Professional Documents
Culture Documents
SUDHA NARAYANAN
1 Introduction
This paper examines the emergence of specific
commodity complexes and transactional forms in eight
offer dichotomous views - of the sector being in a crisis,
interior districts in Tamil Nadu focusing on gherkins,
Recent and offer alsoanddichotomous discourses with
also of it prospering of itaprospering on views the trajectory - with of the a sector welcome of Indian being agriculture diversifica- in a crisis,
welcome diversifica-
marigold, broiler, cotton and papaya. Their growing
tion into high-value commodities, prompted by the growing
importance is a response to the structural
agrofood changes in
processing and retail sectors.1 Advocates of eitherthe
view offer evidence based on macro-level data and micro
larger economy and the contextual constraints on
studies focused on the predicament of the farmers in particular
agriculture in the region. It posits that this phenomenon
regions. There are few studies that focus on specific commodity
represents an inflection in the trajectory markets
of agricultural
at a meso level to understand recent agricultural
growth in the region because of three distinct features.
transformations in the country. This article is based on the
premise
First, the new commodity complexes have strongthat links
a focus on the emergence of specific commodity
complexes and transactional forms can complement other ap-
to agribusinesses and global markets. Second,
proaches to understanding the ways in which ongoing changes
downstream players exert an unprecedented influence
shape agricultural practice within particular regional con-
and control over production practices. Third, the
texts. It need
believes this can shed light on the problems and pros-
pectstransactional
for control over quality demands particular of these changes.
This study attempts such an analysis of agricultural markets
forms such as contract farming. The paper argues that
and transactions, focusing on five high-value commodities -
despite some economic gain, challenges ofcotton,
a different
marigold, gherkins, papaya and broiler - in eight
kind emerge and the normative implications of these
administrative districts in Tamil Nadu - Coimbatore, Nilgiris,
changes are as yet unclear. Salem, Erode, Karur, Dindigul, Tiruppur and Madurai.2 The
five commodities have very different histories in the region,
yet share a recent past in terms of their roles in shaping the
trajectory of contemporary agriculture. Three of the crops,
gherkins, papaya and marigold, were introduced to the area
recently, in the early 1990s and represent "new" commodity
complexes with strong links to the processing sector and to
This work was supported financially by the Americanglobal markets.
Institute of Cotton
Indian and broiler have occupied a prominent
Studies' Junior Research Fellowship (2006), IFPRI-New
placeDelhi
in the Office,
agrifood the
system of the region for much longer. The
Borlaug-Leadership Enhancement in Agriculture Program
transformative elements in these sectors have been in terms of
Fellowship (2008), the AAEA Foundation's Chester McCorkle
"new" transactional
Scholarship (2008) and the Ithaca Presbyterian International Student forms such as contract farming. While
cotton's links with global garment commodity chains run
Fellowship (2007). I thank Vivek Srinivasan, M Chandrasekaran,
Mahendran Kandaswamy, Jothibasu, Subramaniam,deep, broiler is oriented to the domestic market.
M Bhoominathan,
Arun Kumar, S M Suriyakumar, J Chellakumar, S Vijayaraghavan and
This paper speculates that the emergence of crops such as
the students and faculty of Tamil Nadu Agricultural University
gherkins, papaya and marigold and the proliferation of con-
(Coimbatore), Bishop Heber's College, St Joseph's College (Trichy), and
tract farming arrangements in traditional commodities are
Urumu Dhanalakshmi College (Trichy) for their valuable assistance
responses
during the course of my field research. I thank the editors of to theissue
this challenges posed by rapid structural changes
for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper.inInterviews
the regional economy and its contextual constraints, repre-
with
agribusiness representatives were conducted on the condition of
senting inflection points in the path of agricultural evolution
confidentiality, and interviewees and the firms they represent are
not named.
in the region. At the same time, it argues, this poses challenges
of a different kind and the normative implications of these
Sudha Narayanan (sudha@igidr.ac.iri) is at the Indira Gandhi
changes are not quite clear. Indeed, the degree to which this
Institute of Development Research, Mumbai.
