Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Richard Parker
Institute of Social Medicine, State University of Rio de Janeiro; Brazilian
Interdisciplinary AIDS Association; and Sociomedical Sciences Division, Joseph L.
Access provided by Universidade Federal do Ceara on 08/02/18. For personal use only.
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2001.30:163-179. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
Mailman School of Public Health, Columbia University, New York, New York
10032-2603; e-mail: rgp11@columbia.edu
INTRODUCTION
0084-6570/01/1021-0163$14.00 163
21 Aug 2001 16:18 AR AR141-08.tex AR141-08.SGM ARv2(2001/05/10) P1: GJC
164 PARKER
E. Gorman 1986; M. Gorman 1986; Herdt 1987; Lang 1986; Nachmann & Dreyfuss
1986; Sindzingré & Jourdain 1987; Stall 1986; for further references to early
anthropological work on HIV/AIDS, see Bolton et al 1991). But the dominant
paradigm for the organization and conduct of AIDS research—both in the United
States, where the epidemic was most intense at the time, and internationally, where
its size and shape were only beginning to be perceived—was established in large
part independently of anthropological contributions. The paradigm was character-
ized by a heavily biomedical emphasis and a largely individualistic bias in relation
to the ways in which the social sciences might contribute meaningfully to the
development and implementation of an HIV/AIDS research agenda.
Access provided by Universidade Federal do Ceara on 08/02/18. For personal use only.
nant tendencies in the study of sexuality in relation to HIV and AIDS. One of
the most immediate consequences of the HIV/AIDS epidemic was a remark-
able increase in concern with (and funding for) research on sexuality—as well
as a growing awareness of the extent to which the widespread neglect and even
marginalization of sex research over much of the twentieth century had left vir-
tually all countries largely unprepared to respond to an epidemic that appeared
to be driven, above all else, through the sexual transmission of a viral infection
(Herdt 1987; Herdt & Lindenbaum 1992). As policy makers and planners found
themselves returning to the Kinsey surveys of sexual behavior—carried out in the
United States more than fifty years earlier but now often invoked as if they ap-
plied to the historical present or, even more problematically, to the sexual practices
found in radically different cultural traditions—new emphasis was placed on the
urgent need for more adequate, current data on the nature of sexual behavior (see
Turner et al 1989).
Indeed, much of the social science research activity that emerged in response
to AIDS, not only during the mid- to late 1980s, but up to the present time, focuses
on surveys of risk-related sexual behavior and on the knowledge, attitudes, and
beliefs about sexuality that might be associated with the risk of HIV infection.
Most of these studies have aimed to collect quantifiable data on numbers of sexual
partners, the frequency of different sexual practices, previous experience with other
sexually transmitted diseases, and any number of other similar issues that were
understood to contribute to the spread of HIV infection (e.g., Carballo et al 1989;
Chouinard & Albert 1989; Turner et al 1989; Cleland & Ferry 1995). On the
basis of such data, the primary goal was to point the way for prevention policies
and intervention programs designed to reduce behaviors associated with increased
risk for HIV infection. By focusing on the links between empirical data on sexual
behavior and largely psychological theories of individual behavior change (such as
the Health Belief Model, the Theory of Reasoned Action, or the Stages of Change
Model), it was assumed that more broad-based prevention programs could be
developed in order to persuade individuals to change their behaviors in ways that
would ultimately reduce the risk of HIV infection (e.g., Turner et al 1989).
Increasingly, however, as behavioral research and behavioral interventions be-
gan to be developed in a growing range of diverse social and cultural settings,
21 Aug 2001 16:18 AR AR141-08.tex AR141-08.SGM ARv2(2001/05/10) P1: GJC
the relative effectiveness of both the research instruments and intervention strate-
gies came to be questioned, notably by anthropologists (see Herdt et al 1991,
Parker et al 1991). The difficulties of translating or adapting research protocols for
cross-cultural application quickly became apparent in the face of often radically
different understandings of sexual expression and practices in different societies
and cultures—and even in different subcultures within the same society (Bibeau
1991, Bolton et al 1991, Singer 1992, ten Brummelhuis & Herdt 1995, Clatts 1994,
Herdt & Lindenbaum 1992, Parker 1994, Pollak 1988). The limitations of behav-
ioral interventions based on information and reasoned persuasion as a stimulus
for risk reduction also quickly became evident. In study after study, the finding
Access provided by Universidade Federal do Ceara on 08/02/18. For personal use only.
change was repeated, and the relative limitations of individual psychology as the
basis for intervention and prevention programs became apparent (see Carrier &
Magaña 1991, Clatts 1989, Herdt & Boxer 1992, Herdt et al 1991). By the late
1980s, therefore, on the basis of both research findings and practical experience
around the world, it had become clear that a far more complex set of social, struc-
tural, and cultural factors mediate the structure of risk in every population group,
and that the dynamics of individual psychology cannot be expected to fully ex-
plain, let alone produce, changes in sexual conduct without taking these broader
issues into account (see Bolton & Singer 1992; Carrier 1989; Flowers 1988; Herdt
& Lindenbaum 1992; Herdt et al 1991; Obbo 1988; Parker 1987, 1988; Schoepf
et al 1988).
