A History of Japanese Astronomy Chinese Background and Western Impact PDF

A History oj'lapanese Astronomy .
HARVARD- YENCHING INSTITUTE

Monograph Series, V illume XVIII
CAMBRIDGE · MASSACHUSETTS .
OF JAPANESE ASTRONOMY;
,//
Chinese Background
and
Western Impact
by
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS· 19 6 9

© Copyright 1969 by the Harvard-renching Institute
All rights reserved
Distributed in Great Britain by Oxford University Press, London
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 68-21980
Printed in the United States of America
TO MY FATHER
Preface
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY is best completed in one's last days, as the

culmination of a lifetime ofresearch. The present volume is not that broad in
scope, my intention being to elucidate several specific aspects of Japanese
.astronomy that I consider important. Since there is so little material on
Japanese astronomy in any Western language, however, I have made an effort
, to sketch the outlines of a comprehensive history insofar as possible without
losing sight of my original aim. By referring in the title of this book to
"Japanese Astronomy" rather than "Astronomy in Japan" I have meant to
emphasize that, in the period covered, the approaches and goals of Japanese
astronomers differed substantially from those of their modern counterparts.
In this treatise Japanese and Chinese personal names are given surname first,
as is customary, except in a few cases where an author's family name was placed
last in a work published in a Western language. References to an individual
are often to his personal name rather than his surname in order to distinguish
him from the large number of persons who have the same hereditary family
name. The Hepburn system of romanizing Japanese words has been strictly
followed. In quotations from published works using other systems, romanized
Japanese words have been changed to the Hepburn system for consistency.
Thus, Kagakusi kenkya has been altered to Kagakushi kenkyu, and Yabuuti Kiyosi
to Yabuuchi Kiyoshi. Chinese words are given in Wade-Giles romariization,
but certain diacritical marks that do not affect pronunciation have been
dropped. Unless otherwise noted, quotations from Japanese and Chinese
works are my own translations.
My sincere thanks go to Professors I. Bernard Cohen and Benjamin I.
Schwartz ofHarvard University for their constant encouragement and invalu-
.able advice during the preparation of this manuscript, and to Professor Yabu-
uchi Kiroshi for his many useful suggestions after reading the first dra,ft. I am
Vll
Vl11 PREFACE
grateful also to Dr. Joseph Needham, who advised me and made his library
available while I was studying Chinese astronomy at Cambridge, England, in
1957·
Many suggestions were received through correspo~dence and personal
contact with scholars in the United States and Europe-Wang Lil).g, Otto
Neugebauer, W. D. Stahlman, Lynn Thorndike, Doris Hellman, Willy
Hartner, T. C. Mendenhall, Derek Price, A. J. Sachs, E. S. Kennedy, and
Aydin Sayili, to name just a few. In Japan, the following .persons assisted me
in gathering materials: Kanda Shigeru, Oya Shin'ichi, the late Maeyama
Jinro, Imoto Susumu, Hazama Heizaburo, and Hirose Hideo. To all of these
I am grateful indeed.
I am fortunate to have had the capable editorial services of Nathan Sivin and
Cornelius Kiley and use of the excellent facilities of the Harvard-Yenching
Library. Financial support from the Harvard-Yenching Institute and the
Rockefeller Foundation is gratefully acknowledged; without it, this book
would have been impossible. I am also thankful for the services of Mr. Peter
Brogren of the Voyagers' Press, Tokyo. Finally my thanks are extended to
Professor Edwin O. Reischauer and Dr. Glen W. Baxter, who sponsored this
work for publication as a Harvard-Yenching Institute Monograph.
Shigeru Nakayama
Tokyo
October 1967
Contents
I Introduction I
PART I. THE EARLY-IMPACT OF CHINESE ASTRONOMY:

FROM THE SIXTH CENTURY TO THE EARLY
SIXTEENTH CENTURY 5
2 Historical Background 7
3 The Institutional Framework of Astronomical Learning 12
4 Early Chinese Cosmology 24

5 Astrologyand the Occult Sciences 44
6 The Introduction of Chinese Calendrical Science 65
7 Analysis of Chinese and Buddhist Influences 74
PART II. THE EARLY IMPACT OF THE TFEST: FROM THE

LATE SIXTEENTH CENTURY TO THE EARLY
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 77
8 'Jesuit Influence 79
9 The Impact of Aristotelian Cosmology in 'Japan 87
10 The First Native Calendar Reform II6
II Institutional Features and Background Attitudes in the Tokugawa

Period 153
PART III. THE PERIOD OF RECOGNITION OFlWESTERN .

SUPREMACY: FROM THE MID-EIGHTEENTH
CENTURY TO THE LATE NINETEENTH CENTURY 163
12 The Emergence of "Dutch Learning" 165
IX
x CONTENTS
13 Introduction ofthe Copernican and Newtonian Theories 17°

14 Continued Efforts at Calendar Reform 188
IS Ideologic Reactions to Western Cosmologic Theories 203
16 The Transition to Modern Astronomy 218
17 Summary and Conclusions 226
APPENDICES
I Table of contents ofthe Kenkon bensetsu. 235
2 The elements of calendars adopted in lapan. 238
3 Table of contents ofthe T'ien-ching huo;.wen. 239
4 Comparative accuracy ofthe gnomon and the armillary sphere. 242
5 Mathematical derivation ofthe variable term in tropical-year
length, according to the method ofhsiao-ch'ang. 245
6 Comparison ofpremodern observation and modern calculation of
solstices and equinoxes. 247
7 Mathematical procedure for obtaining right ascension and
declination of the sun. 257
8 Mathematical derivation ofthe instantaneous orbit ofthe moon,
with reference to the node and the inclination to the equator. 259
9 Derivation ofAsada Goryu's formula for variation oftropical-year
length. 263
10 Takahashi Toshitoki's epicyclic theory oftrepidation. 267
BIBLIOGRAPHT 271
1. Primary Sources (J apanese and Chinese sources that appeared
before 1880) 271
II. Japanese and Chinese Secondary Sources 293
III. Western-Language Sources 309
INDEX 315
Tables
I. Comparison ofJapanese and Chinese astronomical institutions in the

eighth century. 19
2. Values of a and (3 components of the parallactic effect incorporated
into Eq. (10.15), the prediction equation, as correction terms. 145
3. Comparison of parallax correction factors (degrees of arc) computed
by modern and Shou-shih methods. 149
4. Comparison ofthree important hypotheses concerning the formation
of the planetary system. 186
AI. Comparisons of forey-seven dates of winter solstices calculated by
two different methods and from observation. 248
A2. Additional comparisons ofwinter-solstice dates calculated by two
different methods and from observation. These examples are given
in Shibukawa Harumi's "J6ky6rekigi" of the seventeenth century. 249
A3. Several additional comparisons ofsolstice dates calculated by two
different methods and from observations recorded to the hour. 250
A4. Comparisons of solstice dates calculated by two different methods and
from observations made for the 1okyo calendar revision by Shihukawa
Harumi. The first sixteen observations were made at Edo, the rest at
Kyoto. 250
AS. Comparisons ofsolstice dates calculated by two different methods and
from observations made at Kyoto for the Horyaku calendar revision. 252
A6. Comparisons ofdates calculated by Newcomb's method with observa-
tions by the ancient Greeks (as recorded in Ptolemy's Almagest). 253
\
A7. Comparisons ofdates calculated by Newcomb's method with observa-
tions by the ancient Moslems (as recorded by Ibn Yiinis). 254
Xl
Figures
1. Illustration of the correspondence hypothesis of I ts'un to rooD Ii. 27

2. Computation of the distance between sky and earth using the kai t'ien
theory. 28
3· Calculation of the sun's diameter by use of the gnomon-shadow
triangle. 29
4· Seven-orbit diagram ofthe sun's positions in each solar period (ch'i)
according to the kai t'ien theory". 30
5· Dimensions of the universe as conceived by the kai t'ien theory. 32
6. Earth and sky according to Shinohara Yoshitomi's interpretation. 34
7· Earth and sky according to Herbert Chatley's interpretation. 34
8. An early effort to determine the size of the universe. 38
9· (a) Earliest known Japanese horoscope. 60
(h) Second earliest known Japanese horoscope. 6I
ro. The frequency of and correspondences between calendar reforms in
China and Japan. 66
II. Cosmology as illustrated in the T'ien-ching huo-wen. ro3
I2. D~termination of solstitial time by the Interpolation method. I24
I3· (a) True motion of the sun in the ecliptic plane about the earth. I28
(h) Instantaneous ellipse. 128
I4· Variation in the length of tropical year as calculated during different
calendar reforms. I30
IS· Comparison ofobservational records and calculation of solstitial or
equinoctial times. I3 2
I6. Enlargement of portion of Figure IS that shows Japanese observa-
tions. I34
Yll
FIGURES X111
17. Solar equation ofcenter as represented by Ptolemy, Newcomb, and the

Shou-shih and 1okyo calendars. 136
18. Shibukawa Harumi's geometric representation of the solar equation
of center. 138
19. Reduction of ecliptic coordinates of the sun to equatorial coordinates-
by the method ofShen Kua. 139
20. Determination of the length of day and night by the Shou-shih
method. 141
21. Projection of Figure 20 on the AOA' equatorial plane. 141
22. Visual representation of a and (3 terms incorporated in the shou-shih
prediction equation. 146
23. Parallax correction to the modern formula for eclipse prediction. 147
24. Comparison of Asada G6ryu's formula for variation in tropical-year
length with historical observations and calculations according to the
formulas of Newcomb and the Shou-shih calendar. 193
25. Derivation of Kepler's third law by Hazama Shigetomi's analogy. 199
26. Modern representation of Sumeru cosmology. 204
27. A Hoshi mandala from H6ryuji. 206
28. An astronomical illustration of Sumeru cosmology.. 207
29. One of the popular concepts of the Sumeru cosmos. 209
A History o/1apanese Astronomy .
) "
Abbreviations in Notes
BMG Bunmei genryu sosho

NR ((Nigi ryakus~tsu"
NTSZ Nihon tetsugaku shiso zensho
NTZ Nihong tetsugaku zensho
TCHW T'ien-ching huo-wen
TG Tenmon giron
I Introduction
IT IS CLEAR TO THE MIND of the mid-twentieth century that the modern

period began with the so-called Scientific Revolution of the seventeenth
century and that it is characterized by an unprecedented acceleration in the
rate ofscientific discovery and its exploitation by technology. Mod~rn science,
the science of Galileo and Newton, is universal; it is based on principles ac-
ceptable to any people, regardless of culture or philosophical preconceptions.
Japan was the first non-Western nation to be modernized. The effect of
this· modernization was momentous, particularly since neither the Renais-
sance nor the Reformation had had significant reperblssions in Japan. As
Herbert Butterfield wrote in his The origins ofmodern science: "When we speak
. ofWestern civilization being carried to an oriental country like Japan in recent
generations, we do not mean Graeco-Roman philosophy and humanist ideals,
we do not mean the Christianizing ofJapan, we mean the science, the modes
of thought and all that apparatus of civilization which were beginning to
change the face of the West in the latter half of the seventeenth century."1
Today astronomical activity in Japan has become entirely international in
character. Its approach and subject matter are indistinguishable from those
of astronomy in, say, China or the United States. It is part of a worldwide
cooperative effort. But in the premodern period, Japanese astronomy was
greatly conditioned and restricted by geographical, historical, and cultural
barriers.
The development ofJapanese astronomy depended not only on the influx
of new ideas from the West, but also on the foundation ofa receptive political
and social context for these ideas inJapan. Even when ready-made science was
waiting just outside the door, opening the door was a very real problem. It is
1 Herbert Butterfield, The origins ofmodern science (London, 1951), p. 163.

2 INTRODUCTION
reasonable, therefore, to consider Japanese political and diplomatic history,

even while concentrating on topics ofintellectual history. This book ends at
the time when Japanese astronomy was thoroughly infused with Western
idea~, in the 1880'S.
It is well known that astronomy occupied a leading role in the European
Scientific Revolution. Astronomy is the oldest mathematical science in many
cultures; China and Japan are not exceptions. Astronomy has often been the
focus of the transmission of scientific ideas from one culture to another-and
the focus of conflict between opposing modes of thought.
Although traditional Japanese mathematics was independent of its Chinese
model in many ways, Japanese astronomy can hardly claim to be original.
It was domipated by Chinese astronomy in its earlier phases and assimilated
Western astronomical theories and techniques in its later phases. There
is no evidence whatsoever that Japanese astronomy had any influence upon
the main currents of world scientific thought. The traffic was one-way.
Nevertheless, the history of Japanese astronomy is interesting as a study
in the transmission ofideas. Japan was a meeting-place of traditional Chinese
culture and modern Western ideas. It is of great importance from the stand-
point ofthe history ofideas to see how the Japanese, with their Chinese back-
ground, reacted to Western astronomy, Copernican cosmology, and New-
tonian mechanics.
There is no comprehensive history of Japanese astronomy available in, a
Western language. In Japanese, Mikami Yoshio's =:l:~~ Nihon kagaku no
tokushitsu: tenmon EI *f3/-JJ':O)!f,f~, x?X. (The characteristics of Japanese
science: astronomy; Tokyo, 1936) is a coherent and well-organized work,
although brief. A collection ofscholarly articles, Meiji 'Zen Nihon tenmongaku shi
§J3W:nru EI *x?X.JJ':~ (A history of Japanese astronomy before the Meiji era),
appeared in 1960. For the history ofJapanese calendar-making, Nada Churya's
n~ EEl ,!jp,?U Rekigaku shi ron ~JJ':~MU (A study of the history of calendar-making;
Tokyo, 1948) and Watanabe Toshio'smHliI(~ Koyomi ~ (The calendar;
Tokyo, 1937) contain good accounts. 2
Similarly, there has been little material on Chinese astronomy available
to readers of Western languages. The best account is Joseph Needham's
Science and civilisation in China, volume 3. It is based upon the earlier investiga-
tions of Maspero, de Saussure, Schlegel, and others. The interest of Western
sinologists in Chinese astronomy, by and large, has centered on the ancient
2 See also Shigeru Nakayama, "Japanese studies in the history of astronomy," 'Japanese
studies in the history a/science, no. I, 14-22 (1962).
INTRODUCTION 3
period, in which the Chinese pattern was formed, .and on the contributions
of the Jesuits, concerning which there is abundant Western literature.
It is regrettable that relatively little is known of the slow evolution of Chi-
nese astronomy in the intervening period, for the Japanese were deeply in-
fluenced by medieval Chinese astronomy. Chinese calendar-making has been
almost entirely overlooked, as in Needham's volumes, despite the fact that
calendar-making held a central position in Chinese exact science. This neglect
is probably because of its technical complexity and the lack of a Western
counterpart.
In view of the dearth of comprehensive treatises, I have attempted to pre-
sent the chronologic outlines of the development of Japanese astronomy, but
at the same time I have focused attention upon certain principal topics,
sometimes at the expense of historical sequence. I have also filled in some of
the existing gaps in Western literature by examining several. characteristic
Chinese ideas and approaches to astronomy.
The major objectives of this book are to describe Japanese adaptation of
traditional Chinese astronomy, with its emphasis on tracing the apparent
motions of the heavenly bodies in order to prepare official ephemerides, and
to examine Japanese reception of the cosmologic schemes, mechanistic
philosophies, and astronomical techniques developed in Europe before and
after the Scientific Revolution. Part I, in which I describe the three major
aspects ofChinese astronomy-astrology, calendar-making, and cosmology-
and their development in Japan, covers the period before Japan's first contact
with the West. Against this background,· in Parts II and III I discuss' the key
issue, the confrontation of modern Western ideas with Chinese culture and
thought.
The period in which Western ideas came to'challenge the Chinese tradition
in Japan corresponds roughly to the period of the Tokugawa Shogunate
(1600-1867). Although there is no clear demarcation in political histof)\for
descriptive convenience I have divided this era into two periods, treated in
Parts II and III respectively. In the first century of the Tokugawa era, the
period described in Part II, Chinese influence was still..ov-e-rwhelming. In-the
period discussed in Part III, 1720-1880, the supremacy o[Western astronomy
was beginning to be recognized.
Chapters 9 and 13, which examine the conceptual aspects of Aristotelean
COSt11ology and the Copernican and Newtonian theories, will be of interest
to students of scientific thought. Chapters 10 and 14, on the other hand,
consider technical details of the various Japanese efforts at calendar reform.
4 INTRODUCTION
These chapters are aimed at specialists in the history and techniques of as-
trdnomy, and the more casua~ reader may wish to pass over them lightly.
It is not my intent to immortalize the giants of Japanese astronomy. After
all, their work did not directly contribute to contemporary science. My aim
is to clarify and analyze the ideologic development and conflicts of Japanese
scholars, professional and amateur, who were faced with a new astronomy,
the product of a foreign culture. Occasionally, more attention will be paid to
minor figures who partly or entirely. misinterpreted the new theories than to
the great Westernizers and syncretists. It is therefore inadvisable to evaluate
an individual's fame according to the frequency of his appearance in this book.
Historians of science often entertain doubts as to whether Western science
is an inevitable logical development of natural philosophy or simply the
result of a fortuitous concatenation of historical and geographical accidents.
Thus particular attention is paid herein to the recorded impressions of the
Japanese who first encountered Western astronomy, for they provide testi-
mony as to which of its aspects are local and which universal.
Part I
The early impact of
chinese astronomy: .
from the sixth century
to the early sixteenth
century
2 Historical Background
ONE OF THE OLDEST Japanese historical chronicles, the Nihon shoki S *_*C,1
compiled in A.D. 720, is arranged according to sexagesimal and ordinary (luni-
solar) calendar dates and relates events occurring as early as 667 B.C. Con-
temporary scholars are unanimous in agreeing that the earlier dates were
computed backward from some specific point in time. Since the calendrical
notation ofthe Nihon shoki is not entirely consistent with any Chinese system,
a claim was once made for the existence of a native calendrical system, devel-
oped independently of major Chinese influence.
A celebrated calendar reformer, Shibukawa Harumi lltlEJlI*w (also known
as Yasui Santetsu :tc*_=m-)
initiated this controversy2 by compiling the
"Nihon choreki" S **WI (A comprehensive chronology of Japan; MS,
earliest copy dated 1677), in which he attempted to reproduce the calendrical
system used in ancient Japan on the basis of calendrical notations in the
Nihon shoki. Nakane Genkei 9=t1l5G~, in his "Kowa tsureki" ~~iifiWl
(A comprehensive chronology of Imperial Japan; MS, 1714), repeated Shi-
bukawa's work independently and attempted to reconstruct the ancient
Japanese calendar not only on the basis of the internal evidence of the N~hon
shoki, but also by comparing it with other historical sources to ascertain the
dates of the events recorded there. Nakane's work was the first to state ex-
1 An English translation is available: William George Aston (trans.), Nihongi, chro~ic/er

