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Chapter 5

Marine Shell Exchange


in Northwest Mexico
and the Southwest
RONNA J. BRADLEY

INTRODUCTION

Casas Grandes, or Paquime, is located in the northwestern portion of Chihuahua,


approximately 150 km south of the border between the United States and Mexico
(Figure 1). Paquime is the largest site within a vast region that contained a
substantial number of people prehistorically. Early explorers were intrigued with
the grandiose nature of the site (Bandelier 1892:575; Bartlett 1854, Vol. 2; Ham-
mond and Rey 1928:205-206), and modem excavation has shown it to be one of
the most complex sites within far northwestern Mesoamerica or the Southwest
(Di Peso 1974). The architectural features and artifacts recovered from Casas
Grandes are very impressive and represent a level of social sophistication that is
unsurpassed.
Trade has been recognized as one of the most important factors in the
establishment and proliferation of Paquime. The completion of initial scientific
investigations resulted in the site being classified as a trading center that was
established by mesoamericans in a strategic location near exploitable raw mate-

RONNA J. BRADLEY • Depanment or Anthropology, Arizona State University, Tempe, Arizona


85287.

121
J. E. Ericson et al. (eds.), The American Southwest and Mesoamerica
© Springer Science+Business Media New York 1993
122 RONNA J. BRADLEY

i
/
(

CHIHUAH~\

~
. PACIFIC OCEAN ~
o 200
KILOMETERS

Figure 1. The location of Casas Grandes (Paquime) in Chihuahua, Mexico (by L. Shifrin).

rials and transportation routes (Di Peso 1974, Vol. 2:329). Quantities of exotic
artifacts and raw materials were recovered during excavation, including tur-
quoise, copper, and marine shell. Shell ornaments were found in great abundance
at Paquime, totaling more than 3,909,096 pieces (Di Peso et al. 1974, Vol. 6:385).
Certainly, if exchange was a significant activity, one of the most important com-
modities appears to have been marine shell.
The following sections include a brief overview of research conducted in the
Casas Grandes area and interpretive models that have been used to characterize
social and economic interaction within the region. The distribution of shell
artifacts and possible ornament-production areas at the site of Paquime are dis-
cussed, and some of the problems associated with defining shell exchange net-
MARINE SHELL EXCHANGE 123

works are presented. A discussion of the methodology used in the investigation of


shell exchange incorporates the use of shell species data, anifact styles, and
chemical analysis to source and trace the distribution of shell items.

CASAS GRANDES: NATURAL AND


CULTURAL-HISTORICAL SETTING

Paquime is situated along the Rio Casas Grandes in a broad desen basin
bordered on the south and west by the rugged mountainous terrain of the Sierra
Madre Occidental. Small mountain ranges and rolling hills rise to break ponions
of the flat basin and range topography that extends to the east and nonh. The arid
basin environment is characterized by Chihuahuan desen shrub and grassland
vegetation, broken by riparian ecotones along the river systems. The mean annual
precipitation of less than 350 mm follows a summer monsoon pattern, with a
growing season approximating 225 days in the lowlands near Casas Grandes
(Schmidt 1973; Schmidt and Gerald 1988).
A number of different types of water control facilities are found in the Casas
Grandes region. Paquime contained several reservoirs, a deep well, and small
canals or acequias that brought water in and out of the village. Extensive stone
terraces, trincheras, and check dams line many of the hillsides and alluvial slopes
(Di Peso et al. 1974, Vol. 5; Herold 1965; Luebben et al. 1986). The expanse of
water-control features was Originally believed to have been constructed by mass
labor in order to protect the rich valley bottomland from floodwaters (Di Peso et
al. 1974, Vol. 5). However, most of the water-control features cluster around
smaller sites in the area that are located in favorable agricultural zones. It appears
that the features served to enhance the agricultural potential of the land through
the control of runoff from the slopes (Schmidt and Gerald 1988).
Casas Grandes and sites in the surrounding area were described as early as
the sixteenth century by Spanish explorers (Hammond and Rey 1928:205-206)
and reconnoitered by a number of later groups interested in the frontier country
of nonhwest Mexico (Bandelier 1885, 1890; Lumholtz 1902; Bennett and Zingg
1935). Reconnaissance survey and excavation funher documented Paquime and
other sites in the nearby river valleys and mountains (Carey 1931; Lister 1946,
1953, 1958; Noguera 1926; Sayles 1936), and formed the basis for the large-scale
excavation project initiated in the late 1950s, and subsequent work (Contreras
1985; Di Peso 1974; Di Peso et al. 1974; Guevara 1984, 1985, 1986).
Excavation of several sites in the Casas Grandes area was undenaken from
1958-1961 under the direction of Charles C. Di Peso of the Joint Casas Grandes
Project (Di Peso 1974; Di Peso et al. 1974). Most of the excavation focused upon
the western ponion of Paquime where a large number of structures and other
architectural features were exposed (Figure 2). Several additional small sites in
124 RONNA J. BRADLEY

PAQUIME
DO STRUCTURES AND FEATURES DEFINED
DURING EXCAVATION
o 200
METERS

UNEXCAVATED

Figure 2 . Excavated and unexcavated portions of Paquime and the major shell storage areas (Units 8,
14, and 16). (Adapted from Di Peso 1974 by L. Shifrin.)

the area were excavated during the project, and a general reconnaissance survey
of the region was conducted (Di Peso 1974, Vol. 1:38-41).
Even though there has been some limited reconnaissance and excavation
conducted in the region (Di Peso 1974; Lister 1946, 1958; Sayles 1936), our
understanding of the archaeology in this particular portion of the Southwest is
very poor. Except for projects that are currently underway (Minnis and Whalen
1988), there have been no systematic surveys conducted in the Casas Grandes
area, and the reconnaissance data provide limited information on sites in the
region. This has created severe problems in our ability to understand the nature
of the Casas Grandes regional system and to characterize interaction within and
outside of the immediate area.
Di Peso's (1974, Vols. 1-3) original research defined six periods of occupa-
tion in the Casas Grandes region: Preceramic (?-A.D. 1), Plainware (A.D. 1-700),
Viejo (A.D. 700-1060), Medio (A.D. 1060-1340), Tardio (A.D. 1340-1660), and
Espafloles (A.D. 1660-1821). Early developments were similar to other portions
MARINE SHEll EXCHANGE 125

