Ilok Ottoman Mosque

ZBORNIK INSTITUTA ZA
ARHEOLOGIJU
SERTA INSTITUTI
ARCHAEOLOGICI
KNJIGA
VOLUME 10
Sacralization of Landscape
and Sacred Places
Edited by Juraj Belaj, Marijana Belaj, Siniša Krznar, Tajana Sekelj Ivančan and Tatjana Tkalčec
INSTITUT ZA ARHEOLOGIJU
INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY
Sacr alization of Landscape and Sacred Places
Proceedings of the 3rd International Scientific Conference of Mediaeval Archaeology of

the Institute of Archaeology
Zagreb, 2nd and 3rd June 2016
Zagreb, 2018
ZBORNIK INSTITUTA ZA ARHEOLOGIJU
SERTA INSTITUTI ARCHAEOLOGICI
KNJIGA / VOLUME 10
PUBLISHER
Institut za arheologiju / Institute of Archaeology
Zagreb, Croatia
EDITORS-IN-CHIEF AND MANAGING EDITORS

Juraj Belaj
Marijana Belaj
Siniša Krznar
Tajana Sekelj Ivančan
Tatjana Tkalčec
REVIEWERS
Ana Azinović Bebek
Katja Hrobat Virloget
Luka Šešo
TRANSLATIONS AND TEXT EDITING

Signed below the text or translated/edited by the authors
DESIGN and LAYOUT

Hrvoje Jambrek
PRINTED BY
Tiskara Zelina d.d., Sv. I. Zelina
CIRCULATION
200
COVER PHOTO BY
Karlo Lolić
Financially supported by the Ministry of Science and Education of the Republic of Croatia
©Institut za arheologiju u Zagrebu. Sva prava pridržana

©Institute of Archaeology Zagreb. All rights reserved.
CIP zapis dostupan u računalnom katalogu Nacionalne i sveučilišne knjižnice u Zagrebu pod brojem
001012819
A CIP catalogue record for this book is available in the Online Catalogue of the National and University
Library in Zagreb as 001012819
ISBN 978-953-6064-36-6
FOREWORD 4
Andrej Pleterski
Mythical Landscape. What is it? 5
Mia Čujkević-Plečko, Silvija Lasić, Ivor Karavanić

Aspects of symbolic behaviour at Croatian Palaeolithic sites 19
Mitja Guštin, Alja Žorž

Nova tabla at Murska Sobota. Burial site as a sacred area 33
Anđelko Đermek
The Distribution of pre-Christian Sacred Sites in the Zaprešić area 45
Vitomir Belaj, Juraj Belaj

Around and below Divuša: the traces of Perun’s mother arrival 69
into our lands
Marko Smole
Sacred Slavic triangle in the Upper Kupa and Čabranka Valley: 93
a story about pre-Christian and Christian landscape sacralisation
Jelka Vince Pallua

A Newly Discovered Figurative Representation of the Mythical Baba – 105
“Old Baba Vukoša” in St. Mary’s Church of Gračišće in Istria
Lidija Bajuk
Over the Mountains High, across the Waters Deep (astroethnological 117
contributions)
Marina Milićević Bradač

Passing through the Countryside : How to Recognize a Sacred Place? 143
Vesna Lalošević
Examples of pagan sacralisation of Sirmium and Salona landscapes in the
early Christian legends 165
Ehsan Shavarebi
The Temples of Anāhīd at Estakhr (Southern Iran): Historical Documents 179
and Archaeological Evidence
Silvia Bekavac, Željko Miletić

Castles of Petuntium, Neraste and Oneum: 195
Sacral centres of pagi in the territory of Salona
Dražen Maršić
Sacralization of the Salonitan rural landscape on the example of 205
“Gradina in Uvodići”
Olga Špehar
Changing Sacred Landscape: 211
Christianization of the Central Balkans in Late Antiquity
Ana Jordan Knežević

Contribution to the Study of Development and Function of Sacral 221
Buildings in Zadar Area (4th–9th Century)
Vladimir Peter Goss

Sacralization of the Vertical 237
Ivana Peškan, Vesna Pascuttini-Juraga

Forming of Cultural Landscape through the Network of Ecclesiastical 251
Buildings in the Valley of the River Bednja
Jela Duvnjak, Marija Marić Baković

Continuity of the Sacral and Actuality of the Cult on the Cemetery of St. 259
Ivo in Livno
Maja Cepetić Rogić

Patron Saints and Naming of the Landscape St John and Ivanić. Ecclesia, 277
Villa, Comitatus, Insula
Rosana Ratkovčić
Continuity and Discontinuity of the Holy Sites of Christianity and Islam 287
in the Examples from the Sufi Tradition
Andrea Rimpf, Dražen Arbutina

Ilok Ottoman Mosques and Ideal Reconstruction of Mehmed Agha Mosque 299
Karen Stark
From Holy Objects to Sacred Places: 325
Making Marian Sanctuaries in 14th c. Hungary
Silvija Pisk
Our Lady of Garić 335
Marijana Belaj, Mirela Hrovatin

Cultural Practices in Sacralisation of Place: 343
Vows in the Shrine of Our Lady of Marija Bistrica
Antonia Vodanović, Ivan Huljev

Houses and Paths from Podgora: a Case of Landscape Sacralization 353
Merili Metsvahi
The Europeanisation of Estonia and the Folktale Connected with Lake 367
Valgjarv
Cornelia Florea
Petrila Mine – Sacred underground 375
Sandis Laime
Offering Cave of the Livs in Latvia – from Sacred Place to Tourist Destination 383
Ivan Majnarić
The Uses of the Past – the Case of Maksimir Park Mogila 393
Antonija Zaradija Kiš

Saint Martin Space and Its Cultural Perspective 403
Neda Kulenović Ocelić, Igor Kulenović

New “Sacred” Places: Heritage Practices on Heritage Sites 415
Sandra Križić Roban

Displacement in the space of art 423
Suzana Marjanić
The Sacralisation of Landscape in 433
Contemporary Art Practices: Croatian Scene Case Study
FOREWORD
Human settlement of landscape raises the question of marking the landscape with one’s own religion. Changes of
religious systems or their coexistence documented in the landscape raises further questions, particularly those pertaining
to broader socio-cultural phenomena and dynamics. Even if such processes are not documented in written sources, they
could often be recognized in toponyms, folklore, archaeological finds and in contemporary religious practices.
Keeping this in focus, the Institute of Archaeology organized the 3rd International Scientific Conference of Mediaeval
Archaeology, entitled Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places. The Conference took place on the 2nd and 3rd June
2016, at the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, Croatia.
This is the third in a series of conferences designed to thematise mediaeval archaeology. However, for this third con-
ference we have conceived a much broader framework – our intention was to stimulate an exchange of experiences and
knowledge among participants with different research perspectives and disciplines and from different geographic areas
and chronological periods.
As many as 74 participants took part in the conference, coming from Croatia, Hungary, Estonia, Slovenia, Romania,
Latvia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Italy, Czech Republic, Germany and Iran. All in all they contributed a total of 57
presentations.
Introductory plenary lecture “Sacral spatial arrangement of landscape” was given by prof. dddr. Andrej Pleterski, Rese-
arch Advisor at the Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Ljubljana, Slovenia.
The Conference was divided into the following panels: Human and sacred landscape: paradigms; Traces of sacred sites:
prehistory; Myth in landscape; Sacred place - the arena of religious discourses; Social realities in the sacralization of space;
Narratives and practices in the sacralization of space; Reading of holy places and sites in Islamic tradition; Traces of sacred
sites: antiquity; (De)Sacralizations: spatial biographies; Christian spatial symbolisation.
Most of the presenters at the conference readily adapted their presentations into papers. This publication presents
analyses of sacred landscape from the perspective of: archaeology, folklore, ethnology, cultural anthropology, literature,
architecture, history, art history, mathematics etc., and at the same time covers the period from prehistory, through an-
tiquity and Slavic period and the Middle Ages to the modern period and contemporary times. In addition to this, it also
compares different processes from different regions and times, by and large from Europe.
All the contributions were separately reviewed by carefully selected experts from the international academic com-
munity according to their particular discipline or research perspective. By publishing a book in English, we have tried to
provide to the authors the widest visibility in the international scientific community.
I would like to thank once again all the participants of the conference for excellent cooperation, as well as to the in-
stitutions that helped make it a great success. Special thanks are reserved for the reviewers of individual papers and the
proceedings on the whole for their effort, expertise and contribution, as well as for the colleagues from the Institute of
Archaeology for their help in the organization of the conference and the publication of these proceedings. We are grateful
also to the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb for their support in the organization of the conference. We sincerely hope
that the contributions gathered in this publication will encourage colleagues from various scientific disciplines, especially
researchers of younger generations, to engage further with the sacralization of landscape and sacred places.
Juraj Belaj
Andrea Rimpf, Dražen Arbutina
Ilok Ottoman mosques and ideal reconstruction of

Mehmed Agha Mosque
Scientific paper
This paper will demonstrate the possible location of individual Ottoman houses of worship on the basis of interdisciplinary research of
available historical sources, visual and cartographic displays of Ilok with archaeological findings, as well as a methodology and results
of the ideal architectural reconstruction of the Mehmed Agha Mosque. Written, visual and cartographic sources in Ilok mention three to
seven mosques dating from the 16th and the first half of the 17th century. Material remains, indicating the locations of possible Ottoman
mosques in Ilok, which will be discussed are: tombstones – so-called nişans, located on mezarluks or cemeteries of the Ottoman period;
mausoleum – turbe; as well as the only preserved framed picture – levha.
Key words: mezarluks, nişans, turbe, levha, mosques, ideal reconstruction
Islam before the arrival of the Ottomans to Ilok

Islam as a religion spread rapidly across the European mainland from the 8th century. Islamic scholars were on nume-
rous royal courts as scientists and writers. The first recordings in the historical books about Islam and Muslims in the area
of Syrmia dukedom, and, therefore, Ilok, were written by a church historian, Josip Koller in the 18th century in The History of
Episcopatus Quinqueecceliarum / History of the Pécs diocese, from 1410 in the third volume of this book. The act states that
the rector of the monastery in Morović notified the antipope John XXIII that there are a number of pagans in Morović who
refused to accept the bishop in Pécs and pay him any fees. Citing John Rudolf, he writes that those people are patarenes or
bogumils1 (Koller 1784: 312). The confirmation of these records about the existence of the pagans2 in the area of the Syrmia
dukedom can be found in Chapter 14 of the Statute of the City of Ilok from 1525, which relate to the royal privileges given
to the town of Ilok in 1453, where it is written, “Those who despise the Christian faith and praise the faith of the pagans and
sinners have no right to their patrimony. If any of these people left anything to their sons, or their son, in their testament of their
patrimony and movable property, and he crosses ovet with those moving property among the infidels by approaching them and
mingling with them, such as the protestants founded by John Wycliffe, schismatics and the pagans...” (Kiš 1970: 92).
Given the richness of Syrmia dukedom at the time of Újlaki Miklós, my opinion is that these pagans were also Muslim
merchants who settled in the dukedom or in the vicinity of it. Also, a series of historically unexplained events occurred
during the time of his son, Újlaki Lõrinc, and charges of a conspiracy against King Vladislaus II Jagiellon in which Lőrinc was
accused of working with the Ottomans (Hammer 1979: 267). Certainly, the successful influence of his father in diplomacy
enabled Lőrinc to come into direct contact with the Ottoman beys and sultans through his new Muslims subjects in order
1 Koller also outlined the definition of Kalis and called on to the events from the 13th century and reports by John Cinamos which states that the bogumils
(Cro. kalizej) defended Syrmia and Eastern Slavonia from Byzantines and were of Persian religion and refused to be Christianized (see Koller 1784:
315). Also, other opinions, but with the same conclusions about the presence of Muslims in Slavonia and Syrmia, have been made by Hafizović 2016:
183.
2 The pagan name refers to non-Christian inhabitants.
Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 299–323

