Perales Munguía, Manuel F., 2016.

Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs: Exploring sociopolitical complexity

among late prehispanic agropastoralists of the upper Ricrán, Peru. In The Archaeology of Andean Pastoralism,
edited by J. M. Capriles and N. Tripcevich, pp. 159-181. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.

Chapter 10

Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs

exploring sociopolitical complexity among late
prehispanic agropastor alists of the upper ricr án, peru
Manuel F. Perales Munguía

D iscussions of economic aspects of the relation-

ship between human societies and their physical
environments have been important in anthro-
pology almost from the beginning of the discipline (Harris
1968; Service 1985). Over time these concerns led to theo-
ries such as Julian Steward’s (1955) cultural ecology, which
in archaeology prompted the development of settlement-
pattern studies such as those carried out by Gordon Willey
(1953) on the north coast of Peru. Thereafter, approaches to
topics such as subsistence and sociopolitical complexity
began to be developed through studies of the dynamics of
human occupation at the level of entire regions, mainly
using the conceptual frameworks of human ecology and
neo-evolutionary interpretative criteria (Adams 1965;
Billman and Feinman 1999; Blanton 1972, 2005; Fish and
Kowalewski 1990; Parsons 1971; Sanders et al. 1979).
In this context much of the research on the sociopo-
litical complexity of prehispanic Andean societies, in-
cluding approaches used in settlement pattern studies,
has been dominated by an agro-centric vision that ig-
nores the important role played by pastoralism in the
economy of many populations of the Central Andes
(Lane 2006:494; Lane and Grant, this volume). This is es-
pecially true for the late prehispanic periods, since the
most significant archaeological work that paid attention
to Andean herding focused on early time periods (e.g.,
Lavallée et al. 1995; Matos and Rick 1980; Rick 1980), with
the exception of Bonavia’s broad study (1996) of South
American camelids.
Pastoralist societies have been generally defined as
groups with a somewhat loose sociopolitical organiza-
tion, tribal-like in nature, with a population density lower
than agriculturalists. It has been recognized, however,
that in the Central Andes livestock herding, supple-
mented with agriculture, sustained large and stable pop-
ulation concentrations over long periods of time (Sutton
and Anderson 2010:226). Yet we are still far from reach-
ing a consensus on how we should define and understand
agropastoralism in the Andean region, especially since it
is still difficult to determine archaeologically the various
ways in which agricultural production was organized
around herding (Lane 2006:494). In this sense, while we
cannot say much about how the many processes of socio-
political complexity developed along with the different
variants of this subsistence strategy, I define agropasto-
ralism as a very versatile economic system that, at least in
the case of the late prehispanic Peruvian central high-
lands, involved multiple organizational levels, each with
its own economic bases.
Some evolutionary approaches have postulated that
the economy, military force, and ideology were impor­
tant and closely interrelated sources of power (Earle 1997;
Mann 1986). Moreover, it has been pointed out that
emerging political entities are often characterized by the