adaptation is successful and sustainable is still an open
84 December 29, 2012 vol XLVii no 52 GEE3 Economic & Political WEEKLY
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= = REVIEW OF RURAL AFFAIRS
question. Cauvery
This study River w
illustrat
complexes tinctlyon
drawing unattract
field r
2010. It combines interviews
tives, 3 State
field-level Govern
functionaries
a systematic Against
survey of this
850 back
far
these commodities under
tried, in contr
the past
The word to
"new" recover
is used and c
somew
farming as a shift to less
transactional wate
form
for a while, horticulture),
for a variety apa
of
and seed and
cotton. organic
Similarly,agric
tho
tional (an ers
"old") and
crop, mangoes
it was inw
ties from the addition,
north andthe go
becam
ping pattern ment
in of
parts ofhorticul
the stu
century with the
the National
emergenceHort
o
ment Nadu
cotton suggests
industry t of the
claim that pulses
there is was only
something
or the study whereas
area, but that that
only und
relative to thein the
systemsbase year
they ha
that increases
narrative is in the
this
unique to
lative cashewnut,
understanding of arecan
simil
anticipate the coconut
path of in respo
agricultu
In the next trend
section, was
I alread
outline t
ture duced,
Nadu and
and inthey
in
the Tamil
discuss the marketing
emergence ofinitia
thes
ing the terminal
actors involvedmarket
and h
along the improve
supply the
chain, effic
and
which While
represent thea entire
new ki they
tion. The lastysis, it
section is worth
attempt
and comment Market
on its Committ
future.
bited contract f
2 Agriculture in Tamil govern
legislation Nadu
Tamil Nadu was
offersthere
an any re
interesti
ample of ments
region till
that a
a
has polic
seen
in its stated
economy. It the
has object
been ch
tion, with range
48.5% ofof crops
the in
popul
2011, and a private-sector
rapid decline in sp
th
the state prise
gross (now
domestic know
prod
1980s to through
21.85% in the 1990s,sta
the to
ing (te) Marketing
2008-09 Feder
(Government
While this is designated
often ("lice
associated w
case jatropha
Nadu (notand
of sw
unlike Tamil
the workforce lines.
in While
the some
agricultu
similar pace, ment's
leaving intervent
about half
indirectly on maize and cotton
agriculture.3 Pro
be levelling level.
off forAmong
the oth
majo
real estate by agribusinesses
urban investorswi
i
net sown toas
area ensuring
a bette
proportio
from 68.34% These
in trends
1990-91 toin T
ju
recovering tothe backdrop
63.09% in tefor
20
declined from 1.19 to 1.16, befo
responding 4 Study
periods Area
(Governm
years).4 This The districts
suggests that in
the
of use of agro-climatic
cultivable land zon
shrin
that is opment,
cultivated more and
than de
on
ing region
groundwater shares
tables in man
the
and the cribed
uncertainty in Section
associat
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86 DECEMBER 29, 2012 VOL XLVII NO 52 QjCJ Economic & Political WEEKLY
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5.1 Gherkin The gherkin crop is procured from farmers and processed in
small-scale plants, by washing, rinsing and preserving in
Gherkin is a non-traditional export crop with no domestic
market. Having made its entry in 1992, gherkin (a racebrine,
of the acetic acid or vinegar, based on client preferences.