300 A nd re a Rimp f, Dr a ž e n A rb u t in a
to secure the boundaries of his dukedom. However, to date the material remains of the early presence of the Muslims and
Islam religion are not recorded in the area of Ilok.
Architecture of mosques
During the conquest of the new territories, the Ottomans maintained an existing urban plan and transformed a newly-
conquered settlement. This is known as istimâlet3 – the policy of the policy of obtaining loyalty of the local non-Muslim
population, which implies taking old forms, institutions and anything else which wasn’t in harmony with sharia. The pro-
cess of transformation was manifested in a way that first they built a religious complex: cāmi4 with madrasa5, maktab6,
imaret7 and shops; these facilities were the core of a new town/settlement. When the Ottomans occupied the settlement
and if there was enough space inside the walls, they would build up onto the existing architecture. However, if the city
was overcrowded, its new center would be formed outside the walls (Pašić 1989: 1). The Ottomans had two types of ar-
chitectural construction: official and vernacular. The official monumental buildings were built out of stone, along with
decorative brickwork. The stone could also be used secondarily because that kind of used stone was considered a valua-
ble, old-fashioned material that had highly symbolic significance (Faroqhi 2009: 162–163). An example of transformation
is Ilok, which was gradually transformed from the medieval fortress into the oriental one. Due to the surrender to sultan
Süleyman Kanuni in 1526, the Fortress was not damaged and the buildings were preserved. Until 1580 the interior of the
Fortress, Upper and Lower Town, adopted the oriental characteristics of official Ottoman architectural construction, while
retaining traditional architecture for informal buildings.
The word mosque – cāmi was initially the name of the cult places, e.g. Kaaba in Mecca, the Dome of the Rock in Jerusa-
lem and Muhammad’s House in Medina. Over time, all mosques were called mescit8, however, from the 10th century mescit
is a mere word for a smaller space intended for ordinary prayers, while the main mosques, called Ulu mosque or the Grand
mosque, marked the place where hutbä9 was held. Therefore, the word mosque marks the place of gathering of the faithful
where they would jointly fulfill the religious ceremonies (Oto-Dorn 1971: 16).
The basic harmony and principles of Islamic architecture are manifested in the foundations of belief: the tevhid or di-
vine unity; a caliph or a man as God’s vicar on Earth and his dual relationship and connection with God as the creator and
his environment as part of God’s creation for which he is responsible as a vicar; and ihsan or overwhelming perfection of
a man and Islam, or the last universal proclamation of worlds. By adopting and applying these principles, architects have
created a concept of not only sacred objects but profane as well (Kukavica 2015: 4).
The development of buildings with a dome dates back to the Selçuk period of the 11th and 12th centuries, and its central
space is defined by the shape of a square covered by a high dome. The emphasis is on the exterior that is framed by a por-
tal embellished with shallow floral ornaments. This space remained a preoccupation in the Ottoman period which is also
under the influence of Byzantine architecture (Redžić 1983: 94). Its influence is evident in the combination of a dome with a
small cupola or cupolas. This architectural expression influenced the constructive concept of large Istanbul mosques such
as the mosque of Sultan Bayezid II from 1506 (Redžić 1982: 52).
Therefore, the Ottoman mosques were created by the modification of the “Arab mosque” of the Selçuk type in com-
bination with Byzantine architecture, resulting in a single-room mosque with a dome and a porch on the entrance side
covered with cupolas. The mosque is made out of geometric shapes: a cube, a semi-circle, a cylinder, a prism and a cone.
Cubus, tambour and dome are the three main bands in the vertical section of the space, which parts are equally emphasi-
zed in the exterior and interior. The windows are subordinated to a full wall that closes the space. Their size is determined
by the need for natural light, but not the glittering (Redžić 1982: 53, 68; Andrejević 1984: 69). The portal is accentuated
3 For more about the istimâlet see Bešlija, S. 2012, Istimâlet u Historiji Ibrahima Alajbegovića Pečevije – Prilog izučavanju osmanske istimâlet politike,
Anali Gazi Husrev-begove biblioteke, 33, 145-166.
4 Mosque, ar. ğāmi, tr. cāmi, a Muslim oratory / house of worship oriented towards Mecca.
5 Madrasa, ar. muddy, an Islamic religious college, middle and high school rank.
6 Maktab, ar. mäktäb, an Islamic elementary school.
7 Imaret, ar. imārä, a charitable public kitchen next to the mosque.
8 Mescit, ar. mäsğid, an Islamic oratory without a minaret and no Friday prayers. In the wider sense, every place where a prayer kneels down to pray.
The term mescit signifies every place where sajdah is performed, a prayer as a whole. It is commonly referred to as a sacral object of smaller dimen-
sions in relation to the mosque, which most often has a wooden minaret or does not have it at all. There is often no mimbar and mandatory sermon
- hutbe -on Fridays or the Bayramic holidays, because these two obligatory prayers are not held in them (see Hafizović 2016a: 18, 29). In addition to
the mosques in Ilok, there are numerous mescits: “Hadži Islamov, Mustafa begov, Kara Balija“. These mescits occure from 1578 to 1595 (see Moačanin
2001: 87).
9 Hütba, ar. hutbä, signifies the sermon on Fridays and the Bayram which imam holds in the mosque.
Il ok O t t om a n mo s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of M e hme d A g h a M o s que
301
with the decorticated decor with stalactites10 and, thus, separates two spaces: the space of nature and the space created
by man for himself. The open semi-dome porch is a contrast to the enclosed space, and it represents a preparation for the
experience of the prayer space without mysticism. It reminds us of the residence that is arranged for total concentration of
thought and perfect peace (Redžić 1983: 96–97). The classic look of the mosque11 that is characteristic for the western parts
of the Ottoman Empire is characterized by: architectural harmony, volume proportions, line and surface. Domes, trompes,
arches and pendentives are individualized and harmonious (Redžić 1982: 39). The dome is always lying on the walls, never
on the columns, and the space combined with cupolas and a dome was realized only in the Gazi Husrev Bey´s Mosque in
Sarajevo and Ferhat Pasha Mosque in Banja Luka (Redžić 1983: 94–95). Therefore, architecture was the most developed
branch of art in which the mi’mār12, who built bigger buildings (unlike dülger13 who built smaller oratories, shops, houses,
etc.), played a big role.
Topogr aphy of Ilok mosques