166 PARKER
as well as by insights emerging from fields such as women’s and gay and lesbian
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2001.30:163-179. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
studies, attention turned to the broader set of social representations and cultural
meanings that could be understood as shaping or constructing sexual experience
in different contexts (Alonso & Koreck 1989; Carrier & Magaña 1991; Daniel
& Parker 1993; Gorman 1991; Herdt & Boxer 1991, 1992; Obbo 1993; Schoepf
1992a,b). Stimulated by such social constructionist concerns, an important shift of
emphasis began to take place from an earlier focus on individual psychology and
individual subjectivity to a new concern with intersubjective cultural meanings
related to sexuality (Brummelhuis & Herdt 1995; Gagnon & Parker 1995; Herdt
& Lindenbaum 1992; Paiva 1995; Parker 1991; Parker & Aggleton 1999).
Fundamentally informed by anthropological approaches to other cultural phe-
nomena (such as religious belief and political ideology), this new attention to
sexual meanings emphasized their shared or collective character—their constitu-
tion not as the property of atomized or isolated individuals but rather of social
persons who are integrated in the context of specific cultural settings (Herdt &
Lindenbaum 1992). This new wave of anthropological research on HIV and AIDS
thus sought to go beyond the calculation of behavioral frequencies. In order to
examine and explicate what sexual practices mean to the persons involved, the sig-
nificant contexts in which they take place, the social scripting of sexual encounters,
and the diverse sexual cultures and subcultures that are present or emergent within
different societies, the research also sought to go beyond the identification of sta-
tistical correlates aimed at explaining sexual risk behavior (e.g., Bolton & Singer
1992; ten Brummelhuis & Herdt 1995; Herdt & Lindenbaum 1992; Parker 1994,
1996a). It is perhaps not surprising that much of this work first emerged in cross-
cultural research and in analyses of the situation in non-Western settings in which
the biomedical categories used in epidemiological analysis failed to be fully appli-
cable (Carrier 1989; Parker 1987, 1988; Wilson 1995; de Zalduondo et al 1991).
Increasingly, cultural analysis has also been applied when considering specific
sexual cultures or subcultures in the industrialized West, offering important new
insights even in settings where extensive behavioral research had already been car-
ried out (see Alonso & Koreck 1989; Clatts 1995; Henriksson 1995; Irvine 1994;
Kane & Mason 1992; Magaña 1991; Sobo 1993, 1995a).
The focus of much important research on sexuality in relation to HIV and AIDS
over the course of the past decade has thus moved from behavior, in and of itself, to
21 Aug 2001 16:18 AR AR141-08.tex AR141-08.SGM ARv2(2001/05/10) P1: GJC
the cultural settings within which behavior takes place—and to the cultural sym-
bols, meanings, and rules that organize it (see Bolton 1992; González Block &
Liguori 1992; Henriksson 1995; Henriksson & Mansson 1995; Herdt 1997a,b,c;
Herdt & Boxer 1991, 1992; Hogsborg & Aaby 1992; Kendall 1995; Lyttleton
2000; Paiva 1995, 2000; Setel 1999). Special emphasis has been given to analyz-
ing indigenous cultural categories and systems of classification that structure and
define sexual experience in different social and cultural contexts—with particular
stress on the cross-cultural diversity that exists in the construction of same-sex in-
teractions (Alonso & Koreck 1989; González Block & Liguori 1992; Carrier 1989;
Carrier et al 1997; Carrillo 1999; Lichtenstein 2000; Ligouri & Aggleton 1999;
Access provided by Universidade Federal do Ceara on 08/02/18. For personal use only.
apparent that many of the key categories and classifications [not only “homosex-
uality,” but also categories such as “prostitution,” or “female sexual partner” (of
male injecting drug users)] that have typically been used in biomedicine to describe
sexual behaviors, or account for vectors of infection of interest to public health
epidemiology, are in fact not relevant in all cultural contexts. Indeed, the meanings
of these concepts are not stable even in those contexts in which these categories are
in wide circulation (e.g., Alonso & Koreck 1989; Avila et al 1991; Carrier 1989,
1995, 1999; Carrier et al 1997; Carrillo 1999; Dı́az 1998; Herdt 1997b,c; Herdt
& Lindenbaum 1992; Irvine 1994; Jenkins 1996; Kane & Mason 1992; Larvie
1997, 1999; Law 1997; Lichtenstein 2000; Liguori & Aggleton 1999; Liguori
et al 1996; Preston-Whyte 1995; Preston-Whyte et al 2000; Silva 1999; Tan 1995,
1996, 1999, 2000; Wright 1997; de Zalduondo 1991). By focusing more carefully
on local categories and classifications, the cultural analysis of sexual meanings
has thus sought to move from what, in other areas of anthropological or linguis-
tic investigation, have been described as an “etic” or “outsider” perspective, to
an “emic” or “insider” perspective—or, perhaps even more accurately, from the
“experience-distant” concepts of biomedical science to the “experience-near” con-
cepts and categories that the members of specific cultures use to understand and
interpret their everyday lives (see Geertz 1973, 1983; Parker 1991).