159
160 Perales Munguía
institutionalization of leadership, in which practices such
as shamanism, magic, and ancestor veneration play a
vital role in legitimizing existing and incipient social dif-
ferentiation. This differentiation, in turn, may be reflected
in evidence of production intensification or differential
access to resources (Johnson and Earle 2000:250). Thus,
for certain agropastoralist societies, such as those of the
Andes, it would be logical to assume that some ritual
practices, such as ancestor worship, may have served as
mechanisms for the legitimation of power and control of
critical economic resources in a framework of emerging
sociopolitical complexity.
From these considerations, this chapter explores
forms of sociopolitical organization that may have de-
veloped within agropastoral communities of a small
valley in the highlands of Junín, central Peru, during
the periods prior to the arrival of the Spaniards in the
sixteenth century: the Late Intermediate Period (LIP,
1000–1450 CE) and the Late Horizon (LH, 1450–1533
CE). Here, I present data related to settlement patterns
and the existence and distribution of certain types of
corrals and mortuary architecture, which I argue repre-
sent possible important places related to the perform-
ance of power. In this way, I hope to contribute to our
understanding of the evolution of diverse forms of
socio­political organization that existed among ancient
Andean agropastoral populations.
pr e v ious r ese a rch on l at e
p r e h i s pa n i c pa s t o r a l i s m i n j u n í n
The highlands of the modern Peruvian Department of
Junín have received little research attention focused on
late prehispanic pastoralism despite important research
on early settlement of the Peruvian Andes and the do-
mestication of camelids (see Lavallée et al. 1995; Matos
1975; Matos and Rick 1980). An important early contribu-
tion was made by David Browman (1970) as part of his
study on the cultural history of the Mantaro Valley, be-
tween the modern cities of Jauja and Huancayo. Based on
his systematic survey in this area, he proposed the exis-
tence of a form of specialized pastoralism during the LIP.
Browman (1970) identified a settlement pattern that con-
sisted of large sites established in the lower parts of the
valley near agricultural land and large clusters of stone
corrals with isolated structures of rectangular or circular
plans, located above the valley f loor. According to
Browman, these buildings were probably the residence
for small numbers of people who were devoted exclu-
sively to grazing of the livestock that belonged to the
larger, lower agriculturalist communities (Browman
1970:235–236).
In a subsequent publication, Browman (1970) elabo-
rated on the importance of pastoralism in the economy
of the late prehispanic peoples of the Mantaro Valley.
Based on early written sources, he estimated that 150,000
llamas and alpacas belonged to the Inka state around the
time of the Spanish invasion, and hundreds of thousands
of other animals belonged to local groups which, accord-
ing to the analyzed documents, were mainly concen-
trated toward the puna highlands that surrounded the
valley (Browman 1974:189).
In light of ethnohistoric and archaeological data it
might be suggested that during late prehispanic times the
people of the Mantaro Valley developed economic orga-
nization principles such as those involving the vertical
control of a maximum of ecological zones, as proposed
by Murra (2002). However, as Browman stated, after the
Middle Horizon pastoralism’s importance decreased in
relation to agriculture, and the declining importance
went hand-in-hand with a marked increase in population
size (Browman 1974:190–191, 1976:474–475). This develop-
ment contrasts with the livestock potential of this area
and the surrounding highlands, reflected in Browman’s
conservative estimate of 750,000 animals, calculated on
the basis of a carrying-capacity of 50–125 camelids per
square kilometer proposed by other specialists (Browman
1974:195).
In contrast, research conducted by the Upper Mantaro
Archaeological Research Project (UMARP) and led by
Timothy Earle between 1970 and 1980 emphasized the
role of agriculture in the complex sociopolitical changes
that occurred before and during the Inka occupation of
Jauja, in the northern part of the Mantaro Valley (Hastorf
1993; Hastorf and Earle 1985). As part of this project, Elsie
Sandefur’s (2001) zooarchaeological studies revealed new
insights into the role of late prehispanic pastoralism in
this region. For instance, although much of the meat con-
sumed in the late prehispanic communities of Jauja cor-
responded to camelids, there appears to have been no
specialization in animal slaughtering or meat produc-
tion. It is interesting that the recovered evidence suggests
higher levels of camelid-meat consumption in elite
households compared to commoner ones during the sec-
ond part of the LIP, also known as Wanka II (1350–1450
CE). There are also differences in the forms of meat con-
sumption and the presence of camelid-bone tools used
 Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs
for textile production, all of which suggests that the elite
households hosted feasts and were more involved in tex-
tile production (Sandefur 2001:190–195).
According to Sandefur (2001), the Inka conquest of
Jauja during Wanka III (1450–1533 CE) did not signifi-
cantly alter preexisting camelid-meat consumption pat-
terns. She proposes that the slight decrease in the
proportion of camelid meat consumed between elite and
commoner groups, as well as the almost total disappear-
ance of the camelid-bone tools for textile production,
were a consequence of certain Inka policies implemented
at the community level, which went hand-in-hand with a
reorganization of textile production (Sandefur
2001:190–197).
Regarding the highlands of Junín, research carried
out in the mid 1970s in Tarma and Chinchaycocha by
Jeffrey R. Parsons, Charles Hastings, and Ramiro Matos
Mendieta (1997, 2000, 2013) allowed identification of dif-
ferent settlement patterns in each of the two areas dur-
ing the LIP and LH. Near Lake Chinchaycocha local
populations were established on sites of different size
and widely distributed throughout the country. These
settlements were located above 3,850 m above sea level
(asl) and were consistently associated with corrals. In
the case of Tarma, the settlement pattern is much more
dispersed, with numerous small sites, many located in
lower altitudes, closely associated with suitable land for
agriculture (below 3,850 m asl). Interestingly, these set-
tlements were not associated with corrals. From these
sites, the so-called special function settlements deserve
special attention because they consist of large sites that
are not associated with corrals, nor with arable land. As
the sites are consistently found at the conjunction of the
puna and kichwa ecological zones, they probably served
as administrative centers linked to the maintenance of
long-distance ties between communities of the Junín
alti­plano and the deep valleys of Tarma. Thus, these
special function settlements may have articulated pas-
toralist and agriculturalist economies, as well as the
socio­political organizations built on them (Parsons et
al. 2000:127–132). In the puna-kichwa juncture, Parsons
and his colleagues identified significant concentrations
of cemeteries with above-ground tombs that would have
played an important role as markers of social borders
and expressions of ethnic identities (Parsons et al.
2000:173–174).
Similarly to Jauja (see LeBlanc 1981), during the Inka
occupation in Tarma the greatest local population con-
centration was in the kichwa lower altitudes. However,
161
the strong continuity of local architectural and pottery
traditions greatly hampers the possibility of establishing
a clear distinction between exclusively LIP settlements
and those which might have been founded during the
LH (Parsons et al. 2000:138). In this regard, it is impor­
tant to mention that the Upper Mantaro Archaeological
Research Project (UMARP) refined the local chronology
for the area of Jauja based on radiocarbon dates (D’Altroy
and Hastorf 2001; Earle et al. 1987). The UMARP-refined
ceramic chronology has been recently accepted by
Parsons and his colleagues (Parsons et al. 2013:6).
Examinations of late prehispanic pastoralism in the
highlands of Junín have been developed from different
perspectives and through different lines of evidence. The
research referenced here suggests that the articulation of
agriculture and pastoralism depended on physical, eco-
logical, and sociocultural factors specific to the region,
which eventually led to an increased reliance on agro-
pastoralism. Between the LIP and LH, creative responses
to the challenges of the high-altitude Andean territory
permitted the development of large populations and dif-
ferent types of polities whose characteristics we are just
beginning to understand. In this perspective, several re-
search problems emerge from the previous review, like
the role of agropastoralism in the process of building
local sociopolitical organization, the effects of the Inka
conquest and Spanish invasion on local agropastoralist
economies, and the archaeological correlates for identi-
fying changes in subsistence strategies.
t h e l i p / l h a g r o pa s t o r a l i s t
communi t ies of t he upper r icr á n
The Physical Setting
The Ricrán Valley is located in the central part of the mod-
ern Peruvian Department of Junín, between the provinces
of Jauja and Tarma. The principal stream in this drainage
system is the Ricrán River, which springs from a group of
lakes situated above 4,000 m asl in the Apohuayhuay
mountain range separating the highland valleys and the
puna from the eastern slopes that descend to jungle river
basins like Tulumayo (Figure 10.1). The territory where the
Ricrán River originates is characterized by typical puna
rolling uplands, covered by large areas of grasslands, but to
the north and northwest the valley becomes much deeper
with a narrow floor that lies between 3,500 and 3,700 m asl
and is enclosed by high mountains with steep slopes. The
162 Perales Munguía

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Figure 10.1.  Map of the upper Ricrán Valley, showing the main modern villages and the limits of the surveyed area (contour lines
represent 200 m intervals). Courtesy Manuel F. Perales Munguía.

