academy of Eroticism, Susret (Encounter) Magazine, no. 78 / Slobodan Mašić / Belgrade, 1968 / 41 cm / 6. / Naslovna
strana / Časopis Vidici, br. 146 / Florijan Hajdu / Beograd, 1970. / 27 cm / Cover page / Vidici (Views) Magazine, no. 146 / Florijan
Hajdu / Belgrade, 1970 / 27 cm / 7. / Naslovna strana / Časopis Pop-Express, br. 5 / Mihailo Arsovski / Zagreb, 1969. / 27 cm / Cover
page / Pop-Express Magazine, no. 5 / Mihailo Arsovski / Zagreb, 1969 / 27 cm / 8. / Članak u rubrici Freaking Out / Časopis Tribuna,
br. 15 / Kostja Gatnik / Ljubljana, 1971. / 34 cm / Article in the Freaking Out column. Tribuna (The Tribune) Magazine, no. 15 / Kostja
Gatnik / Ljubljana, 1971 / 34cm / 9. / Članak u rubrici Freaking Out / Časopis Tribuna, br. 1 / Kostja Gatnik / Ljubljana, 1970. / 34
cm / Article in the Freaking Out column / Tribuna (The Tribune) Magazine, no. 1 / Kostja Gatnik / Ljubljana, 1970 / 34 cm / 10. /
Članak u rubrici Freaking Out / Časopis Tribuna, br. 17 / Kostja Gatnik / Ljubljana, 1971. / 34 cm / Article in the Freaking Out column
/ Tribuna (The Tribune) Magazine, no. 17 / Kostja Gatnik / Ljubljana, 1971 / 34 cm / 11. / Naslovna strana / Časopis Pop-Express, br. 7
/ Mihailo Arsovski / Zagreb, 1969. / 27 cm / Cover page / Pop-Express Magazine, no. 7 / Mihailo Arsovski / Zagreb, 1969 / 27 cm /
(1968-1980) (1968-1980)
/ 1. / Naslovna strana / Časopis Polet, br. 23 / Mihailo Arsovski / Zagreb, 1968. / 27 cm / Cover page / Polet (Enthusiasm) Magazine, no. 23 /
Mihailo Arsovski / Zagreb, 1968 / 27 cm /
_112
/ 2. / Reklamni plakat / Časopis Omladinski tjednik, br. 99 / Zagreb, 1970. / 34 cm / Poster advertisement / Omladinski tjednik (Youth Weekly) Magazine,
no. 99 / Zagreb, 1970 / 34 cm /
(1968-1980) (1968-1980)
/ 3. / Članak / „Kako voditi ljubav na 101 način“, časopis Susret, br. 99 / / 4. / Članak / „Pravila za jednu seksualnu revoluciju“, časopis Susret, br.
Slobodan Mašić / Beograd, 1969. / 41 cm / Article / 101 Ways of Making 96 / Slobodan Mašić / Beograd, 1969. / 41 cm / Article / The Rules for a
Love, Susret (Encounter) Magazine, no. 99 / Slobodan Mašić / Belgrade, Sexual Revolution, Susret (Encounter) Magazine, no. 96 / Slobodan Mašić /
1969 / 41 cm / Belgrade, 1969 / 41 cm /
/ 5. / Članak / „Akademija erotike“, časopis Susret, br. 78 / Slobodan / 6. / Naslovna strana / Časopis Vidici, br. 146 / Florijan Hajdu / Beograd,
Mašić / Beograd, 1968. / 41 cm / Article / The Academy of Eroticism, Susret 1970. / 27 cm / Cover page / Vidici (Views) Magazine, no. 146 / Florijan
(Encounter) Magazine, no. 78 / Slobodan Mašić / Belgrade, 1968 / 41 cm / Hajdu / Belgrade, 1970 / 27 cm /
_114
/ 7. / Naslovna strana / Časopis Pop-Express, br. 5 / Mihailo Arsovski / / 8. / Članak u rubrici Freaking Out / Časopis Tribuna, br. 15 / Kostja
Zagreb, 1969. / 27 cm / Cover page / Pop-Express Magazine, no. 5 / Mihailo Gatnik / Ljubljana, 1971. / 34 cm / Article in the Freaking Out column /
Arsovski / Zagreb, 1969 / 27 cm / Tribuna (The Tribune) Magazine, no. 15 / Kostja Gatnik / Ljubljana, 1971
/ 34cm /
/ 9. / Članak u rubrici Freaking Out / Časopis Tribuna, br. 1 / Kostja Gatnik / 10. / Članak u rubrici Freaking Out / Časopis Tribuna, br. 17 / Kostja
/ Ljubljana, 1970. / 34 cm / Article in the Freaking Out column / Tribuna Gatnik / Ljubljana, 1971. / 34 cm / Article in the Freaking Out column /
(The Tribune) Magazine, no. 1 / Kostja Gatnik / Ljubljana, 1970 / 34 cm / Tribuna (The Tribune) Magazine, no. 17 / Kostja Gatnik / Ljubljana, 1971
/ 34 cm /
(1968-1980) (1968-1980)
/ 11. / Naslovna strana / Časopis Pop-Express, br. 7 / Mihailo Arsovski / Zagreb, 1969. / 27 cm / Cover page / Pop-Express Magazine, no. 7 / Mihailo
Arsovski / Zagreb, 1969 / 27 cm /
CIP - Каталогизација у публикацији -

Народна библиотека Србије, Београд
766:659.133.1(497.1)(084.12)
766:316.75(497.11)
DIZAJN za novi svet = Design for a New World