of the Chihuahuan desert, with evidence for Paleoindian followed by Archaic


occupation of the general region. The Plainware period marks the beginning of
sedentary villages, similar to adaptations in other portions of the Mogollon area
(Di Peso 1974, Vol. 1). The Viejo period is represented by several cave sites in the
mountains and valley pithouse villages. During the latter part of this period,
adobe-walled structures came into use. The Medio period reflects a time of
Significant population growth and cultural development. Large sites occur
throughout portions of Chihuahua along major river systems and drainages, and
cliff dwellings were established in caves of the mountainous zone. Although the
earlier Viejo period is believed to represent indigenous population development,
drastic changes in population growth and material culture in the Medio period
have been attributed to outside influence from mesoamerican polities (Di Peso
1974, Vol. 2:290). The Medio period was divided into three phases: Buena Fe,
Paquime, and Diablo. Early Buena Fe phase architecture included a group of
Single-story structures placed in contiguous fashion around enclosed courtyards
and compounds. The dwellings were serviced by drainage ditches, a reservoir,
and a small canal or acequia that brought water from a warm spring located over
2 km to the northwest (Di Peso 1974, Vol. 2:344-348). During the Paquime
phase, widespread rebuilding efforts were initiated producing large, multistory
residential complexes and extensive public architecture. A threefold increase in
the number of rooms took place from the Buena Fe phase (342 rooms) to the
Paquime phase (1,596 rooms). Population estimates suggest that over 2,200
individuals occupied the site during its zenith (Di Peso 1974, Vol. 2:377). The
degeneration and eventual destruction of Paquime occurred during the Diablo
phase of the Medio period. The Tardio period encompasses protohistoric occupa-
tion of the area and Spanish contact. The Espafioles period terminates the se-
quence with historic occupation of the region (Di Peso 1974, Vol. 3).
The chronology established with the excavation of Paquime, in particular
the Medio period, has met with some criticism by archaeologists working in
northwest Mexico and the Southwest (Braniff 1986; LeBlanc 1980; Lekson 1984;
Ravesloot et al. 1986). Recent reevaluation of the dendrochronological data indi-
cates that the beginning of the Medio period is 140 years later than the original
A.D. 1060 date, placing it at approximately A.D. 1150. Consequently, it appears
that construction of Paquime began in the thirteenth century and probably
reached its florescence as a trading center from about A.D. 1300 to 1450 (Rav-
esloot et al. 1986).

CASAS GRANDES AS A TRADING CENTER

The potential for trade was seen as the most important factor contributing to
the rise of Casas Grandes as a large center (Di Peso 1974). Because of its location
126 RONNA J. BRADLEY

near exploitable resources and the presence of elaborate architecture and artifacts,
some researchers postulated that the site served as a Mesoamerican outpost and
trading center (Oi Peso 1974; Di Peso et al. 1974). Large assemblages of chipped
stone, ground stone, and ceramics were recovered during the excavation, along
with substantial quantities of exotic goods such as macaw remains, turquoise,
copper, and marine shell. There is evidence to suggest that Casas Grandes may
have produced several types of goods (such as polychrome ceramics, macaws,
shell ornaments, and copper bells) for export to other sites in the Southwest (Di
Peso et al. 1974, Vol. 8; Di Peso 1976; McGuire 1980, this volume; Mathien, this
volume). Additionally, there is an indication that several commodities and tech-
nologies were derived from south-central and western Mesoamerica, including
scarlet macaw (Ara macao) aviculture, copper metallurgy, and some marine shell
species. However, there is little material evidence to indicate that large quantities
of goods from Casas Grandes were exported south to the Basin of Mexico (Di Peso
et al. 1974, Vol. 8; McGuire 1980).
A total of approximately 58 ceramic types were identified from over 770,000
sherds in Medio period contexts at Casas Grandes. Twenty-five domestic plain,
textured, and painted wares were identified, and 35 intrusive types (Oi Peso et al.
1974, Vol. 6:542-543). Trade in ceramics was almost exclUSively directed toward
other sites in the Chihuahuan area and the Southwest. Approximately 99.9% of
the intrusives were derived from northern sources (Oi Peso et al. 1974, Vol.
8: 141), with the overwhelming majority being represented by Gila Polychrome
and EI Paso Polychrome. Although it has been suggested that Gila Polychrome
ceramics were locally produced at Casas Grandes (Oi Peso 1976), preliminary
findings from more recent research suggest that Gila and Pinto polychromes from
Casas Grandes are more similar to Salado wares than the local polychromes and
are probably intrusive (Woosley and Olinger 1988).
Decorated wares from Casas Grandes such as Ramos Polychrome have been
found in limited quantities as far north as Mesa Verde, Colorado, and south to
Mexico City (Di Peso et al. 1974, Vol. 8:143); however they occur primarily on
sites in Chihuahua, eastern Sonora, southern New Mexico, southeastern Arizona,
and western Texas (Brand 1935; Braniff 1986; Fritz 1969; Kidder et al. 1949;
leBlanc and Whalen 1980; McCluney 1962, 1965; Nelson and leBlanc 1986;
Mills and Mills 1969, 1971, 1972; Ravesloot 1979). Ramos Polychrome was
produced and distributed by groups in the Casas Grandes area, and sherds
bearing a similar chemical signiture have been found throughout Chihuahua and
portions of Sonora. However, Ramos Polychrome from sites in southern Arizona
and New Mexico bear different chemical signatures and do not appear to have
been produced at Casas Grandes (Woosley and Olinger 1988). Although the
Ramos sherds were not locally made, there is indication that they were probably
manufactured elsewhere. Stylistic analysis of Ramos Polychrome has produced
similar conclusions (De Adey 1980), and constituent analysis of Playas Red ce-
MARINE SHEll EXCHANGE 127

ramics indicates a great deal of variability within wares suggestive of multiple


production locales and locally manufactured imitations (Bradley and Hoffer
1985; Wiseman 1981).
Casas Grandes contained the largest assemblage of macaw remains in the
Southwest (503 individuals) and appears to have been a major breeding center for
the production and exchange of macaws and feathers (Di Peso et al. 1974, Vol.
8: 182-185). Specimens from a wide range of age groups, including nestlings
(0-6 weeks of age), indicates that this may have been one of the only breeding
centers for macaws in the Southwest. The scarlet macaw (Ara macao), an indige-
nous species of northern Tamaulipas and Oaxaca, is not native to northern
Mexico and would have been imported by Casas Grandes inhabitants from the
south. It appears that when the breeding population became established, Casas
Grandes was able to provide birds to other sites in the Southwest. Because the
majority of Southwestern sites with macaw remains date to a period contempo-
raneous with Casas Grandes, it is likely that they obtained them from Paquime
suppliers rather than other Mesoamerican sources (McGuire 1980:21).
Turquoise was found in. substantial quantities at Casas Grandes, but its
importance as an exchange commodity has not been firmly established. A total of
5,895 (1.2 kg) pieces were recovered from Paquime. The majority of the material
appears to have been highly valued and used for socioreligious, domestic con-
sumption rather than as an exchange commodity (Di Peso et al. 1974, Vol. 8:187).
Most of the turqUOise ornaments were found in caches in architectural features
instead of being associated with burials or stored in warehouses. Di Peso (Di Peso
et al. 1974, Vol. 8:187) argued that turquoise was a very important commodity
that attracted Mesoamerican merchant traders to the Casas Grandes area; how-
ever, there is little evidence that Casas Grandes was a major supplier of turquoise.
There are no nearby turquoise mines that could be effectively exploited by the
Casas Grandes population, and the restricted distribution of most of the material
to architectural caches suggests that it was a rare mineral used primarily for
socioreligious purposes (cf. Weigand and Harbottle, this volume).
Casas Grandes is the only site within the Southwest that has evidence for the
manufacture of copper ornaments. Knowledge of techniques such as smelting,
beating, and casting enabled the artisans to produce bells or crotals, tinklers
(cone-shaped bells), beads, pendants, needles, wire, and an axehead from local
copper ore (Di Peso 1974, Vol. 2:510-517). Copper metallurgy was an early
development in western Mesoamerica where several styles of bells (crotals) and
other items were widespread (Hosler 1988; Pendergast 1962). Styles similar to
those in Mesoamerica were found in the Southwest as early as A.D. 900-1000
(Nelson 1981:401; Sprague and SignOri 1963; Sprague 1964). After A.D. 1200
Casas Grandes may have become the production center and major exporter of
crotals to sites in the Hohokam, Mogollon, Salado, Sinagua, and Anasazi regions
(Mathien, this volume; McGuire 1980:21, this volume; Nelson 1981:412-416).
128 RONNA]. BRADLEY