When it comes to the architecture of the mosques in Ilok during the 16th and 17th centuries, they belong to the classic
style of Ottoman architecture. The architectural construction in Ilok is evidenced by the existence of a city architect or
mi’mār agha (Çelebi 2003: 53).
The Ilok mosques were built during the period from around 1540 to 1650. Their number increased over time with
the rise of Muslim population. During the 17th century, after the end of the Long War in 1606, the population grew and
new mosques were erected. The new mosques could have also been created by promoting some of the mescit, erecting
mimbär14 and naming a hatīb15(Moačanin 2001: 87, 98). That could have also been the case with certain mosques in Ilok,
similar to the example of Sarajevo, where Ishak Bey raised a mescit which later became the mosque of Mehmed Han (Zla-
tar 2013: 136–137). According to the graphic illustrations and pictures, the mosques in Ilok belong to one spatial type with
cupolas on the porch. Their possible topographic accommodation is the result of available literature, archive materials,
archaeological excavations and visual representations of Ilok from the 16th and 17th centuries.
According to the available published archival materials in the tax list from 1568 to 1579, there is a mention of the ho-
norable mosque16 and several well-visited mescits17 (McGown 1983: 15; Moačanin 2001: 65), and by 1580 there are three
mosques (Moačanin 2001: 165). The three mosques are also mentioned in the travelogue of Reihold Lubenau from 1587
(Zirojević 2009: 186) and in the Seyahatname of Evliya Çelebi in 1664 (Čelebija 1973: 523–524; Çelebi 2003: 53–54). Further
on this article describes their topographic accommodation inside Ilok and the interpretation and the establishment of
hypotheses for their accommodation.
Çelebi mentions in detail the Fortress mosques and the mosques from the Upper Town. Considering the time of life
of certain individuals referred to as maecenas and by comparing Çelebi’s text and visual representations, it can be con-
cluded that these three mosques correspond to Sultan Süleyman’s Mosque, Mehmed Bey Yahyapaşa - oğlu Mosque (Çarsi
Mosque) and Arslan Bey Yahyapaşa - oğlu Mosque.
The existence of the first mosque within the Fortress is also mentioned by the Sanjak of Syrmia mufassil tahrir defter from
1568, which mentions imam inside the Fortress congregation and a honorable mosque (McGowan 1983: 7.15), while Çelebi
cites the mufti18 (Čelebija 1973: 526; Çelebi 2003: 53).
In the graphic illustration, made by Maximilian Prandstätter from 1608, two minarets are displayed in the Fortress, one
of which is partially made, and the other minaret in the graphic on the left corresponds to the position of the church and
10 The stalactite is a plastic ornament with stone, wood and plaster. It is made of many small spiky niches that are formed and inclined one over the
other. The upper niches are moved forward and towards the ground they are moved backwards, and in the place where the three niches meet, they
appear to hang out as if they were stalactite in caves. For more see Knoll, P. 1999, O muslimanskoj umjetnosti u Bosni, Most – Časopis za obrazovanje,
nauku i kulturu, No.112-113, vol. XXV, March / April 1999, Mostar, http://www.most.ba/02324/079.htm.
11 Mimar Hayrüddin formed the classical style with the architectural design of Sultan Bayezid Mosque from 1506. He first constructed a longitudinal
space beneath one central dome and two semi-domes that rely on the arches on which the central dome lies. For more about styles see Redžić 1982:
54–70.
12 ar. mi'mār, an educated builder, architector.
13 ar. dulger, a builder and woodcutter, carpenter.
14 ar. Mimbär, a memorial, a pulpit in a mosque with a sermon on Fridays and Bayram.
15 ar. Hatīb, a preacher who holds a sermon on Friday and Bayram, and in the smaller mosques he is replaced by Imam.
16 The Royal Mosque is the name for the Sultan mosque.
17 It is possible that some mescits in Ilok were promoted to mosques.
18 Mufti in Islam signifies a person who must have a high Islamic education and represents the official interpreter of the Islamic law called the Sharia
law who is chosen by the most religious authorities. Based on this law, he makes decisions for all questions that arise in practice and for questions for
which there are no established rules.
Fig. 1 The graphic of Ilok from 1608, Ilok Town Museum, inv. no. RD - 2, (recorded by M. Barić 2008, complemented
by A. Rimpf)
its bell tower (Fig. 1: 1). Also, in the graphic illustration of The Liberation of Ilok from 1688 made by Jacobus Harevyn, there
are two towers with a crescent moon, from which the tower on the right side of the fort represents a mosque minaret (Fig.
2: 1). The Papal Visitor Abbot Bonini in 1688 states that the Ottomans Turks have turned the church of Saint Peter and Paul
the Apostles into a lavish mosque, but was in a poor condition because the lead and iron were removed from it and tran-
Fig. 2 Liberation of Ilok from 1688 by Jacobus Harevyn, Ilok Town Museum, (recorded by M. Barić, 2008, comple-
mented by A. Rimpf)
sformed into weapons (Jačov 1991: 41; Andrić 2001: 168). Sometime after Bonini’s visit, in 1699, Joseph Cinesiae Firmanus
states that among the civilian objects in the Fortress he could see the temples with columns made with excellent skill,
which were saved by the enemy, and turned into their sanctuaries (Firman 1998: 21). About the statement that the church
of St. Peter and Paul the Apostles became a mosque, an orthodox priest Jovan Kozobarić writes in 1909 describing the
town according to the plan from 1784 known as De lineatio Geometrica et oppidi Illok. Kozobarić states that the church of
303
Fig. 3 De lineatio Geometrica et oppidi Illok, 1784 (Barbarić 1975 a: 8)
St. Peter and Paul the Apostles was a mosque during the Ottomans (Fig. 3) (Kozobarić 1909: 14–17). Also, on a geographical
map of an unknown author, Ilok is depicted with three mosques19 (Fig. 4) (Omerbašić 2010: 208). In the remaining graphics
depicting Ilok from the late 17th and 18th centuries this minaret no longer exists which is in line with Bonini’s report on the
removal of the lead roof. During the archaeological excavations on a part of the church of St. Peter and Paul the Apostles
from 2006 to 2008, waste pits from the Ottoman period were discovered on the outside of the building between the
counterforts. Also, inside the building on one side it was discovered that the church floor was rebuilt at the time of the
Ottomans (Tomičić et al. 2007: 4–5).
Fig. 4 Map of Croatia and Bosnia in the 16th and 17th century (Omerbašić 2010: 208)
The necessary existence of a religious object within the Fortress, primarily because of the army located there, suggests
the fortress Szigetvár, where we can see the remains of the mosque of Sultan Süleyman. The conversion of Catholic chur-
ches into mosques is reported in an edict from 1568 for the town of Mohács. It is written that the settlement hasn’t got a
19 Geographic map is published in the book Omerbašić, Š. 2010, Islam i muslimani u Hrvatskoj, Mešihat islamske zajednice u Hrvatskoj, p. 208, the book
doesn't mention the century the map is from. The map most likely wanted to show the number of Muslim population, because the town Osijek is
shown with a smaller number of mosques, although it is known that it had more of them, like the town of Požega.
mosque and that the cost of construction is high, and that there is an abandoned church (Moačanin 2001: 69). This kind of
conversion of a religious object into another religious object took place in the towns of Syrmia, Vojvodina and Slavonia.20
A fine example is Požega, where the Gothic church of St. Mary (nowadays St. Lawrence), became the first mosque of Sul-
tan Süleyman; the church of St. Demetrie (nowadays All Saints), was the second emperor’s mosque Selim II (Uzelac 1994:
53), while Moačanin and Hafizović state that it belonged to Sultan Murat III (Moačanin 2001: 87; Hafizović 2016: 111, 154).
Alterations also occurred in Petrovaradin, Mitrovica (Moačanin 2001: 83) and Bač, where the Franciscan church with the
monastery complex was converted into a mosque and the tower of the church into the minaret (Fig. 5) (Špehar 2008: 13).
Fig. 5 Mihrab in the Franciscan Church in Bač (photo by A. Rimpf 2016)
Following the above, my opinion is that the first mosque in Ilok was the Gothic parish church of St. Peter and Paul the
Apostles. Namely, the establishment of a mosque inside the Fortress as the first, most frequently imperial mosque, is a
logical sequence of events, given that the army located in the Fortress should be provided with daily prayers. However, it
doesn’t necessarily have to be raised by the sultan himself or under his authority, as is it the similar case in Požega. Fazileta
Hafizović states that the two emperor mosques in Požega were appointed nominally on behalf of the emperor- sultan, and
that the officers received timar for their service (Hafizović 2016: 46).
The second mosque in Ilok, which is mentioned in the historical records, is the mosque of Gazi Mehmed Bey Yahyapaşa
- oğlu, a prefect of Sanjak of Smederevo and beylerbey of Buda Vilayet. This mosque is also known as the Çarsi Mosque.
Its possible location is in the area of the Orthodox Church of St. Archangel Michael which was built from 1798 to 180121
(Kozobarić 1909: 34, 40). The position of the mosque can be seen in Maximilian Prandstätter’s graphic from 1608, where
the minaret and dome are depicted (Fig. 1: 2); in the graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány from 1687, according to Sébastien
Le Clerc and Johanna Sibilla Küsela22, the mosque was depicted with a minaret23, dome and oriental windows (see Fig. 6:
1); in the N. F. Sparr’s view of Ilok in 1697 the minaret is seen in the background (Fig. 7: 1); in the painting The Tree of the
Syrmia´s Saints by Ivan Filip Binder from 177724 where the position of the dome and the minaret of the mosque is visible in
the background (Fig. 8: 1). In addition to visual and graphic displays, Evliya Çelebi also mentions the mosque in his trave-
20 The first mosque was often in the fort where it was not possible to accommodate other objects (see Moačanin 2001: 83).
21 Jovan Kozobarić states that the land for the construction of the baroque church was redeemed in 1796, see Kozobarić, J. 1909, Srpska pravoslavna
crkva u Iloku, Srpski Manastir, Sremski Karlovci, 40.
22 I thank the Museum of Valpovo for the submitted graphic under the code no. MV-855.
23 The watercolour drawing shows the eastern side of the fort in the forefront, while in the background is a western side with the main entrance to the
Fortress.
24 I thank Franciscan priest Ivica Jagodić from the parish of St. Filip and Jakov in Vukovar, who has given his permission for publication of parts of the
painting from the parish collection.
305
Fig. 6 A detail from the graphic Battle at Nagyharsány,
according to Sébastien Le Clerc, Johanna Sibilla
Küsela, from 1687, Museum of Valpovo, inv. no.
MV – 855 (recorded by M. Barić 2015, edited
by A. Rimpf)
logue while describing coffee rooms in the ou-

ter fortress in front of the Çarsi Mosque. In the
following text, Çelebi describes the position of
the mosque, calling it the Mehmed Bey’s Mo-
sque and states that it is in Çarsi (Čelebija 1973:
523–524; Çelebi 2003: 54). Count Sigmund
Joachim Trautmansdorff writes in his travelo-
gue that on September 30, 1688, after a long
march, he was accommodated in front of Ilok 25
in one Turkish mosque (Pickl 1972: 141).
Fig. 7 A depiction of an army of Eugen Savoy and Ilok,

N. F. Sparr, from 1697, Archives of Ilok Town
Museum (recorded and edited by A. Rimpf
2015)
The conclusion about the location of the

mosque also indicates the proximity of found
tombs and tombstones in the streets of Braća
Đaković and Kralj Tomislav, which could have
been a part of a cemetery. These streets are
opposite of the Orthodox temple on its south
side. In the newspapers Hrvatski list from 1957
Brlić writes about three graves with sitting de-
Fig. 8 A painting of the Tree of Syrmia’s Saints, by the

author Ivan Filip Binder from 1777, the Franci-
scian Monastery in Vukovar, no inv. no.
(recorded by I. Jagodić 2016, edited by A. Rimpf)
ceased and Turkish coins26 that were found in