These
species cucumis sativus) is new to the study region, as it are either bottled and labelled for international clients
is to
India. The emergence of a gherkin-processing industry in
or shipped out in barrels for bottling. The unit value of exports
India is emblematic of global shifts in agricultural sourcing,
is naturally higher for the latter and at the time of this study,
several
following a decline in the area under gherkins in Europe. In plants were contemplating greater value addition
less than a decade, India moved from the penumbral margins
through bottling and branding. Until recently, the raw materi-
als used in processing, including barrels and vinegar, were
of the world gherkins economy to centre stage, accounting
for as much as 15% of world exports during te 2006-07
imported, but by the late 2000s, barrels began to be manufac-
tured
(Figure 1, p 86). The major destinations during this time werein India. So the gherkins processing industry now uses,
Russia, the European Union (eu) and the us. by and large, domestically produced inputs. All gherkins are
sourced
The study area was one of the first to induct gherkins into by processing plants through some form of contract
farming
annual cropping patterns, emerging as a procurement shed in in the region. The firms have very similar contracts
Tamil Nadu. Over time, Karnataka, a later entrant, overtook
and pay a higher price for small fruits, with five grades of
prices
Tamil Nadu, thanks largely to organised and focused state gov-based on size. They are also discerning about quality
and crooked and damaged gherkins are rejected, between 5%
ernment support to gherkins export industries. Nevertheless,
industry observers estimate that Tamil Nadu accountsand
for asaccording to the farmer survey.
8%,
much as 35% to 40% of India's gherkins exports.12 The epicentre
5.2 Papaya
for gherkins in Tamil Nadu is the town of Dindigul, located at
Like gherkin, papaya was introduced in the region in the 1990s
the heart of the study region, and, to a lesser extent, Tuticorin.
for extracting papain, which has wide-ranging industrial uses.
At the time of this study, in 2007-08, there were seven gherkin
plants clustered around Dindigul town, with easy access Tamil Nadu had never figured on the list of papaya-producing
to both
the hinterland that constitutes the procurement shedstates
and toin India in the 1980s and 1990s. It was neither cultivated
norallconsumed
Tuticorin port, from where export shipments leave. Almost of widely in the region.13 As recently as te 2008-09,
Tamil
them are 100% export-oriented units (eous), which make themNadu accounted for only 0.43% of India's area under
Economic & Political weekly raíH? December 29, 2012 vol xlvii no 52 87
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Figure 3: Stock of Poultry and Cattle in Tamil Nadu Figure 4: Egg Production in Tamil Nadu
Source: Basic Animal Husbandry Statistics, 2010. Source: Basic Animal Husbandry Statistics, 2010. Tamil Nadu Statistical Handbook, 2012.
since, especially in broiler production, and poultry has are limbs of conglomerates and have been active in the region
emerged as one of the fastest growing sectors in agriculture for a long time. On the other hand, the gherkins firms com-
(Figures 3 and 4). In the south, particularly around the Palla- prise foreign-owned ones and new entrepreneurs who have no
dam area of Tamil Nadu, integrators now reportedly account prior experience in agribusiness. The scale of operations varies
for over 96% of the production in layers and 90% in broilers, widely. Gherkins, marigold and broiler are extensive, covering
the major players being Venkateswara, Suguna and Swathi. A thousands of acres and farmers. The cotton mills tend to operate
number of small firms also operate in this sector alongside on a small scale and in a contained area, and the papain
these large players. extraction plant focuses on about 100-300 farmers at a time,
Day-old chicks are provided by the firms and bought back at who are scattered across three districts. Papaya, marigold and
a pre-agreed rate per kilogram of weight gain, with an incen- gherkins are tied to place, in the sense that factories are
tive for reducing mortality or improving feed conversion rates present in the area. For cotton and broiler, this is not the case.
beyond the norm. Firms provide feed, vaccines and most other Of the five commodities, papaya and gherkins are highly
inputs and contracts are remarkably similar across them. Most perishable. Since marigold is used for crushing, perishability is
firms function as middlemen, as aggregator-intermediaries, not an issue. Broilers are not perishable but timely buy-back is
selling produce downstream to retail vendors. A few have their important from the perspective of profitability. Cotton can be
own brand of chicken in various processed forms. In general, stored and in this respect differs from the other commodities.
