SAHGB Publications Limited

Archaeology and Iconography: Recent Developments in the Study of English Medieval

Architecture
Author(s): Eric Fernie
Source: Architectural History, Vol. 32 (1989), pp. 18-29
Published by: SAHGB Publications Limited
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1568559
Accessed: 29-08-2016 14:25 UTC

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 Archaeology and iconography
Recent developments in the study of English
Medieval architecture

by ERIC FERNIE

This paper is the text of the Society's Annual Lecturefor 1988, delivered at the Royal Society o
Arts on 14 November.

INTRODUCTION

It is a commonplace on occasions such as this for speak

acknowledging the honour they feel in having been a
instances there is no means of knowing whether the senti
rhetorical flourish for form's sake; this evening however
the chronological centre of gravity of the Society's intere
by the fact that the great majority of articles in the So
buildings of the sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth, and n
historian of the architecture of the Middle Ages, I think I
as an almost quantifiable statement, that it is indeed an honou
Society's annual lecture this evening.
Given this, it is perhaps appropriate that I should begin
mean by the term 'medieval'.
First, I find it difficult to make sense of the practice of be
if the England of Edward the Confessor were a land of u
barbarians from the age of the tribal migrations, or the
almost cosmic significance; and I would subscribe instead
in the original idea of a Middle Age as adumbrated by Lo
period between Antiquity and the Renaissance; so that, wh
proposing this or that event as the most significant in the tr
other, the important point is that the beginning of the
between the decline of the imperial house in the West in the
hegemonic power of the Franks in the course of the eigh
have chosen to discuss are drawn from the Anglo-Saxon p
they are all in my view medieval.
Second, on the tenor of the term in the world at la
Ghiberti's definition has caused 'medieval' to become a
wide application, from witchcraft trials (even if they take
Massachusetts at the hands of post-Reformation Puri
alchemists (even if the vast majority of the references in que

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 ARCHAEOLOGY AND ICONOGRAPHY I9

in Renaissance Italy). To take a specific recent example, from a repo

John Swain, who is hardly a tabloid journalist: 'This scarred but be
only now showing signs of emergence from the medieval hell into
Rouge plunged it. [Among other things, these fanatics did] awa
musical instruments, abolished festivals, burned books, butchered
cated Buddhist manuscripts'. Truly a medieval hell ...
Now I would not wish to argue that the Middle Ages were less ba
etc. than the sixteenth, seventeenth, or twentieth centuries, but I think
that the extended application which the term has acquired must h
effect on our perception of the age involved.
To offer an alternative label is of course an act of hubris, a sure
suffering from that disease of the prescriptive grammarian, Fowl
make this suggestion as a mere aside: that, following the lead of the
Dawson's seminal little book The Making of Europe,' we might thin
Ages as the First-European Age, fortified by the charming coinciden
basis for 1992, the nub of the argument between Mrs Thatcher an
European Currency Unit, is known, at least in English, as the e
equivalent of one of the oldest and most widely used specifically E
values.
Turning to the theme of the lecture, architectural historians have at their disposal
three main tools: documentary or written evidence, archaeological or physical
investigation of the fabric, and visual or architectural analysis of the design. The great
early twentieth-century scholars of Anglo-Saxon architecture such as Gerard Baldwin
Brown and John Bilson, like their equivalents working in other periods, naturally
made use of all three.
You may be surprised to hear that in Anglo-Saxon studies in more recent years one of
the three, architectural analysis, has come to be treated with suspicion and even rejected
outright. Thus in the more than IIoo pages of Harold and Joan Taylor's magisterial
Anglo-Saxon Architecture2 there is hardly a single example of analysis of design or
architectural iconography. The use of architectural analysis in fact increases consis-
tently from the study of Anglo-Saxon to that of Norman and from Norman to Gothic,
in the writings of such scholars as Jean Bony, Richard Gem and Peter Draper.
There are of course factors which make a sceptical reaction to some architectural
analysis on the part of people like the Taylors understandable, such as the frequent use
of imprecise and even emotive language. More specifically, a lack of sound scholarship
in the Anglo-Saxon period between Clapham's work of 1930 and the Taylors' of 1965,
has caused this retreat into the strengths and certainties of archaeological method.3
These strengths are real; the archaeological approach with its uncompromising
empiricism has clarified the chronology of the period out of all recognition. But the fact
that a technique such as architectural analysis has been abused through the use of merely
emotive language, or that its application is more difficult in one period than another, is
no reason for ceasing to ask the question 'What can we learn from the character of the
forms themselves?'.
When Stuart Piggott was asked how he would define the difference between
archaeology and the history of art, he is reported to have replied that he hadn't realized