This shift of emphasis from the study of individual behaviors to the investi-
gation of cultural meanings has drawn attention to the socially constructed (and
historically changing) identities and communities that structure sexual practice
within the flow of collective life (see Bolton 1992; Carrillo 1999; Herdt & Boxer
1992; Klein 1999; Rubin 1997; Tan 1995; 1999; Terto 2000). On the basis of such
work, an important reformulation of the very notion of intervention has begun
to take place. It has become increasingly apparent that the idea of a behavioral
intervention may in fact be a misnomer, since HIV/AIDS prevention interventions
almost never function at the level of behavior but rather at the level of social or
collective representations (Parker 1996a). New knowledge and information about
perceived sexual risk will always be interpreted within the context of pre-existing
systems of meaning—systems of meaning that necessarily mediate the ways in
which such information must always be incorporated into action. Because action
has increasingly come to be understood as socially constructed and fundamentally
21 Aug 2001 16:18 AR AR141-08.tex AR141-08.SGM ARv2(2001/05/10) P1: GJC
168 PARKER
oppression, racism, and social exclusion (Farmer et al 1996; Singer 1998; Parker
& Camargo 2000; Parker et al 2000b). And the research has typically linked this
vulnerability to a consideration of the ways in which such structural violence is
itself situated in historically constituted political and economic systems—systems
in which diverse political and economic processes and policies (whether related
to economic development, housing, labor, migration or immigration, health, edu-
cation, and welfare) create the dynamic of the epidemic and must be addressed
in order to have any hope of reducing the spread of HIV infection (Bond et al
1997a; de Zalduondo & Bernard 1995; González Block & Liguori 1992; Farmer
et al 1996; Kammerer et al 1995; Long 1997; Porter 1997; Romero-Daza 1994;
Access provided by Universidade Federal do Ceara on 08/02/18. For personal use only.
Romero-Daza & Himmelgreen 1998; Susser & Kreniske 1997; Symonds 1998).
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2001.30:163-179. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
1
These concerns have of course long been present in anthropological studies of sexuality in
non-Western societies and, in particular, in the anthropological literature on kinship (e.g.,
Fortes 1967; Goody 1973; Leach 1961; Lévi-Straus 1969; Malinowski 1929, 1955).
21 Aug 2001 16:18 AR AR141-08.tex AR141-08.SGM ARv2(2001/05/10) P1: GJC
170 PARKER
strategies, and so on. The dynamics of gender power relations have thus become
a major focus for contemporary research, particularly in relation to reproductive
health and the rapid spread of HIV infection among women in many parts of the
world (e.g., Farmer et al 1996; Ginsberg & Rapp 1995; Gupta & Weiss 1993;
Schoepf 1992a,b, 1995; Ward 1991). Just as detailed cross-cultural and compar-
ative investigation of the social construction of same-sex interactions provided
perhaps the key test case for demonstrating the importance of cultural analysis
in relation to sexuality and HIV/AIDS, issues related to gender and power have
been central to a better understanding of the importance of structural factors in
organizing sexual relations and HIV/AIDS-related vulnerability (Akeroyd 1997;
Access provided by Universidade Federal do Ceara on 08/02/18. For personal use only.
et al 1996; Farmer et al 1993; Gupta & Weiss 1993, Long 1997; Obbo 1995; Paiva
1995; Romero-Daza 1994; Schoepf 1992b,c; Sobo 1993, 1995a,b).
As Farmer’s work, in particular, has demonstrated, the political economic fac-
tors that drive the HIV/AIDS epidemic in virtually all social settings are inter-
twined with gender and sexuality, whose hierarchies make women, and low-income
women in particular, especially vulnerable to HIV infection (Farmer 1992). In spite
of this, there have still been relatively few ethnographically grounded studies on the
ways in which gender and sexuality as structural (rather than behavioral) factors
shape the AIDS epidemic. Farmer, Lindenbaum and Delvecchio-Good attribute
this neglect to the initial predominance of AIDS cases among gay men in the
industrialized Western countries, the fact that sexuality is a topic poorly under-
stood by nearly all social scientists, and the fact that AIDS intervention programs
often rely on superficial “rapid ethnographic assessment” procedures rather than
on more detailed ethnographic description and analysis (Farmer et al 1993). The
inappropriateness of many AIDS interventions directed toward women increas-
ingly led a number of anthropologists to look more closely at gender and sexuality
systems with the hopes of developing more realistic and effective HIV risk reduc-
tion options for women (Kammerer et al 1995; Schoepf 1991, 1992a,b; Symonds
1998).