integrators have tended to establish wholesale and retail price Virtually all the commodities have contested markets, though
leadership in the markets where they operate by reducing the the nature of competition among buyers is different. Other
number of intermediaries or by selling directly through their processors compete for gherkin procurement; for marigold,
own retail outlets (for example, in Coimbatore). In the broiler the domestic market for fresh flowers and the oleoresin manu-
sector, there is no national organisation that looks after the facturers offer competition in two different forms. Cotton and
producers' interests. Barring a few regional organisations, broiler contracting are defined against vibrant alternative
broiler marketing is largely in the hands of big traders and markets. Only the papaya firms are in a monopsony but the
commission agents. In the study area, the broiler coordination complex contract also pays for the lacerated fruit from which
committee, based in Palladam, is a strong organisation of latex has been extracted and cannot be marketed as such. Con-
broiler integrators who set the price and control the volume of tracts within each commodity complex tend to be similar, but
supply to maintain prices in their favour. There is no compara- vary across commodities. Almost all schemes involve the pro-
ble farmers' organisation. In the study area, apart from the vision of inputs on credit, although at the time of the survey,
three big integrators, several small- and medium-scale firms no firm was engaged in supporting farmers in accessing credit
contract for broilers. While most of the country's large integra- from commercial banks. This appeared to a conscious decision
tors operate here, there have been a few instances of firms on their part.
going bankrupt in the late 2000s. Contract pricing differed from prices fixed at the time of
sowing to a price pegged to local markets (in cotton). In
6 The Commodities, Markets and Contracts broiler, an incentive was provided if the bird-weight was above
the recommended norm at the time of buy-back, for marigold,
6.1 Snapshot of Commodity Complexes a premium was paid to those who delivered greater volumes to
The nature of firms operating in these sectors is variegated.dissuade farmers from diverting to the open market. The
Some are family-owned private limited companies, foreign andparameters of quality were most transparent and rigorous in
domestic; others are sole proprietorships and partnerships. In papain, for which a Brix meter is used in the presence of farmers
the case of marigold, cotton and broiler, the contracting firmsand the price is linked to this measure. For gherkins, the quality
Economic & Political weekly [3223 December 29, 2012 vol xlvii no 52 &9
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farmers. For papaya and broiler, farmers are identified mainly7.1 Problem of Enforcement
through personal contact, perhaps because of the larger in-In a context of weak mechanisms for public contract enforce-
vestments required. The oleoresin and marigold factories arement through the courts, firms have had to work hard to en-
close to the area where the prospects of production are thesure that farmers honour their contracts. In general, the
highest. In the case of gherkin, which is highly perishable, con-greater the interdependence between farm and firm, the
tract suppliers are chosen close to the plant. In general, papayagreater are the chances that a contracting arrangement en-
and broiler farmers are likely to be among the wealthier in thedures. The commodities chosen for the study occupy different
contract villages and better educated, whereas the opposite ispositions on a scale of interdependence. Papaya comes close to
true of cotton contract farms. This reflects the large invest- a symbiotic relationship. Committing to a contract is neces-
ments required upfront for broiler sheds and plantations,sarily a two-three year lock-in, with limited options outside.20
which pose entry barriers for less wealthy farmers. BroilerIn the case of marigold and cotton, however, the contract
contract farmers tend to have less access to irrigation, but thefarming scheme is embedded in an already existing crop com-
opposite is true for the other commodities. Gherkins are a plex that readily accommodates side-selling by farmers. For
highly labour-intensive crop and firms tend to operate incotton, contract cultivation methods are not very different
regions where family labour is available and alternative labourfrom cultivation for the spot market. Both farmer and firm can
market opportunities are limited, which tend to be the rela-resort to spot market trade at any time. Even in this case, how-
tively backward areas in the study region. The strategies that ever, the varietal differences imply that els cotton commands
firms adopt to choose both regions and farmers are tailored to a premium that would prima facie differentiate the contract
the particular demands of growing and processing the com-crop from local varieties of cotton farmers might grow.