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20 ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 32: 1989

there was any. He would not be able to say that today, with the increasing use of
technology in archaeology, and the stress on it as a science which should restrict itself to
what it can measure. Earlier in this century there was an attempt, by Paul Frankl, to do
this for architectural history.4 Needless to say, it was unsuccessful, due, I believe, to the
fact that he restricted discussion of artistic change to discrete features such as columns
and arches, which lead in turn to the defining of styles as the sum of their various parts.
Such an aim is, in my view, a chimera: it is not possible to write an architectural
history of a period, architect, or building without architectural analysis, which is in part
an attempt to learn how contemporaries thought about and reacted to the structure or
structures in question. Individual features do not define periods, if anything it is
attitudes which do. The resistance to the use of a critical analysis of buildings bears a
strong resemblance to behaviourism in the world of psychology, that is, because
something cannot be measured it should be treated as if it did not exist. I venture to
suggest that in the field of architectural history this excludes almost all the reasons for
which the building was built, and why patrons and architects emulated one model
rather than another.
The theme of the lecture is then, in a phrase, quantification versus architectural
analysis (or archaeology versus architectural iconography) in medieval architectural
history. My intention is to illustrate what can be added to the achievements of the
quantifying approach by architectural analysis, in two contrasting contexts: firstly with
reference to something as specific as a single building, namely the Anglo-Saxon church
of St Wystan at Repton in Derbyshire; and secondly, on a much larger canvas, with
reference to the history of a style over more than half a century, namely the use of
Anglo-Saxon features in the Anglo-Norman period after the Conquest, with particular
reference to the cathedral of Durham.

REPTON

Some of you may have heard me on this subject before, but I offe
for returning to it: first, because I shall be brief, second because
case, and third on account of the attention it has received i
substantial articles or parts of articles by Martin Biddle in 1986,
1987. These two scholars have argued persuasively that the orig
chief additions must pre-date the Danish invasions of the 87
important phases of the monument one or even two centur
previously been thought.5 However, having made this contribut
phases of construction to the steps of the documentary evi
resolutely avoid the architectural evidence (Figs I and 2).
Biddle and Taylor identify the original free-standing square bu
leum of King Ethelbald who died in 757. Next, they attribute the
building, with the addition of columns and vaults and probab
chancel above, to the time of the burial there of King Wiglaf (82
Wiglaf's grandson, was murdered, and after having been buried i
became the object of the most important cult in Derbyshire; to this p
construction of two passages intended for the easier control of t

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 ARCHAEOLOGY AND ICONOGRAPHY 2I

Fig. I Repton (Derbyshire), St Wystan's, exterior view of eastern parts. The

courses of the chancel constitute the surviving parts of the free-standing mausoleu
attributed to King Wiglaf) which stood immediately to the east of the original chu
present chancel is an extension of that church, built out over the mausoleum and t
a crypt

Fig. 2 Repton (Derbyshire), St Wystan's, interior of crypt, showing the spiral columns and
vaults inserted into the mausoleum, probably at the same time as the building of the chancel
above. The insertion of the columns and vaults is here atributed to a re-ordering after the death
of St Wystan, who was buried 'in the mausoleum of his grandfather King Wiglaf'