o/'Japan (London, 1896), hereafter cited as Chronicler.
2 Noda Chiiryo's ij~IE,'i!;'\~ Rekigaku rhi ron 1if~J!:~ (A study of the history of calendar-
making; Tokyo, 1948) includes a fine account of the debate during the Tokugawa period
(pp. 123-137). The best up-to-date summary is found in Yabuuchi Kiyoshi iil*Jm, "Asuka
Nara jidai no shizen kagaku" 1fUw~~lfi!jfto)l3~f4~ (Natural science during the Asuka
and Nara periods), in Aruka Narajidai no bunka m/\W~~lfi!jftO))({t (Culture of the Asuka
and Nara periods), ed. Haneda Toru :::m1E!j: (Osaka, 1955), pp. 101-122. See also Meiji zen
s
Nihon tenmongaku rhi §ij~iW *:X)(~J!: (A history of}apanese astronomy before the Meiji
era; Tokyo, 1960), pp. 235-242.
8 EARLY IMPACT OF CHINESE ASTRONOMY
plicitly that the ancient Japanese possessed a unique calendrical system.

The greatest Neo-Shintoist scholar, Motoori Norinaga *J5-W:!5t, disagreed
with Nakane and Shibukawa. In his Shinreki ko ~~~ (On the true calendar;
1782), Motoori declared that the ancient Japanese were without any artificial
dating devices and contented themselves with simple observations of
seasonal change.
However, Hirata Atsutane fE8p,gJ~l, a pupil of Motoori, in his Teneho
mukyureki .:R!jl)j~~~ (A perpetual chronology of the imperial court; 1837)
criticized MotoQri's view: Tracing Chinese and Japanese literary culture to
a common origin in Fu-hsi (j(~, the first divine ruler of Chinese mythology,
Hirata declared that the ancient Japanese were in no way inferior to the
Chinesein calendrical science. 3 Hirata's view was generally adopted by the
Neo.:.Shintoists ofthe late Tokugawa period. This nationalist group, reacting
against Chinese cultural domination of Japan, tended to praise Japanese
"sincerity" and "harm~ny with nature," while deprecating Chinese "de-
viousness" and "artificiality."
Thus the existence of an ancient native calendar, associated with the
mythical establishment of the imperial house in 660 B.C., remained an essen-
tial element in the nationalistic myth from the Meiji period to World War II.
As such, it was beyond critical examination.
The controversy was ended by Ogawa Kiyohiko IJ,)[[m~ (1882-1946),
who in his definitive study of this dating system demonstrated that the
apparent uniqueness of the system was merely the result of careless omissions
made in the copying of Chinese calendrical indexes and that when these er-
rors are corrected the system appears to be purely Chinese. 4 We therefore
cannot proceed on the assumption that Japanese astronomy entered its scien-
tific phase before close contact with Chinese and Korean cultures. 5
Although the main theme of this book is the confrontation of Chinese and
Western astronomy in TokugawaJapan, some discussion ofthe earlier period
is indispensable here, since vestiges ofits institutions and systems of thought
survived into later times. For descriptive purposes we may divide this early
period into three phases: (I) the dawn of Chinese culture in Japan before the
3 Yamada Takao r1Im::f:ftl, Hirata Atsutane fm~)~L (Tokyo, 1940), pp. 213-224.
4 Ogawa Kiyohiko IJ'\)llm-~, "Nihon shoki no rek"ijitsu ni tsuite" B ::<fs:iUcO))gi B~;:'
'0 \, \ -c (On the calendrical indexes of the Nibon shoki), printed in Tenkansho ;R'g:l= (private
journal of Imai Itaru) 2 (1946; mimeographed). This article was published posthumously,
as it could not appear in public until after World War II. .
5 It is commonly held that writing was first introduced into Japan from Korea in about
the third century A.D.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 9
seventh century; (2) the dominance of Chinese culture from the seventh
century to the ninth; and (3) the decline of Chines~ cultural institutions in
Japan from the tenth century to the early sixteenth century.
In the first phase there are only occasional, scanty records of the importa-
tion of continental science. The earliest 6 bears the date A.D. 533, when the
Japanese emperor requested Paekche s~, a Korean state, to send professors 7
of medicine, divination, 8 and calendar-making to Japan. The next year a
Korean professor of calendrical science, Ko-tok Wang Po-son 11m~±*~,
and others arrived at the i!TIperial court in response to this request. 9 They
were employed as temporary visiting scholars, supplying technical advice to
the court. By this time Chinese culture, learning, and manual arts had already
begun to penetrate into Japan, but the technical arts probably remained in
the hands ofimmigrant specialists, who were consulted as their services were
required.10
Under the year A.D. 602, at the beginning of the second phase, the Nihon
shoki states:
A Paekche priest named Kwal-liik fitJJ arrived and presented as

tribute books on calendar-making, astrology,11 and geography, and also
books on the arts of prognostication12 and magic. 13 At this time three or
four pupils were selected and put to study under him.
Yako no Fumihito no Oya (ancestor of the Fumihito) Tamafuru ~t':l
J!::ii!lEE:~ studied calendar-making. Gtomo no Suguri Takatoshi ::kpJ1
±~JM studied astrology, and Yamashiro no Omi Hinamitate W~gr
S~.ll studied the arts of prognostication and magic. Each of them
mastered (his subject of study) and made it his profession. 14
This statement is the first record of a serious attempt byJapanese to study the
6 Chronicles, p. 68.
7 Hakase tf± (po-shih in Chinese). This term is equivalent to the academic title of "doctor"
in contemporary Japanese usage, but in ancient China and Japan it indicated the highest
teaching position in technical subjects.
8 Eki $} (i in Chinese).
9 Chronicles, p. 72.
10 Saito Tsutomu ~§.lIJ, OeMjidai no on'yo do 3::~~~0) ~~~ (Tin-yang art during the
Ocho era; Tokyo, 1915), p. 38.
11 Tenmon xX (t'ien-wen in Chinese). Means both astronomy and astrology, with emphasis
on the latter.
12 TonkO·~ IfJ (tun-ehia in Chinese). An art by which admonitions bearing on personal
conduct were derived by manipulating a series of ten characters commonly used for number-
ing purposes.
13 Hojutsu tff;!;j (fang-shu in Chinese).
14 Chronicles, p. 126 (slightly modified).
astronomical arts. However, the names of the first two persons mentioned
indicate that they were Korean immigrants or their descendants.
a
The reconsolidation of China into gigantic centralized state, first under
the Sui dynasty (589-617) and then under the T'ang (618-906), inaugurated
a period ofwholesale introduction ofChinese political and cultural institutions
into Japan. In 607 Ono no Imoko /J\IfWj(.y was sent to the Sui court on the
first official mission to China recorded in Japanese chronicles. The replace-
ment ofthe Sui ruling house by that of the T'ang did not diminish the desire
of the Japanese to borrow elements of the continental culture. Student mis-
sions dispatched to the T'ang returned to playa highly significant role in
Japanese political and cultural development. They brought back firsthand
knowledge and experience ofthe advanced Chinese culture and paved the way
for the great political reform of 646. This change from the traditional system
of clans federated under the emperor to a centrally controlled bureaucratic
state was obviously prompted by the Chinese example. Enthusiastic assimila-
tion of Chinese culture continued until the power and prestige of the T'ang
dynasty began to wane. In 894 official missions to China were discontinued
by government ruling.
The Japanese imitated Chinese practices in astronomy as in other fields.
In 628 the Chinese system of timekeeping was adopted and a water clock
constructed. In 675 an astrologic observatory began to functi,?n. In 702 the
Taih6 civil code *~% was promulgated, containing regulations governing
administration and education in astrology-astronomy and calendar-making.
Between 690 and 861 Chinese calendars were adopted and revised four times.
These events indicate the prevailing enthusiasm for Chinese culture.
The third period, from the tenth century to the first half of the sixteenth
century, may be termed by historians ofscience a long dark age, comparable
to the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries in the West. After the missions to
T'ang China were abolished official relations ceased, although individual
traders and Buddhist monks continued to maintain contacts with the main-
land. political institutions based on Chinese models deteriorated. A strictly
hereditary court aristocracy arose, to be replaced in its turn by an emergent
warrior class.
Japanese culture during'this period did not, of course, go into total decline.
There was genuine development in literature and Buddhist thought. But
since the study of astronomy had been introduced as an integral part of the
Chinese institutional framework, it deteriorated along with other aspects of
Chinese culture inJapan. After about the tenth century the office of astronomer
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND II
was hereditary,15 an inevitable development in view of the replacement of

bureaucratic institutions by familistic ones. After the Hsuan-ming ~OO
calendar reform of 862, calendrical revision was neglected for a long period,
despite the growing discrepancies between observed phenomena and the
calendar in use. 16 Only. through Jesuit influence in the latter part of the six-
teenth century and the achievement of domestic peace in the seventeenth did
Japanese astronomy enter a new phase.
Before the sixteenth century, very few scientific treatises relating to as-
tronomy were produced by the Japanese themselves,17 Therefore in Part I,
which deals with this early period, I treat the traditional Chinese concept of
astronomy and the modifications it underwent after its introduction into
Japan. Discussion of the technical aspects of astronomy is deferred to Part II.
15 Mikami Yoshio =:J::~~, Nihon kagaku no tokushitsu: tenmon S *f4~0)%'~, =:R.x

(The characteristics ofJapanese science: astronomy), in Tiiyii shichO no tenkai *~Ji!'!,rlO) ~OO
(The development of Oriental thought; Tokyo, 1936), p. 12.
16 Unlike Western practice, in the Far East the lunisolar calendar was frequently revised
in order to make it agree as closely as possible with observation.
17 One exception is Kamo no Arikata ~C~tE:JJ, Rekirin mondii shil M1*rl=l'~~ (Collected
dialogues on the calendar; 1414), in Gunsho ruijfi JF.~fJE (Encyclopedic anthology), vol.
28 (1898).
3 The Institutional Framework of
Astronomical Learning
EARLY CHINESE EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS, for their time, were far

superior to any others in degree ofsystematic organization. It does not follow,
however, that systematization .1e~ds to creative thought. In fact, schools
and other institutional organs of scholarship, which exist in order to preserve
, an intellectual tradition, often repress ideas contrary to that tradition.
l' An intellectual climate that furthers the questioning of accepted methods
1{ and ideas and the postulation ofnew ones exists best where there is a minimum
I of institutionalization. One example of this stimulating freedom of debate

~ and thought is classical Greece, in which education was not supported by the
\ state but maintained by private donations and fees. In the Islamic world, i:h~
period of greatest creativity in science preceded the organizadon of scientific
learning. It was not until the close ofthe twelfth century, well after the Golden
Age ofscience in Islam, that secular sciences such as astronomy were added to
the curriculum of the madrasa) schools of theology and law, and that the best
observatories were establjshed 1 to operate within prescribed avenues of work.
Through the schools, methods of study were put into practice but not con-
ceived; the original thought had occurred on the outside. Likewise, the
~ motivating forces of the Scientific Revolution in Europe were private circles
or societies. 2 European universities during the Medieval and Renaissance
periods did contribute ideas that eventually played a part in the Scientific
Revolution, but they were conservative during the seventeenth century when
the revolution actually occurred.
1 Aydin Sayili, "Higher education in medieval Islam," Annales de l'universite d'Ankara

(1948), vol. 2, pp. 64-65; and Observatory inJslam (Ankara, 1960), p. 6.
2 M. Ornstein, The role ofscientiftc societies in the seventeenth century (Chicago, 1938).
INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK OF ASTRONOMICAL LEARNING 13
Bureaucratic cont'rol of learning in China restricted not only the influx of

new ideas, but also the number of people eligible to study astronomy. In
I
I
pre-Han times, and even during the Northern and Southern dynasties period I
(420-580), it was still quite possible to achieve a high-ranking position by

virtue of a specialized talent or ability.3 From the Sui period on, however, an
.official position and rank were prescribed for every function, thereby lessen-
ing mobility ofstatus. According to an official regulation of the T'ang period,
astronomical officials were not to rise to any position above that of Grand
Astrologer. 4 It is likely that the majority of graduates of the Office of Mathe-
matics (described later in this chapter) ended their careers as bookkeepers ,or
. customs collectors. 5
State isponsorship of education stunted intellectual growth in still another
way. The government monopoly on learning was particularly thorough.
Chinese students expended all their intellectual efforts in preparing for the
competitive civil service examination, the only key to official recognition.
This examination was chiefly a written one, placing a premium on memory and \
comprehension .0. f classical literature, which was regarde. d as an indisputable .
canon. Thus students did not develop powers of logical analysis. Nor were
they stimulated to think along independent lines, as were students in the
Islamic madrasa and in medieval European nniversities who prepared for oral I
examinations involving individual disputation. 6 1
Many persons were eligible to take the civil service examinations, so the
Chinese system ofeducation seems at first glance to be more equalitarian and
advanced than comparable Western institutions. However, its purpose was
not the training of prospective research scholars, but the selection of a privi-
leged few among the many career-seekers. It was, moreover, completely
controlled by the government, which was thus able to stereotype all forms of
learning.
Japan's assimilation of Chinese culture began with the forms of that culture,
rather than with its content. Therefore the organization of Chinese astronom-
ical institutions, not the subject matter they handled, is our first' concern.
3 Chang Chin-chien iJ.&~~, Chung-kuo wen-kuan chih-tu shih 9=t~X'f~r1liljll3!:. (History of

the civil-service system in China; Taipei, 1955), p. 123.
4 "Fang-chi pu" 1]{itfffi (Section on technical specialists), T'ang hui-yao mir~ (Encyclo-
pedic collection of materials for the history of the T'ang dynasty; 961), chap. 67.
5 Sawada Goichi ~EB ~-, Nihon sugakushi kOwa B *Jc~3!:.~~15 (Lectures on the history
of}apanese mathematics; Tokyo, 1928), chap. 3.
6 Nakayama Shigeru 9=tl1l)%, "Taya ni Kagaku Kakumei wa okorietaka" JIU$~cf3}~
.iJJ~iil:a 914t.:iJ~ (The possibility of a Scientific Revolution in the history of the Far East),
in Kagaku Kakumei f3}~.iIJ (Tokyo, 1961), pp. 167-171.
tChinese astronomy was originally adopted by the Japanese as a formal aspect