Over the course of the 1990s, this growing interest in understanding the role of
gender and sexuality structures in promoting HIV vulnerability, particularly among
heterosexually active women and men, has increasingly generated a number of
impressive ethnographic analyses that are attentive to both cultural and political
economic factors. For example, Kammerer et al examine the ways in which the
mountain tribes of the northern Thailand periphery are being exposed to the threat
of HIV (Kammerer et al 1995). The vulnerability of these hillside tribes to HIV
is in large measure generated by state and capitalist penetration, which has led
to a breakdown of the material base rural life and has caused young people to
migrate to valley towns in order to work not only as prostitutes but also as maids,
waiters, and construction workers. These socioeconomic transformations have
affected hillside sexuality, which until recently was structured around core values
of “shame, name and blame.” The authors provide ethnographic descriptions of
these core values in relation to HIV/AIDS and how the gender power relations and
21 Aug 2001 16:18 AR AR141-08.tex AR141-08.SGM ARv2(2001/05/10) P1: GJC
that HIV is spreading not through exotic cultural practices but because of many
people’s normal responses to situations of everyday life, such as dealing with
substantial economic hardship and uncertainty (Schoepf 1992c). Like Kammerer
et al and Symonds, Schoepf has promoted a participatory and collaborative form
of action research with vulnerable women as a means to help redefine the gendered
social roles and socioeconomic conditions that have contributed to the rapid spread
of HIV in many parts of the world (Schoepf 1992a,b; Schoepf et al 1988).
In turning to issues of power, attention has focused not only on gender but also on
poverty, both in the context of developing countries (see Farmer 1992, 1995, 1999;
Farmer et al 1996; Farmer et al 1993; Kreniske 1997; Paiva 1995, 2000; Schoepf
1991) and in the impoverished inner-city ethnic communities of the United States
(Farmer et al 1996; Singer 1994, 1998; Sobo 1993, 1994, 1995a), particularly as
poverty interacts with gender power relations. Especially in the U.S.-based urban
ethnography of HIV and AIDS, the impact of race and racism has necessarily been
linked to issues of both poverty and gender, creating a kind of synergistic effect
(Baer et al 1997; Farmer et al 1993; Singer 1994, 1998), involving multiple forms
of oppression and shaping the nature of HIV/AIDS-related risk due to injecting
drug use and voluntary as well as involuntary sexual practices (Singer 1998; Sobo
1995a). Although it has received less attention (perhaps because of the homophobia
that affects anthropology as much as any other discipline), the extension of gender
power inequalities together with pervasive heterosexism have also increasingly
been understood as interacting with other forms of structural violence, including
both poverty and racism, in creating situations of extreme vulnerability in relation
to gender nonconformity, to transgender and male sex work, to gay men from
ethnic minority groups, and among young men who have sex with men generally
(see Dı́az 1998; Carrier et al 1997; Khan 1996; Lichtenstein 2000; Parker et al
1998; Silva 1999; Tan 1995, 1999; Whitehead 1997; Wright 1993, 1997).
Ultimately, work casting the body as both a symbolic and a material product of
social relations—a construct that is necessarily conditioned by a whole range of
structural forces—has provided an especially important way of reframing recent
research on sexuality in relation to HIV and AIDS (e.g., Bishop & Robinson 1998;
Manderson & Jolly 1997; Parker 1999). The potential implications of this under-
standing for prevention interventions and strategies are farreaching. In seeking to
21 Aug 2001 16:18 AR AR141-08.tex AR141-08.SGM ARv2(2001/05/10) P1: GJC
172 PARKER
broaden the potential scope and impact of intervention strategies, a number of new
approaches have been developed that have been heavily influenced by anthropo-
logically and ethnographically grounded understandings of the political economy
of HIV and AIDS. What have been described as structural interventions have come
to the fore. For example, there are attempts to change the employment options for
sex workers or improve the logistics of condom availability and distribution, with
the ultimate goal of altering the structural conditions that may impede or facili-
tate the adoption of safer sex (Parker et al 2000a,b; Preston-Whyte et al 2000).
Strategies aimed at “community mobilization” and the stimulation of activism or
advocacy have also drawn attention, with a growing number of intervention stud-
Access provided by Universidade Federal do Ceara on 08/02/18. For personal use only.