These identifications follow from the direct equating of each phase in the structure
with each step in the documentary evidence. Occam's razor is a sound instrument, but
where the most direct solution produces anomalies it is necessary to ask whether the
razor is being applied to the right material.
Thus the identification of the addition of the columns and the chancel with King
Wiglaf's burial raises a central difficulty. Let us leave aside the question of the likelihood
of a secular ruler being buried beneath the centre of a new chancel, and concentrate on
whether the spiral shape of the columns would have been any more appropriate to
someone of his purely secular status.
What parallels are there for the form? Peter Kidson was the first to point out the
similarity between these supports and those which marked the tomb of St Peter in
Rome, a Constantinian monument of a prestige unmatched elsewhere in western
Christendom (Fig. 3).6 There are three other examples in crypts, in the mid-eleventh-
century churches of St Lebuinus in Deventer (Fig. 4) and St Peter in Utrecht, both in the
Netherlands,7 and in Anselm's extension to Canterbury Cathedral in the Io9os (Figs 5
and 6), and four others in the main body of the church, at Durham, Norwich, Waltham
and Dunfermline;8 all eight examples are connected with the burial of a saint or the
demarcation of a sanctuary. After the middle of the twelfth century the form begins to
be used extensively for purely decorative purposes, but before that I know of only one

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 Fig. 3 Rome, St Peter's,
reconstruction of sanctuary as re-
ordered in the early seventh
century, using the spiral columns
which formed part of the original
Constantinian arrangement (after
Ward Perkins, Journal of
Roman Studies, XLII, 1952,
Fig. 2)

Fig. 4 Deventer (Netherlands),

St Lebuinus, interior of crypt to
east (Rijksdienst voor de
Monumentenzorg, the
Netherlands)

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 ARCHAEOLOGY AND ICONOGRAPHY 23

EA ST

I SANCTUARY .

~',~^13~~~~~~~~~~~ ~ . . .. .... . ',, . - --. . ,, ..:.......~ e>s :~

!~~~~~~~~ 1

*' : ::: . s ,.,' sS S'

: ; - .y, Hi7 l i?. .!1.... ,g. ,s.. .^

:ii^^^^gij 3 Fig. 6 Canterbury Cathedral, crypt sanctuary from

the west, showing the altar flanked by the easternmost
I 2 _ pair of spiral columns

NORTH SOUTH
ROW ROW

WEST

Fig. 5 Canterbury Cathedral, diagram of the

columns in the main body of the crypt

example which is out of place: a single column in the

dormitory at Canterbury, which I offer as the exception
representations of buildings spiral columns are frequently
religious scenes and figures. There is again an exception, in
bower in which Aelfgyva stands when she meets her
acknowledged to be a particularly cryptic episode, wh
complicated by the strong overtones of irony.
I would therefore suggest that we have lost King Et
mausoleum (which need not even have been on this site), th
square building is the ninth-century tomb of King Wiglaf,

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24 ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 32: I989

and the architectural enrichment of the columns and vaults were provided for Wy
saint and putative martyr, lying in a position analogous to that of, for example, S
in the church of the Plan of St Gall, in the crypt beneath the altar sanctuary in
chancel, the appropriate place sanctioned by scripture itself in the form of Revelat
6.9: 'and when he broke the fifth seal, I saw there beneath the altar the souls of all tho
who had been slain for the love of God's word', that is, martyrs.
If I am correct in this analysis, then I would argue that the reasoning in the opp
case has been misled chiefly by two factors. The first concerns an unwillingness o
part of the investigators to examine the columns as architectural features w
character and an iconographic history, accepting them instead as incidental feat
which happen to accompany one part of the stratification of the site. Indeed, the
that the columns have a particular shape is mentioned only once in passing in b
articles.
Second is an uncompromising equating of the phasing with the steps of
documentary record, which is another example of the wish to quantify, of an ide
avoiding choice, of adopting the one-for-one correspondence in which one t
follows automatically from another. This is a common feature of the analys
Anglo-Saxon buildings, even extending to the equating of building phases with t
main periods into which Anglo-Saxon architectural history has been subdivided
modern historians. At Hadstock, for example, Warwick Rodwell uses this techniqu
push the first plan back to what is almost the earliest possible Christian Saxon
The past, however, is seldom so neat and accommodating (phase I = period A, ph
= period B, etc.),and indeed there is a staggering profligacy about the frequency
which many medieval churches were rebuilt, without requiring occasions such as
Viking raids, dynastic changes, or the move from one architectural period to another.