The cotton firm selected for study has its own research
modity, so the biases of firms in choosing farmers are different
across commodity complexes. division that works with crop varieties and develops its own
hybrids. During the time of study, the variety contract farmers
7 Impacts and Challenges to Sustainability grew was a hybrid developed by the firm.21 Despite this, farmers
It appears that papaya and broiler, and to a lesser extent, gher-disgruntled over price and quality issues side-sell to their
kins have been particularly lucrative for many farmers. In customary traders. This has posed difficulties for the firm and
marigold and cotton, the experience of contracting farmersthe year in which the farmer survey was conducted marked
has been variable both over time and across firms (see Naray- the last season it contracted for conventional cotton. The com-
anan 2012a for a detailed discussion).18 At the same time, pany was proposing to explore contract farming in organic
farmers associate contract farming arrangements for high- cotton at that time. "Contract farming for conventional cotton
value produce with different kinds of risks. Some of these are ais a complete flop", said an executive.
product of perceptions (such as the fear of losing land, even The stated official estimate of area under cotton contract
when contracts do not contain such a clause) and others comefarming in Tamil Nadu for 2005-06 was 45,000 acres (Govern-
from their experience with contracting (such as the fear that ment of Tamil Nadu, Policy Notes),22 but a closer look reveals
the firm might renege on contracts), or the environmental con- that this figure is an expression of intent rather than accom-
sequences of contract cultivation. plishment. Based on personal interviews with all the contract-
Collectively, on an operational level, these render theing firms, it appears that the actual extent of contract farming
transactional interface between farmer and agribusiness ain cotton in Tamil Nadu fell well short of what was originally
highly contested space and the sustainability of operations forproposed, and was no more than a few thousand acres at its
firms hinges on their ability to maintain carefully built rela-peak. In the years since, contract farming in conventional cot-
tionships.19 Farmer agency in these settings takes very spe-ton appears to have waned and then retreated. The most
cific forms. Farmers generally do not have devices to safe-recent document of the Government of Tamil Nadu articulat-
guard against dubious operators. In the study region, thereing its agricultural policy has no reference at all to contract
have been only a few instances of this and in the gherkins farming in cotton. By the end of 2008, most mills saw con-
sector a firm became bankrupt and owed farmers paymentstracting as a corporate social responsibility initiative and the
for a whole season. In all other commodities, the contractingresponsibility of contract farming operations lay with divi-
was with divisions of established and reputed agribusiness orsions within the firms that had little to do with its main pro-
those that had invested considerable effort in building trust. curement operations. At the time of the survey, there was a
A farmer's power in the firm-farmer relationship comes fromconcerted effort by some mills to promote contract farming of
alternatives that might be available, specifically the cluster-organic cotton, rather than conventional or Bt cotton, which
ing of multiple firms in the same region without effective col-they felt was much too risky and not worth the effort. Organic
lusion. Where domestic markets for a commodity exist, farm-cotton, they believed, would differentiate adequately from
ers' ability to side-sell endows them with considerable power. traditional cotton to enable contractual relationships.
The possibility of growing a lucrative cash crop for the tradi- In gherkins, the moral obligation to sell to the contracting
tional market (such as tomato or turmeric) also empowers the firm seems high. As is often the case with export crops, there is
farmer, especially when firms seek to source intensively fromno alternative market for gherkins in India. However, over the
a small geographic area. years, the number of gherkin processors has increased and
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=
notes 3 Note
See Har2
(2008) Tamil Nadu). off
1 For example
and change
6 Like elsewhere in India, holdings have become
Mishra in
(20
Gulati smaller over time and the proportion of
Tiruchirap
(2003),
4
Gulati smallholders among
Croppin
et al all cultivators has in- (20
2 creased in the decades since
times
Tiruppur Independence.