(Susser & Kreniske 1997). In some of the most innovative work currently being
carried out, HIV/AIDS intervention research has increasingly drawn on theories of
“social transformation” and “collective empowerment” in order to examine issues
related to power and oppression. The research has increasingly turned from the
psychological theorists of reasoned decision-making to the work of community
activists and popular educators in seeking the basis for a transformative or dia-
logical educational process in which participants explore and question their own
lives and realities. Through this exploration and questioning, the participants be-
gin to undergo a process of collective empowerment and transformation in order
to respond to the forces that threaten and oppress them (see Paiva 2000, Parker
1996b).
All of this recent work has called attention to the need for structural changes
aimed at transforming the broader forces that structure HIV/AIDS vulnerability
and at enabling the members of affected communities to more adequately respond
to these forces. Perhaps most important, it has focused on the extent to which
HIV/AIDS prevention (and prevention research, in anthropology as in other dis-
ciplines) must be understood as part of a broader process of social transformation
aimed not merely at the reduction of risk but at the redress of the social and eco-
nomic inequality and injustice that has almost universally been found linked to
increased vulnerability in the face of HIV and AIDS.
CONCLUSION
Anthropologists were rather slow to respond to the initial impact of the HIV/AIDS
epidemic during the early and mid-1980s, allowing an essentially biomedical and
highly individualistic model of AIDS research and intervention that has continued
up to the present time as the dominant approach to the epidemic. Nevertheless
anthropological perspectives have taken a leading role in defining what have been
perhaps the most important alternative currents of social research in response to
AIDS. Since the late 1980s, and increasingly over the course of the 1990s, an-
thropological research on the cultural meanings that shape and construct sexual
experience, and on the political economy of structural forces that impinge upon
21 Aug 2001 16:18 AR AR141-08.tex AR141-08.SGM ARv2(2001/05/10) P1: GJC
sexual life, have provided alternative models and paradigms for responding to the
epidemic both locally and cross-culturally (Parker et al 2000a; Treichler 1999).
Although these two approaches for the most part emerged independently, inspired
by distinct tendencies within the discipline more broadly, by the end of the 1990s
both cultural and political economic or structural approaches increasingly merged
in offering an important counterpoint to the more biomedical and behavioral per-
spectives that continue to dominate the field and to receive the lion’s share of
funding and prestige. Although it is impossible to fully predict the ways in which
HIV/AIDS research will develop in the future, the fact that the epidemic continues
to expand in large part independent of all of the efforts thus far to control it, and the
Access provided by Universidade Federal do Ceara on 08/02/18. For personal use only.
fact that it continues to take its greatest toll in the so-called developing world and
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2001.30:163-179. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
among the most impoverished and marginalized sectors of all societies, suggests
that the kinds of approaches that anthropologists have offered for the study of
sexuality and HIV/AIDS will continue to be important. The kind of response that
anthropology continues to make in relation to the epidemic will be an important
indicator of the relevance of the discipline as we enter the new millennium.
LITERATURE CITED
Aggleton P, ed. 1996. Bisexualities and AIDS: par le jeu des fantasmes. Anthropol. Soc.
International Perspectives. London: Taylor 15(2–3):125–47
Francis Bishop R, Robinson LS. 1998. Night Market:
Aggleton P, ed. 1999. Men Who Sell Sex: Inter- Sexual Cultures and the Thai Economic Mir-
national Perspectives on Male Prostitution acle. New York/London: Routledge
and HIV/AIDS. London: UCL Press Bolognone D. 1986. AIDS: a challenge to an-
Akeroyd A. 1997. Sociocultural aspects of thropologists. Med. Anthropol. Q. 17(2):36
AIDS in Africa: occupational and gender is- (Abstr.)
sues. See Bond et al. 1997a, pp. 11–30 Bolton R. 1992. Mapping terra incognita: sex
Alonso AM, Koreck MT. 1989. Silences: “His- research for AIDS prevention—an urgent
panics,” AIDS and sexual practices. Differ- agenda for the 1990s. See Herdt & Linden-
ences 1:101–24 baum 1992, pp. 124–58
Altman D. 1994. Power and Community: Orga- Bolton R, Lewis M, Orozco G. 1991. AIDS
nizational and Cultural Responses to AIDS. literature for anthropologists: a working bib-
London: Taylor Francis liography. J. Sex Res. 28(2):307–46
Avila M, Zuñiga P, de Zalduondo B. 1991. Bolton R, Singer M, eds. 1992. Rethinking
Diversity in commercial sex work systems: AIDS Prevention: Cultural Approaches.
preliminary findings from Mexico City and Philadelphia: Gordon Breach Sci.
their implications for AIDS interventions. Bond G, Kreniske J, Susser I. Vincent J, eds.
See Chen et al. 1991, pp. 179–94 1997a. AIDS in Africa and the Caribbean.
Baer H, Singer M, Susser I. 1997. Medical An- Boulder: Westview
thropology and the World System. Westport, Bond G, Kreniske J, Susser I. Vincent J. 1997b.