ANGLO-SAXON SURVIVAL

I have avoided the unfortunate phrase 'Saxo-Norman Over

said sounded like the architectural equivalent of a middle-a
not entirely a happy label either, as I hope to show.
The divide between the Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norm
and rich area, involving as it does the laying of one cultu
approached in many different ways, but here I shall restrict m
lecture, to arguing that the virtues of quantification shoul
analysis, that individual features do not define periods, and
sense of architectural history without taking into accoun
including attitudes towards style.
The most extreme example of a simplistic approach to t
features characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon period cease to b
Conquest; we can, however, confidently reject the ide
architect died on the battlefield at Hastings. A much m
incidence of Anglo-Saxon elements reducing year by year
losing momentum, no Anglo-Saxon features survive at all.

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 ARCHAEOLOGY AND ICONOGRAPHY 25

a variant on this to the effect that things recognizable as Anglo-S

raries were sometimes used for that very reason, in order to mak
graphic point.
Unlike painting and sculpture, architecture is not a representational art, in that it does
not attempt to reproduce an aspect of the real world, but buildings do imitate other
buildings: Alberti's designs use classical forms for a very definite, if generalized,
iconographic purpose to do with the standing of Antiquity, and all buildings acquire
this kind of meaning simply by existing. So with things Anglo-Saxon in the Anglo-
Norman period: far from all being mere survivals, some of the features become
markers, pointers to a previous age and its significance. As a prominent example, I offer
you Durham Cathedral.
DURHAM

The dates of the cathedral are firmly established, with construct

the time of Bishop William of St-Calais and reaching compl
known for its site, its size, successfully symbolizing Norman
rib-vaults. A few years ago, after many decades of sparring w
Bony (who has done as much as anyone to illustrate the power o
ral analysis as a historical tool) finally took the plunge an
Anglo-Saxon architect. 11 His reasons were primarily to do with
the design, which contrasts sharply with such monuments to
plasticity and structural logic as the cathedral of Winchester,
more tellingly, Lessay in Normandy itself at the same date as
Although some of the points offered in support of the thesis a
as the view that there is something Anglo-Saxon in the linear
general case is a compelling one. Three elements are particular
piers with incisions stressing their curvature, as at Repton
prominent feature of Anglo-Saxon manuscripts of the tenth a
(such as in folio 9 of the psalter BM Harley 76); and suspended
minor piers, again as at Repton.
Of course these features occur elsewhere, spiral incisions
interlaced arcading in Islamic buildings in tenth-century Spain
nettes in contemporary Lombardy, but the important thing i
found in Normandy before they occur at Durham, making the
not unreasonable one.
In so far as these are Anglo-Saxon features they cannot be survivals, as those tend to
occur (as one would expect) in small, rustic structures, while the great buildings of th
first generation after the Conquest are almost entirely lacking in anything arguably
Anglo-Saxon in character. It therefore follows that they were consciously employed a
Durham, rather than simply being part of a traditional repertoire used without much
thought. If so, then why were they used? In Bony's view, only a Saxon could have
combined the elements in the way they are at Durham, but this introduces another of
those forms of quantification which characterize much of medieval architectura
history: namely the assumption that craftsmen, especially sculptors and painters,
having been trained to produce things in one way, are thus provided with an

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26 ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 32: 1989

unchanging repertoire and technique for life. Now Bony is not guilty of this sor
simplification, but his view is related: if we find Anglo-Saxon elements in Durha
they are probably there because the architect was Anglo-Saxon; that is, he would
acting in a sense involuntarily, using aspects of his own tradition in the way that M
saw the artists of the Renaissance painting at a subconscious level characteristic ears
fingers, while the major, the Norman, aspects of the design he would have learnt
conscious response to the market.
In fact Bony proposes an alternative which seems to me to be more likely than
ethnic explanation: that the bishop actually wanted the building to represent a fusi
Thus, if we ask why a building of this type in this place at this date should cont
several references to apparently Anglo-Saxon forms, then the answer might lie in
origins of the cathedral's proprietor, and I do not here refer to Bishop William, but to it
real feudal lord, namely St Cuthbert, one of the most powerful of the Anglo-Sax
saints. If I may quote a letter from Deirdre Wollaston, one of my doctoral studen