per dist
5
merging In 2005-06,
Of 13 91.3% of landholdings was con
385
less
Coimbatore
dark than two hectares
or and accounted for
and g
Economic & Political weekly EEC3 December 29, 2012 vol xlvii no 52 93
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Tiruppur Coimbatore,
58.72% of cultivated land (Government of Textile Tamil Nadu, between 1981/2 Regio
and
India, various years). actions 1996, Queen
of the Elizabeth HouseInstitut
Working Paper
7 The scheme covers 20 districts and cropsPPsuch 1475-5661. No 27, University of Oxford.
as mango, aonla, banana, cashew, cocoa, Chari, Sharad (2004): Fraternal Capital: Peasant-
chil- - (2001): The Changing Position of 'Thottam
Workers, Self-Made Men, and Globalisation in
lies, turmeric, and aromatic plants and flowers Farmers' in Villages in Rural Coimbatore, Tamil
Provincial India (Stanford, California: Stanford
that are promoted through a cluster approach. Nadu, between 1981/2 and 1996, Queen Elizabeth
It was implemented during 2007-08. University Press). House Working Paper No 28, University of Oxford.
Damodaran, Harish (2008): India's New Capitalists:
8 http://www.lawsofindia.org/pdf/tamil_nadu/ Joshi, Pramod K and Ashok Gulati (2003) : "From Plate
i98ç/i989TN27.pdf, accessed on 20 Sept 2012.
Caste, Business, and Industry in a Modern Nation to Plough: Agricultural Diversification in India",
9 These include, for instance, Sivanappan(New
and Delhi: Permanent Black), The New India paper presented at the JNU-IFPRI Workshop
Foundation.
Aiyasamy (1978), Harriss-White (1996), Heyer on The Dragon and the Elephant, 26-26 March.
(2000, 2001), Damodaran (2008), Chari East
(2004).
India Cotton Association (various years): Narayanan, Sudha (2012a): Heterogeneous Welfare
10 See Carswell (2012) and Heyer (2000, 2001)Indian
for Cotton Annual, East India Cotton Asso- Impacts from Contract Farming Participation,
discussions of labour in the region. ciation, Bombay. Indira Gandhi Institute of Development
Government
11 Namakkal district (not in the study area) is an of India (2010): Basic Animal Hus- Research, Working Paper Series, WP 2012-19.
bandry Statistics, Ministry of Agriculture, New - (2012b): Notional Contracts: The Moral Economy
important poultry hub in India with the largest
production of eggs and broiler. Delhi. of Contract Farming Arrangements in India,
12 Interview with bureaucrat, Bangalore,- March
(various years): Agricultural Statistics at a Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research,
2007. Glance, Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Working Paper Series, WP 2012-20.
13 Interviews suggest that papaya was not con- Department of Agriculture and Cooperation, - (2012c): Safe Gambles? Farmer Perceptions of
sumed widely in the area till a sudden surge in Ministry of Agriculture, New Delhi. Transactional Certainty , Indira Gandhi Insti-
popularity when the then chief minister ex- Government of Tamil Nadu (various years): Season tute of Development Research, Working Paper
tolled its health benefits in the Tamil Nadu as- and Crop Report of Tamil Nadu, Department of Series, WP 2012-21.
sembly; http://www.hindu.com/ 2003/05/01/ Statistics, Government of Tamil Nadu, Chennai. Patnaik, Utsa (2003): "Agrarian Crisis and Distress
st0ries/2003050i04330400.htm, accessed on - (various years): Statistical Handbook , Depart- in Rural India", Macroscan, http://www.mac-
25 September 2012. ment of Statistics, Government of Tamil Nadu, r0scan.0rg/fet/jun03/fet100603Agrarian%20
14 C02 is a Coimbatore variety developed by agri- Chennai. Crisis_i.htm, accessed on 12 September 2012.
cultural scientists in Tamil Nadu. Gulati, Ashok, Kavery Ganguly and Maurice R Rajagopal, A, Goran Djurfeldt, N Jayakumar,
15 As on 31 March 2004, Indian Cotton Annual, Landes (2009): "Toward Contract Farming in a R Vidyasagar, Staffan Lindberg, and Venkatesh
2003-04, No 84, Authority of the East Indian Changing Agri-Food System" in Contract Farm- Athreya (2008): "Agrarian Change and Social
Cotton Association, Mumbai, p 134, Section VIII, ing: A Resource Book, http://www.ncap.res.in/ Mobility in Tamil Nadu", Economic & Political
Table 8, Statistics of the Textile Industry. contract_%2ofarming/, accessed on 12 Septem- Weekly, XLIII (45), pp 50-61.