of political administration.
Chinese Astronomical and Mathematical Institutions

In a number of ancient cultures, state monopolies of astronomy and the
related arts of astrology, calendar-making, and timekeeping were common.
Chinese astronomy was similarly official in character. 7 In China, however,
the state monopoly was based on a unique concept, that of t'ien '7( (heaven).
Heaven chose the ruler, who ruled according to the celestial order. Unto~ard
events in the sky, such as eclipses, were indicative of royal misconduct.
Accordingly, rulers were extremely sensitive to heavenly occurrences and
rewarded astronomers for their services with secure positions in the bureau-
cratic organization. This practice continued throughout the course of Chi-
nese history. 8
In A.D. 5 an imperial edict was issued inviting to office those scholars who
were wdl versed in astrology (t(ien-wen '7()(), calendar-making, and mathe-
matics (li-suan .lfi.).9 In the Hou Han shu ~~. (History of the Later Han
dynastyyo there is a clear description of the duties of the Grand Astrologer,
or t'ai-shih ling :*~f3-. He was in charge of calendar-making, timekeeping,
and the observation and recording of celestial phenomena. At the end of
each year he presented the calendar for the coming year to the throne. He
recorded good and bad portents and determined what days were most pro-
pitious for the performance of state ceremonies. His office had existed in still
earlier periods and continued to exist for a long time thereafter. Only his title
and the number and title ofhis assistants underwent any change; his function
remained the same. 11
7 Joseph Needham, Science alld civilisation in Chilla (Cambridge, England, 1959), vol. 3, pp.
186 if.
a Yabuuchi Kiyoshi IiP3 m, m
Shina no tenmongaku 3i: (J) ;R)( ~ (Chinese astronomy; Tokyo,
1943), pp. 63-65;'and Needham, Science and Civilisation, vol. 3, pp. 186 if.
o The term t'ien-wen inclu~des observational records of unusual c<::1estial phenomena and
their correlation with terrestrial events as deduced from cosmologic theory. The term li-
suan combines the denotations of both calendar-making and mathematics, which were closely
associated in China.
10 Compiled in, A.D. 450, this history covers the period from A.D. 25 to 220. For a discussion
of the status, compilation, organization, and contents of the Chinese dynastic histories, see
Han Yu-shan, Elements of Chinese historiography (Hollywood, 1955), pp. 1-31 and 191-212.
11 "Pai-kuan chih" srg~ (Treatise on the hundred offices); and Tu Yu *±#5, T'ung tien
mi:!W- (Compendium of source material on institutional history; compiled during the T'ang
dynasty, circa 812), chap. 26. Insofar as he was responsible for keeping records, the Grand
Astrologer also performed some of the functions ofan official historian in the early period. For*
INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK OF ASTRONOMICAL LEARNING IS
No systematic method of training experts in astronomy is explicitly indi-

cated in official documents. From the Later Han dynasty on, astrological
knowledge was considered esoteric and was restricted to a small circle within
the court. 12 In the T'ang liu tien mh~ (The six institutional classifications
of the T'ang dynasty), written in 738, we find that "no astrological instru-
ments [for example, armillary spheres and clepsydras] or books on astrology
may be taken out ofthe offices, lest they be misused by those who are not well
qualified." The officials of that day evidently considered that although
astrology was normally an art highly advantageous to the service of the ruler,
it could be a dangerous weapon in the hands of subversive persons. As late as
the Ch'ing period (I644-I9II), "those who studied astrology illegally and ~
privately collected books and instruments of astrology were severely
punished."13
On the other hand, a knowledge of mathematics was apparently openly
encouraged among the people. Since mathematics and astronomy are related,
the state's lack of.control over the fo.rmer compared to its careful regulation
of the latter seems strange. The explanation lies in the low opinion of math-
ematics held by the government from the time that Confucianism became
the state orthodoxy. Confucian learning commanded the greatest prestige,
and even, during the Sui and T'ang periods, when the Chinese empire was
reunited and the Office of Mathematics (Suan-kuan ~JtB) was founded, math-
ematics held only a minor position compared to other branches of study such
as classical literature and government administration.
The Office of Mathematics, consisting at one time during the T'ang period
of "two professors of mathematics, one assistant professor, and thirty stu-
dents,"14 administered state examinations which led to the degree of Master
of Mathematics (Ming-suan .W3 ~). However, students of mathematics were
preparing for careers as technical specialists rather than as administrators.
The status ofa professor of mathematics was low, as was that of his students,
further discussions, see Burton Watson, Ssu-ma Ch'ien: Grant Historian of China (New York,
1958), p. 204, n. 24; and Iijima Tadao ili.i:h ,rtl,~, Shina kodai shiron 3Z:m~f\;~~lffj (A study of the
history of ancient China; Tokyo, 1925), especially chap. 20, "Tenmon rekiho no shokushO"
x)(fflfi*O)~~ (Offices of astronomy and calendar-making).
12 Ch'in-ting li-tai chih-kuan piao jX5Efflff\;~rg~ (Authorized tables of government offices
of the successive dynasties), ed: Chi Yun *cH~ et aI. Japanese ed., chap, 35.
13 Ta Ch'ing hui-tien shih Ii ::kmwr#l!-.'(7U (Collected institutions of 'the Ch'ing dynasty,
supplementary cases), ed. 1 (1690), chaps. 767-'-768.
14 Li Yen $iI, Chung-suan-shih lun-t'sung $~~mfB~ (Serial discussions on the history of
Chinese mathematics), revised ed. (Peking, 1954-1955), vol. 5, p. 28. This volume includes
1 well-documented account of the institutional development of mathematics during the
T'ang dynasty.
who were mostly descendants of minor officials and commoners and had by
birth been denied admission to more prestigious educational institutions. The
subject matter taught in the Office of Mathematics was mainly practical
mensuration. It did not include the mathematical material used in calendrical
studies. The following is a typical textbook question of the first century,
quoted from the Chiu-chang suan-shu n:1i!1ff,jij (Nine chapters on the mathe-
matical art): "Suppose that there is a field IS paces in width and 16 paces in
breadth; what is the area?" Thus graduates of the Suan-kuan were not pre-
pared to contribute significantly to Chinese mathematics, but were trained
merely to be minor functionaries. is
The other kind of mathematics traditionally taught in China, known as
li-suan M1f (calendrical mathematics), was the concern not of the Office of
Mathematics, but of the Board of Astronomy. Most of the prominent figures
who appear inJuan Yuan's ~5G Ch'oujen chuan .Af' (Biographies of Chinese
mathematicians and astronomers; 1799) were specialists in this field. i6 Many
had a good background in the classics-some might be considered Confucian
philo~ophers-and some were members ofthe elite who had passed the highest
state examination in Confucian studies. Bureaucrat-scholars outside the Board
of Astronomy were also allowed to speak on matters of calendrical reform. i7
General mathematics, which was taught to clerks, had no political ramifi-
cations. In contrast, astronomy had vast political significance. It was feared
that ifastrologic knowledge and unauthorized private calendars were diffused
,,[ among the common people, po"Iitical unity and the authority of the imperial
court might be jeopardized. Therefore, astrological instruction was confined
to the court.
15 Taga Akigoro ~~V\1i~~, Chugoku kyoiku shi q:t~~Jc1f~ (History of education in China;
Tokyo, 1955), p. 38; T'ang liu tien, chap. 21; and Yabuuchi Kiyoshi, "Siigaku" ~~ (Mathe-
matics), in Shina rekishi chiri taikei 3Z:1}IH~~:tI!?JI** (Chinese geography aijd history series;
Tokyo, 1942), vol. 8, p. 14 I.
16 As Mikami Yoshio =:J::~5'c pointed out in "The Ch'ou-jen chuan of Yuan Yuan," Isis 8,
103 (1926), and in more detail in "Chiijin den ron" IBfJAff:~ (A study of the Ch'ou-jen chuan),
TOyo gakuh6JlU~~¥a 16 (2) and 16 (3) (1927), "ch'ou-jen" has a meaning closer to "astrono-
mer"·than to "mathematician," although there are a few "pure" or nonastronomical mathe-
maticians included in his book of biographies. Even so, the larger proportion of astronomers
suggests that court astronomers had more brilliant careers than "pure" mathematicians, and
that Juan Yuan valued the latter for the eventual utility of their discoveries to astronomy.
17 For detailed discussions of Chinese scientific institutions, see Yabuuchi Kiyoshi,
"Kanryo seiji to Chiigoku chiisei no kagaku" rgf*i&~ c!:: q:t~q:tt!tO)f3J-~ (Bureaucracy and
its relation to the Chinese sciences in the Middle Ages), Kagakushi kenkyu f3J-~~?i1f~ (Journal
of history of science, Japan), no. 59, 1-7 (1961); and "Chiisei kagaku gijutsu shi no tenbO"
q:tt!tf3J-~:f5t&~O) ~~ (An outline of medieval science and technology in China), in Chugoku
cht7sei kagaku gijutsu shi nokenkyu q:t~q:tt!tf3J-~:f5t&~O)?i1f~ (Researches on science and
technology in medieval China), ed. Yabuuchi (Tokyo, 1963).
Comparison of Chinese and Japanese Astronomical Institutions

Although the earliest known delineation of an administrative framework 1
for the study of astronomy in Japan was contained in the Taiha civil code of\
702, the text ofthis code is not no~ available. Only fragments of a commentary
on the code exist. The system described below is that prescribed by the
Yoro ryo .~%, a revised version of the Taiba ryo *W%, presented to thel
throne in 718 and officially promulgated in 757.
All Japanese astronomical officers belonged to the Yin-yang Board (Of/YO
no tsukasa ~~~).Its stafforganization and function were as follows:
·A. Administrative officials

One director (on'yo no kami ~~M), who was in charge of matters relating
to astronomy, calendar-making, and astrology, and who submitted a sealed
report to the court whenever anything extraordinary occurred in the heavens.
Under him were one vice-director and three other minor officials.
B. Technical officials
(I) Yin-yang art (divination; on'yo ~~)18
Six masters (or practitioners)of yin-yang art (on'yo shi ~~ffijj).
One professor of yin-yang (on'yo hakase ~~i:i±), who specialized in
training students.
Ten students.
(2) Calendar-making (reki 11)
One professor of calendar-making (reki hakase 1Ii:i±), who made calen-
dars and trained students.
Ten students.
(3) Astrology (tenmon 7(3t)19
One professor of astrology (tenmon hakase 7(3ttf±), who observed
astrologic portents, sub,nitted a sealed report ofany extraordinary happening
in the heavens, and taught .students.
Ten students.
18 This art included speculation as to propitious days and spatial orientations for certain
conduct, based on the fundamental principles of yin-yang and other doctrines.
19 It seems that students of astrology were not permitted to interpret tl1e,meaning of
portents; their primary functions were simply to observe and report them. See Ry61/0 gige
4i-~M (Collection of annotated codes; 833) in Kokushi taikei ~.'£::k* (Outline of Japanese
History; 1900), vol. 12, chap. 10.
(4) Timekeeping (rokoku ~~U)20

T~o professors of timekeeping (rokoku hakase ~~Utf±), who directed
minor timekeeping officials and operated the water clocks.
Twenty minor timekeeping officials (shushintei ~~T), who operated the
water clocks and informed the people of the correct time by ringing bells and
beating drums.
In China, according to the T'ang liu tien fl!f:A~ (The six institutional
classifications of the T'ang dynasty), the following officials were assigned to
the Office of the Grand Astrologer:
A. Administrative officials
Two Grand Astrologers (t'ai-shih ling :*3!: ~), commissioned to observe
astrologic portents, to make calendars, to measure significant changes in the
sun, moon, and stars, and to make meteorologic observations-assisted,
ofcourse, by their subordinates. 21 Under them were eight administrative and
clerical officials, including two vice-directors (t'ai-shih ch'eng :*3!:ZR).
B. Technical officials
(I) Calendar department
Two technicians (ssu-li 'RJJI), who made calendars and published them. 22
One professor of calendar-making (pao-chang cheng f*.lE), who trained
students.
Forty-one students.
(2) Astrology department
Two professors of astrology (ling-t'ai lang .§~).
Five observers (chien-hou ~{~).
One hundred fifty students.
(3) Timekeeping department
Thirty-seven technicians (two ch'ieh-hu cheng ~~lE, nineteen Jsu-ch'en
'RJ~, and sixteen lou-k'e tien-shih ~~U~*), who ran the clepsydras.
Six professors of timekeeping (lou-k'e po-shih ~~Utf±).
Three hundred sixty students.
20 "Riikoku" literally means "water clock."

21 The Grand Astrologer was most active and important in Chinese astronomy, particu-
larly in calendar reform. Chang Heng ~~, for instance, reached his highest achievement
during his official service as a Grand Astrologer. See Sun Wen-ch'ing ~3tW, Chang Heng
nien-p'u ~~~~ (Chronologic biography of Chang Heng; Shanghai, 1935).
22 Tu hai :liWfJ (Ocean of jade), chap. 12I.
Two hundred eighty bell clerks.

One hundred sixty drum clerks.
Authority over yin-yang art was placed not in this office, but in the Bureau
of Divination (t'ai-pu shu *
r~). Its organization was as follows:
One director.
Two vice-directors.
Thirty-seven technicians (of three ranks).
Two professors of divination.
Two assistant professors of divination.
Forty-five students.
Table 1 Comparison of 'Japanese and Chinese astronomical institutions in the eighth century.
Japanese Chinese
Number of Number of
Office officials Title Ranka officials Title Rank a
Administration I Director 5;4 2 Directors 5;4
2 Vice-directors 6;3 2 Vice-directors 7;4
3 Minor officers 6 Clerks
Astrology I Professor 7;2 2 Professors 6;2
10 Students 5 Observers
150 Students
Calendar-making I Professor 7;3 I Professor 8;3
10 Students 2 Technicians 9;3
41 Students
Timekeeping 2 Professors 7;4 6 Professors
20 Minor clerks 37 Technicians 8;4 or 9;2
360 Students
280 Bell clerks
160 Drum clerks
Yin-yang art b I Professor 7;2 I Director 8;4
6 Practitioners 7;3 2 Vice-directors 9;2
10 Students 37 Technicians 9;4
2 Professors of
divination 9;4
2 Assistant
professors
45 Students
a In the symbols given for rank, the first number denotes administrative class and the
second number subclass, with lower numbers representing higher classes. The rank indicated
is an approximate, relative one; it is impossible to compare the Chinese and Japanese offices
on an absolute scale. The status of the professor of timekeeping in China is not noted in the
T'ang liu tien. "
b In China, authority over the yin-yang art was vested in a separate Bureau of Divination.
Table 1, which compares the Chinese and Japanese staff organizations,

shows the most striking difference to be in the number of officials. This
distinction corresponds to the difference in scale between the -mighty empire

of T'ang and the small tributary state ofJapan. The latter, in imitating the
institutions of the former, had difficulty in finding skilled experts. It seems
tpat the staffing described merely indicates the ideal. We have no information
'concerning the actual numbers employed.
A different emphasis on subject matter is also apparent from the table.
In China (and Korea) the scientific studies-calendar-making, astronomy, and
timekeeping-were administratively separated from divination, but in Japan
both science and divination were studied by a single Tin-yang Board, the name
of which indicates a clear preference for divination. Comparison of the ranks
of the various departments substantiates this preference, although the dif-
ference is minor. In China astrology had the highest official status, calendar-
making the next, and timekeeping and divination the lowest, whereas in
Japan astrology and divination enjoyed the highest status, followed by calen-
dar-making and timekeeping.
Although Chinese influence was paramount in Japan during the eighth
century, Korean influence remained considerable. It has recently been proved
that the Japanese system of mathematical instruction was introduced from
Silla at an early time. 23 One would expect simultaneous influence in the field
ofastronomical science, but Korean historical records are in~equate to prove
this hypothesis. Presumably the Koreans followed the Chinese institutional
pattern more closely than the Japanese did. 24 Hence it is almost impossible
to tell whether the continental influence on Japanese astronomical institu-
tions was all directly Chinese or partly Korean.
The Decline ofAstrono,mical Institutions