NORTH ARM OF TRANSEPT

^-J

-1

NAVE PRESBY T E RY

Fig. 8 Durham
Cathedral, crossing,
1i looking toward
north-east pier

SOUTH ARM OF TRANSEPT

Fig. 7 Durham
Cathedral, plan of
crossing

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 ARCHAEOLOGY AND ICONOGRAPHY 27

- PAT IPIIAL T

- PA T S P I AAL/PART Ii*-ZAO

SCA L

0 4 O 20 30

)
A, A, AC B C D

Fig. 9 Durham Cathedral, plan, indicating variations in piers

since she puts the matter so succinctly, 'It is typically Norman to borrow ideas from
alien cultures and to make use of them in a novel way: this is just what they did in their
use of the westwork atJumieges; the Chanson de Roland is a literary counterpart, with
Charlemagne thoroughly feudalized or Normanized, and Archbishop Turpin
behaving suspiciously like Bishop Odo at Hastings. I visualize William of St-Calais
pondering the pages of Bede and wondering how best to exploit St Cuthbert for his
own and Norman purposes'.

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28 ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 32: 1989

Before concluding, there are two other points at Durham to which I would like
draw your attention, as further illustrations of the value of architectural analysis. First,
there is the shape of the crossing. The commonest form of crossing is a squa
representing the intersection of a nave and a transept of equal width. If one axis we
narrower one would expect it to be the transept as the less important of the t
elements, but at Durham the transept is wider than the nave (Fig. 7). The explanatio
for this appears to be as follows. The crossing piers have been elongated on t
east-west axis, which has two effects: firstly it enables the designer to narrow the north
and south arches of the crossing until they are the same size as those to east and we
cancelling any advantage which the transept might gain from its greater width, a
secondly the shape of the piers stresses the east-west axis by having an extended surf
running parallel to that axis, while conversely the north-south axis is broken up by t
intrusion of the pronounced responds supporting the north and south arches of t
crossing, those leading into the arms of the transept (Fig. 8). There is no practical ne
for the greater width of the transept, on the contrary it appears to be part of an exercis
in pure form. I submit that one can only make sense of this sort of feature throu
architectural analysis.
It is worth mentioning that the feature can be found earlier in an Anglo-Saxon
context, in the mid-eleventh-century church of Great Paxton, but not, as far as I know,
in Normandy. It is also one of the few Anglo-Saxon features to occur in the fi
generation of Anglo-Norman buildings, as it is used at St Albans, begun in 1077.12
Secondly, and coming back almost full circle to the first subject of the lecture, the
are the spiral piers, which are distributed in such a way that, in my view, they cann
have been simply decorative: the cylindrical piers at Durham are decorated in a lar
variety of ways, but there are no spirals in the nave, and conversely there are only spiral
in the chancel, containing the main sanctuary, and the eastern side of the transept ar
with all the subsidiary chapels (Fig. 9). There is an exception, in that the southernm
pier in the south arm has zigzag decoration, but closer inspection from the north-ea
reveals that the pier is a hybrid, part zigzag and part spiral, as if an error had been made
in the ordering of the pre-carved blocks.
Numerous ways other than the application of a spiral design are used in medieva
buildings to distinguish particular supports, by making them rectangular when all t
others are round, or round when all the others are rectangular, or by giving them m
shafts, or more heavily decorated capitals and bases. 13 One of the most dramatic, a
least known, examples is the platform in the crypt of Glasgow Cathedral, alm
certainly connected with the tomb of St Kentigern.14
Examples such as this are numerous, but because of the way of thinking which I ha
described as quantitative, example after example has been explained as a change
mind after a building break, occurring when a bishop died, or the architect fell off t
scaffolding, obscuring behind a largely mechanistic explanation what is often a subt
and inventive piece of design.
CONCLUSION