valley floor lies in the kichwa ecological zone and transi-
tions into the suni above 3,600 m asl.
My study area comprised a territory of 73 km2 in the
upper section of the Ricrán Valley, between the hamlet of
Chulec Janchiscocha in the southeast and the village of
Congas Antacucho in the northwest (Figure 10.1). This ter-
ritory has four mountain ranges, the highest located to the
east with peaks, such as Apohuayhuay, that exceed 5,000
m asl. The many lakes at the base and between these peaks
have led to the formation of wetlands (bofedales) above
4,000 m asl, as well as numerous streams that feed the
Ricrán River. The second mountain range is located to the
south and west of the study area and defines the boundary
between the basins of the Ricrán and Mantaro rivers. This
range has peaks below 4,700 m asl and is considerably
drier than the Apohuayhuay Cordillera. To the west this
second mountain range reaches the puna territory locally
known as Lomo Largo and separates the Mantaro and
Tarma basins.
Settlements
In the upper Ricrán, as well as in the Tarma area, it is dif-
ficult to establish a clear separation between sites belong-
ing to the LIP and those that were either reoccupied
during the LH or founded during the Late Horizon (see
 Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs
Perales 2005). However, aided by ceramic style data, I be-
lieve that it is possible to identify certain trends in the
settlement patterns that characterize the human occupa-
tion of this territory during both periods.
The people in the upper Ricrán lived in settlements gen-
erally located in positions with difficult access, often sur-
rounded by massive stone walls that enclose space occupied
by the residential buildings. In addition, sometimes the
entry points to these sites were restricted by ditches.
Architecturally, residential buildings are predominantly
circular with double course stone walls, usually around
30 cm thick and up to 2.5 m high. They are usually ar-
ranged around an open space and are built on previously
constructed artificial terraces, forming the typical patio
groups reported elsewhere in the Jauja region by the
UMARP researchers (Earle et al. 1987). These buildings
have a single doorway and no windows, whereas their
roofs were probably made with perishable materials such
as wood and straw or ichu grass. Interestingly, this pattern
seems consistent across several contemporary habitation
sites in Chinchaycocha, Tarma, Jauja, Huancayo, and
northern Huancavelica (D’Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Earle
et al. 1980, 1987; Parsons et al. 2000).
A first group of recorded settlements includes sites
located in the puna above 4,000 m asl. These sites are al-
most always enclosed by walls and ditches and contain a
significant number of associated corrals that are located
inside and outside the space occupied by houses (Figure
10.2). The surrounding walls are usually 70–90 cm. thick
and 1.6 m high, and they are built with blocks of stones of
varying size, without signs of modification or use of mud
mortar, as seen in the case of prehispanic corrals described
below. Ditches are located specifically at the entry points to
the settlement, protecting them like moats. These features
are most commonly 20–50 m long, 1.5–3 m wide, and 0.5–1
m deep. Residential circular buildings commonly have di-
ameters of 2.5–5 m, with an estimated average of 2.5 domes-
tic units per patio group. In these sites ceramics are mainly
represented by a mixture of fragments related to Mantaro
Base Clara wares, with the remarkable occurrence of San
Blas wares in the northernmost portion of the surveyed
area (Perales 2005:133).
A second important set of sites consists of settlements
located at lower altitudes, between 3,800 and 4,000 m asl,
within the suni (Figure 10.2). These sites are directly as-
sociated with extensive agricultural terracing and often
lack surrounding walls, but some of the main entrances
to the sites have ditches, as previously described in some
163
puna sites. Interestingly, these settlements are smaller
than those in the puna, although residential circular
buildings are larger, with diameters that vary between 2.5
and 8 m. The average number of buildings per patio
group is also 2.5. It should be noted that patio groups in
these settlements seem to be larger than those observed
in the puna. It is important to remark that other than the
local ceramic wares mentioned above, in many of these
sites, a recurrent presence of Inka-related ceramics are
observed (Perales 2005:135).
Corrals
Corrals in the upper Ricrán are a recurrent feature asso-
ciated with settlements located in the puna. However,
there are also many other isolated concentrations of these
buildings in various parts of the study area. These are
mainly concentrated near the headwaters of streams that
descend to the Ricrán River from the Apohuayhuay
mountain range, where the largest number of bofedales
are situated (Figure 10.2).
The identification of archaeological corrals is a prob-
lem that has been handled on a contextual basis. In the
case of corrals directly associated with LIP/LH puna set-
tlements, the association with these features and sites is
unmistakable. In the case of isolated corrals, chronologi-
cal assignation can be problematic, so in order to deter-
mine if they correspond to prehispanic or modern times
I have relied on the following criteria: (1) formal attri-
butes, (2) construction characteristics, and (3) associated
features. With respect to the first criterion, whereas
archaeo­logical corrals are generally variable in size and
are circular or oval in shape, modern ones are irregular
in shape and usually have corners. However, as discussed
below, there is a special type of prehispanic corral that is
rectangular or square, and grouped in some cases follow-
ing a grid pattern. Generally speaking, all corrals (an-
cient and modern), have variable dimensions that may
range from as small as 8–10 m to as large as 20–50 m.
The construction characteristics of both prehispanic
and modern corrals includes construction with stones of
varying size and usually without signs of modification or
use of mud mortar. As previously mentioned, prehis-
panic corrals will typically have walls with a foundation
that includes large vertical boulders of stone firmly sunk
on the ground that may be up to about 50 cm high and
30 cm thick. These stones are often found in two courses,
which facilitated stacking smaller stones to form the
Figure 10.2.  LIP/LH settlement pattern in the upper Ricrán Valley. Circles refer to p-Herd-o settlements and triangles to p-Agr-o
settlements. Diamonds indicate presence of funerary buildings and formal corrals at the entry points to p-Herd-o settlements. Wide
crosses indicate presence of two-story funerary buildings and reticulated corrals associated to p-Herd-o settlements. Circles with
inner crosses indicate cemeteries at the bottom of cliffs. Black asterisks mark cemeteries with rows of above-ground tombs.
Courtesy Manuel F. Perales Munguía.

164
 Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs
Figure 10.3.  Pair of above-ground funerary buildings and formal corrals at the entry point to Site R-5 (B class p-Herd-o settlement).
walls. In many cases these foundations are the only re-
mains of an ancient corral because the rest of the stones
have been reused to build nearby pens during more re-
cent times. These newer corrals are usually higher, al-
though they rarely exceed 1.5 m.
A third attribute associated with prehispanic corrals is
their association with some natural locations such as
springs and tragaderos or milpun, which are a kind of nat-
ural siphon where surface water enters into subterranean
canals. A cultural attribute associated with ancient corrals
is the presence of a few large and elongated rock boulders
called huanca, which are a meter high or larger and are
placed vertically inside the corrals, especially toward their
center. Some local informants noted that some old corrals
that belonged to gentiles, or ancient people, contain large
boulders that can have pictographs on their surfaces,
called derroteros. After intensive search, I have only identi-
fied this attribute in a single corral located in the head­
waters of the Tingo Quebrada and, even in that case, the
rock-art evidence had almost completely vanished.
165
The LIP/LH settlements of the puna have corrals both
within and outside the residential area occupied by the
circular dwellings. The corrals associated with residences
are also irregular in shape, and whereas they are linked
to habitation areas, the nature of their use and function
at the community level is unclear. In contrast, the exter-
nal corrals, outside the residential areas, are relatively
rare, and such corrals have only been identified in asso-
ciation with three of the four major puna settlements
(sites R-5, R-8, and R-24), which in turn are concentrated
in the foothills of the Apohuayhuay cordillera. These cor-
rals are located near the main entrances to the sites
(Figure 10.3). As in other cases, the walls of these corrals
were originally formed by two rows of medium and large
blocks of local stone, 50 to 80 cm thick. These buildings
have rectangular plans with curved corners in some
cases, as well as varying sizes between 12 and 30 m per
side. In some cases, they have internal subdivisions of
unknown function that vary in size. Springs are some-
times found adjacent to these corrals.
166 Perales Munguía
A second type of external corral, sometimes found in
association with the settlements in the puna, consists of
sets of attached square or slightly rectangular structures
that follow a consistent grid or reticulated pattern. Each set
of buildings consists of around twenty attached cells ar-
ranged in two rows of ten units each (Figure 10.4). Often
located on gently sloping hillsides, these corral groups are
located a few hundred meters away from the nearest asso-
ciated settlements. It is possible that some of these corrals
have been reused in recent times, and this could explain
why their walls have been reconstructed in a very rudi-
mentary way to a height of about 1.5 m. These reticulated
corrals are intriguingly concentrated toward the southern
limits of the study area, along the dry mountain range that
separates the Ricrán and Mantaro basins and joins the
Lomo Largo puna. The corrals are typically associated
with somewhat large puna settlements, such as site R-47.
Tombs and Cemeteries
Evidence of ancient rituality in the upper Ricrán is found
in sites containing isolated groups of funerary structures
and in mortuary buildings associated with settlements in
the puna (Figure 10.2). Such sites have been designated as
cemeteries and are usually found in large rock shelters
located at the bottom of very steep cliffs enclosing the
streams of the tributary quebradas that descend from the
Apohuayhuay cordillera toward the Ricrán River (Perales
2005). These sites have been classified into two major
groups based on the number of funerary structures found
(Table 10.1) and following the criteria established by
Parsons and colleagues (2000:99).
Figure 10.4.  Reticulated corral in the immedi-
ate vicinity of Site R-47 (B class p-Herd-o settle-
ment). Courtesy Manuel F. Perales Munguía.
The funerary structures in these cemeteries seem to be
cists because they are oval or circular in plan and have
internal diameters that do not exceed 60 cm. Walls are
usually 20 cm thick and are formed by a single row of
stones settled in mud mortar and, in many cases, can be
attached to the wall of rock shelters. Most of these struc-
tures have been looted but there are still a few where it is
possible to see their roofs built with stone slabs, like false
vaults that can serve as the floor for a second story.
However, it has been impossible to record any kind of
doorway because if they existed, they were destroyed by
looters to create larger holes to facilitate quick removal of
the tomb contents (Perales 2011:20).
A total of ten cemeteries were recorded, and four of
them have associated pictographs decorating the rocky
walls of the shelter where the funerary buildings were
built. These pictographs correspond to a defined style that
is characterized by simple, geometric, and abstract motifs
like circles, lines, and points executed in red ocher with
bold and rough strokes (see Perales 2008). One of the larg-
est cemeteries in the study area, R-30, contains a D-shaped
large structure built with stones set in mud mortar. It is 4.4
m long and 1.7 m wide, it has no visible doorways, and the
walls are 0.5 m thick and about 2 m high (Figure 10.5).
Inside, as with the smaller circular or oval structures, it
contained dismantled human skeletal remains belonging
to several individuals (Perales 2011:20).
A second type of evidence of rituality consists of a spe-
cific type of mortuary buildings that are circular in plan,
one meter in diameter, and have 40 cm thick walls of
stones set with mud mortar. Some of these buildings are
one story high, while others are two, although in either
 Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs 167