During the later halfofthe T'ang dynasty, Chinese educational institutions
bega~ to reflect the general disintegration of the official order. 25 Japan's
23 Of nine textbooks used in the Japanese schools, only six are identifiable as coming
from T'ang China. Two ofthe other three are found in the list of textbooks of the State College
of Silla. See Fujiwara Matsusabur6 ~)Jf::m=:~~, Nihon silgakushi yo S *l\f(~~~ (A concise
history of Japanese mathematics; Tokyo, 1952), pp. 17-19; and Meiji zen Nihon silgakushi
!Y3rhiW S *l\f(~~ (History of Japanese mathematics before the Meiji era; Tokyo, 1954-
1960), vol. 2, pp. 145-146.
24 W. Carl Rufus, "Astronomy in Korea," Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, Korea
Branch 26, 12-14 (1936). He claims that the appointment of a professor of mathematics was
first recorded in Korea in 717, but goes back at least as far as 682. See also the early Korean
chronicles, Samguk sagi =:~~~a (History of [Korean] three kingdoms), compiled in 1145;
modern reprint, ed. ChOsen Shi Gakkai lji,ijif~~1t, ed. 3, chap. 38, 1941.
25 "After the T'ien-pao :::RW period (742-755), school activities gradually deteriorated
:md students were SC:ltterecL" T1'i hili rh:m T T.,.. n .,T
cessation ofofficial missions to China made continental culture less accessible

to her, and internal upheavals corrupted Japanese domestic institution~ also.
Positions in educational institutions, as in other organs of the government,
tended to become hereditary.26 The Tin-yang Board was no exception.
The monopolization of the government by a hereditary court aristocracy
destroyed the bureaucratic ideal, borrowed from China, ofselection of officials
at least partly on the basis oftalent. Afterward, the courtiers were succeeded
as a ruling elite by a military dass that was by no means lavish in its sp'onsor-
ship of astronomical studies. The hered.itary system was not conduclve to
development of scientific knowledge, although it had the passive merit of
I
preservinglearning through times ofdecline and social unrest. As a mat~er of
fact, the teaching of both mathematics and astronomy became more esoteric
from the tenth century on, tending more and more toward magic and super-
stition.
In 987 the single family that controlled yin-yang practice in Japan was'
broken into two separate families,.one specializing in astrology and the other
in calendar-making. An interesting reference to this event in a later work re-
veals the relative importance placed on astrology and calendar-making at the
time:
Long ago, the yin-yang art.' which incl uded both astrOlOgy. and calendar-I.
making, was kept in the hands of one family. Later, Kamo no Yasunori
:MJl;1*1I, a cdebrated master, indoctrinated his disciple Abe no Seimei
~fflaN!!J3 in astrology and his son Mitsuyoshi:J't~ in calendar-making.
Since then theyin-yang art has been divided into these two families. The
meaning of astrology is that which clarifies the propitiousness of certain
portents, when something extraordinary happens in heaven or on earch.
These judgments, so important in the world, should not be entrusted to
mediocre talent. On the other hand, calendar-making is done in order to
publish the calendar of each year-a mere matter of routine calculation.
Kamo no Yasunori, a well-known authority, was at the same time a
shrewd judge of talent. He might have wished to initiate his own son
Mitsuyoshi into astrology. Nevertheless, because of his son's limited
ability, he instructed him only in calendar-making. His disciple Seimei
was initiated into the way of astrology, because he had excellent talent.
IfYasunori had misjudged his son, blinded by paternal love, and given
26 Momo Hiroyuki t}5f'£trr, 10dai gakusei no kenkyu J:~~lIJUO){i1f~ rCA study of the educa-
tional system in ancient Japan; Tokyo, 1949).
the position of Court Astrologer to him, it would definitely have been

against the country's interest. Furthermore, his family might have been
defamed long since. Yasunori's decision was really fair, and deserves to
be praised.
It is not known clearlywhether the calendrical skills were handed down
through the descendants of Mitsuyoshi. On the other hand, the Abe
family still flourishes in the service of astrology and the reporting of
cosmic phenomena. 27
T~isaccount is an indication that at that time astrology was far more
important than calendar-making. 28 Chinese exact science, however, lay within
this very field of calendrical science (the design of comprehensive ephemer-
ides) that the ancient and medieval Japanese undervalued-if they did not
entirely neglect it. The most cru~ial reason for this neglect was probably that
the Japanese lacked sufficient mathematical background to comprehend and
develop calendrical astronomy. The difference may also be a result of the
traditional Chinese notion of "changing every system according to the celes-
tial order" whenever a dynasty changed. This process was not necessary
in Japan because the reigning dynasty was never overturned. Thus the politi-
cal climate did not encourage calendrical research.
Despite the greater importance of astrology in court estimation, there
was actually very little distinction drawn between astrology and calendar-
making as official functions in Japan from the time that these arts became
the hereditary concerns of individual families. The difference between the
Abe (later called Tsuchimikado ±mr,)
and Kamo (later its oblique de-
scendants-that is, descendants of children other than the first son-were
called K6tokui $:~*) families became a matter of status at the court. While
the former enjoyed the privilege of access to the hall of the imperial court,
the latter did not. A representative of the former was appointed director of
the Tin-yang Board, while a representative of the latter family was made vice-
director. 29
27 Kaibara Atsunobu ffit)Jjt~lli, Kan'i kun '§'{ft~" (Study on governmental offices; Kyoto,
1718), vol. 2.
28 The hereditary professorship of calendar-making was discontinued in the sixteenth
century and later taken over by Tsuchimikado Arinaga ±mr,~{~, a descendant of Abe
no Seimei. See Shit/yo menmei fflirniifJ (Dictated diary ofShibukawa Hammi), ed. Tani Jinzan
:§~111 (1704), vol 1 in Misonoya :=:T~ll (Thirty scrolls), ed. Shoku Sanjin JJI1IA, reprint ed.
(Tokyo, 1939), vol. 2, p. 130.
29 Nij6 Yasumichi =1i*Elm, "Shoke kagy6 ki" Jm**~~a (Reports on the inherited
occupations of various families; MS, 1768).
INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK OF ASTRONOMICAL LEARNr'NG 23
Althouth these studies were monopolized bya small group and became more
and more arcane in nature, practitioners of yin-yang techniques (on'yo shi ~
~§ffi) spread throughout the country. They performed popular services
(fortune-telling, physiognomy, chiromancy, and geomancy) for individual
clients and incorporated miscellaneous elements such as magica~ Tantric
Buddhism in their art. At one time the Tsuchimikado family received great
revenues, comparable to those of a feudal lord, by issuing licenses to these
provincial practitioners. The government was constantly disturbed by the
scurrilous conduct of local practitioners during the Tokugawa period and
often requested the Tsuchimikado to maintain strict controls over them. 30
30 Fu'Zoku kenbun roku JI.~ J! Iifj~ (A record of personal observations on miscellaneous

customs; undated), vol. 2, quoted partially in Koji ruien, ii*~~ (Source book of ancient
matters), "Hogibu" }]vHfB{Volutechnical me on specialists; Tokyo, 1909), pp. 9-10.
4 Early Chinese Cosmology
.CHINESE INTEREST IN COSMOLOGY antedated Japanese interest by many

centuries. In fact, there seems to have been no genuine involvement with the
subject in Japan until the early 1700'S. But in China, speculation as to the
nature of the universe appeared in fragmentary form in the oldest classics
and evolved into several distinct theories.
The Kai T'ien Theory

The first scientific Chinese treatise on cosmology-scientific in the sense
of being divorced from fantasy and folklore, and in the sense of being mathe-
matical-is found in the Chou pi Juan ching na1t~.~ (The arithmetical classic
of the Chou gnomon). The extant treatise is considered to be the product of
editing and expansion of the original compilation, which may go back to the
l fourth century B.G.and was based on observational data of the two centuries
before that. It is g\nerally agreed that the book was completed no earlier than
the third century B.C.; it cannot be later in date than its first commentator,
Chao Chun-ch'ing ~;ggM, who is generally believed to have lived during the
second century A.D.!
Kai t'ien ~7( (literally, "the 'sky as a cover") cosmology is generally identi-
fied with the content ofthe Chou pi Juan ching andis closely linked with the use
ofthe gnomon. It is, in fact, also known as the" Chou pi theory." A considera-
tion of elements of the theoretical and empirical knowledge available at the
time this treatise was compiled enables us to analyze its cosmology.
1 Joseph Needham, Science and civilisation in China (Cambridge, England, 1959), vol. 3, pp.
19 ff; Herbert Chatley, "The heavenly cover-a study in ancient Chinese astronomy," The
Observatory 61 (764), 12 (Jan. 1938); and N6da Chiiry6 fI~E81i!;,~,Sh17hisankeino kenkyu mMffj:~
0)1iJf~ (An inquiry concerning the Chou pi suan ching), Academy of Oriental Culture, Kyoto
Institute Monograph Series, no. 3 (Kyoto, 1933), pp. 45-58.
EARLY CH1NE8..E COSMOLOGY 25
(a) Preconceived notions.

(I) The yin-yang principle (see Chapter 5).
(2) The concept of t'ien yuan ti fang :K1BI:L1!!:1J (literally, "the sky is cir-
cular and the earth square"). Various interpretations of this expression,
especially ofthe term fang (square), are possible. It was probably a metaphori-
cal statement, founded on the yin-yang ~~ idea, with the sky characteristi-
cally moving and the earth characteristically at rest. 2
(3) The idea of the parallelism of sky and earth. They were considered
to be either both flat or both convex, and parallel.
(4) Polar centricity. The North Pole was given the most venerable
place in the firmament. In contrast to the zodiacal framework of the Western
cosmos, the ancient Chinese maintained a polar-equatorial coordinate system. 3
(5) The belief in a "polar region" centering on the North Pole, defined
as a region constantly illuminated during the summer and dark during the
winter.
(b) Mathematical capabilities.
(I) The four processes of arithmetic.
(2) A means for finding the square root of any number.
(3) A right triangular theorem for the one case 32 +4 2 = 52. Althoughno
demonstration is given, enthusiasm for' this "Pythagorean theorem" is
apparent in the text. It was always expressed, however, as 62 +8 2 =10 2 •
(4) A constant for the ratio of the circumference to the diameter of a
circle. A rough value of3 was employed. CIt was c6rrected to 3.14 in the third
century A.D.)
(5) The theorem of similar triangles.
(c) Technical knowledge.
(I) Knowledge ofthe use of the gnomon and gnomon-shadow template.
(2) Knowledge of the time of the solstices, also available from gnomon
observations. The time of the equinoxes was determined by simple linear
interpolation. '
(3) The ~orrespondence hypothesis of "i ts(un ch(ien Ii" --t'f- m-that
is, I ts(un (about an inch) to 1000 Ii (I Ii is approximately one-third mile).
Shadow length was believed to increase I ts(un for every 1000 Ii north of
Yang-ch'eng ~mt, the "center of the universe," and decreased by the same
2 Noda, Shilhi sankei, pp. 18-19; Kawabe Shin'ichi )11~{B-, Sbubi sankei 'Zukai noff.~
lJiIM (Illustrated Cbou pi suan ching, 1785), vol. I, p. 2 I. '
3 Needham, Science and Civilisation, vol. 3, pp. 229 fT.
amount for every 1000 Ii south. 4 This idea was based on the notion of the
parallelism of earth and sky and obviously provided very erroneous values.
There may have been some crude empirical basis for this highly speculative
idea, but it is hardly conceivable that it had any scientific foundation.
THE PRIMARY KAIT'IEN THEORY
As the principles listed above were considered at this time to be axiomatic

knowledge, we can use them to reconstruct the cosmology of thekai t'ien
school. The first step is an explanation of what Nada Chiirya calls the "pri-
mary kai t'ien theory." It appears in the first half of the Chou pi suan ching and
is thought to have originated between the sixth and fourth centuries B.C. 5
(a) Using the gnomon and gnomon-shadow template, two values of sun-
shadow length at noon, the maximum for the winter solstice and the mini-
mum for the summer solstice, are obtained. For a gnomon of8 ch'ih.R (a ch'ih
is somewhat shorter than a foot), the shadow lengths at the solstices are 13.5
ch'ih and 1.6 ch'ih.
(b) Earth and sky are assumed to be flat and parallel. 6
(c) Because of the parallelism of sky and earth, a distance of 1000 Ii
between points A and Bon the same parallel oflongitude of the earth's sur-
face is equal to the distance between A' and B' on the surface of the sky
directly over A and B. This is illustrated in Figure I, Part I.
(d) The correspondence hypothesis is then applied to the two terrestrial
locations A and B. Thus the sun causes I ts'un(O.I ch'ih) difference in the
length of the shadows at A and B. These are represented in Figure I as a and
a+1.
Now suppose that the sun is situated at A" and B", 1000 Ii apart pn the
celestial surface, at two different seasons, as indicated in Part II of Figure 1.
The same hypothesis is applicable to the two different solar positions and a
single terrestrial point C; there is also I ts'un differencein shadow lengths
band b+1. Of course the hypothesis is applicable for any distance A to B.
4 In a nonspherical theory of the earth, "the center of the universe" means simply the
cardinal point to which geographical surveying is referred. The vicissitudes of this corre-
spondence have been examined in detail by Joseph Needham, A. Beer, Ho Ping-yii, Lu
Gwei-djen, E. G. Pulleyblank, and G. 1. Thompson in "An eighth-century meridian line;
I-hsing's chain of gnomons and the prehistory of the metric system," Vistas in astronomy
(Oxford, 1964), pp. 3-28.
5 N6da, shuhi sankei p. 60. .
6 There is no overt statement in volume 1 that earth and sky are flat, but any other concept
is inconceivable in the context.
EARLY CHINESE COSMOLOGY 27
Part
r-1000/i,
~r
Sky
\ I ..... , .....
,I ,
'I ..........
\~ "'",
----~ ~
A D
11000
A"
Ii, B
B'i
........._--,--- Earth
~"'(----r-\-Sky
""', \
"........ \,
".... \
----------
''h C '.
~b+1~
I Earth
Part IT
Figure 1. Illustration of the correspondence hypothesis of I ts'un to rooo Ii. In Part
I, A and B are points on the same parallel of longitude, rooo Ii apart. The sun S then
causes I ts'un difference in the length of the shadows (a and a+I) cast at these
points. In Part II, with the sun at points A" and B", also rooo Ii apart, there is again
a difference of I ts'un in the shadow lengths (b and b+ I) at the single terrestrial
point c.
(e) Then, from observation, a projedion of the sun's midday solstitial

position can be made on the celestial surface. In this way, values of135,000 Ii
and 16,000 Ii are obtained for the horizontal distance between the site and the
sun's midday positions at the winter and summer solstices (see Figure 2).
The standard gnomon length was 80 ts'un (I ch'ih==lo ts'un). Since a move-
ment of the sun of 1000 Ii causes a difference in shadow length of 1 ts'un, and,
further, since AD: NA=NA': A'S (see Figure I, Part I), A'N, the distance
-
16,OOOii
~1~-----135,000 Ii -----S-S-,~~I+~---103,000 Ii ------+t~ I