Marine shells were one of the most important and intriguing items recovered
from the excavation. Shell was found in far-higher quantities than other exotic
artifacts at Casas Grandes, with the majority restricted to two large storage rooms
that also housed other intrusive materials (Di Peso 1974, Vol. 2). Although shell
was found in various other features across the site, the fact that 96% was located
in storage contexts suggests that it was an accumulated resource possibly used as
a status indicator or reserved for exchange purposes.
The architectural complexity and proliferation of exotic artifacts within re-
stricted portions of the site led Di Peso (1974, Vol. 2:301) to argue that Casas
Grandes was a trading center that was established for the purpose of explOiting
natural resources in the region. Paquime was seen as an outpost from which
mesoamerican merchant families operated in order to profit economically from
the indigenous inhabitants. The long-distance merchant traders, pochteca (or
puchteca), were believed to have established ties with the indigenous population
at Casas Grandes and through time gained economic and political control of the
area (Di Peso 1974, Vol. 2:328-333).
The foundation for the pochteca model was derived from mesoamerican
ethnohistorical data that document long-distance traders infiltrating distant areas
for the purpose of exploiting regional resources (Sahagun 1932, 1959; Santley
and Pool, this volume; Soustelle 1978:59-65; Vaillant 1956:122). Most of the
accounts of pochteca traders are derived from Aztec sources, but merchant trad-
ers similar to pochteca were active throughout much of mesoamerican prehistory
(Weaver 1976). Basic to the pochteca model is the concept of institutionalized
control of the merchants by a strong political entity. The pochteca were an elite
group of highly organized traders sent to foreign territory to spy and exert
dominance over the inhabitants in order to extract resources through trade or
tribute (Soustelle 1978:59-65). The concept has been used to explain cultural
development in the Southwest by scholars who argue that merchant traders were
instrumental in the diffusion of traits from Mesoamerica northward (Di Peso
1974; Ferdon 1955; Kelley and Kelley 1975; Lister 1978; Reyman 1978). In
addition to the transmission of various cultural characteristiCS, the pochteca
supposedly established themselves in elite positions in order to control the indig-
enous population and extract local resources.
Arguments in favor of this position have been fueled by several types of
evidence, including the existence of certain traits, pochteca outposts, and
pochteca burials (Ferdon 1955; Kelley and Kelley 1975; Lister 1978; Reyman
1978). There are slight differences in the way the concept is interpreted by various
researchers, and it appears to have evolved over the years (Wilcox 1986). At the
very least, the pochteca model has served as a catalyst in promoting interest in
interaction within the region (De Atley 1980; De Atley and Findlow 1982; Foster
1982; Foster and Weigand 1985; leBlanc 1980; Mathien and McGuire 1986;
MARINE SHELL EXCHANGE 129
McGuire 1980; Minnis 1984, 1988, 1989; Pailes and Ref[ 1985; Pailes and White-
cotton 1979; Plog et al. 1982; Weigand et al. 1977). McGuire (1980:9) has
criticized the pochteca model on several accounts, asserting that many of the
traits used to demonstrate mesoamerican influence are instead indigenous and
early manifestations that appear in the Southwest before they do so in Meso-
america. Similarly, many traits which have been defined for pochteca burials
(Reyman 1978) are widespread, general characteristics that appear early in both
areas and do not convincingly demonstrate the dominating presence of the mer-
chant traders (McGuire 1980:12). Finally, there is little evidence to indicate that
there were pochteca outposts in the Southwest. Although Casas Grandes may
represent a trade center that had ties with groups to the south, there is no
indication that it was an outpost controlled by mesoamerican traders (McGuire
1980:26). The presence of mesoamerican traits in the Southwest suggests interac-
tion between the areas but does not necessarily indicate the existence of pochteca
or their domination of the area.
Another model explaining developments in northwestern Mesoamerica and
the Southwest is the world-systems model. The world-systems concept was origi-
nally introduced as an explanation for the rise of capitalism (Braudel 1972;
Wallerstein 1974), but variations of the model have been used by archaeologists
in Mesoamerica, the Southwest, and southern Great Plains (Baugh 1982; Blanton
and Feinman 1984; Pailes and Whitecotton 1979; Plog et al. 1982; Upham 1982;
Whitecotton and Pailes 1986). In a world-systems economy, vast geographical
areas are integrated into one system through economic interdependence between
powerful core areas and extensive peripheral zones. The model is inviting because
it encourages the use of a broad geographical perspective; however, there are a
number of ambiguities that have resulted in different perceptions of the concept
of world systems. Many scholars in the Southwest have adopted the world-
systems approach because they find the core-periphery concepts heuristically
useful (Plog et al. 1982; Upham 1982:6; Wilcox 1986:30-36), whereas others
utilize the model to suggest interdependencies between the Southwest and Meso-
america (Pailes and Whitecotton 1979; Whitecotton and Pailes 1986). Heuristic
use of the model closely compares with the core-periphery paradigm introduced
by Palerm and Wolf (1957), but true world systems function through the creation
of economic interdependencies between core and peripheral areas (Schneider
1977; Wallerstein 1974). There is no evidence to suggest that there were depen-
dent economic relationships between groups in the Southwest and Mesoamerica,
and the available data do not indicate that Casas Grandes was economically or
politically dominated by powerful polities in central Mesoamerica (McGuire
1980). At this time there is no evidence to suggest that there was regular, con-
trolled movement of goods between Casas Grandes and the mesoamerican core
area as would be expected with a world-systems model. On the contrary, it
130 RONNA J. BRADLEY
appears that some of the exotic items were either from Mesoamerica, or the
technology to produce them was derived from southern sources, suggesting that a
very different type of relationship existed between the two areas.
The peer-polity interaction model has been introduced in the Casas Grandes
area as an alternative to the world-systems and pochteca concepts (Minnis 1989).
Peer-polity interaction involves interchange between autonomous sociopolitical
units and can include a full range of activities such as exchange of goods and
information, imitation and emulation, competition, and warfare (Renfrew
1986: 1). Peer-polity interaction would be expected to produce neighboring pol-
ities of comparable scale and organization. Transformations in material culture or
social organization should occur at about the same time but would not be ex-
pected to stem from a single locus of innovation. Finally, changes result from a
range of different types of interaction such as warfare or increased flow of goods
(Renfrew 1986:7-8).
The peer-polity concept provides a general structure from which detailed
studies of cultural development in the Southwest can be initiated; however, more
detailed models that operate within a peer-polity framework must be developed
in order to investigate the variety of interaction that occurred within and between
vast regions. One positive aspect of peer-polity models is that they take into
account several different types of interactive and integrative processes that may
affect cultural development (Minnis 1989:303). Additionally, unlike the pochteca
and world-systems concept, peer polity does not assume that any particular area
is dominated by another. On the contrary, this model encourages open investiga-
tion into the real nature of relationships between societies with the initial as-
sumption that the polities are autonomous rather than involved in dependent
relationships. Within the generalized peer-polity framework, more detailed ex-
pectations can be developed concerning the role of marine shell in Casas Grandes
society.
Models that focus upon the social context of exchange envision elite in-
terchange of prestige or luxury goods for the creation and maintenance of social
alliances (Frankenstein and Rowland 1978; Gledhill 1978; McGuire 1986; Stark
1986). Similar to other models, the concept of prestige exchange is defined
somewhat differently by various scholars. Prestige exchange is defined as

the movement of highly valued commodities and mates among societies and
individuals, with the goods and persons expressing or representing elevated
social status (or used in social transactions or rituals which reflect status).
(Stark 1986:273)