Ilok in the yard of Franjo Jarabek (Brlić 1957: 1).
The existence of mezarlık or cemetery is also
evidenced by protective archaeological exca-
vation in 1975 in the street of O. Keršovani bb27,
where a burial tomb was discovered inside the
chamber. The deceased is oriented towards
the southeast28 with stretched hands to the
body, without grave findings (Gerik 1975: 1).
25 In front of Ilok can often be marked in front of the Fortress, so it is possible that it is precisely about this mosque.
26 Newspaper Hrvatski list no.70. from 11.03.1927. Family Jarabek lived in the street of Kralj Tomislav between no. 30 and 32.
27 Street O. Keršovani, renamed to Braća Đaković. The tomb was found in the garden of the house between the houses of the Miličević family and the
Vlha family, today from no. 5 to no. 24.
28 The position of Mecca, looking from Ilok, is in the southeast. Also, the orientation of Muslim deceased is north-south with a mild deviation with head
facing the holy city of Mecca. Graves most often don't have any archaeological findings. (see Rohn et al 2009: 513).
The second archaeological excavation in this area was conducted in Kralj Tomislav Street29 in 2000, where two nişans30 or
tombstones were found. The headgears of tombstones had a form of wrinkled turbans made of limestone and marble. The
mentioned forms belonged to male members of Ottoman society given the exact replica of their headgear (Mujezinović
1974: 128), i.e. the nişans of the landowners, prominent men and members of the guild (Nametak 1939: 24). As the tomb-
stones middle part with the text is missing, it is impossible to tell the exact details about the deceased.
The time of the construction of the mosque is unknown, but given the time of construction of the Imaret Mosque in
Belgrade around 154031 (Fotić 2001: 441–442), it can be concluded that the mosque was built in the same decade, i.e. in the
middle of the 16th century. The mosque was architecturally very similar to it and made in classical form: with cupolas and
a dome covered with lead. Architecturally similar or identical mosques are Kasim Pasha’s Mosque in Pécs and Osijek (Mini-
chreiter 1984: 53), Ibrahim Pasha’s Mosque in Đakovo (Papić, Valentić 1990: 45) and other mosques of that time which were
constructed in Bosnia such as: Ali Pasha’s Mosque in Buna; Aladža in Foča; Jusuf Pasha’s Mosque in Maglaj, etc. (Ayverdi
1981: 77, 117, 223). Considering that the first reconstruction of the fortress was under the management of the Odescalchi
family in 1721 and that the purchase of land for the new Orthodox temple was in 1796, the mosque may have been par-
tially visible after 1688.
From this it can be concluded that the mosque was at the entrance to Çarsi Street in the Upper Town and in the same
or nearby place where now stands an Orthodox temple built in baroque form.32 The mosque was destroyed after the re-
conquest.
The third mosque is the mosque of Arslan Bey Yahyapaşa - oğlu33. The position of this mosque is reported by Evliya
Çelebi, who says that it is located at the very top of the same street (Çarsi) and that there is one fountain - çeşme in front of
it, and with the old cemetery on the opposite side. From that cemetery downward it goes down to iskela34 (Čelebija 1973:
524; Çelebi 2003: 54). The testimonies of Çelebi’s statement and protective archaeological excavations carried out in Dr.
Franjo Tuđman Street in 1974, house number 12, are pointing to the location of the cemetery. Namely, the headgear of the
male tombstone made of green tuff and with a single wrinkle was found.35
Another confirmation of the statement is the protective archaeological excavation in 2015 when the remains of the
watering place for the cattle from 19th century were discovered in this area, and two meters further in the east ruins of
a 20th-century well were found (Rimpf 2015: 25–27). These architectural findings point to the position of the Ottoman
fountain, which is mentioned in Çelebi’s Seyahatname. The fountain was probably altered and then removed, as it was the
only watercourse in this area.
Arslan Bey’s Mosque is also seen in the depiction of Maximilian Prandstätter from 1608 as the last in the sequence
going west. The mosque was painted with a dome and a minaret (Fig. 1: 4), while on the left side of the graphic of Battle
at Nagyharsány in 1687 the minaret of the mosque can be seen near the mosque of Mehmed Bey, further west (Fig. 6: 3).
According to the plan of De lineatio Geometrica et oppidi Ilok, described by Jovan Kozobarić, the first Orthodox temple was
built in 1703 (Fig. 3: 1) (Kozobarić 1909: 26) at the crossing of the Main and Dunav Street. That is confirmed by the 1975
press release in which was written that the new road was made in 1972 and that the workers discovered stone remains
of an old Orthodox temple on the corner of the Dunav Street and Maršal Tito Street at house number 36 (Barbarić 1975
a, b: 8).36 Namely, the old temple, as Kozobarić states, was built of bricks and covered with oak wood (Kozobarić 1909: 27).
In addition to that, at the beginning of the 19th century, there were no houses from the crossings of these streets going
west. My opinion is that the location of this mosque, according to the information mentioned here, is partly in Dr. Franjo
29 The archaeological excavation was carried out in 2000, according to the curator of the Ilok Town Museum, Ružica Černi. She received a call about
a finding found during the excavation in depth of 2 m in front of the house number 20 of the mentioned street. In addition to these findings, Ivica
Miletić, who lives in house number 18, mentioned in August 2016 that he found parts of human skeletons in the family garden and on the neighboring
parcels of private houses.
30 For more about tombstones see Mujezinović, M. 1974, Islamska epigrafika u Bosni i Hercegovini, Book I, II, III, Knjižnica kulturnog naslijeđa "Veselin
Masleša" Sarajevo.
31 The Syrmia County was under the rule of Mehmed around 1534 (Fotić 2001: 440). Mehmed Bey Yahyapaşa – oğlu built the Imaret Mosque and the
surrounding mosque complex that was demolished in the late 19 th century.
32 An example of rebuilding on the same ancient sacred spaces is not unknown, it occurs much earlier in history.
33 Arslan Bey was the bey of the Sanjak Požega and Budim beylerbey until 1566 when he was killed.
34 tur. Iskele -kind of a river boat used for transporting passangers, vehicles and goods from one shore to another.
35 Turbans of green color were a status symbol and belonged to: imams; the manager of the guild and other high dignitaries. In the newspaper Iteks,
Dragutin Barbarić writes that near the house number 13, Dunav Street, monuments from the old cemetery from the 17th century were found. (Barbarić
1975b: 8). For more about the look of dignitaries and ordinary citizens see Küçükyalçın 2015b.
36 Street of Maršal Tito is today the street of Dr. Franjo Tuđman and house number 36 is not at the crossroads of these two streets mentioned by Dragutin
Barbarić, but number 16.
307
Tuđman Street, between houses numbers 12 and 28, and on the corner of the Dunav Street. Also, the stone foundations
discovered in 1972 could have belonged to this mosque. Terminus ante quem of its construction was in 1568 and it was
later demolished or partially rebuilt in the period immediately after the entry of the Christian army in 1688 and the arrival
of Orthodox inhabitants under Arsenij Čarnojević in 1699.
The fourth mosque is the mosque of sakkabaş37 Mehmed Agha. This mosque is the only one with the exact known
location today. In the description of the Fortress it is mentioned by Çelebi, which states that there are only two mosques in
the city: one is the Süleyman Han Mosque and the other is the mosque of Mehmed Agha near the Ottoman bath. (Čelebija
1973: 524; Çelebi 2003: 54). Mehmed Agha can be found in the census of Syrmia Sanjak from 1568 of the Fortress. This
mosque was the core of the quarter or mahalle that is listed in the census as Mehmed Agha’s quarter. (McGown 1983: 7–8).
According to Nenad Moančanin it was built between 1580 and 1590 as a mescit (Moačanin 2001: 101). My opinion is that
it couldn’t have been a mescit because architecturally it is a simple house, without domes and smaller dimensions, as it is
depicted in images, graphics and ground penetrating radar survey. The building can be seen in all so far known art and
graphic illustrations of Ilok: from Maximilian Prandstätter from 1608, where the minaret is visible inside the fortress near
the castle of the dukes of Ilok (Fig. 1: 3); in the graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány from 1687, where the minaret of the mosque
is visible right next to the court of the dukes of Ilok (Fig. 6: 2); on the ground floor of the Fortress made by Abbot Bonini in
1688, under the letter G, it is charted with its square shape with the indicated porch and dome and a nearby building can
be seen (Fig. 9). The ground floor of the Spanish surveyors from 1690 shows a square shape with a porch and Ottoman
mausoleum next to it (Fig. 10: 1); in the drawing of N.F. Sparr from 1687 (Fig. 7: 2) and the Schmalkalder’s drawing from 1698
the minaret of the mosque is visible by the court (Fig. 11: 1). The presence of the mosque next to the Odescalchi palace is
best depicted in the painting of the Tree of Syrmia’s Saints, where the mosque is located in front of the renovated courtyard
or the palace of the Odescalchi family, with a square shape, blue dome and a minaret (Fig. 8: 2).
Fig. 9 A plan of Ilok fortress by Abbot Bonini

from 1689 (Horvat 2002: 196, Fig.2)
The ground penetrating radar sur-

vey38 of the outer courtyard of the Ilok
Town Museum from 2006 recorded the
shape of the mosque with the indicated
partition as it is shown in the drawings. It
is oriented in the direction of west - east,
the main prayer room is located to the
south - east, and the porch is in the west.
The location of the minaret is not visible
in the footage, only the indications of thi-
ckening of the walls that may represent
the collapse on the south and east side
of the walls. Therefore, future archaeolo-
gical excavations should be based on two probes: the southern and eastern part, which would also identify the exact
position of the minaret and establish the preservation of the connecting walls before the beginning of the systematic
archaeological excavations.
A small cemetery was also located in the courtyard of the mosque. During the decoration of the courtyard of the
palace Odescalchi in 2010 in the part where the mosque was first identified, the humus layer was removed and the rec-
tangular headgear of the male tombstone was found. It is made out of Macedonian marble, gradually narrowed at the
37 tur. sakkabaş, the first water carrier. By rank the second officer behind the janissary agha or the commander. Sak, tur. a barrel or some other vessel
from which water is shared (Smojaković 2004: 135-136). Nenad Moačanin translates the word "sakaba" as a court cupbearer, for more see Moačanin
2001: 101.
38 The survey was carried out as part of the project Reconstruction and revitalization of cultural heritage Ilok - Vukovar - Vučedol.
Fig. 10 The ground floor of the Spanish surveyors

from 1690, Archives of Ilok Town Museum (re-
corded by A. Rimpf 2015)
top and without its middle part. Although its

appearance resembles Subaşı caps39, the caps
of water-bearers40 are very similar. If the word
sakkabaş is considered to be a label of janissa-
ry genus who were located in the fortress, it
is possible that the building belonged to the
sakkabaş Mehmed, who built a tomb, turbe41,
in the circle of the mosque. The tombstone
was probably inside the turbe and ended
up in the middle of the mosque during its
Fig. 11 Schmalkalder’s drawing of Ilok from 1688,

Archive Ilok Town Museum (recorded by A.
Rimpf 2015)
demolition and rebuilding of plateau of the

Fortress in 1793. In addition to the tombsto-
ne, the foundation of a structure was found
in the south side of the construction. It was
most possibly a fence of the mosque complex
or the wall of the mosque (Fig. 12). A possible
part of mosque decoration could have also
been a marble stone called levha42 (Fig. 13) with šahadā43, or the inscription of the First Pillar of Islam, which reads “There
is no God except Allah, and I testify that Muhammad is the servant and the messenger.” The text was written in a calligraphic
letter thuluth. The first part of the stone plate with the inscription is missing which can clearly be seen on the object in
the upper perforation part where the two panels were joined. The inscription is vertical and reads from the top down.
Such texts written in a calligraphic script were also used in architecture with the Qur’an āyät44, carved in the interior of the
mosque near the door or at the mimber.45 The object was probably the part of the collection of the Odescalchi family who
exhibited such items from Ilok in the palace.46 The aforementioned hypothesis about the location of the minaret of the
39 For more about turban forms see Küçükyalçın 2015.a, b; the definition seen in Šabanović, 1973; he states an explanation of the word Subaşı in the
meaning of the deputy of Sanjak bey. On the other hand, with the establishment of the ziamet, every ziam would have received a title of Subaşı, which
would perhaps be more appropriate for Ilok.
40 For more about turban see Vingopoulou 2014a, b.
41 The turbe - mausoleum consists of four square columns ending with an oriental arch and a cupola made of gable tile, oriented in the direction of
Mecca, S-E. The building was built alternately by stacking stones and bricks. The mausoleum from Ilok belongs to the second type (Redžić 1982: 81).
Namely, according to the 1930 photographs, the mausoleum is decorated with arabesque in the upper wreath which were plastered during the res-
torations in 1951 and 1957 (see Horvat 1956, Ministry of Culture - Ministry of Cultural Heritage / Central Archives MK-UZKB / SA-ZDE item no. 1820).
Since the conservation works on hammam - bath were carried out from 2011 to 2013 and two overlapping layers were found on the inner walls, and
the layer with the arabesque represents the second phase of reconstruction in the first decade of the 17th century (Škarpa Dubreta 2012: 55), second
renovation of the hammam could be tied to the time of the construction of the turbe. Its architecture is very similar to the turbe of Lala Şahin Pasha
from the 14th century located in Kazanlak in Bulgaria; Oruç Pasha turbe in Didymoteicho, Greece; turbe in Alifakovac cemetery in Sarajevo, Bosnia
and Herzegovina, and one near Sinan's tekke in Sarajevo.
42 Levha is a part of a square-shaped stone column, according to the owner of an antique store in Osijek, Zoran Baloban, and it originated from Ilok.
It was purchased by the Museum of Slavonia in Osijek in 2009, inv. no. MSO-168922, Collection of Sculptures and Inscriptions. Levha is given as a
permanent loan to Ilok Town Museum in 2010.
43 ar. šahadā, a document.
44 ar. āyät, one of 6219 phrases or verses of which the Qur'an consists.
45 I thank the retired Mufti Ševko Omerbašić for the information on the placement of the levha within religious buildings.
46 The items from the palace were taken from 1944 to 1946 and sent to Belgrade, Novi Sad and Osijek. A part of the collection was taken by the locals,
although in 1955 they were ordered to return the items to Ilok in the organization of the Ilok Municipal Museum and Ilok Municipality (see Turina
1956, Ministry of Culture - Directorate for the Protection of Cultural Heritage archive MK-UZKB / SA-TOZ, Tvrđava općina Ilok). Only a small number
of items were eventually returned to Ilok.
309
Fig. 12 A decoration of the exterior courtyard of the
Odescalchi palace with visible foundations of the
walls (photo by M. Soldo 2010)
mosque, its appearance, the way of construction