CT/London: Bergin Garvey The anthropology of AIDS in Africa and
Bibeau G. 1991. L’Afrique, terre imaginaire du the Caribbean. See Bond et al. 1997a, pp.
SIDA: la subversion du discours scientifique 3–9
21 Aug 2001 16:18 AR AR141-08.tex AR141-08.SGM ARv2(2001/05/10) P1: GJC
174 PARKER
Bond K, Celentano D, Phonsophakul S, Vad- Clatts M. 1995. Disembodied acts: on the per-
dhanaphuti C. 1997. Mobility and migration: verse use of sexual categories in the study of
female commercial sex work and the HIV high-risk behaviour. See ten Brummelhuis &
epidemic in Northern Thailand. See Herdt Herdt 1995, pp. 241–55
1997b, pp. 185–215 Cleland J, Ferry B, eds. 1995. Sexual Behavior
Carballo M, Cleland J, Caraël M, Albrecht G. and AIDS in the Developing World. London:
1989. A cross-national study of patterns of Taylor Francis
sexual behavior. J. Sex Res. 26:287–99 Conant F. 1988a. Evaluating social science data
Carrier J. 1989. Sexual behavior and the spread relating to AIDS in Africa. In AIDS in Africa:
of AIDS in Mexico. Med. Anthropol. 10:129– Social and Policy Impact, ed. N Miller, R
42 Rockwell, pp. 197–209. Lewiston, NY: Ed-
Access provided by Universidade Federal do Ceara on 08/02/18. For personal use only.
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2001.30:163-179. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
Women, Poverty and AIDS: Sex, Drugs and Gorman M. 1986. Introduction. Med. Anthro-
Structural Violence. Monroe, Maine: Com- pol. Q. 17(2):31–32
mon Courage Gupta GR, Weiss E. 1993. Women’s lives and
Farmer P, Lindenbaum S, Delvecchio-Good sex: implications for AIDS prevention. Cult.
MJ. 1993. Women, poverty and AIDS: an in- Med. Psychiatry 17(4):399–412
troduction. Cult. Med. Psychiatry 17(4):387– Henriksson B. 1995. Risk Factor Love: Homo-
97 sexuality, Sexual Interaction and HIV Pre-
Feldman D. 1985. AIDS and social change. vention. Göteborg, Swed.: Göteborgs Univ.
Hum. Organ. 44(4):343–48 Henriksson B, Mansson S. 1995. Sexual nego-
Feldman D, ed. 1994. Global AIDS Policy. tiations: an ethnographic study of men who
Westport, Connecticut/London: Bergin Gar- have sex with men. See ten Brummelhuis &
Access provided by Universidade Federal do Ceara on 08/02/18. For personal use only.
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2001.30:163-179. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
176 PARKER
Kammerer CA, Hutheesing OK, Maneeprasert men, bisexuality, and AIDS in Alabama.
R, Symonds PV. 1995. Vulnerability to HIV Med. Anthropol. Q. 14(3):374–93
infection among three hilltribes in North- Liguori AL, González Block MA, Aggleton P.
ern Thailand. See ten Brummelhuis & Herdt 1996. Bisexuality and HIV/AIDS in Mexico.
1995, pp. 53–78 See Aggleton 1996, pp. 76–98
Kane S, Mason T. 1992. “IV drug users” and Liguori A, Aggleton P. 1999. Aspects of male
“sex partners”: the limits of epidemiologi- sex work in Mexico City. See Aggleton 1999,
cal categories and the ethnography of risk. pp. 103–25
See Herdt & Lindenbaum 1992, pp. 199– Lindenbaum S. 1997. AIDS: body, mind, and
222 history. See Bond et al. 1997a, pp. 191–
Kendall C. 1995. The construction of risk 94
Access provided by Universidade Federal do Ceara on 08/02/18. For personal use only.
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2001.30:163-179. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
in AIDS control programs. See Parker & Lindenbaum S. 1998. Images of catastrophe:
Gagnon 1995, pp. 249–58 the making of an epidemic. See Singer 1998,
Khan S. 1996. Under the blanket: bisexualities pp. 33–58
and AIDS in India. See Aggleton 1996, pp. Long L. 1997. Refugee women, violence, and
161–77. HIV. See Herdt 1997b, pp. 87–103
Klein C. 1999. “The ghetto is over, darling”: Lyttleton C. 2000. Endangered Relations: Ne-
emerging gay communities and gender and gotiating Sex and AIDS in Thailand. Amster-
sexual politics in contemporary Brazil. Cult. dam: Harwood Acad.