T a ble 10.1. C emeter ies in the upper R icr á n a nd their These mortuary buildings occur in association with
gener a l cl assification . certain patio groups, particularly in the largest settlements
of the puna, where some of these tombs are near the main
SITE ELEVATION LOCAL SITE CL ASSIFICATION
NO. (M ASL) NAME entrances to the sites and close to the rectangular exterior
corrals. In most cases, including R-5, these mortuary
R-6 3980 Auquispuquio Small cemetery
buildings are almost completely destroyed, yet the pres-
R-12* 4040 Campanayoc Large cemetery
ence of human skeletal remains in the rubble makes clear
R-13 3985 n/d Small cemetery
their funerary purpose. In R-44, these tombs are arranged
R-15 3780 Huacrapuquio Small cemetery
in rows in significant concentrations at some distance
R-19 3955 Ayamachay Large cemetery
from the main settlement entrance, and they thus form a
R-21 3750 Cruzpata Small cemetery
particular type of cemetery that is different from others
R-22 4005 n/d Small cemetery
reported in the research area. Finally, the notable absence
R-30* 3907 Huarimachay Large cemetery
of these types of mortuary buildings in the settlements of
R-33* 3690 Huachuamachay Small cemetery the suni zone is intriguing. The only exception is R-11,
R-34* 3702 Jallumachay Small cemetery where an external platform is associated with a small cave.
R-44 4150 n/d Large cemetery

Note: n/d = data not available, * = sites with associated rock art.
case the height of the interior space does not usually ex-
ceed a meter (Figure 10.6). In general, these structures
have slightly trapezoidal openings or doorways, which in
turn are 80 cm high and 50 cm wide at their base and
40 cm at their lintel level. Each story has roofs built by
overlapping stone slabs as a false vault or dome. The roof
of the lower story serves as a floor for the second story,
which in turn has a domed roof made of mud and small
stones (Figure 10.7).
gener a l t r ends iden t ified
t h r o u g h s e t t l e m e n t pa t t e r n s
Settlement Characteristics
Based on the collected data, I have previously proposed a
two-division classification for late prehispanic settle-
ments in the upper Ricrán (Perales 2005, 2011). The first
category includes the settlements located in the puna
above 4,000 m asl, and by using the full range of these
residential sites, calculated using the area enclosed by the

Figure 10.5.  Plan of funerary cists and D-shaped structure in Site R-30.
168 Perales Munguía

Figure 10.6.  Plan and section of funerary building in Site R-35 (D class p-Herd-o settlement).

walls, I have divided them into five size classes (see Table
10.2). The second category consists of settlements located
in the suni between 3,800 and 4,000 m asl, which I have
divided into three size classes based on the estimated
total house floor area (see table 10.3).
In the upper Ricrán the land falling within the puna
and suni ecological zones are not large and, unlike other
areas, both are complexly distributed or ecologically
and physically intertwined; it would be a mistake to
consider the development of agricultural and pastoral
economies independently. For this reason, I propose to
refer to the puna sites as primarily herding-oriented
settlements or p-Herd-o settlements and the suni sites
as primarily agriculturally oriented settlements or
p-Agr-o settlements.
Although the temporal sequence is still unclear, a gen-
eral chronological trend can be inferred. The evidence
includes (1) a notable absence of walls in the p-Agr-o set-
tlements; (2) absence of Inka-related ceramics in the
p-Herd-o settlements; (3) notable presence of possible
Inka rectangular buildings, different from the local,
circular-­in-plan architectural tradition in the p-Agr-o
settlements; and (4) a few Inka ceramics on some sets of
terraces associated with the p-Agr-o settlements. In ad-
dition, there are p-Agr-o settlements on the same moun-
tain ridge just below a p-Herd-o settlement, as in the case
of sites R-7 and R-8, separated by only 665 m in a straight
line, and by 300–400 m vertically (Figure 10.2).
The evidence suggests that the vast majority of the
p-Herd-o settlements were occupied predominantly
during the LIP, when the upper Ricrán was dominated
by agropastoralist communities whose economy was
built mainly on the exploitation of puna resources.
These sites were complemented by limited agriculture
 Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs
Figure 10.7.  Two-story funerary building in Site R-47 (B class p-Herd-o settlement). Courtesy Manuel F. Perales Munguía.
developed on the slopes adjacent to the valley bottom,
which in turn is easily accessible in less than an hour’s
walk from the puna settlements. This trend is clearly
seen in the total number of settlements located in that
ecological zone, as well as in the estimates of the total
area occupied both in the puna and suni zones (Figure
10.8; see also Tables 10.1 and 10.2). According to the re-
ported data, I also propose that many of the p-Agr-o
settlements were established during the LH, as a conse-
quence of political reorganization of the local popula-
tion by the Inka. This led to greater demographic
concentration at lower altitudes, which is not unlike ob-
servations made in other parts of the highlands of Junín
such as Tarma (Parsons et al. 2000:138) and Jauja (Earle
et al. 1980, 1987). It follows that, after the Inka conquest
of the upper Ricrán, economic activities of its inhabi-
tants were increasingly refocused on agriculture, but
without relegating camelid herding to a secondary role
(Perales 2005, 2011).
Regarding the density of buildings per hectare ob-
served in the reported settlements in the upper Ricrán,
the apparent similarity observed in comparison with
settlements recorded in the eastern edge of the Lomo
169
Largo puna by Parsons et al. (2000) serves to project
some estimates. With respect to that, these authors have
suggested that an average density of 29 buildings per
hectare can be used as a very general guide, especially
because there is no clear relationship between building
density and site type (Parsons et al. 2000:94–95). In this
regard, it should be noted that while the average building
density indicated by Parsons and his colleagues (2000)
seems to fit with my data in the case of the p-Agr-o
settle­ments, it does not appear to match the p-Herd-o
settlements, where the density is closer to the figure of 50
buildings per hectare proposed by Earle and colleagues
(1987:9) for LIP Yanamarca Valley sites in Jauja.
Therefore, I calculated a plausible density range of 19 to
29 buildings per hectare for settlements in the suni of the
upper Ricrán, and a density range of 29 to 39 buildings
per hectare for settlements in the puna between the LIP
and LH times.
A further consideration in this discussion of settle-
ment analysis is the definition of the household unit.
Previous work suggests that during LIP/LH times the
typical residence of a local household consisted of a set
of circular buildings and their respective roofless open
 170 Perales Munguía