and the person who was buried in the mauso-
leum, will substantiate for further archaeologi-
cal excavations.
The fifth mentioned mosque belongs to Gazi
Turali Bey, who conquered Ilok along with Gazi
Hüsrev Bey and Malkoçoğlu Bali Bey. He was al-
so a bey in numerous sanjaks and, among other
things, bey of Sanjak of Smederevo, to which Ilok
was annexed in the early phase of Ottoman rule.
According to his vakif nami or waqf, he built a
mosque in Ilok and ten shops which he incorporated in waqf
before his death in 1572, when Ilok also had an independent
manager - a muteveli. It was determined that four officers:
hâtib, imam and two muezzins - muezzin, will perform eight
services in the Ilok mosque. Muteveli was also the chief clerk,
and the first service was served by Süleyman, son of Ishak,
a resident of the Fortress. The total amount of money spent
on maintaining the mosque was 24 dirhams a day (Korkut
1963: 97; Bašić 2012: 165). The list of Ilok from 1579 from the
Lower Town mentions one imam and muezzin (McGown
1983: 8). The drawing of the mosque in Lower Town can only
be seen in a graphic called The Liberation of Ilok from 1688
(Fig. 2: 3). The construction is visible underneath the fortress
in the southeast side with oriental windows, a dome and a
crescent moon on the top. Since no traveller mentions this
mosque, and especially Evliya Çelebi who writes about the
mosques of the Upper Town and lists the objects in the Lo-
wer Town47, the location of the mosque should be sought
in that part of today’s city. Namely, the Lower Town then
represented a craft and trade part of the city. Given the afo-
rementioned number of the stores included in waqf, com-
paring with the photos of Ilok from the 20th century (Fig. 14),
finding brick architecture in 2003/200448 on the Križni put
Square, and location of the Ottoman period fountains and
the natural springs of water49, it can be determined that the
remains of the mosque are in the area of Julije Benešić Street
Fig. 13 Marble levha, Ilok Town Museum (Museum of Slavonia in
Osijek), inv. no. MSO – 168922 (photo by M. Topić 2012)
47 The conclusion is that Çelebi was never in the Lower Town since he only gives detailed description of the constructions in the Fortress and Upper
Town. In the part of the text about the Lower Town he only gives a list of buildings.
48 The curator of the Ilok Town Museum, Ružica Černi, states that the entire square was dug up in 2003/2004 and the walls of brick were found, but
since archaeological supervision was not regulated and post-war reconstruction of Ilok was underway, archaeology was not included in the project.
49 The highest concentration of water springs and fountains is precisely in that part of the Lower Town.
Fig. 14 Ilok. Upper and Lower Town, 1930, Ilok Town Museum, inv. no. RD – 9 (recorded by R. Černi 2014)
towards Križni put Square. Based on the above mentioned data, the mosque was probably built before the middle of the
16th century and was destroyed no later than 1688.
The sixth mosque mentioned by Çelebi is the Küçük Mehmed Bey Mosque. It is located on the way to the Danube and
in the close range from Arslan Bey’s Mosque (Čelebija 1973: 524; Çelebi 2003: 54). The road that Çelebi mentions leads to-
wards Turkish iskele stretching along the Danube and Danube backwater, called the Great and Small iskele.
The graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány from 1687 depicts Ilok with five mosques and it is possible that one of the two mi-
narets on the right side of the graphic belongs to Küçük Mehmed Bey Mosque (Fig. 6). Nenad Moačanin states that at least
one mosque is likely to be erected until Çelebi’s time, regardless of the increase in the population (Moačanin 2001: 101)
and no later than 1664. Namely, in the area of Vodocrpilište in Ribarska Street in 2002, parts of several skeletal burials were
discovered50, some of which were interlaced,51 and they probably belonged to a small cemetery beside a religious object
within the settlement. In addition to this, the site of the settlement can also be confirmed by the existence of an Ottoman
fountain, which was redesigned in the 19th century. The archaeological remains of the mosque are not visible today since
the area is covered with high vegetation, but I think its location is on the part of the Small iskele where the natural high
ground is located.
The seventh mosque, referred under that name by Nenad Moačanin, is the mosque of çavuş Mustafa. The mosque
emerged as the center of mahalle of the same name until 1595 (Moačanin 2001: 87), while Çelebi has mentioned the mo-
sque as a mescid on the way to iskele (Çelebi 2003: 54). The archaeological remains of this building and its possible location
for the time being remain unknown, due to the poor archaeological excavations of the Upper Town of Ilok. It is also possi-
ble that, the same as the previous mosque, one of the minaret in the graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány may perhaps belong
to the mosque of çavuş Mustafa (Fig. 6: 15).
Reconstruction of Mehmed Agha mosque in Ilok

The ideal reconstruction can be carried out as an educational display of a particular space or building assembly, or as
an initial analysis of spatial possibilities. Those possibilities, in a given space or within specific spatial parameters, provide
50 On that occasion, the curator of the Vukovar Municipal Museum, Mirela Hutinec and the archaeologist of the Conservation Department in Osijek, Vesna
Kezunović, came to the field and noticed in the southern and eastern profile of the excavation parts of skeletons, completely and partially preserved
with the hands on the pelvis. In the following days it is stated that nothing else was found during the excavation, and the supervision was taken over
by the Vukovar Municipal Museum (Hutinec 2002: 1). It is important to mention that that area is a part of the settlement that has continuity to this
date, so the attention should be paid to future agricultural works on that location.
51 According to Branimir Vrbanac, a resident of Ilok, landowners in Ribarska Street, near Vodocrpilište, going westward, during orchard plantation works
came across ceramic pots and stove tiles. He states that pottery can be found throughout the length of a small high ground above the Danube.
311
Fig. 15 Topographic location of the mosques (source: https://geoportal.dgu.hr/; edited by A. Rimpf 2016)
us with the possibility to explore planning further research (as it is the case here).
In our case, the ideal reconstruction is there to explore and possibly confirm the disposition of a particular structure
within the overall spatial structure (in this case, the assembly of the Ilok Fortress), and also to clear the possible relationship
it had with respect to the other buildings that have been so far inscribed within the observed spatial unit.
The ideal reconstruction, along with its pragmatic research reasons, also presents a clear educational message at the
same time, i.e. its visual reconstruction represents a clear initial idea of the building to professionals, on the one hand,
and to the general public on the other. Such visualization presented to the experts provides an opportunity to clear the
existing hypotheses or to define some new. For the non-professional people, or the general public, it can represent the
personification of complex spatial relationships and historical changes through time in a given space, that are for that audi-
ence difficult to understand from the technical drawings and descriptions.
In the case of Ilok, the ideal reconstruction was initiated precisely for the purpose of checking and defining parameters
for future research, but also as an educational contribution to the perception of the complex and layered urban history of
the medieval town. In that respect the procedure that was carried out included a few features that have to be mention.
The procedure that precedes each reconstruction is collecting and analyzing available data. In the case of a former
Mehmed Agha Mosque, data on its former position was preserved in both written and graphic historical sources, as well as
observation of the site itself, proved and fully confirmed by field observation and by geophysical methods.
An examination of the available historical materials (illustration or various records) was initially carried out and through
field sighting it was confirmed by visual inspection of the site, where parts of the former walls or foundations were visible
due to different grass pigmentation in the observed area.
The confirmation and collection of additional data was carried out in the next step, by using the non-invasive geo-
physical survey. It was carried out in 2006 and 2007 on the site of the entire fort in Ilok. That survey fully recognized and
affirmed the position and the basic dimension of the foundation construction and the position of the former building
walls. In conjunction with the information from the written sources and some preserved historic illustrations, it can be
concluded that the mosque belonged to Mehmed Agha. The ground penetrating radar survey confirmed the position,
organization and dimensions of the building with a quadratic base and a specific portico as a significant and in founda-
tion preserved example of Ottoman architecture, positioned close to the preserved turbe, i.e. mausoleum of the Ottoman
dignitary, east of the Odescalchi castle.
The ground penetrating radar survey defined the basic dimensions for the reconstruction of the building as well as
indications for the disposal of the main building elements. Therefore, the dimensions of the Mehmed Agha Mosque show
a building defined by an elongated rectangle whose main axis extends in the east - west direction with the length of this
rectangle of about 14 meters, and with the width of more than 8 meters. The geophysical research confirmed, together
with the total of the visually accessible spatial contours, the quadratic base of the main space that had the quadrant dimen-
sions of about 8 and a half meters (it can be assumed to be a prayer space), together with the portico that goes outside of
a quadratic floor plan about 6 meters to the west (Fig.16).
Fig. 16 A photograph of the yard (and detail) of ancient Ilok fortress where different grassland pigmentation areas
are observed as the correct contours of the former Mehmed Agha Mosque (photo by A. Rimpf 2016,
edited by D. Arbutina)
The visualization of the conceptual reconstruction was initially based on the data of the ground penetrating radar
survey. It was from the presentation of those findings that the raster of the basic floor plan and the basic dimensions of
the building had been defined. The basic spatial layout and construction features had been further defined on the basis
of analogy with the respective construction practice within the area connected to the Ottoman Empire together with the
time frame within the original building was erected. In the case of the Mehmed Agha Mosque preserved structures of a
similar type had been placed on the territory of the western provinces of the former Ottoman Empire from 16th to the end
of 18th century (Fig. 17 and 18).
For the definition of basic spatial elements, all involving basic dimensions of spaces or constructive elements, it is nec-
essary to study the basic characteristics of the Ottoman architecture of the observed period (the 16th century), especially in
the area of the western provinces of the Empire. In these provinces, the largest occupied mosques were erected within the
borders of Croatia (i.e. Slavonia, where one of the partially preserved examples is in Đakovo, while the other is in Dalmatia,
Klis) and Hungary (where the most important examples are in Pécs or Szigetvár). The features of these and the examples
of similar structures built in other parts of the Western Ottoman provinces, especially those in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
the most numerous and most respected, are almost all based on a spatial concept that impressed the Ottomans after the
occupation of Constantinople, the great Byzantine Hagia Sophia52 (Fig.19).
52 Hagia Sophia and its spatial and constructive concept are characterized by a central spatial composition with a dome placed on the many windows
dematerialized tambour. Special constructive feature of the building is the way of securing the transition from the quadratic base of the ground floor
to the circular base for the tambour. It means that base of a dome rests on the circular base of the tambour lying on the segments of spherical surface
planes that ensure the transition from the quadratic shape of the floor plan to the circular tambour shape. In this example on its longitudinal sides it
was supported and spatially extended with the semi-domes. Those semi-domes provided significant both structural and spatial effect with supporting
the tamboured structure and the central dome itself. For the first time, the necessary continuous support for the construction of the tambour was
provided with the parts of the spherical elements, or the pendentives. Those are constructed to ensure the geometrical transition from the quadratic
to the circular base together with the enabling the overall stability of the dome itself and the entire building. It also created one of the most important
elements for the dematerialized definition of the interior space, but also the exterior of the building.
313
Fig. 17 The situation of the ground penetrating radar survey conducted in Ilok fortress in 2006 and 2007, where the former mosque of Mehmed
Agha was detected in the part of the display marked “Obm 1”., Digital Archive Ilok Town Museum, (recorded by B. Mušič, J. Soklic 2007)
Fig. 18 Analytical View of the ground penetrating radar survey Results, Digital Archive Ilok Town Museum (recorded by B.
Mušič 2006)
In the case of Islamic architecture on the territory of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Hungary, as well as in other
Balkan countries that were under the rule of the Ottoman Empire during the 15th and 16th centuries, the construction of
Islamic places of worship was largely defined by a typological determinant described by central spatial disposition. It that
disposition the principle of the mosque organization is with the main prayer space defined as a unique spatial unit under
Fig. 19 A schematic representation of a con-