S:--
W:llli: ---.,:----r "7'NP Sky
t--------------~--...;:C--------------Earth
Figure 2. Computation of the distance between sky and earth using the kai t'ien
theory. Cis the terrestrial site, NP the North Pole, and WS and SS represent the sun's
midday positions at winter and summer solstice. By use of a gnomon 8 ch'ih high,
the celestial distance is calculated to be 80,000 Ii.
between sky and earth, equals 80,000 Ii. Use ofa gnomon 10 ch'ih high in the
Huai-nan tzu i'lmr (Book ofthe Prince ofHuai-nan; about 120 B.C.) in place
of the 8-ch'ih gnomon of the Chou pi suan ching gave a celestial distance of
100,000 Ii.
(f) The diameter ofthe sun is estimated by using the 3':4-5 right triangular
theorem. On occasions when the midday shadow is exactly 6 ch'ih long, the
theorem holds for both the earth-sky space and the gnomon-shadow triangle.
Thus, assuming the distance between sky and earth to be 80,000 Ii) t~e dis-
tance between the sun and the observer (the hypotenuse) is 100,000 Ii) as in
Figure 3. The sun was sighted through a bamboo tube 8 ch'ih long with a
0.1 ch'ih aperture. It was found that the apparent solar disc exactly coincided
with the area of the aperture. From a simple proportion-8 ch'ih: 0.1 ch'ih:
100,000 Ii : diameter of the sun-the diameter of the solar disc is determined
to be 1250 Ii.
(g) When the pole star is located in a sighting tube mounted on the 8-
ch'ih gnomon, a horizontal projection (corresponding to a shadow) of 10.3
ch'ih is obtained. The North Pole is therefore situated 103,000 Ii north of the
site (see Figure 2).7 ~
7 From the solstitial shadow lengths of step (e), the latitude of the site was calculated to
be 35°37' N, while from the North Pole distance ofstep (g) it was 37°49' N, obviously too far
north. The observation of North Pole distance by such a primitive method is technically*
Sky
.§
g
Earth
l~
1··---
_
60,000 Ii ---~~I
Figure 3. Calculation of the sun's diameter by use of the gnomon-shadow triangle.
\
\
(h) In accordance with the notions of polar centricity and lien yuan ti
fang, the sun's diurnal orbits at the two solstices are drawn in concentric
circles centering at the North Pole, with their radii the distances between the
North Pole and the sun's midday solstitial position. 8 From steps (a) and (g),
the radii are scaled to 238,000 Ii for the winter solstice and 119,000 Ii for the
summer solstice.
CD The diurnal orbit of the sun at the vernal and autumnal equinoxes
is drawn with its radius scaled to the computed mean value of the orbits of
two solstices, 178,500 Ii. Intermediary orbits are calculated by simple linear
interpolation. In this way the "seven-orbit diagram" (ch'i-heng t'u--t~Ii'iJ) of
Figure 4 is drawn to indicate the sun's p~sitions for each ofthe Chinese calen-
dar's solar periods (known as ch'i *\ and described in Chapter 6).9
(j) Now 7r (in this case, 3) is applied to compute the circumference of
each orbit.
*far more difficult than the measurement of shadow length. Ch'ien Pao-tsung ~.~ doubts
the possibility of actual measurement, especially of polar distance. See his "Chou pi suan ching
k'ao" mJM.~~ (A study ofthe Chou pi suan ching), K'o-hsueh f4~ (Science) 14, 17-18 (1929).
8 Polar centricity, however, neglects the annual solar motion on the ecliptic.
9 In the absence of a concept of probable error, division is carried to the point of yielding
meaningless figures.
3° EARLY IMPACT OF CHINESE ASTRONOMY
Figure 4. Seven-orbit diagram of the sun's positions in each solar period (ch'i) ac-
cording to the kai t'ien theory. (Ming edition preserved in Naikaku bunko.)
(k) The idea of an "illuminated area" like that cast by a lampshade was
introduced to explain the lengths of day ~nd night. As it was known that the
"polar region" under the north celestial pole is always illuminated during
the period from the vernal equinox to the autumnal equinox, and always dark
during the other halfofthe year, the radius ofthe illuminated area was defined
as the distance between the equinoctial orbit and the polar region. The
polar region is not identical to the North Pole, but to a circular area with a
radius equal to the polar distance of the brightest circumpolar star-11,500
Ii, possibly calculated by triangulation. The radius of the illuminated area is
thus the radius of the equinoctial orbit, from step 0), minus the radius ofthe
polar region, or 167,000 Ii.
It should be remembered that the text considers only the actual illumination
of the terrestrial area and does not theorize about the mechanism of the sun's
movement. There is no discussion as to whether shifts from one orbit to an-
other are gradual and continuous or sudden and discrete.
(0 The "visible" earth is limited to the area on which the sun may at some
time shine. The maximum visible and illuminated area is a circle, the radius
of which is the radius of the outermost winter solstitial orbit plus the radius
ofthe area illuminated by the sun's light, or 405,000 Ii. We can now represent
the dimensions of the universe by a diagram, as in Figure 5. .
The polar distance of the circumpolar star, as given in step (k),' may not
have been measured. Sun-shadow length was rather easy to measure, but
determination of mean gnomon-shadow length was unsatisfactory for finding
the declination ofa star. Most probably it was calculated to satisfy the follow-
ing equations.
From step (0: Winter solstitial radius+illuminative radius=405,000 Ii
(diameter= 810,000 Ii), (4. I)
and from step (k): Equinoctial radius-illuminative radius = declination
radius of circumpolar star. (4.2)
Since the number 81, the square of 9, had great importance for the ancient
Chinese, the diameter ofEq. (4.1) may have been a priori. In any case, the
illuminative radius was determinedfrom it, and finally the right-hand member
ofEq. (4.2) was calculated. 10
It is important to note that angular measure using degree units is of no
significance in the first volume ofthe Choupi Juan ching. In ancient China, where
the armillary sphere and angular measurement had not yet developed, it was
necessary for the elaboration of a cosmologic system to depend solely upon
linear distance, projected from the terrestrial onto the celestial region.
THE SECONDARY KAI T'IEN THEORY
In the second half of the Chou pi Juan ching, the curvature of both earth and
sky is introduced to avoid the difficulty of explaining sunrise and sunset in
terms of plane surfaces. The part of the book containing the "secondary kai
t'ien theory" apparently was written between the times of Yang Hsiung ~tl
(53 B.C.-A.D. 18) and Ts'ai Yung ~~ (A.D. 131-192).11 N6da feels that this
10 Ch'ien, "Chou pi suan ching k'ao," pp. 22-23.
11 Noda, Shuhi sankei, pp.60-61.
l.H
I• 238,000 Ii :I ~
I.. 178,500 Ii
119,000 Ii Winter solstice
_ I Summer solstice
t!l
North Pole :>
::=:J
tot
t-<
H
~
"tl
~ :>
(')
o ""i
o
o o
6 '":!j
OJ
(')
::r::
1
H
Z
t!l
Illuminated area 1
CI:l
t!l
:>
CI:l
""i
::=:J
Figure 5. Dimensions of the universe as conceived by the kai

o
Z
IE 167,000 Ii ~I
t'ien theory. The maximum visible and illuminated area is a o
~
circle having a radius of 238,000 li+I67,000 Ii, or 405,000 Ii. t-<
modified version of kai t'ien was propounded by its advocates in reply to the
rival hun t'ien theory, described later in this chapter. Certainly it borrowed
the strong point of the latter, the concept of curvature of the sky.12
The exposition of the secondary kai t'ien theory in the Chou pi Juan ching is
rather obscure, but it is described more clearly in the Chin shu l1f:& (History of
the Chin dynasty; A.D. 635):
According to the theory of the Chou pi school, the sky is a cover like a
bamboo hat, enclosing the earth like an inverted basin. Both the center
of the heavens and the center of the earth are elevated, while the outer
regions are low. The polar region is the center of both the sky and the
earth; both are highest at the center and slope down in the outer regions.
The beams of celestial light are blocked by the elevation of the center of
the earth. This makes day and night. The center of the sky is 60,000 li 13
higher than the outermost orbit where the sun is located at the· time of
winter solstice. The earth beneath the North Pole is also 60,000 Ii higher
than the terrestrial region beneath the outermost orbit. The outermost
celestial orbit is 20,000 Ii higher than the earth beneath the North Pole.
Elevations of the sky and earth are in parallel correspondence, and the
sun always keeps the same distance of 80,000 Ii from the earth. 14
This constant distance of 80,000 Ii between the sky and the earth can be
interpreted in two ways, in terms ofthe up-and-down distance or the distance
perpendicular to each point on the earth. In other words, in the former sense,
the earth and sky are parallel vaults ofequal curvature, and in the latter they
are concentric hemispheres. A model illustrating the first of these concep-
tions was drawn by Shinohara Yoshitomi 1iJJj{W,&,15 and this interpretation
is also followed by N6da. 16 The second interpretation is Chatley's.17 The two
versions are shown in Figures 6 and 7.
We have no way of determining which interpretation is correct, since the
text reveals a lack of rigorous geometric concepts. Obviously the intent of
the second half of the Chou pi suan ching was merely'to present a physically
12 Noda Chiiryo, Taya tenmongaku shi ronsa *¥$~)(~3!:.ffifB. (Serial discussions on the
history of astronomy in the Far East; Tokyo, 1944), p. 232.
13 How this value of 60,000 Ii was derived is not at all clear; perhaps it comes from the
favorite number combination 6-8-10 (3 2 +4 2 =5 2). Noda, shahi sankei p. 56.
14 Section I, treatise on astronomy of the Chin shu.
15 shahi sankei kokujikai WJ"¥f~~*m (A Japanese annotated edition of the Chou pi suan -
ching; 1819), vol. 2, p. I.
16 Noda, shahi sankei 53-54.
17 Chatley, "The heavenly cover," pp. 17-20.
34 EARLY.IMPACT OF CHINESE ASTRONOMY
North
Pole
Figure 6. Earth and sky according to Shinohara Yoshitomi's interpretation. They

are considered to be parallel vaults of equal curvature, with a constant vertical dis-
tance of 80,000 Ii between them.
North
Pole
q::
o
o
o
oa:>
1 -oo,ooon-+-
Figure 7. Earth and sky according to Herbert Chatley's interpretation. They are
considered to be concentric hemispheres, with a constant perpendicular distance of
80,000 Ii to each point on the earth.
more acceptable model, through modification of the older model, to incor-

porate the idea of curvature and to eliminate the "lampshade" beam. In this
sense, Chatley's scheme better explains the lengths of day and night, for in
Shinohara's model the north polar zone is illuminated even at winter solstice.
The primary theory may have been modified simply by lifting the center of
the surfaces of the earth and sky, with no consideration of the nature. of
curvature or tangent lines.
Chatley understood the 60,000 Ii to mean the whole habitable part of the
earth. The matter is utterly obscure in the chou pi suan ching, but the Chin shu
states the figure to be the distance between sky and earth.
Despite some involvement with numerology, the kai t'ien theory is a scien-
tific one inthat it shows considerable freedom from mythopoeic and anthro-
pomorphic elements. It may be said to have exhausted the potentialities of
the meager observational tools and data, the mathematical techniques, and
the preconceived notions ofits time. A later revival of the theory by Japanese
Buddhists is examined in Chapter IS.
The Hun T'ien Theory
SPHERICITY OF THE SKY
The focal point of the hun t'ien f!f[* (enveloping sky) theory, developed
by another important cosmologic school, is simply recognition that the shape
of the sky is spherical. In Chang Heng's ~~ Hun-i chu f!f[~tt (Notes on the
armillary sphere; about A.D. II 7), we find this statement: "The sky is like a
hen's egg, and is as round as a crossbow pellet; the earth is like the yolk ofthe
egg, lying alone at the center. The sky is large and the earth small." This
cosmic-egg analogy was a favorite of the hun t'ien school, repeated again and
again by later writers, although they may have been quite aware that it was
no more than an analogy.is
Another component of hun t'ien cosmology is its obvious close association
with the development of the armillary sphere (hun'i f!f[m), like that of the kai
t'ien theory with the gnomon. The "Treatise on astronomy'? of the Chin shu
says: (
At the time of the Emperor Ling Jlifif (reigned A.D. 168-188) of the
Han dynasty, Ts'ai Yung ~~ writingtotheemperorfromShuo-fangyrJJ
15, said, "The hsuan yeh ~~ theoryi9 has been lost and no teachers of it
are lett. With regard to the Chou pi theory, although the method and cal-
culations based on it are extant, many errors were discovered when the
theory was put to the test of explaining the structure of the universe.
It has been found that only the hun t'ien theory approximates the truth.
18 Needham, Science and Civilisation, vol. 3, p. 217. The cosmic~egg notion seems to have
been widespread among the ancients (for example, the Hindus and the Persians). See the
Encyclopedia ofreligion and ethics, vol. 4, pp. 158-159 and vol. 12, p. 85.
19 This was the third cosmologic theory of anc~ent China.
EARLY IMPACT OF CHINESE ASTRONOMY
The bronze instruments [armillary spheres] used by the imperial as-

tronomers [shih kuan .st: 'g] are based on this method. A sphere 8 ch'ih in
diameter represents the shape of the earth and sky; by means of it the
ecliptic is checked. The rising and setting of the heavenly bodies are
observed. The movements of the sun and the moon are followed and the
paths of the five planets traced. [The instrument has been found to
yield] wonderful and accurate results. This is a method which will re-
main unchanged for a hundred generations."2o
The success of the armillary sphere, which may or may not have been in-
spired by the idea of the co~mic egg, was overwhelming. Ironically, this very
success tended to impede the geometric and cosmologic development of
Chinese astronomy, which had been fostered by the more numerical approach
of the kai t'ien theory.
In any case, the armillary sphere proved extremely useful to astronomers of
this era, for example in the determination of the lengths of day and night.
According to the kai t'ien model, the length of a day in any season of the year
is determined by linear interpolation between the summer and winter solsti-
ces, a method that obviously gives incorrect results, But the only other fea-
sible method was day-to-day observation. Once the hun t'ien model was ac-
cepted and the armillary sphere employed, the movement of the sun on the
ecliptic became graduated and the length of a day in an intermediate season
was measurable-for instance, by applying a measuring cord to the instru-
ment-with no observation or calculation required. There was no necessity
for speculation as to th~ height of the sky or for use ofthe hypothetical I ts'un
to 1000 Ii correspondence.
How the armillary sphere andthe hun t'ien theory came into being is not
known, although it is believed that the armillary sphere was invented in
about A.D. 84. 21 Instrument and cosmologic theory were, at the tiine of Yang
Hsiung ~tt, closely.associated. h would be difficult to establish which came
first, bHt it is safe to say that the hun t'ien theory and the armillary sphere were
both in use at about the time of Christ.
Neither the hun t'ien nor the kai t'ien theory was pure speculation. Both were
deeply rooted in the problems of practical astronomy.22 Despite the theoret--
20 See the section "T'ien t'i" :;Rftl (The structure of the heavens), translated in Ho Ping-
Yii, "Astronomy in the Chin shu and Sui shu" (inaugural dissertation; Singapore, 1955).
21 Willy Hartner, "The obliquity of the ecliptic," Silver 1ubilee Volume ofthe Zinbun-Kagaku-
Kenkytlsyo (Kyoto, 1954), p. 179.
22 N6da, TOya, pp. 292-294.
ical incompatibility of the two theories, practical observers made use of the
techniques associated with each. They made observations with the aid of the
gnomon during the day and used the armillary sphere and water clock at
night.
There is an obscure causal explanation of the hun t'ien theory, transmitted
most clearly by Chang Heng in his Hun-ichu 1!I!fi~, which says: "Both inside
and outside the sky there is water. The sky and earth are both supported by.
the ch'i *t: [air], and water is carried round with them in their rotation."
Wang Ch'ung .:E3iS, the celebrated skeptic (A.D. 27-97), interpreted this to
mean that there is water below the earth, and expostulated: "The hun t'ien
theory asserts that the sky revolves and passes under the earth. Let us now dig
a hole 10 ch'ih deep in the earth. Water is invariably found. How is it possible
for the heavens to move through water? They cannot do so."
At this point, Ko Hung ~~ commented: "The sky is exterior to the earth,
and water is found outside the sky. Hence it is on water that the sky floats,
carrying with it the earth."23 But his counterargument against Wang Ch'ung,
the only known dissenter, is a naIve and futile metaphor. Because the dragon,
the representative ofyang, lives in the water, he said, the sky, also belonging
to yang, must be able to move through water. 24
EXTENT OF THE UNIVERSE
Since the height of the sky was not an element of the hun t'ien: theory, the
idea of an infinite universe was possible. But Chang Heng, one ofthe greatest
astronomers of a~cientChina, refused to speculate on the extent of the uni-
verse. However, there were those who tried to estimate the size ofthe (finite)
celestial sphere. According to the Chin shu, the circumference of the celestial
sphere in the hun t'ien theory was, like that in the kai t'ien theory, equal to the
circumference of the sun's diurnal orbit at the equinoxes, or 1,071,000 Ii.
The figure is somewhat reasonable, because the equinoctial orbit is the mean
of the tropical zones. .
In the third century, Wang Fan.:E¥ revised this value, using the improved
circular constant 142/45, or 3.155.25 He obtained a circumference of 329,401,
122,221 +10/7,200,000 Ii. (The lack of appreciation of probable error is ap-
parent.) In spite ofhis beliefin a spherical sky, he made his armillary sphere in
the shape of a bird's egg, with the ecliptic longer than the equator. 26
28 Ho translation.
24 Alfred Forke, The world conception of the Chinese (London, 1925), p. 22.
25 A contemporary, Liu Hui ~Ufi, arrived at the more accurate value of 3.14159.
26 See the section on astronomical instruments in the treatise on astronomy of the Chin shu.
/
Cheng Hsuan ~j( (A.D. 127-200), best known as a classical scholar, also
tried to measure the size of the sky. His method utilized both the kai t'ien and
hun t'ien theories, indicating that he was unaware of their geometric incom-
patibility. He accepted the idea that the earth was flat and that Yang-ch'eng
was the center of the universe. Nevertheless, he assumed that the sky was
spherical and attempted to determine its circumference by the application
ofthe characteristic kai t'ien techniques of gnomon-shadow measurement and
triangulation. Figure 8 shows his method.
I
I
I
I
~ I I
o
o
II II
tfu~h
1.5 Ch'ih -+I ~ .
Yang .. ch'eng
Figure 8. An early effort to determine the size of the universe. Using an 8-ch'ih
gnomon, Cheng Hsuan measured the gnomon's shadow at summer solstice as 1.5
ch'ih. Accepting the assumption that the zenith is 80,000 Ii above the earth, he com-
puted the circumference of the heavens to be 513,687.68162 Ii.
Cheng took a shadow measurement at Yang-ch'eng on the occasion of the