16 Interview with a consultant for cotton mills, ber 2012. Reardon, Thomas and A Gulati (2008): "The Rise
Coimbatore, November 2007. Harriss-White, Barbara (1996): A Political Economy of Supermarkets and Their Development Impli-
17 At least one firm reported that when loans of Agricultural Markets in South India: Masters cations: International Experience Relevant
were waived in 2008 as part of a government of the Countryside (New Delhi and Thousand for India", Discussion Paper No 00752, Inter-
policy to provide relief to indebted farmers, Oaks, California: Sage). national Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI),
contract farmers were a disgruntled lot since, Harriss, J, J Jeyaranjan and K Nagaraj (2010): New Delhi Office.
according to their contracts, the payments for "Land, Labour and Caste Politics in Rural Reddy, D Narasimha and Srijit Mishra, ed. (2009):
their produce were automatically adjusted for Tamil Nadu in the 20th Century: Iruvelpattu Agrarian Crisis in India (New Delhi: Oxford
loan repayments. While they could not cash in (1916-2008)", Economic & Political Weekly, University Press).
on the loan waiver benefits, both non-contract XLV(3i), pp 47-61. Sivanappan, R K and P K Aiyasamy (1978): Land and
farmers and those who contracted but side-
Heyer, Judith (2000): The Changing Position of Water Resources of Coimbatore District (Coim-
sold the crop did. According to an executive, Agricultural Labourers in Villages in Rural batore: Tamil Nadu Agricultural University).
this did great damage to the contracting mill's
relationship with farmers.
18 In relative terms, it is important to note that
the farm-gate price is about half the unit export
price and was only 3% of the retail consumer
Economic&PoliticalwEEKLY
price in 2008-09. The latter is computed as the
weighted average contract price (for various SWADESHI IN THE TIME OF NATIONS
grades) of the sample firm divided by the unit
export value multiplied by hundred, and the
retail price of gherkins in the EU, obtained October 20, 2012
through personal communication. The question
of distribution of value across the supply chain Swadeshi in the Time of Nations: Reflections on Sumit Sarkar's
is much harder to capture.
19 Narayanan (2012b) discusses the "moral" econ- The Swadeshi Movement in Bengal, India and Elsewhere - Bernard Bate
omy of contractual relationships.
20 Once the latex has been extracted, the fruit The Many Spaces and Times of Swadeshi - Dilip M Menon
does not fetch remunerative prices because of
Knowledgeable Internationalism and the Swadeshi Movement, 1903-1921 - Kris Manjapra
the lacerations on the skin. The firm buys back
the fruit, which is used to make candied fruit
Reading Sumit Sarkar through Anarchist History and Historiography - Maia Ramnath
or puree.
21 Farmers were given a choice of five types they Swadeshi Oratory and the Development of Tamil Shorthand - Bernard Bate
could grow. In the year of the survey, the farm-
ers were all growing the same variety. 'Fashioning' Swadeshi: Clothing Women in Colonial North India - Charu Gupta
22 These are available at http://www.tn.gov.in/
policynotes/default.htm
23 This area is only a small portion of the volume For copies write to:
of procurement, with a majority coming from Circulation Manager,
the neighbouring state of Karnataka, from
across the state border. Economic and Political Weekly,
320-321, A to Z Industrial Estate, Ganpatrao Kadam Marg,
Lower Parel, Mumbai 400 013.
REFERENCES
email: circulation@epw.in
Carswell, Grace (2012): "Dalits
Markets in Rural India: Experi
94 December 29, 2012 vol XLVii no 52 EE5E3 Economic & Political weekly
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