structive problem of transition from
a quadratic base to an octagonal or
circular drum and, ultimately, to a semi-
spherical dome (drawing by D. Arbuti-
na 2016)
the dome, located on the tambour of

the circular or octagonal floor plan with
the portico in front and often some
additional structures (as fountain) and
spaces around or in the vicinity of the
main structure.
The central spatial concept was
taken over from Byzantine architectural
practice and within the construction of
Ottoman mosques it is adapted to spe-
cific Islamic religious requirements and
local technical and financial capabilities.
The examples of single-space mosque
based on a quadratic ground plan, with
the central prayer room, had the dome
constructed in two specific ways. In
both technically demanding construc-
tion possibilities, the basic idea is in
using the geometry related to the Con-
stantinople church of Hagia Sophia in a
way that enables the positioning of the
semi-spherical dome over the quadratic
base. In one technical possibility spe-
cific transition from the quadratic base
of the basic space to the circular base of
the tambour was resolved by the pen-
dentives53 (Fig.20). The other construc-
tion option was to use the trompe since
this constructive procedure was less
technically demanding, but spatially
less impressive.54
In the areas of Hungary, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Serbia and Mace-
donia, the most common way to solve
the transition from the quadratic to the
octagonal base was with the squinches.
Fig. 20 A schematic representation of a pendental structure that provides a transition to the Numerous examples of larger or smaller
circular base. Structure of a tambour that carries a dome and it transition from a qua- mosques were built in those areas with
dratic base (similar to that of Hagia Sophia). A construction showing a quadratic base
ground plan dimensions based on the
around which the base of the sphere is depicted, and the cross-section of sphere to-
gether with the cubes that provides the organization of a constructive assembly for the quadratic of 7, 5 meters in one respect
octagonal tambours and semi-spherical domes (drawing by D. Arbutina 2016) to over 20 meters in the other. In most
of those examples the transition from
the quadratic base to the octagonal
53 The pendentives are spherical surface planes formed by a cross-section of semi-spherical and cubic structures.
54 Squinches are constructions that are carried out at the corners of the quadratic base of central structures to provide a continuous support of circular
or octagonal tambours as the base of the semi-spherical dome. Squinches, as constructive elements, can be constructed as a series of arches, i.e. a
vault that connects the junctions of the walls in the quadratic base, and thus creates a proper octagon base on which the octagonal tambours are
built within the quadratic floor surface planes, all as a basis for a semi-spherical construction of a dome.
315
tambour stands for the semi-spherical dome done by using the squiches. Among those examples, we can mention one
partially preserved in Croatia as part of the Ibrahim Pasha Mosque in Ðakovo, today as the Catholic Church of All Saints. 55
Many more are preserved in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with selection that includes the Aladža Mosque in Foèa56, Ali-Pasha
Rizvanbegoviæ Mosque in Buni57, Koski Mehmed Pasha Mosque in Mostar58, as well as the Karagöz Bey Mosque in Mostar,
and Kalavun Jusuf Pasha Mosque in Maglaj59. Within Macedonia it is worth to mention Ishak Çelebi Mosque and Yeni Cami
in Bitola60, as well as Ahmed Pasha Mosque in Kyustendil, Bulgaria61. The interesting and remarkably preserved examples
are also in Hungary, and those include Gazi Kasim Pasha Mosque and Jakovali Hassan Pasha Mosque in Pécs, and Ali Pa-
sha’s Mosque in Szigetvár. Jakovali Hassan Pasha Mosque in Pécs, with its basic plan view, possibly with constructive solu-
tions and together with the time of its emergence (according to some sources it is the second half of the 16th century,62 or
according to other interpretations near the first quarter of the 17th century63) can greatly serve as a model when consider-
ing possible overall appearance of the Mehmed Agha Mosque in Ilok.64
The mosques in the territory of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Hungary and other Balkan countries were most often
the vanguard structures of local dignitaries, which were also considerably smaller than the buildings under the patron-
age of the ruler’s family. In those cases, their dimensions represent the proper economic status of these individuals in the
empire in juxtaposition to the ruler, or the Sultan himself. Those structures are therefore indicator of overall position of
Fig. 21
A schematic representation of the Ali-Pasha
Rizvanbegović mosque in Buna (drawing by D. Arbutina
2016)
55 For more see Karač 2015: 96–104.
56 The Aladža Mosque in Foča is an example where, in addition to the construction of dome on the squinches, it is worth highlighting the double porch
in front of the main prayer room. Three segments on the porch that are next to the main mosque space are covered with domes, while the outer field
is solved as a single-roofed structure.
57 Ali Pasha Rizvanbegović's Mosque is seen externally by the elements of the construction of the building, which include the squinches and the octagonal
tambour of the dome, which fully coincides with the dimensions of the external walls on the quadratic base.
58 The Koski Mehmed Pasha Mosque in Mostar shows the construction of the dome on squinches and a double porch in front of the main prayer area,
where the three segments of the porch along the main mosque are covered with domes, while the outer field is solved as a single-roofed structure.
59 The mosque in Maglaj has an octogonal tambour of a slightly reduced dimension and slightly engraved with respect to the surfaces of its quadratic
base, but here, on the outside, is the visible foundation of the structure of the squinches which ensures the transition from quadratic to octagonal
basis.
60 The Yeni Cami Mosque in Bitola is an example of a quadratic-sized mosque of about 20 meters, but also a double, but closed, two-rowed with three-
dome ceiling structures.
61 The specificity of this small mosque is in the position of the minaret, which is part of a double porch covered with three cupolas. In this case the field
of the porch closer to the main prayer area is closed, and beside it is a position for a minaret (not adjacent to the main cube of the building, i.e. con-
nected to the walls of the main prayer area, and unfortunately destroyed in the earthquake at the beginning of the 20 th century). In this and similar
cases some of these peculiarities may be the consequence of the special construction circumstances. Those could be defined by the 15th-century
construction of the mosque on the foundations of the former church, i.e. the complex of antique baths, as well as the alterations and upgrades un-
dertaken during the time (in this example during the last quarter of the 16th century and also during the 18th century). The proper cube (almost cube)
of this mosque, and the octagonal tambour, show the direction in which the architecture of the smaller Islamic places of worship will be developed
and spread throughout the western provinces of the Ottoman Empire.
62 For more see Gerő 1976.
63 For more see Sudár 2009: 398–406.
64 An interesting interpretation of the work of Sudar, B. 2009, where in his work "Who was Hasan-pasha Jakovali?" he explains the thesis that the
relationship can be between the mosque in Pécs and the mosque in Đakovo. In that thesis the connection is the same family that is related to both
of the towns, which is the family of Memi-pasha, who owned Đakovo and who had his main possessions in this Croatian town. During the same time
the service of family members within the Empire led those persons to Pécs where they erected some buildings that are preserved up to this day.
Fig. 22 A drawing of Kalavun Jusuf Pasha’s mo- Fig. 23 Ishak Çelebi Mosque mosque in Bito- Fig. 24 Yeni Cami Mosque, Bitola, Macedo-
sque in Maglaj (drawing by D. Arbutina la, Macedonia (drawing by D. Arbutina nia (drawing by Arbutina, D. 2016)
2016) 2016)
Fig. 27 Ahmed Pasha’s mosque in Kyustendil, Bulgaria