In addition, access to exotic luxury goods and information may enhance an


individual's status and contribute to the development of an elite class within a
SOciety. Access to foreign goods can stimulate social differentiation and prOvide
reinforcement for the maintenance of an elite (Spence 1982). "In a prestige goods
MARINE SHELL EXCHANGE 131
economy elites . . . obtain power by controlling access to goods obtainable only
through external exchange" (McGuire 1986:251). In general, the elite individuals
maintain (or gain) power and prestige through access to rare resources, with the
subjugal relationship between the elite and subordinate individuals dependent
upon ideology and the social meaning applied to goods, and not from the use of
force.
A critical variable to be considered in a prestige economy is controlled access
to raw materials and the production of luxury goods. In a situation where there is
no control over access to shell, for instance, there could be ubiquitous exchange
of the item, and it would be expected to have little social and ideological value. In
this regard, prestige economies must utilize exotic resources or those that require
special knowledge or technology to produce, such as metallurgy, in order to
control production and distribution. Additionally, these items must carry some
amount of social or ideological value in order to be desired.
Several important points about prestige economies have been introduced
(McGuire 1986). First, they are multilayered systems wherein there are a number
of subordinate relationships among elites as well as less prestigious individuals.
That is, elites are dependent upon others of greater and lesser power than they,
and in tum their subordinates are dependent upon others more and less subordi-
nate. The ability to compete with other elites and acquire prestige goods depends
upon the productive capabilities of dependents, and hence population size, en-
vironment, and technology will affect elite status. Second, the number of depen-
dencies and contradictions within the system make it inherently unstable, and
this is further complicated by dependencies on external elites and perturbations
in their systems as well.
Discussions of prestige economies tend to focus upon interaction between
components within the upper echelons of a social system, and rarely are ques-
tions concerning how luxury or prestige items would be distributed to subordi-
nate individuals or the general population addressed. In many cases, prestige
exchange is defined as a transaction between elites only, without regard to what
elites do with the items after they are acquired. The perspective taken here is that
in a prestige economy, access to and ownership of luxury goods enhances status
and prestige, but it is also necessary to filter some items to subordinates in order
to maintain power and high esteem. The distribution of goods to subordinates
would be expected to involve items of lesser value, whereas high-value items
remained in the hands of the elite.
Several problems ensue with the use of prestige-economy models in the
Southwest. Most important is the lack of a clear definition for elite individuals.
Several writers have used the term to infer political power (Upham 1982), where-
as others refer to economic concepts of production (McGuire 1986). This is
further complicated by the fact that elite within the Southwest may not be as
socially complex as elite in Mesoamerica (Upham 1986). With this in mind, the
132 RONNA]. BRADLEY
term elite is used as a relative term to describe individuals with more prestige than
others within a given society and does not refer to any particular level of social
organization. Another problem with many prestige-economy discussions is that
they are presented at a general level (McGuire 1986; Stark 1986), and actual tests
utilizing archaeological data (Frankenstein and Rowland 1978; Gledhill 1978) are
rare. For the most part, discussions of prestige economies involve generalized
archaeological expectations, and explicit models are neglected. Without more
refinement, prestige models as such cannot adequately describe interaction with
the necessary detail for archaeological operationalization.

A CASAS GRANDES PRESTIGE ECONOMY

Prestige exchange involves the movement of high-value luxury or exotic


goods between elite individuals within large regions, resulting in the establish-
ment of alliances and the enhancement of their power. Both horizontal and
vertical dispersion of goods, knowledge, and ideas are characteristic of this type
of exchange system. Some items are distributed to subordinates within a society,
whereas others are intended for elite usage only, with the channels of movement
highly dependent upon the organization of a particular SOciety.
In order for a prestige exchange to operate within a cultural system, several
conditions must be met. First, it is imperative that there is some vertical hierarchy
within the societies participating in the system, although it is not a prerequisite
for the development of prestige exchange. Second, elites must have access to
foreign or luxury goods, with control over their production and distribution
enhancing their power. In addition to exotic goods, secret knowledge and ideas
relating to ritual, religion, and other social concerns can also serve as "goods"
within the system. Some of these goods may have high values, whereas others are
less valuable and distributed in different ways. Measures are taken to ensure that
the goods do not enjoy a wide distribution within a society and lose their value.
Third, distribution of prestige goods is discriminatory; within any given SOciety
they are not dispersed freely among the general population. In general they are
reserved for the enhancement of elite power and could be worn as exhibition of
wealth or power or used in conjunction with rituals as a part of the ideological
realm. Some items are passed to subordinates within the society in exchange for
allegiance, goods, or services, but most are reserved for exchange with external
elites.
The way that luxury, prestige goods move about in a system is dependent
upon the type of social organization present. In situations where ranking or
hierarchial organization is well established, elite individuals may control the
distribution of certain goods for external use only, such as long-distance alliance
MARINE SHELL EXCHANGE 133

making and prestige enhancement, or to solidify trading partnerships. If the


organizational level is such that the elite have extended power and rule with
established authority in a society, then the use of prestige goods may be related
only to external relationships and not to those within a society. However, in cases
where control is not well established, prestige goods could be used within the
society to enhance prestige and power. This could include several types of social
exchange: (1) between elites and subelites, (2) redistribution of certain luxury
goods to less prestigious individuals in a society in order to enhance status, and
(3) the use of prestige goods in exchange transactions with external elites.
Of utmost importance in prestige exchange economies is the social and
ideological relationships established and promoted by the exchange of goods.
Traveling with luxury items are ideas about religion and ideology, social behavior,
and knowledge. The exchange relationship promotes (1) the distribution of
goods, ideas, religious beliefs, and knowledge over large areas; and (2) solidarity
within the network that may be highly unstable and subject to perturbations in
other parts of the network. Alliances based upon exchange could provide a
buffering system against an erratic environment, a way of obtaining mates, soli-
darity against enemies, and insurance against threatening situations.
Several lines of evidence indicate that Casas Grandes contained the requi-
sites for participation within a prestige exchange system. Paquime was a large site
with a fairly dense population that was organized into hierarchial levels based
upon achieved or ascribed rank (Ravesloot 1984, 1987). There is evidence for the
presence of large quantities of exotic luxury goods that were obtained from
distant sources to the south in West Mexico as well as other portions of north-
western Mesoamerica and the Southwest. Most were warehoused in one portion
of the site, and a very small percentage were used by the inhabitants; in general
these were elite individuals. Shell and other luxury goods appeared to have been
used ritualistically as well, indicating that they also carried religiOUS or ideological
meaning within that society.
Specific expectations for the role of certain goods within the Casas Grandes
society are based upon the distribution of shell and other exotic goods at the site.
According to cursory examination of the data, high-value items might be ex-
emplified by things such as copper, turquoise, scarlet macaws, shell such as
Strombus trumpets, Persicula bandera, and perhaps Gila Polychrome. Some of
these could have been obtained through prestige exchange networks to the north
and south. The knowledge of copper smelting and ornament manufacture, scarlet
macaws, and some shell such as P. bandera may occur at Casas Grandes as a result
of links with prestige networks in northwestern Mesoamerica. Conversely, there is
the likelihood that Gila Polychrome, turquoise, and perhaps some of the shell
such as Glycymeris sp. bracelets can be attributed to involvement in prestige
networks in the southwestern United States (Mathien, this volume; McGuire, this
volume). Some of the shell and other items at Casas Grandes appear to have
134 RONNA J. BRADLEY
possibly carried lower values than others. The massive quantity and expedient
style of workmanship suggests that the Nassarius sp. beads were less valuable than
other types of shells. Similarly, Conus sp. and Olivella sp. may also have carried less
value than other less common and more elaborately worked shell pieces. Finally,
the large quantities of shell represented raise the possibility that perhaps some
types were not procured through prestige networks but obtained by other means.
More investigation into this subject is currently underway. Several sourcing tech-
niques for marine shell are being refined, and an in-depth investigation of orna-
ment types and stylistic attributes is being conducted for Casas Grandes as well as
others within the Southwest.