summer solstice with an 8-ch'ih gnomon and obtained a shadow of 1.5 ch'ih.
With the assumption that Yang-ch'eng is the center of the universe, the sun
is always the same distance from it on the spherical sky. It is this radius that
Cheng calculated, but he did so by assuming that the zenith is 80,000 Ii
overhead. By application of the general Pythagorean theorem, which had
become available by this time, Cheng determined the radius. This figure
was then multiplied by a circular constant, and the circumference of the sky
was calculated to be 513,687.68162 li. 27
27 See n. 26, above.
The shadow of the midday sun is shortest at the summer solstice. There-
fore the extent ofthe sky as calculated in this case is also the shortest possible.
Cheng apparently did not consider other cases, which would have led to larger
values of the sky's circumference.
LACK OF A CONCEPT OF THE SPHERICITY OF THE EARTH
It is incorrect to assume that the egg model of the universe in the hun t'ien
theory implies a spherical (or spheroidal) earth. Acceptance of the armillary
sphere firmly established the spherical model of the sky, but construction of
terrestrial globes did not follow. In fact, the sphericity of the earth was gener-
ally not recognized, as the case ofCheng Hsuan shows. "The yolk of the egg"
suggested not the shape but the position of the earth.
During the Sui and T'ang periods, the correspondence hypothesis (I ts'un
to 1000 Ii) Jas questioned and tested by making careful measurements of the
sun's shadow at several sites on the same parallel, as nearly as possible, of
longitude. As a result, the 1000 Ii ofthe old hypothesis was reduced to 250 li. 28
In 724 Nan Kung-yueh ffl'gwt measured the distance corresponding to
I tu)jt (roughly I degree) ofearth latitude. 29 Choosin,g the flat pl~in in Honan
province for his observations, he measured the altitude of the North Pole
from several sites and the distances between them. He obtained a value of
351.80 Ii for I tu of meridian latitude. 3D
These painstaking surveying activities did not lead to postulations con-
cenling the shape of the earth. The Chinese were satisfied to obtain locally
valid values.
Other Cosmologic Theories

In addition to these two influential theories, there were other less enduring
ones. The hsuan yeh 'W15t: theory, equally ancient, was lost at an early date.
The term was explained by a Ch'ing scientist as meaning "[the fruit of] the'
labor of the night," indicating an empirical basis.
According to the description, possibly unreliable, of the later Han court
librarian Ch'ueh Meng ~M, quoted in the Chin shu, the hsuan yeh school pos-
28 Tung Tso-pin ]I[{1=Jt et aI., Chou-kung ts'e ching-t'ai tiao-ch'a pao-kao mJ1}mU~§~31t
¥~1!f (Report ofthe investigation ofthe Duke of Chou's tower for measurement of the shadow
of the sun; Ch'angsha, 1938), pp. 32-34; and n. 4, above.
29 There are 365 1;4 tu in a circle; 1 tu is about 0.98563 degrees.
30 Yabuuchi Kiyoshi til*JfFIf, Zuito rekihO shi no kenkyu m~~~5!:z1iff~ (Researches in
the history ofcalendrical science during the Sui and T'ang periods; Tokyo, 1944), pp. 33-34.
tulated a kind of"celestial anarchy." It claimed that the motion of heavenly

bodies does not follow any pre-established order and that heaven is infinitely
great. The sun, the moon, the planets, and all the stars float in empty space
without any ties whatsoever. 31 Unlike the tightly constructed schemes ofthe
kai t'ien and hun t'ien theories, the idea ofan earth-sky dualism was rejected and
a layer or orbit in infinite space was allowed for each planet. (The Buddhists
had a simila~ concept ofthe infinity ofspace, which is discussed in Chapter IS).
The hsuan yeh theory was not favored by subsequent astronomers and in fact
was considered unorthodox.
Three other cosmologic theories, each embodying some conceptual novelty,
appeared early in the Six Dynasties period of the third and fourth centuries
A.D. However, they shared the fate of the hsuan yeh theory and disappeared
before receiving mathematical or astronomical elaboration. 32 Their only
historical significance is the suggestion they give of the degree of intellectual
activity dunng this era.
The association ofthe armillary sphere with the development ofastronomi-
cal technique resulted in the firm establishment ofthe hun t'ien school. Cosmo-
logic controversy died out as astronomers lost interest arid came to occupy
themselves solely with routine observations and calendar-making. The later
dynastic histories repeated the cosmologic discussions ofthe Chin shu without
substantial change. The concern of astronomers was "exclusively calendrical
calculations and observations, in order to provide the people with the correct
time. Whether the hun t'ien or kai t'ien cosmology [is the true one] is no concern
of the astronomer."33
Despite the extensive foreign contacts made by the Chinese during the
T'ang and Yuan dynasties, a general lack ofinterest in cosmology prevented
Indian and Islamic theories from having much lasting influence.
Sung Neo-Confucian Cosmology

Beginning in the tenth century, the Neo-Confucian movement attempted
to revive the older classical Cop.fucianism by incorporating it in a systematic
philosophy. Old ideas about the origin, formation, and shape of the universe
31 See the section on the structure of the heavens in the Chin shu, Ho translation.
32 A good account of these ideas is given in Forke, The world conception, pp. 24-29.
33 "Li chih" Mit (Treatise on calendar-making) of the Hsin T'ang shu ~)!Hf (New stan-
dard history ofthe T'ang period), eds. Ou-yangHsiu Jt~1J1; and Sung Chi *iil~ (1060), quot-
ed in Yabuuchi, Zuit6 rekiM p. 6.
were re-examined~ and although the basic mathematical and astronomical
tenets were not disturbed, attempts were made to rationalize them. 34
The Neo-Confucians favored the hun t'ien theory. Chu Hsi (II31-
1200), the chieffigure of the sc~ool, argued that the kai t'ien theory could not
*,,,
explain how the sky kept in consonance with the earth. That his quasi-
mechanical model derived from the hun t'ien theory is apparent from the fol-
lowing oft-quoted statement:
The shape ofthe sky and earth is as if somebody joins two bowls with
water inside. So long as he constantly turns them aroundwith his hands,
the water remains inside and is not spilled, but no sooner does he stay his
hands for a moment than it runs out. 35
Chu Hsi's concept of the world was rooted in his materialistic cosmogony,
the origin ofwhich can be traced back at least as far as the Huai-nan tzu (Book
ofthe Prince ofHuai-nan; about 120 B.C.). This work is based on the behavior
of the cosmic protyle, ch'i *,,:
Heaven and earth were in the beginning nothing but the ch'i of yin
and yang. This single ch'i was in motion, turning around,and after the
turning had become very rapid, there was separated out a great quantity
of sediment. There being no way by which it could escape from within,
it coagulated and formed an earth in the center. The purest [elements]
of ch'i became the sky, the sun, the moon, and the stars. 36
The concepts of ch'i and its formal correlate Ii ~ had subtle and wide im-
plications in Chu Hsi's study of cosmic patterns. Ch'i and Ii can be roughly
compared to Aristoteli~.n material cause and formal cause.
Li is the metaphysical principle that permeates physical phenomena and
brings harmony and order, a kind ofself-regulatory equilibrium, to the uni-
verse. Ch'i is the purely physical protyle. Li also has the characteristics of
"essence": a specific Ii exists for every separate object and makes that object
what itis. 37 Yet Ii as such, like Aristotelian matter, is passive and cannot
create anything by itself. It is perceivable only in things. Ch'i ,unlike matter,
34 Forke, The world conception, p. 101.

35 "T'ien tu" 7(lt (Celestial measurement), in Chu-tzu ch'uan-chi *T3t~ (The complete
works of Master Chu Hsi), chaps. 49-50, quoted in Forke, The world conception, p. 102.
36 See Forke, The world conception, dillP-..49, also quoted in Needham, Science and Civilisa-
tion, vol. 2, p. 37.
37 See Fung Yu-lan, "The philosophy of Chu Hsi," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 7
(I), 10-22 (1942), and Needham, Science and Civilisation, vol. 2, p. 475.
is not passive and includes energy that brings about physical change. Hence
Ii does not playa concrete role in change and ch'i is actually the "efficient
cause" ofappearance. Still, Ii is a more worthy object ofstudy than ch'i because
it is "metaphysical" rather than "physical"-and has ethical and moral implica-
tions, whereas ch'i is morally neutra1. 38 We shall have occasion later on to ex-
plore this dichotomy further, as it dominated Japanese astronomical thought
in the first half of the Tokugawa period.
Chu Hsi goes on to state that the rotation of the sky keeps the earth in equi-
librium, just as the turning bowls do the water:
Thus the heaven moved unceasingly, turning round-day and night ...
Should heaven stop only one instant, the earth must fall apart. But the
gyration of the heaven was so fast that a great amount of sediment was
amassed in the middle. This sediment of the fluid is the earth. There-
fore it is said that the purer and lighter parts became heaven, the grosser
and more turbid, the earth. 39
~
The sky now is no longer a surface, but a whirling space of graduated

fluidity extending from the sphere of stars to the earth. The uppermost part
contains the purest ch'i and rotates most rapidly, whereas the ch'i nearer
the earth is more turbid and revolves more slowly. The starry sphere is purely
yang; the earth, purely yin, is at rest. The planets in between are partly yang
and partly yin. They turn with less speed than the starry sphere because they
are retarded by the yin influence that emanates from the earth. The sun is
more yang than the moon and therefore rotates more rapidly.40
Contrary to the usual view ofcontemporary astronomers, who claimed that
the star-bearing sky moves from east to wes.t, and the sun, moon, and planets
move from west to east against the stellar background, Chu Hsi regarded the
planetary system as moving in the same direction as the fixed stars, but more
slowly. Thus each day the firmament moves I tu 1!t more than a full revolution
of the sun. (A tu, the Chinese degree, is one day's mean solar motion, or
I/36SY4 of the equatorial circle). The moon moves 12 7/19 tu less than the
sun. Chu Hsi often accused calendar calculators, when they spoke of the
38 Yasuda Jiro *m=~~, "Shushi no sonzairon ni okeru (ri) no seishitsu ni tsui~e" *.y0)
ff{E~~;:.:tovt~r3lJO)11.jgH;:''0\'\L (The characteristics of Ii in Master Chu~s ontology),
Shinagaku 3Z:m~ (Sinology) 9, 629-630 (1939).
39 Forke, The world conception) p. 107.
40 Chang-tzu ch'iian-shu 51Ff~~ (The comprehensive treatise of Master Chang [Tsai
.D, with commentary of Chu Hsi (Shanghai, 1927), pp. 27-28. The basic idea alreadyap-
pears in Chang Heng, Ling hsien ~l§; (The spiritual constitution of the universe; circa 120):
"The nearer heaven is slower, the farther is faster." Forke, The world conception) pp. 123-124!
proper motions of the planets, of ignoring the natural motion merely for
convenience in calculation.
The revival of cosmology during the Sung period thus included a crude
mechanical interpretation. But the instigators of the revival were metaphy-
sicians. Their theoretical contributions were not utilized by astronomers
of the time. Nor, as the astronomical treatise of the Sung history shows, was
such learning incorporated into official theory.
In the West, until the time of Copernicus (1473-1543), cosmologic specula-
tion and practical astronomy were two virtually separate fields. Although
a succession of schemes of the cosmos were conceived by philosophers and
theologians descended from the Aristotelian tradition, practical astronomers
of the Ptolemaic heritage took schematic considerations more or less for gran-
ted. Their paramount concern was with accumulating observational data and
improving the precision of astronomical formulas and parameters. An anal-
ogous bifurcation was maintained in the East Asian tradition. 41
Cormology in Japan
Cosmology must have been transmitted to Japan early in the period of
Chinese cultural dominance. The Chou pi suan ching and the "T'ien-wen chih"
of the Chin history (which includes the most substantial discussion of early
Chinese cosmology) were required reading for Japanese students of astrono-
my. There was, however, no more interest in cosmology in Japan than in
China at that time, although it is recorded that a student taking the Japa-
nese state examination in 801 wrote a thesis on Chinese cosmology.42
The first references to Chinese cosmology after the period ofinitial cultural
contact appeared in the Rekirin mondo shu ~*r,Wg~ (Collection of dialogues
on the calendar; 1414) by the ~ourt astronomer Kamono Arikata ~a;tE:1J.
The treatise is devoted to hemerologic indications in the on'yo do tradition.
In the opening section, which dwells briefly on Chinese cosmology, Chu
Hsi's influence is overwhelming. 43
41 Nathan Sivin, "Cosmos and computation in early Chinese mathematical astronomy,"

T'oung Pao, forthcoming.
42 Yoshida Mitsukuni ~E81tfj) Nibon kagakusbi S *f4~)!:' (A history ofJapanese science;
Tokyo, 1955), p. 90
43 Gunsbo ruijii ~.~~ (Encyclopedic anthology), vol. 506. See the 1902 reprint, vol.
18, p. 2 8 9 . '
5 Astrology and the Occult Sciences
A COMPREHENSIVE COLLECTION of Japanese astronomical data compiled