(drawing by D. Arbutina 2016)
Fig. 25 The Hassan Pasha’s Mosque in

Pécs. The layout of Jakovali Has-
san Pasha’s mosque in Pécs (ac-
cording to the plans of G. Gerő
1976: 20, fig. V; drawing by D.
Fig. 26 A cross-section and ground plan of
Arbutina 2016)
Koski Mehmed Pasha Mosque in Mo-
star (in accordance with the designs of
Ayverdi, E. H et al. 1981: 234, R 373 –
374; drawing by D. Arbutina 2016)
317
Fig. 28 A section and floor plan of Aladža Mosque in Foča (drawing by D. Arbutina 2016)
certain areas within the state that include their political and economic sta-
tus within the Ottoman Empire (Fig.21 –28).
Such structures were defined by their typology in a way that included
the following features:
• In principle, the mosques were built as the central spatial organiza-
tion buildings.
• They are designed with, usually, quadratic base of the ground floor
plan for the main prayer area, and only exceptionally rare with octagonal
ground floor plan.
• The dimensions of the ground floor plan of the main spatial unit were
from about 7x7 meters to more than 20x20 meters.
• As spatial structures, the mosques in western Ottoman provinces we-
re often mono-spatial structures (i.e. the main prayer room is a separate
spatial entity) with the dome that rises above the main prayer area.
• The basic volume of the main prayer space is the cube, while the oc-
tagonal or circular tambours are raised over it, and on those tambours, that
serve as a transitional structure from the quadratic bases, semi-spherical
domes were built. Domes of the mosques were sometimes hidden within
the wooden structure of the roof, but more often seen as proper and domi-
nant structures in perception of the whole building.
• Along with the basic volume, the porch was placed in front of the
main structure. It was often constructed as adjunct structure that has been
covered with multiple cupolas, often with the one or two rows of triple cu-
polas that made the ceiling structure of the porch. In that respect the porch,
as a spatial construction, is often a single- or double-row structure, where
the space underneath is solved with sequences covered by three cupolas in
a row. A certain small number of mosques erected in the middle of the 16th
century had the porch that was done as a double-row structure, where it
was possible to build two sequences of three cupolas, i.e. to construct the second sequence of the porch as a space
covered with a beveled roof65. A rather small number of examples were built as mosques without dome, with the
main prayer room covered with a flat wooden ceiling or a hidden wooden dome inside the roof structure.
• Along with all the mosques, the minaret was almost always built as a structure connected with the main building,
as a circular base, high-end elegant tower. The most examples of minarets are exceptionally slim and tall, with a
conical top (roof cap) at its top, although there are examples of such structures that resemble church towers, or
are built not as separate structures but as wooden constructions that are specifically raised from the main cubic
building.
The above mentioned parameters for the definition of spatial, functional and constructive analogy together with the
data of geophysical research, defined the parameters for the ideal reconstruction of the basic visual elements in the exte-
rior of the Mehmed Agha Mosque in Ilok.66 Those parameters in connection with analyzed certain historical sources (writ-
ten sources, as well as illustrations) defined the basis for reconstruction that, in that respect, had the following initial elements:
65 According to the analysis presented in Pašić, Amir (1994), Islamic architecture in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is considered that the Karagöz Bey Mosque
in Mostar, with a double porch, is the work of mimar Sinan, all based on the analogies of mosques built in other places. Those include mosques built
in Űskudara (Mihrimah Sultan Mosque built in 1548), Tekirdag (Rustem Pasha Mosque from 1553), an example of the Mostar Mosque from 1557,
Tahtakale in Istanbul (Rustem Pasha's Mosque from 1562) or Istanbul (Atik Valide Sultan Mosque from 1583).
66 The interior reconstruction is also possible at the level of hypothetical processing using the analogy of defined formatting elements from some exist-
ing structures of similar origin, time and place. In respect to the exterior, decorating and interior decoration themselves are more connected to the
speculative nature of possible reconstruction than basic external shapes and constructions. It is because interior decoration depends significantly
on the slightest change in factors affecting the overall financial strength of the one that drives the construction process but also in terms of available
materials and workforce, where each of these parameters can produce dramatically different results in synergy between themselves, even at the
seemingly same starting conditions.
• The rectangular basis of the entire structure with total dimensions of the foundation, which is about 14 meters in
length and over 8 meters in width.
• Within the overall structure the basis of the main prayer area is the quadratic based floor plan element, with side
of the quadratic dimension of about 8 and a half meters.
• The structure of the semi-spherical dome was probably on octagonal tambour that has the squinches to enable
transition from quadratic base to the octagonal structure of the tambour.
• The height of the main prayer room walls was possibly and approximately equal to the width of the floor plan base
of the main prayer area to form the cube as a basic spatial unit of the mosque.
This ideal reconstruction, as a procedure, analyzed the data of geophysical research, and based on them and presented
analogy, it defined the possible disposition of the structures and spaces. The process is, thus, defined as an analytical spe-
culation, in such respect that results have to provide the programme for further research, while some parts of the process
need to be verified by conducting specific archaeological researches as well.
It is, therefore, essential that we consider the process of ideal reconstruction in this (and not only this example), not as
a final and only presentation of fully conclusive results, but as an important part of the research processes. The process,
which will be further carried out with the future discoveries, should be verified with a concrete archaeological research, as
well as a detailed analysis and interpretation of all of the possible results from such researches (Fig. 29).
Fig. 29 The results of the ground penetrating radar surveyon the site of the fort in Ilok, Digital Archive Ilok Town Museum (recorded by B. Mušič
2006)
If the basic dimensions and survey data overlap with the analogy of the prepared spatial and constructive dispositions
from the examples from the similar area, then the reconstruction will be carried out. It means that central space under the
octagonal tambour and the proper dome dimensions could be defined, but in the definition of the porch and its structure
some intriguing aspects still exist. It means that information from the surveying of the site defined the possible structure
of the basic foundation strip at a distance of 290 cm from the base of the main prayer room, what is one-third of the di-
mension of the side of the main prayer area base, but also the approximate dimension of the 10 Roman feet (Fig. 29 and
30). This together with another strip of foundations further away can suggest specific way of construction and structure
for the porch. It means that the foundation in front of the main prayer area has the dimension that significantly exceeds
the usual depth of a single row of the porch ceiling. It that respect, there is position to conclude that in the case of the
Mehmed Agha Mosque double porch was built on the west side of the building. It is also possible to assume that one row
with three cupolas was probably built close to the entrance to the main prayer area, while the exterior of the outer row
is open to the further consideration. It is, therefore, necessary to plan the verification and confirmation of the hypothesis
after the implementation of archaeological research (Fig. 31).
What is left as a significant unknown feature is also the position of the minaret. It is the position of the minaret on
the building itself that raises the question. Within the geophysical research there is no notice of the reinforcement of the
foundation for the possible structure, while the pictorial records of the city from the time when the mosque existed show
the minaret as visible structure, but there are no material remains present.
According to the analogy with other examples of such architecture from the time when the mosque of Mehmed Agha
was supposedly constructed, and analogies with the mosques in other locations across the western provinces of the Otto-
319
Fig. 30 An analytical overview of the basic configuration for the reconstructed mosque showing a one version of the positioning of the porch
(reconstruction and visualization by D. Arbutina 2016)
Fig. 31 A three -variants perspective of pedestrian views that were considered during work on an ideal reconstruction (reconstruction and
visualization by D. Arbutina 2016)
Fig. 32 A display of a possible minaret location next to the building. The first version is located next to the main prayer room, while the other can
be speculated as one of the possibilities, on the basis of the geophysical survey, since a substantial quadratic underground foundation
structure is detected along the mosque with dimension of about 3 meters, almost like the module of 10 Roman feet, i.e. about 290 cm
(drawing and visualization by D. Arbutina 2016)
man Empire, it is possible to suggest that mosque had the minaret close to the main prayer area, beside the porch or close
to the main structure somewhere else.
The location of the minaret based on the present data can only be defined on the level of designed speculation. Ac-
cording to the data now available, it is possible to consider two possible locations. The first one is next to the southern
wall of the main prayer area (possibly the southwestern corner of the ground floor), where detailed archaeological rese-
arch should be used to verify any reinforcement of the foundation. The second possibility, unpopular and unusual, is the
location of a minaret dislocated from the main building, on the eastern side of the mosque, since the geophysical survey
shows some structure with the quadratic base (the assumed foundation) of side dimensions about around 3 meters and
assuming in that way the possibility for the minaret to be on that side (Fig. 32).
There is an opportunity with this ideal reconstruction to define the plan and programme of the further research, espe-
cially to plan further archaeological excavations. Those plans will consider excavations of the structures around or to the
east of the main building for possible examination, at first in conjunction to the possible minaret position. In that respect,
the ideal reconstruction, together with the final photo-montage of visualized building concepts, defines the basis for
launching possible further researches, both archaeological and structural, and further more presents one of significant
elements within the spatial structure of the Ilok fortress in the second half of the 16th century, during the Ottoman rule
(Fig. 33 –35).

Translation: Renata Šućurović, Dražen Arbutina

Proofreading: Adrijana Roždijevac
Fig. 33 A visualization and photomontage of the Mehmed, Agha Mosque with a minaret on the southern side of the main prayer area (recon-
struction and visualization by D. Arbutina 2016)
321
Fig. 34 A visualization and photomontage of the Mehmed Agha Mosque with a minaret on the outskirts of the main prayer area (reconstruction
and visualization by D. Arbutina 2016)
Fig. 35 A visualization and photomontage of the Mehmed Agha Mosque with a minaret on the eastern side of the main prayer area (reconstruc-
tion and visualization by D. Arbutina 2016)
Andrea Rimpf Dražen Arbutina