SHELL ORNAMENT DISTRIBUTION, PRODUCTION,


AND CONSUMPTION

The Casas Grandes shell assemblage from Medio period deposits totaled
3,907,709 pieces and included 70 species (Di Peso et al. 1974, Vol. 6:401). In
excess of 3. 7 million of the specimens were Nassarius iodes or N. moestus, followed
by over 100,000 Conus perplexus and C. regularis ornaments. Both Olividae and
Vermetidae types exceeded 10,000 specimens, whereas Chamidae, Potamididae,
Cardiidae, Glycymeridae, and other families appeared in far fewer numbers
(Di Peso et al. 1974, Vol. 6:550-551). The preponderance of Nassarius relative to
the proportion of G/ycymeris and Olivella is very unique because most South-
western sites are generally dominated by the latter types (see Nelson 1981;
McGuire and Howard 1987; Tower 1945; Brand 1938).
Ornaments were the most common type of shell artifacts at Paquime; how-
ever other items such as trumpets, containers, and altar pieces were found in
small numbers as well. The ornament assemblage was dominated by over 3.7
million whole shell beads, followed by over 33,000 disk beads, and in excess of
21,000 tinklers (cone-shaped pendants) (Di Peso et al. 1974, Vol. 6:406-407).
Smaller quantities of pendants, bracelets, armlets, and other types were repre-
sented. There was an unusually low proportion of bracelets at Casas Grandes
compared to other areas of the Southwest such as the Hohokam. Large Strombus
spp. trumpets were found in higher concentrations at Paquime than at any other
site in the Southwest.
The majority of shell recovered from the excavations was found in three
architectural groupings of roomblocks and associated features: Units 8, 14, and
16. Approximately 96% of the shell was recovered from storage rooms in 2 three-
story structures within Unit 8. Rooms 15 and 18 of Unit 8 contained in excess of
3 million Nassarius spp. whole shell beads, as well as over 74% of the unworked
shell. In addition, the two rooms housed more exotic goods than any of the
others, including 60 species of shell, minerals, turquoise, salt, copper, and over
MARINE SHELL EXCHANGE 135
50 Gila polychrome vessels CDi Peso 1974, Vol. 2:383). Unit 8 also contained an
appreciable number of shellworking tools, such as chipped stone gravers, quartz
pesdes, abraders, and saws.
Unlike the shell storage rooms of Unit 8, Units 14 and 16 housed smaller
numbers of shell and different proportions of ornament types. Unit 14 contained
fewer pieces of shell overall than the other units but had quantities of unworked
shell and a large proportion of pendants. Over 41 % of the 520 pendants found at
Paquime were recovered in this particular roomblock. Unit 16 contained pri-
marily finished whole shell beads. Although both Units 14 and 16 contained
substantial numbers of shell, there is no evidence to suggest that these structures
served as massive storage rooms like Unit 8. Most of the shell was found in
scattered clusters throughout the two units, along with shellworking tools. It
appears that more elaborate types of ornaments were produced in these complex-
es than in Unit 8. In particular, Unit 16 contained a number of incised and carved
pieces along with painted, mosaic, and paint-cloisonne-decorated shell CDi Peso
1974, Vol. 2:502-504).
Several manufacturing techniques were used in ornament production, the
most common being irregular-shaped, punched holes placed in the lip aperture
of the Nassarius beads CDi Peso et al. 1974, Vol. 6:410). Other strategies such as
sawing. grinding, polishing, notching. and chipping were used in various com-
binations for ornament production. and decorative techniques such as incising.
painting. partial drilling, pseudocloisonne. and mosaic work were noted. In
general the techniques varied according to the type of ornament produced and
the species used CDi Peso et al. 1974. Vol. 6:402-403).
Evidence for shell ornament manufacture at Casas Grandes is based pri-
marily upon the presence of shellworking tools and a shell assemblage that
represents all stages of production (such as unmodified shell. unfinished artifacts.
debitage. or broken fragments produced during the manufacturing process, and
completed specimens). Unmodified shell made up 2.8% of the total assemblage.
with the majority located in the storage rooms of Units 8 (74%) and 14 (25%) em
Peso et al. 1974, Vol. 8:170). The majority of this material was Nassarius spp.,
Conus spp., and Olivella spp. intended for whole shell-bead and tinkler-ornament
production. Although some unfinished artifacts were present, they were very
limited in number and distributed primarily in Units 14 and 8 (Di Peso et al.
1974, Vol. 6:385-525). Similar to lithic reduction, the debitage produced from
shell ornament manufacture differs with the types of ornaments being manu-
factured. Debitage from ornament manufacture was very uncommon at Casas
Grandes because 95% of the assemblage was made up of small, whole shell beads
that required only small puncture holes Cl-2 mm) for completion.
In other portions of the Southwest such as the Hohokam area, debitage from
ornament production is found in quantity on some sites. The reduction process
involved with the manufacture of bracelets produced measurable amounts of
136 RONNA J. BRADLEY