Health Sex. 1(3):239–60 Magaña JR. 1991. Sex, drugs and HIV: an
Kreniske J. 1997. AIDS in the Dominican Re- ethnographic approach. Soc. Sci. Med. 33(1):
public: anthropological reflections on the so- 5–9
cial nature of disease. See Bond et al. 1997a, Malinowski B. 1929. The Sexual Life of Sav-
pp. 33–50 ages in North-western Melanesia. London:
Kulstad R, ed. 1988. AIDS 1988: AAAS Sym- G. Routledge
posia Papers. Washington, DC: Am. Assoc. Malinowski B. 1955. Sex and Repression in
Adv. Sci. 478 pp. Savage Society. New York: Meridian Books
Lang N. 1986. AIDS: biocultural issues and the Manderson L, Jolly M, eds. 1997. Sites of De-
role of medical anthropology. Med. Anthro- sire/Economies of Pleasure: Sexualities in
pol. Q. 17(2):35–36 Asia and the Pacific. Chicago: Univ. Chicago
Larvie P. 1997. Homophobia and ethnoscape of Press
sex work in Rio de Janeiro. See Herdt 1997b, McGrath JG, Rwabukwali CB, Schumann DA,
pp. 143–64 Pearson-Marks J, Nakayiwa S, et al. 1993.
Larvie P. 1999. Natural born targets: male hus- Anthropology and AIDS: the cultural con-
tlers and AIDS prevention in urban Brazil. text of sexual risk behaviors among urban
See Aggleton 1999, pp. 159–77 Baganda women in Kampala, Uganda. Soc.
Law L. 1997. A matter of “choice”: discourses Sci. Med. 36(4):429–39
on prostitution in the Philippines. See Man- McGrath JG, Schumann DA, Rwabukwali CB,
derson & Jolly 1997, pp. 233–61 Pearson-Marks J, Mukasa R, et al. 1992. Cul-
Leach ER. 1961. Rethinking Anthropology. tural determinants of sexual risk behavior for
London: Athlone AIDS among Baganda women. Med. Anthro-
Levi-Strauss C. 1969. The Elementary Struc- pol. Q. 6(2):153–61
tures of Kinship. Boston, MA: Beacon Nachman SR, Dreyfuss G. 1986. Haitians and
Levine MP, Nardi PM, Gagnon JH, eds. 1997. AIDS in South Florida. Med. Anthropol. Q.
Changing Times: Gay Men and Lesbians En- 17(2):32–33
counter HIV/AIDS. Chicago/London: Univ. Obbo C. 1988. Is AIDS just another disease?
Chicago Press See Kulstad 1988, pp. 191–97
Lichtenstein B. 2000. Sexual encounters: black Obbo C. 1993. HIV transmission through social
21 Aug 2001 16:18 AR AR141-08.tex AR141-08.SGM ARv2(2001/05/10) P1: GJC
and geographic networks in Uganda. Soc. 2000a. Framing the Sexual Subject: The Pol-
Sci. Med. 36:949–55 itics of Gender, Sexuality, and Power. Berke-
Obbo C. 1995. Gender, age and class: dis- ley/Los Angeles/London: Univ. Calif. Press
courses on HIV transmission and control in Parker RG, Easton D, Klein C. 2000b. Struc-
Uganda. See ten Brummelhuis & Herdt 1995, tural barriers and facilitators in HIV pre-
pp. 79–95 vention: a review of international research.
Paiva V. 1995. Sexuality, AIDS and gender AIDS. 14(Suppl. 1):S22–32
norms among Brazilian teenagers. See ten Parker RG, Gagnon JH, eds. 1995. Conceiv-
Brummelhuis & Herdt 1995, pp. 97–114 ing Sexuality: Approaches to Sex Research
Paiva V. 2000. Gendered scripts and the sex- in a Postmodern World. New York/London:
ual scene: promoting sexual subjects among Routledge
Access provided by Universidade Federal do Ceara on 08/02/18. For personal use only.
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2001.30:163-179. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
Brazilian teenagers. See Parker et al. 2000a, Parker RG, Herdt G, Carballo M. 1991. Sex-
pp. 216–39 ual culture, HIV transmission, and AIDS re-
Parker R. 1999. Beneath the Equator: Cul- search. J. Sex Res. 28:77–98
tures of Desire, Male Homosexuality and Pollak M. 1988. Les homosexuels face au
Emerging Gay Communities in Brazil. New SIDA. Paris: A Métaillé
York/London: Routledge Porter D. 1997. A plague on the borders: HIV,
Parker R, Aggleton P, eds. 1999. Culture, Soci- development, and traveling identities in the
ety and Sexuality: A Reader. London: UCL Golden Triangle. See Manderson & Jolly
Press 1997, pp. 212–32
Parker R, Camargo Jr K. 2000. Pobreza e HIV/ Preston-Whyte E. 1995. Half-way there: an-
AIDS: aspectos antropológicos e sociológi- thropology and intervention-oriented AIDS
cos. Cad. Saúde Pública 16(Suppl. 1):89– research in KwaZulu/Natal, South Africa.