T a ble 10.2. P r im a r ily her ding - or iented set tlements (p -H er d - o set tlements) in the upper R icr á n a nd summ a ry of
site sizes a nd popul ation estim ates .

SITE ELEV. SITE LOCAL LIP OR LIP/LH ESTIMATED AVER AGE AVER AGE AVER AGE
NO. (M ASL) NAME ­C L ASSIFICATION HABITATION ­N UMBER OF ­N UMBER OF ­P OPULATION
AREA (HA) ­E STIMATED ­E STIMATED (4 PERSONS/­
BUILDINGS ­D OMESTIC UNITS DOMESTIC
(2.5 BUILDING/ UNIT)
PATIO)
R-24 4396 Huarancayo p-Herd-o Sett., Class A 15.19 516.46 206.584 826.336
R-8 4230 Huacrash p-Herd-o Sett., Class A 14.51 493.34 197.336 789.344
R-5 4360 Culimalca p-Herd-o Sett., Class B 11.29 383.86 153.544 614.176
R-17 4280 Pariamarca p-Herd-o Sett., Class B 10.9 370.6 148.24 592.96
R-47 4050 Shutuymalca p-Herd-o Sett., Class B 9.61 326.74 130.696 522.784
R-9 4290 Jaygucuchu p-Herd-o Sett., Class C 7.88 267.92 107.168 428.672
R-18 4345 Huajá p-Herd-o Sett., Class C 7.4 251.6 100.64 402.56
R-35 4250 Huaychaomarca p-Herd-o Sett., Class D 5.48 186.32 74.528 298.112
R-4 4550 Malca Malca p-Herd-o Sett., Class D 5.25 178.5 71.4 285.6
R-29 4170 Taurishnioc p-Herd-o Sett., Class D 4.86 165.24 66.096 264.384
R-23 4240 Huacacorral p-Herd-o Sett., Class D 4.52 153.68 61.472 245.888
R-42 4120 n/d p-Herd-o Sett., Class E 2.93 99.62 39.848 159.392
R-46 4070 Marcacancha B p-Herd-o Sett., Class E 2.79 94.86 37.944 151.776
R-41 4015 n/d p-Herd-o Sett., Class E 2.68 91.12 36.448 145.792
R-20 4233 Uyash p-Herd-o Sett., Class E 2.57 87.38 34.952 139.808
R-39 4210 n/d p-Herd-o Sett., Class E 1.07 36.38 14.552 58.208
R-40 4145 n/d p-Herd-o Sett., Class E 0.61 20.74 8.296 33.184
Total: 109.54 3724.36 1489.744 5958.976

Note: n/d = data not available.

space or courtyard. As said before, this basic unit was

called a patio group by UMARP (D’Altroy and Hastorf
2001; Earle et al. 1980, 1987; LeBlanc 1981), and this pat-
tern has been identified in contemporary sites of the
Tarma-Chinchaycocha areas (Bonnier 1997; Parsons et
al. 2000), the northern part of the department of
Huancavelica (Lavallée and Julien 1983), and in the
Upper Ricrán (Perales 2005). In the case of Jauja, there
is substantial variability in the number of buildings per
patio group, but they typically range from three to six
buildings for elite households and one to three build-
ings for commoner ones (DeMarrais 2001:130). In the
neighboring areas to the Upper Ricrán, Parsons and
colleagues (2000) did not clearly indicate their criteria
for defining the number of household units in each of
the registered sites. Based on my own observations as
well as estimates made by Earle and colleagues (1987)
and by Bonnier (1997), I tentatively suggest an average of
between two and three buildings per patio group for
both LIP and LH settlements in the Upper Ricrán.
Human Population and Camelid Herd Sizes
From the values given with respect to the density of
buildings per hectare and the average number of build-
ings per household, it is possible to make a general esti-
mate of approximately 1,490 LIP/LH households that
lived in the puna and 338 in the suni of the upper Ricrán
(see Tables 10.1 and 10.2). On the other hand, taking into
account the camelid-carrying capacity values provided
by other scholars for the kichwa of the Mantaro Valley
and the puna of Junín, of 0.5–1.25 animals/ha (Browman
1974:195) and 0.4–0.5 animals/ha (Matos 1994:45) respec-
tively, we can deduce that the 14,963.14 hectares of puna
grasslands that exist in the upper Ricrán above 4,000 m
asl could have supported between 7,400 and 18,700 ani-
mals. The 4,936.18 ha of lower-altitude suni land could
have supported between 2,400 and 4,300 animals, form-
ing a range between 9,800 and 23,000 domestic camelids
for the total size of the livestock that could have been sus-
tained in the research area during LIP/LH times.
 Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs 171

T a ble 10.3. P r im a r ily agr icultur e - or iented set tlements (p -A gr - o set tlements) in the upper R icr á n a nd summ a ry
of site sizes a nd popul ation estim ates .

SITE ELEV. SITE LOCAL LIP OR LIP/LH ESTIMATED AVER AGE AVER AGE AVER AGE
NO. (M ASL) NAME CL ASSIFICATION HABITATION ­N UMBER OF ­N UMBER OF ­P OPULATION
AREA (HA) ­E STIMATED ­E STIMATED (4 PERSONS/­
BUILDINGS ­D OMESTIC UNITS DOMESTIC
(2.5 BUILDINGS/ UNIT)
PATIO)
R-45 3950 Marcacancha A p-Agr-o Sett., Class C 6.53 156.72 62.688 250.752
R-10 3860 Ricramarca p-Agr-o Sett., Class C 5.82 139.68 55.872 223.488
R-7 3870 Chanchanloma p-Agr-o Sett., Class C 5.74 137.76 55.104 220.416
R-11 3820 Oyuncuy p-Agr-o Sett., Class D 2.78 66.72 26.688 106.752
R-28 3778 Jarapunco p-Agr-o Sett., Class D 2.68 64.32 25.728 102.912
R-25 3807 Cashamarca p-Agr-o Sett., Class D 2.49 59.76 23.904 95.616
R-14 3804 Tantarnioc p-Agr-o Sett., Class D 2.35 56.4 22.56 90.24
R-49 3790 n/d p-Agr-o Sett., Class E 1.75 42 16.8 67.2
R-27 3926 Sillajasha p-Agr-o Sett., Class E 1.64 39.36 15.744 62.976
R-16 3795 Cahuayacmarca p-Agr-o Sett., Class E 1.47 35.28 14.112 56.448
R-48 3720 n/d p-Agr-o Sett., Class E 1.1 26.4 10.56 42.24
R-50 3865 n/d p-Agr-o Sett., Class E 0.88 21.12 8.448 33.792
Total: 35.23 845.52 338.208 1352.832

Note: n/d = data not available.