Ilok Town Museum Zagreb University of Applied Sciences
Šetalište oca Mladena Barbarića 5 Av. V. Holjevca 15
HR-32236 Ilok HR-10000 Zagreb
andrearimpf@yahoo.com darbutina@tvz.hr
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Andrejević, A. 1984, Islamska monumentalna umetnost / Sirmio tra i secoli XVII e XVIII, Štamparija Srpske
XVI veka u Jugoslaviji, Institut za istoriju umetnosti partijaršije, Beograd.
Filozofskog fakulteta Beograd; Balkanološki institut Karač, Z. 2015, Mjesta islamske molitve, Osmanske
SANU, Beograd. džamije, tekije i mezari u Hrvatskoj, Hrvatska re-
Andrić, S. 2001, Potonuli svijet, Rasprave o slavonskom i vija, 2, 96–104.
srijemskom srednjovjekovlju, Hrvatski institut za Kiel, M. 2006, Un héritage non désiré: le patrimoine archi-
povijest – Podružnica za povijest Slavonije, Srijema i tectural islamique ottoman dans l’Europe du Sud-
Baranje, Slavonski Brod. Est, 1370-1912. Études Balkaniques, 15–82.
Anić, V. (ed.), 2002, Hrvatski enciklopedijski rječnik, Novi Kiš, L. 1970, Statut grada Iloka, Godišnjak Matice hrvatske
Libre, Zagreb. u Vinkovcima, br. 7, 38–110.
Arbutina, D. 2009, Faksimilna rekonstrukcija, stručna Knoll, P. 1999, O muslimanskoj umjetnosti u Bosni,
problematika, godina, Stručni materijal uz seminar, Most – časopis za obrazovanje, nauku i kulturu, br.
Program stručnog usavršavanja ovlaštenih inženjera 112 - 113, god. XXV, mart, ožujak / april – travanj
arhitekture i građevinarstva VII. Seminar, Tehničko 1999, Mostar, http://www.most.ba/02324/079.htm
veleučilište u Zagrebu, Zagreb. (10.9.2016.).
Ayverdı, E. H. 1981, Avrupa´da Osmanli mȋmârî eserlerı, Koller, J. 1784, Historia Episcopatus Quinqueeccle-
Yugoslavya, II. cıld 3. Kitap, Istanbul Fetih Cemiy- siarum Tomus III. Complectitur Res Gestas Abanno
eti, No.81, Istanbul. MCCCXLVI. Ad MCCCCLIX, Posonii Sumptibus
Barbarić, D. 1975a, Ilok prije 200 godina, Iteks – Informa- Joannis Michaelis Landerer, Typographi et bibliopa-
tivni list radne zajednice industrije trikotaže - Ilok, lae, Posonii.
godina VIII, broj 71, mart. Kozobarić, J. 1909, Pravoslavna srpska parohija, Srpska
Barbarić, D. 1975b , Donji grad, Iteks – Informativni list manastirska štamparija, Sremski Karlovci.
radne zajednice industrije trikotaže - Ilok, godina Küçükyalçın, E., 2015a, The Rålamb Costumes Book
VIII, broj 72, april. (1658), https://thejanissaryarchives.wordpress.
Brlić, A. E., 1957, Prilozi za povijest Iloka, 3.srpnja, Pis- com/2015/10/28/ralambs-ottoman-costumes-book-
mohrana Muzej grada Iloka u Iloku (rukopis). 1658/#jp-carousel-842, (8.8.2016.).
Çelebi, E. 2003, Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi, VII. Kitap, Küçükyalçın, E., 2015b, The Rålamb Costumes Book
Yapı Kredi Yayınları, Istanbul. (1658), https://thejanissaryarchives.wordpress.
Čelebi, E. 1973, Putopis, odlomci o jugoslavenskim zeml- com/2015/10/28/ralambs-ottoman-costumes-book-
jama, „ Veselin Masleša“, Sarajevo. 1658/#jp-carousel-783 (8.8.2016.).
Faroghi, S. 2009, Sultanovi podanici – Kultura i svakodn- Kukavica, E. U. 2015, Sveta arhitektura – Od
evica u Osmanskom Carstvu, Golden marketing – kreacionističkog mita do sakralne arhitekture, Be-
Tehnička knjiga, Zagreb. har – Časopis za kulturu i društvena pitanja, godina
Fischer von Erlach, J. B. 1978, Entwurf einer historischen XXIV, br. 125, 4–17.
Architektur, Harenberg Kommunikation, Dort- McGown, B. W. 1983, Sirem Sancağı Mufassal Tahrir Deft-
mund. eri, Türk tarih kurumu basimevi, Ankara.
Fotić, A. 2001, Yahyapaşa – oğlu Mehmed pasha‛s evkaf Minichreiter, K. 1984, Dio turskog Osijeka na prostoru
in Belgrade, Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Križanićevog trga u svjetlu arheoloških nalaza, Ana-
Hungaricae. Volume 54, Budapest, 437–452. li Zavoda za znanstveni i umjetnički rad u Osijeku,
Gerike, H. 1975, Izvještaj sa terenskog istraživanja u Knjiga 3, 43–107.
ulici Keršovanijevoj bb, 30. lipanj, Pismohrana Moačanin, N. 2001, Slavonija i Srijem u razdoblju os-
Arheološkog odjela Muzeja grada Iloka u Iloku (ru- manske vladavine, Hrvatski institut za povijest –
kopis). Podužnica za povijest Slavonije, Srijema i Baranje,
Gerő, G. 1976, Türkische Baudenkmäler in Ungarn, Cor- Slavonski Brod.
vina, Budapest. Mujezinović, M. 1974, Islamska epigrafika Bosne i Herce-
Gruber, D. S. 2010, Selected Muslim Historic Monuments govine, knjiga I, Veselin Masleša, Sarajevo.
and Sites in Bulgaria, Syracuse University Surface, Mušič, B. 2006, Poročilo o geofizikalni raziskavi: Ilok -
http://surface.syr.edu/rel/24 (9.9.2016.). Gornji grad (Dvorac Odescalchi): Projekt Vlade
Hafizović, F. 2016, Požeški sandžak i osmanska Slavonija, Republike Hrvatske i Razvojne banke Vijeća Eu-
Hrvatski institut za povijest – Podružnica za po- rope ‘Istraživanje, obnova i revitalizacija kulturne
vijest Slavonije, Srijema i Baranje, Slavonski Brod. baštine Ilok-Vukovar-Vučedol’, Ljubljana, Filozof-
Hammer, von J. 1979, Historija turskog / osmanskog ska fakulteta, Oddelek za arheologijo, Hrvatski
carstva / Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, 1, arheološki godišnjak, 3, Zagreb, 41–43.
Štamparski zavod „Ognjen Prica“, Zagreb. Mušič, B., Soklic J. 2007, porocilo o geofizikalni raziska-
Horvat, A. 1956, Program uređenja “Starog grada” u Iloku, vi Na lokaciji: Ilok (Preliminarno poročilo za leto
Ministarstvo kulture – Uprava za zaštitu kulturne 2007), Univerza v Ljubljani, Oddelek za arheologijo
baštine/središnji arhiv MK-UZKB/SA-ZDE inv.br. Filozofska fakulteta i GEARH d.o.o. Ljubljana (ru-
1820, Program uređenja “starog grada” u Iloku). kopis).
Hutinec, M. 2002, Izvješće o izvršenju nadzora nad iskopom Nametak, A. 1939, Islamski kulturni spomenici turskoga
za vodocrpilište u Iloku, Pismohrana Arheološkog perioda u Bosni i Hercegovini, Državna štamparija u
odjela Muzeja grada Iloka u Iloku, (rukopis). Sarajevu, Sarajevo.
Jačov, M. 1991, Srem na prelomu dva veka (XVII – XVIII) Omerbašić, Š. 2010, Islam i muslimani u Hrvatskoj,
323
Mešihat islamske zajednice u Hrvatskoj, Zagreb. Škarpa Dubret, D. 2012, Primjer prezentacije sačuvanih
Oto-Dorn, K. 1971, Islamska umetnosti, Izdavačko prostorija hamama u Iloku, Fidruz begov hamam –
preduzeće „Bratstvo jedinstvo“, Novi Sad. Revitalizacija arheološkog lokaliteta /Fidruz Bey‛s
Papadopoulos, J. K., Camp, J. M. K., Jong P. De. 2007, The hamam – Revitalization of archaeological site,
art of antiquity: Piet de Jong and the Athenian Agora, https://issuu.com/icomos.bh/docs/icomos_bh_revi-
Princeton, NJ, American School of Classical Studies talization_of_the_archaeological_sit, (23.05.2016).
at Athens, Athens. Špehar, J. 2008, Franjevački samostan u Baču, Platoneum,
Papić, T., Valenčić, B. 1990, Župna crkva Svih Svetih u Novi Sad.
Đakovu, Mala biblioteka Godišnjaka zaštite spome- Tomičić, Ž., Jelinčić, K., Marković, Z., Minichreiter, K.
nika kulture Hrvatske, Zagreb. 2007., Izvješće o arheološkim istraživanjima lokalite-
Pašić, A. 1989, Arhitektura Bosne i Hercegovine, Osmanski ta Ilok crkva sv. Petra Apostola od 17. 4. – 30. 6. 2007.,
period (1463-1878), Urbano okruženje, 1–30. Institut za arheologiju, Zagreb, 1. 10. 2007. (rukopis).
Pašić, A. 1994, Islamic architecture in Bosnia and Herce- Turina, Z. 1956, Narodni odbor kotara – odjel za prosvje-
govina, Organisation of the Islamic Conference, Re- tu i kulturu Vinkovci, 313 – 1956, Ministarstvo kul-
search Centre for Islamic History, Art, and Culture. ture – Uprava za zaštitu kulturne baštine/središnji
Istanbul. arhiv MK-UZKB/SA-TOZ, Tvrđava općina Ilok.
Pickl, O. 1978, Slavonija godine 1688. Prema dnevniku Uzelac, Z. 1994, Trg sv. Terezije u Požegi, pitanja urbo-
grofa Sigmunda Joachima od Trauttmansdorffa, geneze, Radovi instituta povijesti umjetnsti, Zagreb,
Radovi instituta za hrvatsku povijest, 11, Zagreb, 49–60.
13–145. Vingopoulou, I. 2014a, Travelogues travellers’ views, Places
Redžić, H. 1982, Umetnost na tlu Jugoslavije - Islamska – Monuments – People, Southeastern Europe – East-
umjetnost, Prva književna komuna, Mostar. ern Mediterranean, Greece – Asia Minor – Southern
Redžić, H. 1983, Studije o islamskoj arhitektonskoj baštini, Italy 15th - 20th Century, http://eng.travelogues.gr/
Biblioteka Kulturno naslijeđe Bosne i Hercegovine item.php?view=44670 (19.10.2016.).
“Veselin Masleša”, Sarajevo. Vingopoulou, I. 2014b, Travelogues travellers’ views, Places
Rimpf, A. 2015, Dnevnik arheološkog nadzora u Iloku – Monuments – People, Southeastern Europe – East-
2015, Pismohrana Arheološkog odjela Muzeja grada ern Mediterranean, Greece – Asia Minor – Southern
Iloka u Iloku, (rukopis). Italy 15th - 20th Century, http://eng.travelogues.gr/
Rohn, A. H., Barnes, E., Sanders, G. D. 2009, An early Ot- item.php?view=44671 (19.10.2016.).
toman cementery at ancient Corinth, Hesperia, 78, Zirojević, O. 2009, Rajnold Lubenau o Beogradu i Srbiji
Athens, 501–615. 1587. godine, in: Turci u Podunavlju, 2 deo., Histori-
Smojaković, V. 2004, Beogradske vodonoše, Glasnik jski arhiv u Pančevu, Pančevo, 181–202.
etnološkog muzeja, knjiga 67–68, 135–136. Zlatar, B. 2013, Balkanski grad u osmanskom periodu
Sudár, B. 2009, Tko je bio Hasan-paša Jakovali?, Scrinia (XV i XVI stoljeće), Godišnjak / Jahrbuch, Centar za
slavonica, 9, 398–406. balkanološka ispitivanja Akademije nauka i umjet-
nosti Bosne i Hercegovine, Vol. 42, 135–140.
324

Ilok Ottoman Mosque

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Ilok Ottoman Mosque

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

ZBORNIK INSTITUTA ZA

Proceedings of the 3rd International Scientific Conference of Mediaeval Archaeology of

EDITORS-IN-CHIEF AND MANAGING EDITORS

TRANSLATIONS AND TEXT EDITING

DESIGN and LAYOUT

©Institut za arheologiju u Zagrebu. Sva prava pridržana

Mia Čujkević-Plečko, Silvija Lasić, Ivor Karavanić

Mitja Guštin, Alja Žorž

Vitomir Belaj, Juraj Belaj

Jelka Vince Pallua

Marina Milićević Bradač

Silvia Bekavac, Željko Miletić

Ana Jordan Knežević

Vladimir Peter Goss

Ivana Peškan, Vesna Pascuttini-Juraga

Jela Duvnjak, Marija Marić Baković

Maja Cepetić Rogić

Andrea Rimpf, Dražen Arbutina

Marijana Belaj, Mirela Hrovatin

Antonia Vodanović, Ivan Huljev

Antonija Zaradija Kiš

Neda Kulenović Ocelić, Igor Kulenović

Sandra Križić Roban

Ilok Ottoman mosques and ideal reconstruction of

Key words: mezarluks, nişans, turbe, levha, mosques, ideal reconstruction

Islam before the arrival of the Ottomans to Ilok

Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 299–323

Topogr aphy of Ilok mosques

Fig. 3 De lineatio Geometrica et oppidi Illok, 1784 (Barbarić 1975 a: 8)

Fig. 5 Mihrab in the Franciscan Church in Bač (photo by A. Rimpf 2016)

logue while describing coffee rooms in the ou-

Fig. 7 A depiction of an army of Eugen Savoy and Ilok,

The conclusion about the location of the

Fig. 8 A painting of the Tree of Syrmia’s Saints, by the

ceased and Turkish coins26 that were found in

Fig. 9 A plan of Ilok fortress by Abbot Bonini

The ground penetrating radar sur-

Fig. 10 The ground floor of the Spanish surveyors

top and without its middle part. Although its

Fig. 11 Schmalkalder’s drawing of Ilok from 1688,

demolition and rebuilding of plateau of the

mosque, its appearance, the way of construction

Reconstruction of Mehmed Agha mosque in Ilok

Fig. 19 A schematic representation of a con-

the dome, located on the tambour of

Fig. 27 Ahmed Pasha’s mosque in Kyustendil, Bulgaria

Fig. 25 The Hassan Pasha’s Mosque in

Translation: Renata Šućurović, Dražen Arbutina

Andrea Rimpf Dražen Arbutina

You might also like