debris (see Howard 1983). Conversely, the production of the types of ornaments
found at Paquime (primarily whole shell beads) would not be expected to pro-
duce quantities of debitage, and only discrete evidence would be visible archae-
ologically. This has created severe problems for the identification of production
areas for whole shell bead manufacture. Because whole shell beads require little
modification, it is difficult to rely upon shellworking tools to define production
areas as well. Implements suitable for producing puncture holes would constitute
the toolkit for the majority of shell at Paquime, although there is some indication
that tools for producing other types of ornaments occur with quantities of shell.
Tools that are often associated with shell ornament manufacturing activities
are abrading stones, grinding palettes, files, reamers, sharp-pointed instruments
for perforating and drilling, and tools with sharp, durable edges for sawing and
cutting. In the Hohokam area where bracelet production was a major activity,
abrading stones, reamers, files, and saws were used in manufacture (Haury
1976:284; Seymour 1988:821). The 99 abrading stones recovered from Paquime
ranged from coarse- to fine-grained specimens with flat, grooved, and beveled
surfaces. The grooved surfaces may have been used for abrading and polishing
beads, whereas the beveled abraders were used as saws (Di Peso et al. 1974, Vol.
7:42-56). Abraders were fairly widely distributed across the site, but the largest
concentrations were found in the units that had large quantities of shell (Units 8,
16, and 14). Many of the quartz crystals found at Paquime were purposefully
modified through sawing and grinding and exhibited extensive wear damage on
their ends from use. Because of their natural shape and extreme hardness, they
would have been excellent tools for drilling, puncturing, and incising tasks. Over
66% of the 33 crystals were found in the shell warehouses of Unit 8, whereas Unit
14 contained over 20% of the crystals. Other stone tools that may have been used
in ornament manufacture, such as chipped stone drills, gravers, knives, and saws,
featured a wide distribution throughout numerous features, including Units 8,
14, and 16.
The use of shell ornaments and other items at Casas Grandes by the general
population appears to be very low. Shell was an important type of personal
adornment used by individuals during the early Viejo period occupation, but
during the Medio period a smaller proportion of the total shell was buried with
inhabitants, and it appears that access to this material became more restricted. In
the Viejo period at the Convento site, approximately 99% of the 1,384 pieces
of shell jewelry was found in burial deposits (Di Peso et al. 1974, Vol. 6:390).
An estimated 76 individuals were represented in Viejo period contexts, and
varying quantities of shell were found with 13 of these (17%) (Di Peso 1974, Vol.
8:343-354). Although the number of shell ornaments skyrocketed during the
Medio period (3,907,709), the overwhelming majority was found in storage
rooms. A total of 25,827 (0.7%) pieces was found in caches or troves, offerings,
and burials.
MARINE SHELL EXCHANGE 137

The 576 burials recovered from Medio period contexts contained only a
small proportion of the shell assemblage (0.2%). Grave offerings and other types
of differential treatment were not evenly distributed throughout the burial popu-
lation. Most of the shell was with burials in Units 13 and 14 (Ravesloot 1984:98,
1987). It was determined that a small portion of the burials featured charac-
teristics that potentially represented ascribed (13 individuals) and achieved (14
individuals) status. Shell was among the exotic goods found in these special
burials, although its presence alone was not necessarily indicative of elite status.
Of those associated with burials, the majority were beads of Nassarius spp., Olivella
spp., Persicula bandera, and Vermetid (Di Peso et al. 1974, Vol. 6:405-409). It has
been suggested that the paucity of marine shell in mortuary contexts may relate
to its export value rather than local consumption (Ravesloot 1984:98). The burial
data indicate that shell was not widely used by the people of Paquime and that
access to the material may have been reserved for a small portion of the popula-
tion. The vast majority appears to have been accumulated as an expression of
wealth or for exchange purposes, with a very limited proportion reserved for
socioreligious use in offeratory caches.
The large quantity of marine shell at Paquime indicates that it was an
important component of society, but the majority of material was restricted in
distribution to a few storage locales where most of the ornament production also
took place. There is an indication that access to shell was limited to a particular
segment of the population. Additionally, the spatial distribution of shell orna-
ments suggests that some differences in production strategies were employed.
Expedient, mass-production techniques prevailed in the creation of whole shell
beads in Unit 8, whereas Unit 16 specialists focused upon ornaments that re-
quired more effort and painstaking expertise. It appears that there was a wide
variety of ornaments manufactured from the diverse types of worked and un-
worked shell present. It is possible that production was targeted for different
purposes. Massive quantities of expediently produced beads were produced as
well as more elaborate goods that would appear to have higher value.
The vast number and variety of shell ornaments found in warehouses at
Casas Grandes and the fact that the inhabitants were not major consumers sug-
gests that the material either represents a highly guarded accumulation of wealth,
or was used for exchange purposes. Until recently the lack of data from sites in
the surrounding region has presented problems in the investigation of Casas
Grandes regional exchange. Data obtained from a 1989 reconnaissance and sys-
tematic survey of portions of the area surrounding Casas Grandes indicate that
only a small number of sites had access to marine shell, and ornaments are found
only in very small numbers. From over 89 sites surveyed in the area, lO sites
contained a total of 16 pieces of marine shell (Figure 3). Most sites with shell were
located in the EI Alamito and San Pedro drainages.
In addition to limited regional data, there is information from more distant
138 RONNA J. BRADLEY

• SITE

. . SITE WITH MARINE SHELL

o 20
KILOMETERS

Figure 3. Sites located during the 1989 reconnaissance sUlvey which contained marine shell. (Adapt-
ed from Minnis and Whalen 1990 by L. Shifrin.)

sites in the southwestern United States. Although it is possible that some shell
ornaments from these sites originated in Casas Grandes, the difficulty lies in
connecting them to the site of Paquime. Other shell exchange networks were
operative in the Southwest, especially in the Hohokam area (Brand ·1938; Howard
1983; McGuire, this volume; Tower 1945), but separating the artifacts that origi-
nated from the various exchange systems poses major problems. The follOwing
sections present a brief discussion of shell exchange as it relates to other portions
of the Southwest and addresses the problems involved with defining a Casas
Grandes exchange network. Finally, analytical techniques are presented for sourc-
ing and tracing the distribution of shell, along with a model of shell exchange in
the Casas Grandes region.
MARINE SHEll EXCHANGE 139
SHELL ORNAMENT PRODUCTION AND EXCHANGE
WITHIN THE SOUTHWEST

As early as the 1930s, Donald Brand (1938) investigated the distribution of


marine shell on archaeological sites in the Southwest, defined general source areas
for the shell, and delineated shell exchange routes. The natural ranges of mol-
luscan species were used to provide information on very general source areas
such as the Gulf of California and the Pacific Coast, and the proposed routes for
the movement of shell were based upon inferences derived from limited eth-
nohistoric and archaeological data. This work was followed by several attempts to
update the data lists (Kean 1965; Tower 1945), but the source areas were still
broadly defined, encompassing the entire Gulf of California or Pacific Coast.
These studies brought to light the importance of marine shell in Southwestern
aboriginal society, and in particular the Hohokam, but at the same time illustrated
the difficulty in sourcing shell to more specific locales along the gulf (Bradley
1986, 1987).
Shell appears to have played an important part in the economic and social
systems of the Hohokam and Salado manifestations (McGuire, this volume, 1985;
McGuire and Howard 1987). It is found in abundance on many sites and subse-
quently, investigations into the technology of ornament production and exchange
of shell within the Southwest have been led by researchers in the Hohokam area
(Haury 1976; Howard 1983, 1985; McGuire and Howard 1987; McGuire 1985;
Nelson 1981; Seymour 1988; Vokes 1984). Stylistically, Hohokam assemblages
are different from the Casas Grandes material, with an orientation toward the
production of bracelets, carved pendants, and discoidal beads. Hohokam sites
often feature large quantities of debitage produced during the ornament man-
ufacturing process (Howard 1983; McGuire and Howard 1987; Seymour 1988).
Whole shell ornament types common at Casas Grandes, such as Conus tinklers
and Nassarius beads, are rare in the Hohokam area until the Classic period (A.D.
1100-1450). During the Classic period they appear in greater numbers than in
earlier periods (Haury 1976:319; Nelson 1981:120, 125; Vokes 1984:534).
Changes that occurred in artifact types, production strategies, and exchange
networks during the Hohokam Classic period (Howard 1983, 1985; McGuire and
Howard 1987; Vokes 1984; Teague 1985) accompany the appearance of Salado
materials such as Gila Polychromes and coincide chronologically with the growth
of Casas Grandes. At the same time, Salado ceramics dominated the intrusive
assemblage at Paquime, and the majority of these were housed in the large shell
storage rooms of Unit 8 (Di Peso et al. 1974, Vol. 8:152). Researchers have
suggested that the rise of Casas Grandes may have had a competitive economic
effect upon the Hohokam, resulting in a reduction in the quantity and types of
mesoamerican goods available after A.D. 1150, including shell (LeBlanc
1986:119; McGuire 1980:31). Prior to the Classic period, items such as copper
140 RONNA J. BRADLEY
bells, pyrite mirrors, and macaws were largely restricted to the Hohokam area
(McGuire 1980:31). After A.D. U50, those exotic goods became less common in
the Hohokam area and are found in other portions of the Southwest, including
Casas Grandes. Di Peso (1974, Vol. 8:168) suggested that the rise of Casas
Grandes affected the Hohokam shell industry and that a competitive relationship
for the export of shell developed between the two regions.