The fact that here I am projecting estimates including
all sites as if they were occupied contemporaneously in-
volves the risk of misinterpreting the data. However, if we
consider the evidence that suggests that a majority of the
p-Herd-o settlements of the puna were more intensively
occupied during the LIP, while a great number of the
p-Agr-o settlements of the suni belonged to the LH, then
it might be proposed that the LIP camelid flocks in the
upper Ricrán were substantially bigger than those in the
LH. I am tempted to believe that this phenomenon could
be an indirect evidence of a major reorientation of the
local economy in this area toward agricultural produc-
tion under the Inka control.
Whereas the former estimates of camelid herds sizes
in the upper Ricrán are considerably fewer than the fig-
ures proposed for neighboring regions such as the alti-
plano of Chinchaycocha (see Matos 1994:45–46; Parsons
et al. 2000:69), if we take into account Browman’s esti-
mates on the sizes of economically viable herds for suc-
cessful households in ancient times, which range between
150 and 200 animals (Browman 1974:195), as well as eth-
nographic data regarding f lock size (Custred 1977;
Palacios 1977), we find a discrepancy between human
population sizes and the number of animals belonging to
camelid herds. In other words, it appears that the number
of LIP/LH households in this area was disproportionately
larger than the camelid-carrying capacity of the territory
that they occupied, especially in the puna. Overall, this
suggests that there were certain families that controlled
large camelid herds (elite households), and many others
(commoners) who owned only a few animals, which
could be also an indicator of some kind of social differen-
tiation during the late prehispanic times, especially in the
LIP. Again, this pattern can be made visible by compar-
ing the estimated carrying capacities of the puna, more
intensively occupied in the LIP, and the suni, with an ap-
parent greater population during the LH (Figure 10.8).
Site Clustering
Another notable trend is a greater demographic concen-
tration in the eastern section of the study area along the
eastern margins of the Ricrán Valley (Figure 10.9). It is
likely that with the greater presence of surface water and
bofedales near the Apohuayhuay mountain range this
area was emphasized, in particular by communities herd-
ing alpacas dependent upon soft bofedal pastures (Flores
Ochoa 1977; Palacios 1977; Parsons et al. 2000:69). In the
upper Ricrán, the higher concentration of isolated cor-
rals, as well as to the presence of large primarily
 Figure 10.8.  Comparative estimates of (top)
LIP/LH habitation areas, (middle) buildings
and domestic units, and (bottom) popula-
tion between the puna and suni ecological
zones.

172
 Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs
herding-oriented settlements, such as Site R-9, is proba-
bly related to bofedales. In contrast to reports from other
regions of the central Andes (see Lane 2006; Lane and
Grant, this volume) our research team did not find clear
evidence of infrastructure designed to artificially en-
hance the pastures or other water-control features.
The distribution of the LIP/LH sites in the upper
Ricrán suggests that some level of clustering developed
that is possibly related to sociopolitical structure (Figure
10.9). Notably, the eastern part of the study area is domi-
nated by three principal sites corresponding to p-Herd-o
settlements of classes A and B (Sites R-5, R-8, and R-24).
Each of these sites seems to articulate a set of smaller
settlements established from the suni foothills near the
bottom of the valley up to the grasslands of the high
puna (clusters 1, 2, and 3). Each cluster also seems to
have a cemetery area located under cliffs, along the que-
bradas dividing the territories associated with each
cluster.1 It is possible that these burial sites served to
reinforce social boundaries as discussed in recent stud-
ies of the relationship between ethnic identity and late
prehispanic funerary architecture (e.g., Duchesne and
Chacama 2012; Kesseli and Pärssinen 2005). Similarly,
mortuary buildings found close to the main entrances
to the dominant puna sites and also near the adjacent
rectangular corrals may convey information related to
expressions of ethnicity characteristic of each agropas-
toralist community.
Near the center of the study area lies Cluster 4 (Figure
10.9), which consists of two p-Herd-o settlements that are
very close to each other (Sites R-17 and R-18). These settle-
ments probably dominated a set of smaller sites found at
lower altitudes. Cluster 4 may have controlled the dry
mountain range that is located between the courses of the
Ricrán River and Apaicancha Quebrada. No cemeteries
were found in the cliffs here, but an above-ground cem-
etery with tombs in a row, Site R-44, is located close to the
main entrance to Site R-17.
Cluster 5, located near the chain of mountains sepa-
rating the Apaicancha and Shutuy drainages in the west-
ern section of my study area, is dominated by a p-Agr-o
settlement of class C. Cluster 5 may be a good example of
the agropastoralist economy of the local population.
Interestingly, we do not have cemeteries on cliffs in this
area, but mortuary architecture, probably two-story
buildings, is associated with some patio groups in the in-
terior of the settlements.
Cluster 6 consists of a group set of small p-Agr-o set-
tlements located east of the Apaicancha Quebrada
173
between the modern villages of Apaicancha and
Apaicanchilla. It is possible that these small sites were
associated with settlements located in the neighboring
puna on top of the mountain range to the east, and out-
side of the study area.
Site R-47 is a p-Herd-o settlement that appears alone
with no links to any other nearby site. This site occupies
the slopes around a high rocky promontory that forms
part of the dry mountain chain that separates the Ricrán
and Mantaro basins. Interestingly, this settlement does
not seem related to any isolated cemeteries but rather has
two-story funerary structures associated with patio
groups. Site R-47 is linked with reticulated corrals re-
ported in other settlements in the same mountain range
(but outside of the study area). Similarly, Site R-35, a class
D p-Herd-o settlement in the far north of the territory
(Figure 10.9), may be associated with other settlements
that also fall outside of the survey area.
Finally, in the western section of the study area, al-
most adjacent to the territory surveyed by Parsons et al.
(2000), it is intriguing that we failed to identify any sites
which correspond to the category that Parsons and col-
leagues (2000) call special function settlements, referring
to sites that would have constituted management centers
for maintaining long-distance trade relationships be-
tween communities from the puna and the kichwa or
suni (Parsons et al. 2000:129–132). However, only 4 km
northwest of Site R-47 is Aras (Site No. 364 in Parsons et
al. 2000:451), a special function settlement that is believed
to have served as a joint axis of the pastoralist economy
from the Lomo Largo puna and the more agriculturalist
one found in the lower valleys located toward the Ricrán
area. Moreover, there is a significant concentration of
above-ground tomb cemeteries, which probably marked
a social boundary between these two territories (Parsons
et al. 2000:132, 173–175). Future studies should help to
clarify this issue.
sociopol i t ic a l compl e x i t y in t he upper
r icr á n a r e a : some wor k ing h y p ot heses
I began this chapter by stating that my intention was to
explore the forms of sociopolitical organization among
the late prehispanic agropastoralist populations in a
small valley in the central highlands of Peru by examin-
ing settlement patterns and evidence related to herding
and rituality. I will now explore working hypotheses de-
veloped from the data presented above.
 440000 450000

8730000
Cluster 1

Cluster 6
Cluster 7
Cluster 2

Cluster 5

Cluster 4

8720000
Cluster 3

! #
UTM Zone 18 South WGS 1984
Ag Settlement Large
Herding Settlement
Large # Ag Settlement Mid

!
±
# Ag Settlement Small

> Large Cemetery

! @ Rows of tombs
0 1 2

Kilometers
3 4

! Small > Small Cemetery

! Herding Settlement YF Funerary features

Figure 10.9.  Proposed LIP/LH site clustering in the upper Ricrán Valley. Courtesy Manuel F. Perales Munguía.