/ [autori tekstova / Essey
authors Lana Cavar ... [et al] ; prevod na engle-
ski/Translation into
English Jelena Bajić, Zoran Ž. Paunović]. - Beo-
grad : Muzej istorije
Jugoslavije = The Museum of Yugoslav History,
2015 (Beograd : DMD
štamparija). - 115 str. : ilustr. ; 24 cm
Srp. tekst i engl. prevod. - ‘Ova publikacija je

objavljena povodom izložbe
Dizajn za novi svet, zajedničkog projekta Muze-
ja istorije Jugoslavije
(MIJ), Beograd i Muzeja za umjetnost i obrt
(MUO), Zagreb’ --> kolofon. -
Tiraž 500. - Napomene i bibliografske reference
uz tekst.
ISBN 978-86-84811-32-7
1. Up. stv. nasl. 2. Цавар, Лана [аутор] 3.
Зубак, Марко [аутор] 4.
Манојловић, Иван [аутор] 5. Пожар, Цветка
[аутор] 6. Радовановић, Ана
[аутор] 7. Влајо, Кораљка [аутор] 8.
Вукојевић, Нарциса [аутор]
a) Плакати - Југославија b) Графички дизајн
- Политичка идеологија -
Југославија
COBISS.SR-ID 220133900
Dizajn za novi svet / Design for a New World
978-86-84811-32-7

2015 Dizajn Za Novi Svet WEB

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Dizajn za novi svet / Design for a New World

Izdavač: Muzej istorije Jugoslavije

Partneri projekta / Project partners:

Realizaciju izložbe i publikacije omogućilo je

Muzej istorije Jugoslavije

SADRŽAJ / TABLE OF CONTENTS

46 Lana Cavar i Narcisa Vukojević

100 Lana Cavar i Narcisa Vukojević

104 Ana Radovanović

110 Marko Zubak

„Yugoslavia” namenjenog vizuelnom predstavljanju učešća Saveza na zajedničkoj konfe-

3 P. Kotler, K. L. Keller, Marketing menadžment, Mate, Zagreb, 1997.

U počecima postojanja države partija je posvećivala veliku pažnju kulturi i umetnosti,

6 Predrag J. Marković, Trajnost i promena, Službeni glasnik, Beograd, 2012, 56.

12 Dejan Kršić, „Grafički dizajn i vizuelne komunikacije 1950-1975“, u: Socijalizam i

11 Što, kako i za koga, Modernizam i njegovo nezadovoljstvo: Hrvatska avangarda pedesetih

na talasu modernističke apstrakcije odbacuju radnike, zupčanike i fabričke dimnjake zame-

17 Dejan Kršić, „Grafički dizajn i vizuelne komunikacije 1950–1975, u: Socijalizam i

Translated by Jelena Bajić

17 Dejan Kršić, Ibid., 280

Službeni i neslužbeni državni simboli u SFRJ

3 Ruganje državnim simbolima gorka je pilula i za najdemokratskije sisteme: recimo, izvođenje

2 Luthar, Breda (Editor), Pusnik, Marusa (Editor): Remembering Utopia: The Culture of

Official and unofficial state symbols in

Upotreba državnih simbola

5 Kao kuriozitet, a vezano uz nedavne žestoke rasprave o mogućom svođenju grafički

The changes of meaning

The use of state symbols

Državni simboli u službu ekonomije vraćaju se kasnih sedamdesetih i osamdesetih go-

boji jugoslavenske zastave (plavo-bijelo-crveno). Nakon raspada, linijama je naprosto zami-

10 Primjerice Vipotnikovi plakati za Slovensko Mladinsko Gledališće, plakat Stefana Borote

11 Danas, 29. 8. 1989., ilustracija: Joško Marušić.

Translated by Jelena Bajić

11 Danas (Today), August 29, 1989, illustration: Joško Marušić

U Jugoslaviji u doba socijalizma (1945–1991) propaganda je bila značajan faktor afirmacije

Plakat kao sredstvo agitacije i propagande

The posters as means of agitation and propaganda

Vizuelni identitet partijskih i drugih kongresa političkih

The visual identity of party and other political

Na mestu loga najvažnijeg partijskog kongresa, dizajneri su zamislili računarski obra-

3 U preduzeću „Iskra“ znak je računarski obradio Matjaž Durjava, a kolektiv Iskrinog

Kulturni plakati kao nosioci prikrivenih političkih poruka i

izdvajaju plakati Matjaža Vipotnika za Slovenačko omladinsko pozorište (Slovensko mla-

Cultural posters as holders of hidden political messages and

Preveo Mihailo Tešić

Translated by Zoran Ž. Paunović

Čini se da je konačno došlo vrijeme za okupljanje partikularnih iskustava i rezultata istra-

Design, primarily graphic design or visual communications design, is an ideal medium

Osim kružnog oblika, razmjerno manje su zastupljeni i ostali jednostavni geometrijski

Something like this:

Translated by Zoran Ž. Paunović

mašne umetnosti (Stojanovski). Međutim, ta pripadnost nikako ne podrazumeva aspolutnu

7 „Sa Mihajlom Mihajlovim, Leonidom Šejkom, Predragom Ristićem, Danijelom Ivinom i

6 Ješa Denegri, Ibid.

9 Savremeno pozorište, danas Beogradsko dramsko pozorište. „Beogradsko dramsko pozorište”

He began working as an architect – graphic designer in the mid-1960s. In collaboration

Saveta Mašić (1941) completed her undergraduate degree, graduating in architecture in

9 The Contemporary Theatre, today Belgrade Drama Theatre. “Beogradsko dramsko

Translated by Jelena Bajić

1 Marko Zubak, Jugoslavenski omladinski tisak kao underground press (1968-1972):

Grafički odgovor studentskim pokretima i

Graphic response to student movements and

Beogradski Student i zagrebački Omladinski tjednik slično su reagirali na pokuša-

10 Omladinski tjednik 27 (9 Oct. 1968): 1.