TECHNIQUES FOR DETERMINING SOURCE


AREAS OF SHELL EXCHANGE

Three techniques have been developed for investigating the nature and
extent of Casas Grandes participation in shell exchange. Manufacturing tech-
niques and morphology of shell ornaments are documented through analysis of a
series of stylistic attributes, with the expectation that items produced in certain
areas will maintain similar styles and manufacturing strategies. Sources for the
raw material are examined through analysis of the natural range of particular
species. Finally, a new technique is tested for its effectiveness in determining
source areas for shell from the Gulf of California, chemical analysis using emis-
sion spectroscopy.
Stylistic attributes are effective means of characterizing the morphology and
manufacturing techniques of ornament assemblages, and there appears to be a
specific regional style to the Casas Grandes material (Jernigan 1978). The major
characteristics in the Casas Grandes shell assemblage include a predominance of
whole shell beads that were modified with simple perforations, a substantial
quantity of tinklers and bead pendants, and small proportions of cut-shell pen-
dants, discoidal beads, bracelets and armlets. Although the bulk of shell orna-
ments at Casas Grandes exhibit expedient manufacturing, a substantial number
of pieces were intricately modified into elaborate forms (Di Peso et al. 1974,
Vol. 6).
Ornament styles that are similar to those found at Casas Grandes can be
found on other sites in the Southwest (Jernigan 1978), but in many cases the
proportions are very different. For instance, Hohokam sites contain some of the
same types of ornaments (Haury 1976; Jernigan 1978; McGuire and Howard
1987; Nelson 1981), but discoidal beads and Glycymeris spp. bracelets predomi-
nate in the assemblages in most cases. Some Salado and other Chihuahuan sites
contain the same types of shell that dominated the Casas Grandes assemblage
such as Nassarius spp. and Conus spp. but not in great numbers (Fritz 1969;
Nelson 1981; Kelley et al. 1985). In comparison to other areas such as the
Hohokam, the manufacturing techniques for the majority of ornaments were
much more expedient, and a strategy oriented toward mass production of whole
shell beads was used.
Delineation of shell raw-material source areas provides a way of separating
MARINE SHELL EXCHANGE 141
shell associated with Casas Grandes from molluscs obtained and used for ex-
change by other major suppliers such as the Hohokam. It is assumed that due in
part to proximity, Gulf shells associated with the Hohokam exchange systems
were obtained from the northern reaches of the Gulf of California, near Adair Bay
(Figure 1). This is well supported by current research in the Hohokam area
(Haury 1976; Howard 1983; McGuire and Howard 1987). Because of the varied
nature of the shell assemblage and the presence of natural geographical barriers
and passageways that would influence procurement systems, it has been sug-
gested that Casas Grandes shell was obtained from sources along the midgulf and
farther south (Di Peso et al. 1974, Vol. 8:162-170; Vol. 6:401). Di Peso (1974)
suggested that the Rio Matape area near Guaymas would have been a likely source
location because of the species present and the topography, which provided a
natural route of travel from Casas Grandes.
The Gulf of California is located in the Panamic faunal province, with
tropical waters that begin at Magdalena Bay on the Pacific side of Baja California
and extend southward around the tip of the peninsula, northward throughout the
gulf and south to Peru (Keen 1971:4; Schenck and Keen 1936) (Figure 1). North
of the Panamic Province lies the Californian Province that is characterized by
animal life adapted to temperate rather than tropical environs.
Procurement areas for the majority of shell in the Casas Grandes assemblage
are not easily defined using species distributions, and most can be obtained from
widespread areas within the Gulf. There are, however, some species that were
recovered at Casas Grandes that have a limited natural range and serve as good
indicators of specific procurement locations.
One type of shell recovered from Casas Grandes is not available from Gulf of
California waters. Haliotus cracherodii and H. fulgens were the only marine shells
recovered that are endemic to the Californian Province in the Pacific and are not
found in the Gulf of California. A total of 34 specimens of this genus were
recovered from excavations at Casas Grandes, and this small quantity made up
only a minute proportion of the assemblage (Di Peso et al. 1974, Vol. 6).
Several mollusc species have limited natural distributions within the gulf,
and general procurement areas can be defined based upon species types alone.
One of the best examples is Persicula bandera. A total of 1,122 P. bandera were
unearthed at Paquime, and this particular species is found only in the Banderas
Bay area of coastal Nayarit and Jalisco, near Puerto Vallarta (Keen 1971:635). This
presents compelling evidence for links with groups in Jalisco and Nayarit, as do
other exotics such as scarlet macaws and copper metallurgy. Particularly intrigu-
ing is the fact that P. bandera is rare in archaeological contexts. P. bandera has not
been found elsewhere in the Southwest, although it has recently been found on
sites in northwestern Mesoamerica (Olguin 1990).
Although the use of species distributions is an ideal technique for sourcing
certain molluscan types, it is not altogether effective for pinpointing procurement
areas for the bulk of the Casas Grandes shell assemblage. Comprehensive use of
142 RONNA J. BRADLEY

species lists from specific locations in the Gulf of California have potential for
delineating general tendencies in the distribution of certain species (DuShane and
Brennan 1967; DuShane and Poorman 1967; DuShane and Sphon 1968; Lowe
1935; Mclean 1961), but there are problems with standardization of the data.
Molluscan distributional data collection results can vary with season, duration of
study, habitats collected, and the types of techniques used. When used compre-
henSively, distributional studies can demonstrate the presence of certain species
at specific locales (see Keen 1971), but they cannot be used in a definitive manner
to explain the absence of certain species or to demonstrate differences between
areas without cautionary and systematic use of the data.
The use of chemical analysis techniques to source marine shell in conjunc-
tion with species distributions is one alternative to using species range alone.
Research has shown that there are several factors such as temperature, salinity,
species type, calcite-to-aragonite ratio, and geological environment that affect the
chemical composition of marine shell (Crisp and Richardson 1975; Florkin and
Scheer 1967; Simkiss and Mason 1983; Turekian and Armstrong 1960). The
majority of factors, except for species, are environment related. The ratio of
calcite to aragonite is dependent upon the genetic makeup of the mollusc as well
as other environmental variables such as temperature and salinity. Chemical
variation in the shell of molluscs of the same species would be assumed to reflect
differences in the molluscan environment. More specifically, differences in water
temperature, salinity, as well as sedimentological- and geological-related discrep-
ancies are affected by the geographical location of the animals. Consequently,
differing trace elements in the shell of molluscs of the same species would be
expected to reflect geographical-based differences in the environment. Attempts
to source shell from middens along the Atlantic coast have met with some success
(Miller 1980), and the technique appears promising for use in the Gulf of Cali-
fornia.
Although chemical analysis has been effectively used for sourcing a variety of
archaeological materials, there are problems with using these techniques for
sourcing mobile organisms. Unlike lithic materials and geological deposits, mol-
luscs move about within a habitat that in itself is subject to fluctuations. There-
fore, a number of dynamic variables influence chemical composition, and the
effects are not well understood. Preliminary results suggest a great deal of varia-
tion in the concentration of elements between samples from different geograph-
icallocations; however indications as to the overall effectiveness of this technique
for sourcing shell materials are inconclusive at this time.