174
 Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs
T a ble 10.4. P roposed equi va lence bet w een UMARP a nd
upper R icr á n set tlement cl assifications .
UMARP SET TLEMENT UPPER RICR ÁN UPPER RICR ÁN
CL ASSIFICATION CL ASSIFICATION CL ASSIFICATION
(YANAMARCA (P-HERD-O (P-AGR-O
­VALLEY) (EARLE 2005; ­S ET TLEMENTS) ­S ET TLEMENTS)
EARLE ET AL. 1987)
Regional center — —
Town Classes A and B — performance of power in the LIP settlements developed
Large village Class C Class C
Small village Class D Class D
Hamlet Class E Class E
The LIP Setting
First, settlement clusters suggest that at least in the time
before the Inka occupation the local population of the
upper Ricrán was organized into various polities with an
essentially agropastoralist economic base, and with their
main settlements located in the puna above of 4,000 m
asl. Defensive features of these sites, such as restricted ac-
cess areas and enclosing walls, suggest that the LIP was a
time of conflict and social tension as has been observed
elsewhere in the Andes (see Arkush 2008; Wernke 2006).
I propose a three-level settlement hierarchy among the
Ricrán puna contemporary polities (see Table 10.4) draw-
ing on Earle’s approach to the structure of LIP settlement
systems in the area of Jauja (Earle 2005) as well as the
classification of settlements used by Parsons and col-
leagues (2000). I hypothesize that each of the p-Herd-o
settlements of classes A and B would have become the
centers of chiefdom-like polities. These centers would
have been at a smaller scale than the ones that existed in
the Yanamarca Valley, where the largest settlements were
larger than 25 ha in size with estimated populations of
more than 10,000 inhabitants (Earle 2005:97). Comparing
the two areas, we note that in the upper Ricrán the largest
settlements only approximate the town level of the
Yanamarca Valley that were represented by sites like
Umpamalca, which was 14.8 ha large and had an esti-
mated population of 5,200 inhabitants.
The main towns of the upper Ricrán polities also lack
the central open spaces and the internal two-part subdi-
visions characteristic of the exceptionally large regional
centers like Tunanmarca in the Yanamarca Valley. If the
Tunanmarca plazas were part of the large patio group be-
longing to the chief (Earle 2005:105), it is curious that we
did not find such large, open central spaces in the interior
of the largest sites in my study area. The performance of
175
power typically involved corresponding architectural
focus areas, and the central plaza complex of Tunanmarca
possibly served that role, albeit in a limited sense. In con-
trast, in the upper Ricrán I have reported large court-
yards as part of patio groups in the central sector of the
settlements, but those roofless areas are very small in
comparison to the central plaza complex of Tunanmarca
(Figure 10.10). We may assert that in ancient Ricrán, the
with greater emphasis at the domestic level, with the par-
ticipation of fewer people linked to local elites.
Furthermore, the zooarchaeological evidence reported
by Sandefur (2001) regarding camelid-meat consumption
patterns in the Yanamarca Valley as well as other lines of
evidence reported by the UMARP researchers in that
area (Hastorf 2001) support this idea.
The identification of architecture and public spaces is
a particular problem in LIP archaeology in the highlands
of Junín, as discussed by Parsons, Hastings, and Matos
(2000). Then, in lieu of large plazas, the roofless areas of
the patio groups belonging to local elites in Ricrán could
have played a pivotal role in scenarios for collective ac-
tivities in which power was negotiated. The presence of
mortuary buildings in certain patio groups supports this
assertion, as it has been noted that among societies
under­going processes of emergent complexity claims of
kinship ties with the ancestors is a key tool for gaining
power and legitimizing control over critical economic re-
sources (Earle 1997; Johnson and Earle 2000; Mann 1986).
Current data indicates that public spaces associated
with ritual practices within the settlements are small in
the upper Ricrán. However, the presence of funerary
structures near the main entrances to the largest sites
suggests that some types of ancestor veneration practices
were carried out far from the immediate domestic space
at a community level, and outside the surrounding walls.
Following Isbell (1997), I infer that perhaps these extra-
mural mortuary buildings contained the remains of per-
sonages considered founders of the various kin groups
within the entire community. It is also possible that the
rituals performed in honor of these ancestors involved
the active participation of large groups of people, making
them suitable opportunities for public legitimation of
power by local elites.
Overall, the data suggest some correspondence be-
tween the identified settlement clusters and the distribu-
tion of mortuary-architecture types (Figure 10.9), which
in turn would confirm that in the case of the late prehis-
panic Central Andes this type of construction can be
Figure 10.10.  Patio groups in the central part of Site R-24 (A class p-Herd-o settlement).