102 See ten Brummelhuis & Herdt 1995, pp. 315–
Parker R, Khan S. Aggleton P. 1998. Conspicu- 37
ous by their absence? Men who have sex with Preston-Whyte E, Varga C, Oosthuizen H,
men (msm) in developing countries: implica- Roberts R, Blose F. 2000. Survival sex and
tions for HIV prevention. Crit. Public Health HIV/AIDS in an African city. See Parker
8(4):329–46 et al. 2000a, pp. 165–90
Parker RG. 1987. Acquired immunodeficiency Prieur A. 1998. Mema’s House, Mexico City:
syndrome in urban Brazil. Med. Anthropol. On Transvestites, Queens and Machos.
Q. (New Ser.) 1:155–72 Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press
Parker RG. 1988. Sexual culture and AIDS ed- Romero-Daza N. 1994. Multiple sexual part-
ucation in urban Brazil. See Kulstad 1988, ners, migrant labor and the makings for an
pp. 269–89 epidemic: knowledge and beliefs about AIDS
Parker RG. 1991. Bodies, Pleasures and Pas- among women in highland Lesotho. Hum.
sions: Sexual Culture in Contemporary Bra- Organ. 53:192–211
zil. Boston: Beacon Romero-Daza N, Himmelgreen D. 1998. More
Parker RG. 1994. Sexual cultures, HIV than money for your labor: migration and the
transmission, and AIDS prevention. AIDS political economy of AIDS in Lesotho. See
8(Suppl. 1):S309–14 Singer 1998, pp. 185–204
Parker RG. 1996a. Behavior in Latin American Rubin G. 1997. Elegy for the Valley of Kings:
men: implications for HIV/AIDS interven- AIDS and the leather communitity in San
tions. Int. J. STD AIDS 7(Suppl. 2):62–65 Francisco, 1981–1996. See Levine et al.
Parker RG. 1996b. Empowerment, community 1997, pp. 101–44
mobilization, and social change in the face Rwabukwali CB, Schumann DA, McGrath
of HIV/AIDS. AIDS 10(Suppl. 3):S27–31 JG, Carroll-Pankhurst C, Mukasa R, et al.
Parker RG, Barbosa RM, Aggleton P, eds. 1994. Culture, sexual behavior, and attitudes
21 Aug 2001 16:18 AR AR141-08.tex AR141-08.SGM ARv2(2001/05/10) P1: GJC
178 PARKER
toward condom use among Baganda women. among impoverished urban African-Ameri-
See Feldman 1994, pp. 70–89 can women. Med. Anthropol. 16:1–22
Schoepf B. 1991. Ethical, methodological and Sobo EJ. 1995a. Choosing Unsafe Sex: AIDS-
political issues of AIDS research in central Risk Denial Among Disadvantaged Women.
Africa. Soc. Sci. Med. 33:749–63 Philadelphia, PA: Univ. Penn. Press
Schoepf B. 1992a. AIDS, sex and condoms: Sobo EJ. 1995b. Finance, romance, social sup-
African healers and the reinvention of tra- port, and condom use among impoverished
dition in Zaire. Med. Anthropol. 14:225– inner-city women. Hum. Organ. 54:115–
42 28.
Schoepf B. 1992b. Sex, gender and society in Sobo EJ. 1998. Love, jealousy and unsafe sex
Zaire. See Dyson 1992, pp. 353–75 among inner-city women. See Singer 1998,
Access provided by Universidade Federal do Ceara on 08/02/18. For personal use only.
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2001.30:163-179. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
AIDS: Sexual Behavior and Intravenous Wilson C. 1995. Hidden in the Blood: A Per-
Drug Use. Washington, DC: Natl. Acad. sonal Investigation of AIDS in the Yucatan.
Press New York: Columbia Univ. Press
Ward M. 1991. Cupid’s touch: the lessons of Wright JW. 1993. African-American male sex-
the family planning movement for the AIDS ual behavior and the risk of HIV infection.
epidemic. J. Sex Res. 28(2):289–305 Hum. Organ. 52:421–31
Whitehead T. 1997. Urban low-income African Wright JW. 1997. African American males and
American men, HIV/AIDS, and gender iden- HIV: the challenge of the AIDS epidemic.
tity. Med. Anthropol. Q. 11:411–47 Med. Anthropol. Q. 11:454–55
Access provided by Universidade Federal do Ceara on 08/02/18. For personal use only.
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2001.30:163-179. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2001.30:163-179. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
Access provided by Universidade Federal do Ceara on 08/02/18. For personal use only.
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2001.30:163-179. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
Access provided by Universidade Federal do Ceara on 08/02/18. For personal use only.
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2001.30:163-179. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
Access provided by Universidade Federal do Ceara on 08/02/18. For personal use only.