CONCLUSIONS

Casas Grandes has impressed explorers and scholars alike since the early
sixteenth century, with its magnificent and expansive architecture composed of
MARINE SHELL EXCHANGE 143

local adobe clay. Systematic archaeological investigation revealed some of the


most complex residential and monumental architecture in the Southwest and a
multitude of local and intrusive artifacts. Because of the unique complexity in
architectural style and the numerous exotic goods, the site was interpreted as a
trading center within the vast frontier between Mesoamerica and the Southwest.
Several models have been proposed for the development and proliferation
of Paquime and sites in the region. The pochteca and world-systems models de-
pict the role of Casas Grandes as an outpost used by mesoamerican groups for ex-
plOitative purposes. Other concepts such as prestige and peer-polity models
emphasize the importance of interchange between autonomous sociopolitical
units in the development of the Casas Grandes region. The importance of prestige
exchange has been discussed for the movement of marine shell within the region.
Paquime contained numerous exotic goods, including over 3.9 million
shells. The majority of items were housed in two rooms of one multistory unit.
The limited distribution of many exotics indicates that access to the bulk of
luxury goods was limited to only a small portion of the population. Although
most of the shell at the site was expediently manufactured, a large number of
pieces exhibited elaborate workmanship. Two types of production strategies were
utilized: (1) skilled production of incised, pseudocloisonne, mosaic, and shaped
ornaments; and (2) expedient production that was the most common technique
for whole shell beads. The second strategy, and the most common, required less
skill for the manufacture of whole shell beads (Di Peso 1974, Vol. 6:402). Spatial
patterning is noted in the distribution of shell ornaments. Some areas of the site
contained higher percentages of shell that was the product of skilled work-
manship, whereas others produced high proportions of expediently worked
items. The large amount of material, the extremely fine workmanship on many of
the pieces, and the large-scale expedient strategy of bead production suggests that
a segment of the population specialized in shell ornament production.
Analysis of the burial remains (Ravesloot 1984, 1987) indicates that the
inhabitants were not the major consumers of shell during the Medio period and
that shells along with other items marked the burials of elite individuals. It
appears that shell at Casas Grandes was highly controlled and limited primarily to
individuals who occupied a pOSition of status.
Specialization in shell production, limited access, and limited consumption
by the occupants of the site suggest that shell ornaments may have been pro-
duced for exchange. Because little data are available from sites in the nearby
region, we have a poor understanding of the nature of the Casas Grandes system
and regional exchange. Distant sites in other portions of the Southwest contain
shells that are similar to those at Casas Grandes, but inferences are constrained by
the fact that shell ornaments are dilficult to source to Casas Grandes as opposed
to other sites in the Southwest.
Several techniques for sourcing and tracing shell exchange networks are
currently being explored, including chemical sourcing that shows potential utility
144 RONNA]. BRADLEY

for shell from the Gulf of California. Shell sourcing by species has the potential
for more refinement but at present is effective only for those rare molluscan
species with limited natural distributions. One species recovered in substantial
numbers indicated that ties with groups in Nayarit and Jalisco may have been
maintained. The shell that was imported from this area was highly valued and
placed in elite burials.
In addition to the shell, macaws and copper metallurgy were likely obtained
from western and northwestern Mesoamerica as well. Scarlet macaws were highly
valued, and there is evidence that Casas Grandes may have been a major supplier
of macaws to other sites in the Southwest. Although there is some evidence for
macaw breeding, there is also a possibility that some of the individuals were
occasionally imported into the area as juveniles from areas to the south eDiPeso et
al. 1974, Vol. 8:276) along with some of the other exotic material.
The distribution of shell remains in other portions of the Southwest that can
be attributed to a Casas Grandes source are not easily identified. Hohokam
groups were also involved in shell exchange networks, and although some Hoho-
kam ornaments differ stylistically from those found at Casas Grandes (Jernigan
1978), there are similarities in some types. There is the possibility that Salado
groups may have participated in exchange with the inhabitants of the Casas
Grandes area. Numerous Gila Polychrome ceramics were stored in Unit 8, and
several Salado sites also contain Chihuahuan wares. Some similarities in the types
of species utilized are found between Salado and Casas Grandes shell as-
semblages; however, in some areas the Salado shell assemblages are of typical
Hohokam style, with numerous bracelets and large numbers of discoidal beads.
In order to further examine exchange within the Casas Grandes system, a
model of prestige exchange has been discussed. The quantity of luxury goods at
Paquime and their distribution within the site fit expectations for a prestige type
of economy, with elite access to prestige goods serving as the basis for the
creation and maintenance of status and power. On a regional and interregional
basis, exchange of prestige goods stimulates the formation of alliances and pro-
motes solidarity among participants, as well as serving to move goods and ideas
across large areas.
Prestige exchange should occur in areas where the population level is high
enough to permit some level of social differentiation and would likely require
access to foreign goods. Control over access to and production of prestige items is
important, and there should not be a ubiquitous distribution of luxury goods on a
site. In a prestige network, elite burials would be expected to contain quantities of
exotic goods, whereas those with less status would feature fewer exotics. Addi-
tionally, evidence for the use of exotic prestige items in well-developed ritual
would be expected. Along with the movement of goods in a prestige economy,
ideas and knowledge that affect stylistic, technological, and ideological trends
over a wide area may also be exchanged. For example, there is the possibility that
MARINE SHEll EXCHANGE 145

widespread stylistic patterns, such as the distribution of Gila Polychrome


ceramics, represent the movement of a well-developed ideology with defined
stylistic symbols over broad regions rather than the movement of pots themselves
(see Crown and Bishop 1987).
Marine shell ornaments are particularly useful for analysis of exchange sys-
tems because they have the potential to be sourced to their original procurement
areas as well as to the ornament production locales. The integrated techniques
outlined here will provide information on procurement as well as production and
allow us to trace the distribution of the items. In addition, shell ornaments are
ideal for looking at exchange patterns because they fill a somewhat limited niche
in the social realm. Their context within the social system can be more easily
understood than ceramics, for example, which may fill several roles such as
utilitarian, luxury items, or tools for transportation of other goods.
The economic role played by marine shell at the site of Casas Grandes is not
yet fully understood; however, research is underway that combines the sourcing
techniques outlined along with a panregional investigation of other sites within
the Southwest. A prestige model of interaction has been detailed for the region,
and data obtained will be used to test the hypotheses formulated concerning
exchange of shell with sites to the north. Only by looking beyond the site of Casas
Grandes and its poorly documented region are we able to better understand the
role it played during the late prehistoric period on the northwestern frontier of
Mesoamerica and the Southwest.

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