There is no doubt that it is useful on occasion to restrict onese

at a time, to see what happens when the variables are excluded

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 ARCHAEOLOGY AND ICONOGRAPHY 29

useful when one or other of these modes becomes exclusive and d

the others. Given the lack of documentation in the Anglo-Saxon per
is perhaps understandable from one point of view that scholars sho
their area of operations, but from another it makes no sense at all: whe
most limited there is all the more reason for using everything tha
The introduction and the section on Repton may have made this
and somewhat critical lecture: I hope not, as it is intended as the o
statement of the worth of studying medieval buildings in all the
their role as objects designed to fulfil a visual function.

NOTES

I C. Dawson, The Making of Europe (Meridian, New york, I956).

2 Harold Taylor andJoan Taylor. Anglo-Saxon Architecture (Cambridge), vols I and
3 Sir Alfred Clapham, English Romanesque Architecture before the Conquest (Oxford
4 See for example P. Frankl, The Four Phases of Architectural Style (Cambridge, M
J. O'Gorman of the text of 1914), and the literature discussed in the introduction.
5 Martin Biddle, 'Archaeology, architecture, and the cult of saints in Anglo-Sax
R. Morris, eds, The Anglo-Saxon Church: Papers on History, Architecture and Archa
Taylor (CBA Research Report 60, 1986), pp. I-3I; Harold Taylor, 'St Wystan's chu
reconstruction essay', ArchaeologicalJournal, cxxxxiv (1987), pp. 205-45. The case fo
without uncertainty. It rests primarily on the finding of coins of the 86os and 87os
have been cut back to enable it to fit against the foundations of the north porticus, whi
The coins however do not provide a terminus ante quem for the porticus so much as a ter
leaving open the possibility of a date after the re-establishment of Christianity in
open mind about the dates at which coins remained available for use in such circumst
the published evidence it is possible to ask whether the grave might not have been c
trench for the foundations. And lastly, whatever date is suggested for the north porti
necessarily apply to the vaulting inserted into the crypt, since the thickening of th
taken place, as the authors admit, either during or after the insertion of the vault; and
that the chancel wall was not thickened after the construction of the north porticus
6 Peter Kidson and Peter Murray, A History of English Architecture (London, 1962)
J. B. Ward Perkins, 'The shrine of St Peter and its twelve spiral columns', Journal o
pp. 21-33, andJ. ToynbeeandJ. P. Ward Perkins, The Shrine of St Peter and the Vatic
pp. 195 ff. and 247 ff., and figs 20-22.
7 Hans Kubach and Albert Verbeek, Romanische Kirchen an Rhein und Maas (Ne
(Deventer), and p. 358 and pl. 69 (Utrecht).
8 Eric Fernie, 'The Romanesque piers of Norwich cathedral', Norfolk Archaeolog
idem., 'The spiral piers of Durham Cathedral', Medieval Art and Architecture at Dur
I980, pp. 49-58; ibid., 'St Anselm's crypt', Medieval Art and Architecture at Canterb
1982, pp. 27-38.
9 Warwick Rodwell, 'The archaeological investigation of Hadstock church: an interim
LVI (1976), pp. 55-7I.
Io Eric Fernie, 'The responds and dating of St Botolph's, Hadstock',JBAA, cxxx
II Jean Bony, 'Durham et la tradition Saxonne', Etudes d'Art Medievale Offertes a L
pp. 79-92. For an example of Bony's earlier work on Durham see 'Le projet premier d
ou voutement total?', in Urbanisme et Architecture: Etudes Ecrites et Publiees en Honneur
pp. 41-49.
12 Eric Fernie, The Architecture of the Anglo-Saxons (London, 1983), p. 172.
13 Eric Fernie, 'The use of varied nave supports in Romanesque and early Gothic ch
pp. 107-I7.
14 Andor Gomme, Architecture of Glasgow (London, 1987), pp. 35-37.

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