176
 Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs
understood as a very important material expression of
ethnic identity (Kesseli and Pärssinen 2005). It is rele-
vant to note that according to available ethnohistorical
evidence, in colonial times the reducción of Santa
Margarita de Ricrán was ethnically linked with the
Xauxa of the northern Mantaro Valley, while Apaicancha
and Apaicanchilla territories were occupied by people
with a Tarama ethnic affiliation from the Tarma area
(Arellano 1988).
Ethnographic literature on Andean pastoralism shows
the importance of certain rituals in relation to reproduc-
tion and maintenance of livestock (Flores Ochoa 1976;
Rivera 2003). For instance, in Ayacucho clean corrals
separated from other ones were used by herders to con-
duct the herranza, a propitiatory ceremony through
which they seek the favor of the wamani, or mountain
spirit, to take care of and increase the flock (Flannery et
al. 1989:151,173–174). On the other hand, Arnold and
Hastorf (2008:160–161) have noticed the continuity of two
sets of ceremonies in the Bolivian altiplano, performed to
promote or stop rain through ritual action on the skulls
or bones of ancestors, which, in some cases, are removed
from local chullpas or above-ground sepulchers.
The cases cited above bring to mind an association be-
tween the funerary buildings located at the main en-
trances of some of the p-Herd-o settlements and the
nearby rectangular corrals. Considering the proposed
hypothesis that during the LIP public rituals involving a
large number of members of the community would have
taken place outside the surrounding walls of the settle-
ments, then it is also possible that the mentioned corrals
would have served equally well as locations for rituals, or
just that the spaces where people corralled the flocks were
an important part of these practices. It is further sugges-
tive that these corrals and their associated tombs are lo-
cated in the largest sites near the Apohuayhuay Mountain,
which according to ethnohistoric sources was considered
the main huaca of the Tarama (Albornoz 1967 [1582];
Hastings 1985:194). Moreover, according to evidence I
have reported previously (Perales 2004) as well as that
reported and discussed by Parsons and colleagues
(2000:55; 2013:101), this place could have also marked an
ethnic border.
Previous studies of sociopolitical evolution point to
the importance of three types of power among processes
leading to complexity: economic, military, and ideologi-
cal (Earle 1997; Johnson and Earle 2000). In the case of
LIP agropastoral communities of the upper Ricrán it is
177
clear that they have an interest in the exploitation of the
resources of the puna.2 While there are no signs of large-
scale intercommunity projects oriented toward intensi-
fication of livestock production, there is some evidence
to suggest that concentrations of large herds were under
the control of certain local groups. It is possible that ten-
sion and competition between local polities in the
Ricrán territory limited the growth of the local econo-
mies. This phenomenon could have led to the emergence
of power based on military strength due to the need to
defend people and resources, as it is described in ethno-
historical documents regarding the Mantaro Valley (see
Toledo 1940 [1570]; Vega 1965 [1582]). This in turn may
have stimulated further sociopolitical organizational
complexity, as observed in other parts of the world
(Haas 2007). Thus it is possible that the same groups that
controlled large herds became active emerging elites
who formed a political horizon where principles of hier-
archy and heterarchy operated, as suggested for the
neighboring area of Jauja (Hastorf 2001). In this context
I also believe that we cannot deny a priori the existence
of significant local alliances and interregional exchange
networks between the upper Ricrán and other areas.
Consequently, the presence of sites with reticulated cor-
rals on the mountain range that separates the Mantaro
and Ricrán basins may indicate that settlements like Site
R-47 served as important nodes in a network connecting
local and long-distance trade in the region and filling
the role played by the special function settlements of the
Tarma and Chinchaycocha areas discussed by Parsons,
Hastings, and Matos (2000). This idea is supported by
the association of those sites with the remains of ancient
trails that connected the nuclear area of Jauja with the
narrow and deep valleys to the northeast, including
Ricrán.
On the other hand, it seems that there is evidence that
points to the existence of important ideological sources
of power among the LIP upper Ricrán agropastoralist
communities. As mentioned before, among the processes
of emergent complexity, the power of rising elites is legiti-
mized through claims of kinship to shared ancestors. In
the upper Ricrán, I see the local elites gaining power, sta-
tus, and preferential access to critical resources such as
flocks, pastures, and bofedales through the demonstra-
tion of their ties to the founding ancestors of each com-
munity. These, in turn, served to externalize their ethnic
identities in particular through the display of certain
types of mortuary architecture.
178 Perales Munguía
a n ou t l ine of t he l h set t ing
a nd f ina l consider at ions
It is possible that the scenario described above changed
during the LH following the Inka conquest of the upper
Ricrán, especially due to a shift in the local economy
toward agriculture, expressed in a greater emphasis on the
occupation of the suni. This probably shrank the economic
foundations of local preexisting LIP polities, forcing them
to adapt to the new rules introduced by the expanding em-
pire. In this sense, the incorporation of rectangular foreign
buildings into the local architectural tradition in patio
groups of several p-Agr-o settlements and in only a few
p-Herd-o settlements, like Site R-17, probably expresses the
incorporation of some segments of the local elites within
the Inka state bureaucracy (Perales 2005). Moreover, the
marked increase of the circular residential buildings and
patio groups’ sizes within p-Agr-o settlements in compari-
son to the sites of the puna could also be an indicator of
changes caused by the imperial Inka regime at the domes-
tic level, such as the increased importance of patio groups
as scenarios for administrative and ceremonial activities.
The latter, in turn, could indicate the rise of certain local
lineages to new positions of authority with the probable
approval of Inka officials (DeMarrais 2001:146).
Another important aspect worth mentioning is the no-
table absence of walls in the p-Agr-o settlements in upper
Ricrán, as well as their location in easier access points in
comparison with sites of the puna. According to evidence
reported by other researchers (D’Altroy 1992; D’Altroy and
Hastorf 2001; DeMarrais 2001; Earle et al. 1987; Parsons et
al. 2000, 2013), this could be due to the establishment of a
sort of Pax Incaica that would have drastically altered the
situation of conflict and factional competition that domi-
nated during the LIP, expressing at the same time that
under the Inka rule the military aspect would no longer
play a key role as a source of power, but rather now the ec-
onomic and ideological foundations prevailed. The latter
could rely on the fact that in certain p-Agr-o settlements
like Site R-11, well-made platforms were built external to
the site but were evidently associated with caves where the
ancestors rested. According to my observations, I consider
new spaces of this nature to have replaced the formal
rectan­gular corrals associated with funerary buildings at
the entry points of the LIP p-Herd-o settlements. Similarly,
the existence of a site with Inka state architecture and
probable ceremonial function associated with the sacred
mountain of Apohuayhuay (Site R-32), and previously re-
ported (Perales 2004), also suggests a major change in the
ways that the ideological bases of power operated in the
local political scene during the LH, a change supported by
Inka patronage around the cult of the mentioned local
huaca (Covey 2015:92).
It is possible, perhaps, that in this context new elites
emerged and that the people of the upper Ricrán experi-
enced new processes of sociopolitical complexity that
continued up to the Spanish invasion in 1533. This time,
however, local societies were based on a primarily agri-
cultural economy, sustained by the massive agricultural
terraces built near the reported p-Agr-o settlements. Just
like in prehispanic times, today these terraces are still
used to produce tubers such as potatoes (Solanum spp.),
oca (Oxalis tuberosa), olluco (Ullucus tuberosus) and
mashua (Tropaeolum tuberosum), as well as quinoa
(Chenopodium quinoa). In fact, in a former publication I
proposed that these terrace systems probably served to
supply the state storage complexes in Hatun Xauxa and
Tarmatambo (Perales 2005:138–139).
It is plausible that during the late prehispanic epoch
populations from the upper Ricrán were experiencing
important processes of sociopolitical complexity trig-
gered by a long-standing agropastoralist economic sub-
sistence system. In this sense, people developed novel
livelihood strategies and creative solutions to the limita-
tions of their challenging territory, including the puna,
which is steadily neglected by modern Peruvian state
agencies. In addition to shedding light on anthropologi-
cal questions concerning sociopolitical change, the evi-
dence for the diversity of solutions to prehispanic
agropastoralism in the Ricrán provides guidance to cur-
rent and future challenges for agropastoralists in the re-
gion. This knowledge could be used to formulate and
implement appropriate policies that would provide better
living conditions for contemporary populations inhabit-
ing these territories.
not es
1. As I show later, the spatial association between the cem-
eteries under cliffs and the quebradas may be evidence of
ancient beliefs associated with the power of the ancestors
to control rain as well as the water flows and procurement
in the area.
2. However, at this moment I cannot discard the possibility
that these agropastoral communities showed interest in
the exploitation of the suni ecozone, as has been observed
by Lane and Grant (this volume) in the Nepeña headwaters.
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