by Kanda Shigeru jjj$ EB ~ shows that there was no systematic knowledge of
heavenly, phenomena in primitive Japan. The only event recorded before
A.D. 620 was a meteor shower that occurred in IS B.C. Even obvious phenome-
na like solar eclipses were unrecorded until A.D. 628. According to early
mythological narratives, stars were regarded as evil divinities. i ' This belief
was only animism, however, and the study of folklore and mythopoeic
traditions is not within the scope of this book. I define astrology as a body of
organized knowledge and treat it chiefly in its relation to scientific ideas.
There were two kinds of astrology practiced in Japan, court astrology and
individual fate calculation. China was the source of both types. Chinese as-
trology, at the time ofits importation into Japan in the eighth and ninth cen-
turies, was based on a variety of authorities. Indian and Western thought,
including some Babylonian or Hellenistic ideas, had been introduced through
Buddhist sutras translated into Chinese. Primitive native beliefs were also
present.
Court Astrology
PRACTICE IN CHINA
Chinese court astrology was strictly portent astrology2 used in the service
of rulers. It consisted first of observation of portents in the form of celestial,
1 Saito Tsutomu ~JJi.lb, OchOjidai no on'yo do =EijiJj~~O)~IJ~H:§ (Tin-yang art during the
OchO era; Tokyo, 1915), p. 76.
2 This is identical to what Otto Neugebauer has called "judicial astrology" as opposed to
"horoscopic astrology." See Neugebauer, "The history of ancient astronomy-problems
and methods," 'Journal of Near Eastern Studies 4,1-38 (1945), and A. Sachs, "Babylonian horo-*
ASTROLOGY AND THE OCCULT SCIENCES 45
meteorologic, and seismologic phenomena-running the gamut from super-
novae to planetary conjunctions to hailstorms to earthquakes-and then of
empirical correlation ofthese portents with happenings in human society that
. were relevant to the success of the imperi~l rule. The following example is
taken from the "T'ien-kuan shu" ~1fS: (Monograph on heavenly offices)
of the Shih chi ~~a (Records of the Grand Astrologer-Historian; circa 90
B.C.): "When Mercury appears in company with Venus to the east, and when
they are both red and shoot forth rays, then foreign kingdoms will be van-
quished and the soldiers of China will be victorious."3
From dynasty to dynasty portents were described and analyzed in relation
to terrestrial events in the "T'ien-wen chih" ~Y:.~ (Treatise on astrology)
ofthe Standard Histories. This voluminous and detailed coll~ction ofobserva-
tions extending over two millennia is even today proving of immense value
to seismologists,:ast,ronomers, and other scientists. 4
There must have been a strong impelling motive for such indefatigable
efforts. The Han shu liS: (History of the Former Han dynasty) gives a clue
to this motive by showing the tremendous significance ofcelestial phenomena
to the Chinese ruler. It quotes from an imperial edict: "When the prince of
men is not virtuous, a reproach appears in heaven or earth, and visitations and
prodigies happen frequently, in order to inform him that he is not governing
rightly. Our experience in governing has been [only] for a brief time, so that
[we] have not been correct in [our] acts, hence on [the day] wu-shen [Jan. 5,
29 B.C.] there was an eclipse of the sun and an earthquake. We are greatly
dismayed."s
According to the Chinese, a ruler's title to the throne was bestowed by
heaven. 6 He should be a virtuous man; ifhe was not, he was no longer qualified
*scope," 'Journal ofCuneifo1J~Studies 6 (2),51 (1952). There is, however, the historical usage of
defining "judicial astr6logy" as opposed to "natural astrology." In order to avoid confusion,
the term "portent astrology" will be used in place of"judicial astrology" throughout this work.
S Joseph Needham, Science and civilisation in China (Cambridge, England, 1959), vol. 3, p.
353· .
ancient Chinese, Japanese, and Korean sources. See Imoto Susumu **;ii
4 To cite one of many instances, statistics on meteor showers have been compiled from
and Hasegawa
*
Ichir6 :R:t:t)ll~~~, "Chiigoku, ChOsen oyobi Nihon no ryiiseiu kokiroku" 1=f~:iWJM:&ry
S ~ VfE~ f:ffltt~~ (Ancient records of Chinese, Korean, and Japanese meteor showers), Ka-
gakushi kenkyii f4~Jl:1iJF~ (Journal of history of science, Japan), no. 37, 7-15 (1956). An English
translation was published as "Historical records of meteor showers in China, Korea, and
Japan," Smithsonian Contributions to Astrophysics 2 (6), pp. 131 ff(Washington, 1958).
5 Homer H. Dubs (trans.), History ofthe Former Han dynasty (5 vols. projected; Baltimore,
1944- ), vol. 2, p. 382. Interpolations are Dubs's.
6 Yabuuchi Kiyoshi ~P9m, Shina no tenmongaku 310j:~~X)(~ (Chinese astronomy;
Tokyo, 1943), pp. 63-66.
to rule. Celestial portents were interpreted as warnings that he had trans-

gressed the will of heaven.
The ruler was thus extremely nervous about natural portents and "greatly
dismayed" by them. In order to detect celestial voices and to take some coun-
termeasure as quickly as possible, he appointed court astronomers and required
them to engage in assiduous sky-gazing. Astronomers supplied data for the
ruler's judgment and often helped him in political decisions. By so doing,
they enjoyed high positions in the court bureaucracy.7
In portent astrology there was no tight determinism, such as existed in
medieval horoscopic art in the West. There was always the possibility of
averting an impending disaster. This possibility produced great anxiety at
court and strengthened the position of the astrologer by giving him super-
natural power to aid the empire in a time ofcrisis. Sometimes Buddhist monks
were also called to the court to practice exorcism for the prevention of a pre-
dicted calamity. 8 They were supposed to have unusual spiritual capabilities
denied to laymen.
Three striking features ofChinese astrology were shared by ancient Babylo-
nian priest-astrology.9 The first is an empirical approach. Daily observation
of cosmic (celestial) phenomena was the foundation of portent astrology in
both cultures. In theory, at least, no ideologic or other dogmatic bias was
allowed to destroy impartiality. It is impossible to reconstruct completely the
foundations on which the interpretation ofportents was based, but it is clear
that these foundations were in the main deductively derived from cosmologic
principles.
Astrology in both Babylonia and China was official in character. The
clientele of astrologers was limited to the ruler and to members of his house-
hold. The interpretation of astrblogic data related to public, not private,
affairs. Materials and data were included in official records, and the head ofthe
astrologic profession was a royal adviser, a man of high rank. Under the chief
astrologer were a number of officials who on certain occasions gathered and
addressed the ruler. 10
7 Hans Bielenstein interpreted the records of portents in the early dynastic histories as
deliberately manipulated by officials in the capital as a means of criticizing rulers. See "An
interpretation of the portents in the Ts'ien-Han shu," Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern
Antiquities 22, 127-143 (1950).
8 Several instances are recorded in Azuma kagami :g.~~ (Mirror of the East; circa 1290),
in Zoku kokushi taikei .~§!:.**, vols. 4 and 5 (1902).
9 See Reginald Thompson, Reports of the magicians and astrologers of Nineveh and Babylon
(2 vols., London, 1900).
10 Morris ]astrow, Aspects ofreligious beliefand practice in Babylonia and Assyria (New York
and London, 191 I), p. 117.
Moreover, in both countries astrologic information was top secert because

of its relevance to national security. The position of astrologer was made
hereditary in Babylonia l1 and in Japan so that the office could be controlled.
In China, although the post was not hereditary, elements of secrecy were also
present, and astrologic knowledge, books, and tools were not freely available
outside the court.
On the basis of these three similarities, we may be tempted to postulate an
early interchange ofideas between the Near East and the Far East in the pre-
Christian period. This matter is a classic controversy among sinologists,12
not confined to astrologic topics, but extending also to astronomy and culture
in general. There are too many arguments on both sides to allow this question
to be settled at present. For instance, against the similarities cited above may
be poised considerable differences in the demarcation and naming of con-
stellations in the two areas.
PRACTICE IN JAPAN
The Japanese Yin-yang Board required that astrology students study five
Chinese works :13
(I) "T'ien-kuan shu" of the Shih chi.
(2) "T'ien-wen chih" of the ;Former Han history.
(3) "T'ien-wen chih" of the Chin (A.D. 265-420) history.
(4) San-se pu-tsan ::::f3r-t~ (Commentary on three star classics).14
(5) Han-yang t'ien-wen yao-chi Jl!lt~)f;R)(~~ (Collected essentials of
Han-yang's astrology).15
A brief comment on the first two, which are astrologic sections of official
dynastic histories, will suggest the nature ofthe Chinese astrologic teachings
that were endorsed by the Japanese Yin-yang Board.
In the "T'ien-kuan shu" an analogy was drawn between the celestial
realm and the imperial court. The characteristics and activities of the stars
were interpreted in relation to the imperial scene, constellations and stars
being considered analogous to governmental bureaus and their officials.
11 Thompson, Reports, vol. 2, p. xvi.

12 Shigeru Nakayama, "Japanese studies in the history of astronomy," 'Japanese Studies in
the History ofScience, no. 1, 14 (1962).
13 Shoku Nihong) • S **e. (Official history ofJapan continued; 797), chap. 20, in Kokushi
taikei, vol. 2 (1900).
14 This has been identified with various ancient astrologic treatises based upon star
catalogues such as those ofKan Te if~ and Shih Shen 15 $. See Needham, Science and Civilisa-
tion, vol. 3, p. 197.
15 This is listed in the bibli9graphic treatise ofthe T'ang official history, but is not extant.
Since the nature ofa fixed ;tar was not yet firmly established, displacement of
a star from its regular position required astrologic interpretation. Forecasting
was also based on the changing number of stars observable in a constellation
and on variation of stellar magnitude and scintillation.
/ Twenty-eight lunar mansions were associated with twelve ancient feudal
states. The movable celestial bodies that appeared in a mansion were thought
to exert influence upon the corresponding state. Although interpretations
were to a large extent based directly on past experience, they were structured
and modified to form a system by application ofconceptions which, congruent
with the general conceptions of Chinese natural philosophy, were largely a
priori. The five planets were related to the seasons, directions, and so forth,16
On this basis thepositions ofplanets against their background constellations,
their relative positions, and changes in their magnitudes were interpreted and
correlated with terrestrial events by highly rational speculation.
Portents other than stars and movable celestial bodies included eclipses,
comets, earthquakes, and sublunar meteorologic phenomena such as halos of
the sun and moon, thunder, lightning, meteorites, and "visitations of fire."
The "T'ien-kuan shu" ofthe Shih chi dealt only with the theory ofastrology.
It did not record actual phenomena or applications of theory to individual
cases, which were described elsewhere in the book, especialfy in the annals of
the emperors. However, the astrologic treatise ("T'ien-wen chih") of the
Former Han history not only repeated and extended the theory formulated
in the Shih chi, but also added numerous chronologic records of portents and
correlated them with terrestrial events. After the Chin history, portents were
simply recorded in chronologic order, with increasingly less correlation with
terrestrial events, from dynasty to dynasty until the Ming{ls68-I644).
As the textbook material suggests, heavenly portents were a source ofmajor
concern in Japan as well as in China. The ruler was extremely superstitious
about them. For example, in A.D. 721 the Empress Gensh6 5GIE was impressed
with a halo of the sun and said: "The appearance of the wind and clouds is
unusual. I have become most anxious, and cannot be tranquil day or night.
Consulting the old classics, I find that when the govern'an~e of a ruler is inad-
16 The correspondences between the planets and the elements are indicated in the follow-
ing table, arranged from the astrologic treatise of the Former Han history:
Planet Direction Season Element
Jupiter East Spring Wood
Mars South Summer .Fire
Venus West Autumn Metal
Mercury North Winter Water
Saturn Center End of summer Earth
equate, heaven and earth rebuke him by displaying signs of reprimand."

She wondered why her conduct had made heaven so uneasy, and court officials
were requested to present unreserved criticism ofher. 17
Qgite often an astrologer made a great sensation at court by foretelling
the effect ofcosmic occurrences upon forthcoming human events. For instance,
when a great earthquake occurred in 1179 the head of the Tin-ycmg Board,
Abe no Yasuchika *{.:g:~jl, hastened to the court and warned that the earth-
quake showed most unusual characteristics and would have grave conse-
I
quences. All ofthe courtiers turned pale, and the emperorhimselfwas seriously
frightened.1 8 Having such power over the emotions of the ruler, astrologers
were able to maintain their position as advisers indispensable to the state.
SUBJECTIVE AND OBJECTIVE ELEMENTS
There were two distinct aspects ofactivity in court astrology in Japan and
China: the first, objective description, and the second, subjective interpreta-
tion. Although celestial and terrestrial phenomena are the subject matter of
more or less objective description, thus providing data for scientific analysis,
their astrologic interpretations are arbitrary and involve many subjective and
dogmatic elements.
Scientific astronomy seeks objective regularity and periodicity, while only
irregular phenomena invite astrologic attention. As the recognition ofcelestial
periodicity is established, how and when are phenomena transferred from the
realm of astrology to that of mathematical astronomy?
We can classify natural portents into two classes, according to whether
their recurrence was known to be periodic. All sublunary (meteorologic)
portents, such as lightning, earthquakes, and meteors, were nonperiodic.
Since the periodicity of comets and of the magnitude of variable stars was
unknown in those days, they also were considered nonperiodic. The only way
to detect these random occurrences was constant observation. Their effect
on superstitious minds made them omens. They were regarded either as
unwelcome or as unusually auspicious signs.
The objective study of regularly recurrent, or periodic, phenomena was
identical with the subject today known as celestial mechanics. Material for
this study was limited, however, for many occurrences now recognized as
periodic were considered nonperiodic in early China and Japan. As irregular
17, Shoku Nihongi, chap. 8.

18 Heike monogatarif*~Mt (The tale of the Taira family; circa 1220), pt. 3, in Kokusbo
kankOkai sosbo ~.fUrr~:itl., vol. 1 (1905-1909).
happenings, they were given the political significance of portents by court

astrologers.
Gradually the observations of court astrologers proved the periodicity of
some phenomena previously considered nonperiodic. Solar eclipses were in
this category. As the regularity of these celestial events was established,
astrologers were deprived ofmaterial for subjective speculation, and the scien-
tific aspect of astronomy became paramount. However, this progress away
from the subjective was extremely slow. Even when heavenly occurrences
were proved predictable, superstitious interpretation continued.
Early Chinese and Japanese reactions to three phenomena-eclipses, comets,
and planetary motions-show how subjective and objective elements were
mixed, the subjective havIng greater impact at the time.
Eclipses. It is interesting that in the "T'ien-kuan shu" (Treatise on astrology)
of the Shih chi, lunar eclipses are described as periodic occurrences but solar
eclipses are not. Solar eclipses were therefore unfavorable omens, and lunar
eclipses were trivial from the astrologic point of view. Attempts to predict
solar eclipses, increasingly sophisticated as the level of mathematical astrono-
my rose, establish that Chinese scientists were willing to pursue the hypothe-
sis of periodicity. Since these attempts must have begun early, it would be
only natural to expect that the astrologic importance of eclipses of the sun
had been lost. 19 On the contrary, it was maintained to modern times. It is
true that observation of these phenomena provided an excellent method for
checking the accuracy of the calendar, but eclipses kept their astrologic
significance for quite other reasons.
·19 The following comment has been prepared by N. Sivin:

"Homer H. Dubs suggests, in "Solar eclipses during the Former Han period," Osiris 5,
518-519 (1938), that the earliest solar eclipse which was computed (by a simple linear inter-
val) but could not have been observed in Asia took place on 16 February of A.D. 26. This
remark must refer to the eclipse of Julian 6 February (J.D. 1730591), the correct Gregorian
equivalent ofwhich is 4 February,. not 16 February. The central annular eclipse of 6 February
was in fact visible in Asia, as Oppolzer and Ginzel, Spezieller Kanon der Sonnen- undMondfinster-
nisse (Berlin, 1899), pp. 30-31, assert. Dr. Nakayama has confirmed this by the method
Dubshimselfused-reca1culation using Oppolzer's elements as directed by P. V. Neugebauer
in Astronomische Chronologie (Berlin, 1929). He finds that at longitude II 5°E and latitude.
35°N, in the vicinity of the Royal Observatory at Yang-ch'eng 1lJJi~, the maximum phase
was 4.0/12 at 16 h 56 m, 16 minutes before sunset. It would of course have been still gerater .
for an observer further north.
"It is also untrue that this eclipse is recorded only in the Ku-chin chu tr 4-i±. It is cited at
the beginning of chapter 6 of the "Treatise on the five elements" in the History of the Later
Han dynasty (Hou Han shu chi chieh f~rl:l=~m. Wan yu wen k'u f.it1DtM! ed., p. 3777), where
it is noted that it "took place 8 tuin the mansion Wei," that is, at R.A. 22ih hrs approximately.
"While it is clear that an even moderately successful method for predicting solar eclipses
came late, the first attempts at prediction almost certainly predate the Ching-ch'u :lW calen-*
First, although the periodicity oflunar eclipses had been discovered before
the court ritual attained a fixed pattern, the periodicity of solar eclipses was
not accepted until after they had come to acquire a definite ritual significance.
Second, the prediction of solar eclipses required considerably more sophisti-
cated techniques than that of lunar eclipses. For this reason confirmation of
early attempts at prediction could not have been high. Inaccuracies were
attributed not necessarily to imperfections in scientific technique, but often
to the inherent indeterminacy of celestial motions 20 or to their susceptibility
to at least some control by human desires operating through ritual and magic.
InJapan, primitive attitudes survived into a late period. As was the practice
in T'ang China, for several centuries offices were closed on the day of a solar
eclipse. 21 In rr83, according to Genpei seisuiki ~f~~~a (The rise and fall of
the Minamoto and Taira clans), the army of the Minamoto fled, frightened
by a solar eclipse. Even though, as the writer commented, the soldiers had no
rational explanation for what was occurring, it is likely that even if they had
they would still have been frightened. 22
The extent to which the recognition ofperiodicity freed people's minds from
fear ofportents is doubtful. Nonoccurrence ofa predicted eclipse was regarded
by the emperor as the result ofexorcism, and those responsible were rewarded.
The courtiers, in turn, ascribed the nonappearance of a predicted eclipse to
the virtue of the emperor and made a custom of congratulating him at such
times. 23
A large proportion of the records of eclipses made by Japanese astrologers
must have been based on calculation rather than observation. 24 Of the' 576
*drical treatise of the period 226-239. By how long remains to be rigorously established. The
best account in a Western language of Chinese methods of eclipse prediction is given in K.
Yabuuti [Yabuuchi Kiyoshi], "Astronomical tables in China, from the Han to the T'ang
dynasties," Chugoku ehusei kagaku gijutsu shi flO kenkyu *~9=t1itf4~itvtlj~o>fiJf~ (Studies
in the history of science and technology in medieval China), ed. Yabuuchi Kiyoshi (Tokyo,
1943), English section, pp. 445-495."
20 Hsing-li ta-eh'uan 1tw.*~ (Collected works of philosophers of the Nco-Confucian
school), ed. Hu Kuang iiJ.lJJ( et al. (1415), vol. 27, p. 6.
21 "Giseirei" ff!lIlU~ (Regulations pertaining to the system of ceremonies) of the Taih6
code, quoted in Saito, OeM jidai, p. 86.
22 Genpei seisuiki ~f!l&~~~ (The rise and fall of the Minamoto and Taira clans), chap.
33. See Saito, OeM jidai, p. 88.
23 Nihon kiryaku B **,c.~ (Outline of the annals of Japan), under the twenty-fifth day of
the twelfth month, second year of the Jogen J{5G (A.D. 978) reign, in Kokushi taikei, vol. 5
(1900).
24 Suzuki Takanobu ~*lWcm, "Honpo kodai no nisshoku ni tsuite" *:mtlf\;iD B :~n~::. ":)
\" -C (On the ancient Japanese records of eclipses), Nihon tenmongakkai yoM B *::R5t~"~¥~
6 (4), 143-169 (194 1).
solar eclipses recorded before A.D. 1600, fewer than 20 percent were clearly
listed as having been observed. According to T. von Oppolzer's Canon der
Finsternisse (Vienna, 1850), only halfofthem were observable inJapan, and only
three-fourths of the lunar eclipses so recorded could have been seen there.
Why did astrologers report excessive numbers of eclipses, even though
their duty was to make accurate prognostications? The answer lies in the
consequences of the prediction. If the forecast failed, the relieved emperor
did not punish the astrologer, but regarded the nonoccurrence as a happy
omen. On the other hand, the emperor was painfully embarrassed by an un-
foreseen eclipse, for he was not prepared to ward off the disaster it foretold.
As a result, he might remove the astrologer from office or even execute him.
Small wonder that the astrologer considered an occasional unconfirmed
prediction to be merely good insurance.
Comets. There were no elaborate theories about comets in China. Needless
to say, their periodicity was not known. Some early writers ascribed them to
derangements of the yin and yang;25 others thought that because of their
broom-like shape they swept up contamination in the heavens. 26
In primitive Japan, just as stars were regarded as fearful gods,27 comets
were interpreted as the,worst portents of all. 28 The intensity of fear excited
by comets was much greater than in China. A study of a great number of
astrologic interpretations ofcomets gathered by Saito reveals that from about
the reign of Emperor Ichijo -{~ (986-101 I), interpretations became more
detailed and were less commonly based on Chinese texts. 29 In Kanda Shigeru's
/i1$E8l3t exhaustive collection of historical records there is an unusual abun-
dance of data on comets, including notes on some comets that were recorded
in neither China nor Europe. 3o
Tp provide countermeasures against the misfortunes that comets foretold,
25 For instance, Huai-nan-t'Zu ?t.m.:r
(Book of the Prince of Huai-nan; circa 120 B.C.).
See Needham, Science and Civilisation, vol. 3, pp. 430 fr.
26 Examples are the Tso-ehuan tcW (Tso-ch'iu Ming's tradition of interpretation of the
spring and autumn classic) and the treatise on astrology of the Chin history. The verb custom-
arily used in classical Chinese to describe the motion of a comet means, literally, "sweep."
27 Saito, OeM jidai, p. 76.
28 "According to my interpretation, comets are formed by derangements of the five
planets; therefore they produce unusually dangerous exhalations (ki W:)." Shodo kanmon mfili.fY;
3t (Memorials of specialists), chap. 45, in Gunsho ruiju ff:;:~:f:E. (Encyclopedic anthology),
vol. 26 (1898).
29 Saito, OeMjidai, pp. 81-96.
80 Kanda Shigeru jjj$EBa;, "Tenmon kansoku shi" ::R3tfiillU31: (a history of astronomical
observations), in Meiji 'Zen Nihon tenmongaku shi §Jj¥iiiW S *::R3t~3I: (A history of Japanese
astronomy before the Meiji era; Tokyo, 1960), pp. 447 fr; also Nihon tenmon shiryo S*::R3t31:
~ (T:ln::mt'!':t' :l!':trnnnmiC':ll rt'C'nrtl<::· 'r"!r",, T"?(C\
the emperor either called Buddhist monks to court to practice exorcism or '\
issued ordinances to prohibit the slaughtering of animals until the comet J
disappeared. 31 The Gukan shO ~fjffP (Miscellany of personal views of an
ignorant fool; 1220) tells us that Emperor Tsuchimikado ±1flVr~ abdicated
because of the unfavorable appearance of a comet.
Planetary motions. In ancient China, as evidenced by the "T'ien-kuan shu"
of th~ Shih chi, the positions of planets, particularly their meetings (con-
junctions, occulations, and apparent contiguities), also had remarkable as-
trologic significance. The Babylonian idea of geographical association was
paralleled in the identification of twelve divisions of the sky where meetings
could occur, with twelve states of the empire, so that the terrestrial location
affected by a celestial event was immediately specified.
On the other hand, the "Lli-li chih" 1$mf~ (Treatise on harmonics and
calendrical astronomy) of the Former Han history furnishes us with fairly
precise figures for the synodic periods of the five planets, reflecting the state
of knowledge at the end of the first century B.C. 32 Using these as a basis, the
Chinese proceeded to establish a Grand Conjunction period in which the
initial conditions of the sky, and thus of time, were to recur, and to adopt the
beginning of this great cycle as the epoch for computation of their ephe-
merides.
Gradual advances in knowledge of planetary motions were minor, and
did not reduce the importance of astrology any more than it was reduced by
scientific attempts to predict eclipses of the sun. Once cyclical behavior was
established, astral influence was simply considered to operate in regular
sequenqes. This idea was one of the basic factors that, in the Hellenistic
period iln the West, gave rise to the horoscopic art. It did not have the same
effect in China, as we note in the next section.
EMERGING CRITICISM
In Japan it was not until the Tokugawa period that outspoken criticism of
astrology appeared. At the same time, astrologic records became fewer
because as the calculation ofephemerides advanced, conjunction, occultation,
and other planetary phenomena were seen to be entirely predictable. 33
A seventeenth-century treatise says: "The ancients recorded solar eclipses 1\
31 Shoku Nihon kOki.13 *1~~ (A continuation of the supplementary records of Japan;

869), chap. 10, the twelfth month ofSh6wa :ic5f1J year 8, in Kokushi taikei, vol. 3 (1900).
32 Needham, Science and Civilisation, vol. 3, pp. 398 ff.
33 Kanda Shigeru, in Meiji zen Nihon tenmongaku shi, p. 447.
as unusual phenomena because their calendar-making was poor. Nowadays

an eclipse is looked upon as an ordinary happening, since it cannot deviate
from the inevitable course ofnature. We may be able to treat other phenomena
such as comets in the same way, but this must await further study."34 This
'-~ account is an interesting foresight because even in the West the recurrence of
comets was not demonstrated at the time.
The enlargement of geographical horizons through the introduction of
Western knowledge also caused the idea oflocal applicability ofportents to be
discredited. The "Kaii bendan" (A refutation of the theory of anomalies;
MS, 1714) states that "heaven is too vast to be monopolized by one country.
How is it reasonable to discuss the relation between the nature of portents
: and the fate ofone specific country when the phenomena are observable from
any part of the world? The theory of geographical association is nowadays
quite futile."35
The notions of astrology, however, were still accepted popularly. In partic-
ular, ancient classics on portent astrology were highly esteemed as textbooks
for military strategists. Even so notable an astronomer as Nishimura T6sato
gg;j:1~ll (?-1787) admitted the political utility of astrology, despite his
general disbeliefin it, on the ground that "the ruler's behavior is qdjusted to
what portent astrology tells him, and a faithful retainer remonstrates with his
lord under the pretext ofsigns in the heavens. Therefore astrology should not
be entirely abandoned."36
Fate Calculation
DOCTRIN AL DEVELOPMENT IN CHINA
There are two principles that throughout history were applied to Chinese
astrology, as well as to medicine, alchemy, and many other aspects of the
Chinese intellectual framework: the yin-yang and "five-elements" principles.
The yin-yang principle explained all phenomena in the universe in terms of a
fundamental dichotomy which corresponded to that of heaven and earth,
34 Iguchi Tsunenori * 1=1 ~iil!, Tenmon zukai 5'(Xliim (Astronomy illustrated, 5 vols.;
Osaka, 1689), vol. I, p. 4, in Nihon tetsugaku zensho B *'&~~. (Source· book in Japanese
philosophy), vol. 8 (1936).
35 Nishikawa Joken fl§JII~QJ!, "Kaii bendan" 1¥:~~t¥JT (A refutation of the theory of
anomalies; MS, 1714), vol. I, p. I.
36 "Nihon tenmonshi" B *5'(xit (A treatise on Japanese astrology; MS, 1781); "Fu, Sen-
koka no ben" ~#, d:if~*O)~ (Appendix on astrologers).
male and female, and so on. The five-elements principle was used to systema-
tize the relation of things by placing them in the constellation of natural
agents-wood, fire, earth, metal, and water.
The questions of when and how these principles came into being still chal-
lenge the historian. According to Kobayashi Nobuyuki's IJ\;ft~ff textual
study, they were first formulated and put together during the early Warring
States period (about the fourth century B.C.) and became established during
the Former Han dynasty (the second and-first centuries B.C.).37 _
From their inception, these principles were closely related to astronomical
and cosmologic thinking. In the "I-wen chih" .3t~ (Treatise on bibliog-
raphy) of the Han shu ~. (History of the Former Han dynasty) there is an
explanation ofthe function ofthe yin-yang art: "The yin-yang school originated
in the office of Hsi ~ and Ho 5f\J. Respectfully obedient to the course of the
great heavens, they trace the positions of the sun, moon, and stars, and
respectfully provide the people with determinations of time." This descrip-
tion gives precisely the function of the calendar-maker.
Thus the yin-yang dualism was apparently first ad0pted as the fundamental
principle of calendar-making. 38 Nevertheless, it did not remain a mere ra-
tionale of technique, but was elaborated into cosmologic theories based on
a celestial-terrestrial dichotomy,39 which in turn was one of the bases from
which the theory of individual fate calculation was deduced.
According to Kobayashi, the five-elements principle was not simply
derived from a knowledge of five planets. 4o This assertion is quite plausible
because earlier systems embodying different numbers ofelements are known.
In the recently discovered inscriptions of the Yin ~ dynasty (1400-1027
B.C.), for instance, a system of nine elements has been found. 41 But it is a fact
that five survived as the most fundamental number. The reason, Shinjo
Shinzo ~;IBX;~lii conjectured, may be that in about 360 B.C. it was first rec-
ognized that there are five, and only five, planets, and this belief presumably
37 Kobayashi Nobuyuki ,j',;fit{Bfi, ChugokujO,dai inyii gogyiishisii no kenkyt7 l=j:t~L..I::f\~~1ifi

,1i!.',~0)1iIf~
(A study of yin-yang and five-elements thought in ancient China; Tokyo, 1956),
PP·9- 1 3.
38 Kobayashi, Chugoku jiidai, pp. 54-55. For the passage cited from the Han shu, see Palace
ed., vol. 30, p. 23b.
39 Unlike the Aristotelian dichotomy, the heaven (yang)and the earth (yin) are not foreign
to each other, but the interaction between them explainsvarious phenomena in the universe.
40 Kobayashi, Chugoku jiidai, pp. 41-42.
41 Ch'en Meng-chia I!t~*, "Wu-hsing chih ch'i-yuan" 1ifizm~ (The origin of the
five-elements theory), Yen-ching hsueh-pao ~Ji(JJ':* (Yenching Journal of Chinese Studies
24,35; 193 8).
indicated the superiority ofthe number five over the others. 42 This discovery
may have influenced astrologic forecasting at an early date. 43
. The five-elements principle played an indispensable role in fate calculation.
It was combined in practice with the stem-branch (kan-chih =P 3Z:) ordinal cycle,
the sixty numbers of which were formed by successively pairing a decimal
with a duodecimal series of characters. Its elements may have originated as
early as the Yin dynasty, although use of the ten stems and twelve branches
to form sexagenary cycles for counting years took place in the Former Han
dynasty as part of the development of calendar-making. 44 The relation
between these symbols and fate calculation, however, is not found in any Han
dynasty book. The earliest known work in which it is alluded to was written
by Kuan Lu ~!/i6 in the Three Kingdoms period. 45
The notion of fate, ming iff, is also found very early in the history of Chinese
thought, just as in that of other peoples. The problem of fate was often dis-
cussed by scholars during the Han dynasty, when ch'an-wei ~~ thought was
developed. 46 Although the various elements of ch'an-wei appeared in the
Warring States period (403-221 B.C.), its close association with the calendar
was established during the Han period and developed thereafter. 47"
Despite the objections ofeminent scholars, this superstitious current grew
with the social disintegration of the Later Han and Three Kingdoms periods.
Some emperors favored it for their own advantage,48 but it also provided a
basis for subversive ideologies. For the most part'it was not considered or-
thodox and was often severely repressed by the government. Consequently
most ch'an-wei books ha~e not survived.
We must take care, however, not to confuse this Chinese art with the
~~::.eth!i~~al astrology of the Hellenistic tradition. Although the basic idea of
42 Shinj6 Shinzo ~:wUJT~, Toyo temnongaku sbi kenkyu *~::R)(~~1Pf~ (Researches in

the history of astronomy in the Far East; Tokyo, 1928), pp. 640-643.
43 See n. 16.
44 The use of the stems and branches is somewhat similar to that of dominical letters in
the Julian calendar.
45 Chao Wei-pang, "The Chinese science of fate calculation," Folklore Studies 5, 280-283
(1946). Chao places the possible origin offate calculation in the closing years of the Later
Han dynasty (end of the second century A.D.).
46 Chao, "The Chinese science of fate calculation," p. 28 I. "Cb'an" means prognostica-
tion by the use of spells or magic diagrams, and "wei" means exegesis of omens "concealed"
in the classics. The combined term covers a wide range of esoteric divination.
47 Sugimoto Tadashi f~*,'f" "Shin'isetsu no kigen oyobi hattatsu" ~t*wtlZ)~~:&lf~
~ (The origin and development of dian-wei thought), Shigaku ~~ 1],637-661(1934).
48 The Han dynasty usurper, Wang Mang ::E?f (who reigned A.D. 9-23), is the most
famous example.
foretelling the individual's fate was the same, the method employed in each
case was distinctly different. The Chinese art, from its outset, was not directly
concerned with celestial motions as Ptolemaic· astrology was. So far as the
state was concerned, the goal ofastronomy was the compilation of the official
calendar. Chinese astrologers relied heavily on calendrical indications rather
than directly upon astronomical computations or observations. Counting
cycles based on planetary periodicities could be replaced with much simpler
abstract cycles.
The stem-branch system was in this sense purely mathematical. Interpre-
tation depended upon a combination of the five elements (with their auxiliary
correlates, such as geographical directions and seasons) and the sexagenary
calendrical indexes of the year, month, day, and even hour of the individual's
birth. 49 The direct influence of celestial phenomena could be dealt with only
by complex and laborious calculation, as anyone acquainted with the writings
of Ptolemy is only too aware. If astrologic caleulations were to be drasticallyJ
simplified for widespread use in a culture where advanced mathematical
training was not common, the replacement of an intricate system of celestial \
periods by a simple numerical cycle is hardly to be wondered at. Thus Chinese I
fate calculation is not astrology in any literal sense, but an application ofcalen- I
drical, or time-numbering, elements to mundane personal affairs. '
Closely related to developments in calendrical science was the notion of
lucky and unlucky days. As early as the Han dynasty, hemerology was
practiced to determine the propitious moment for undertaking any act of
daily life. Illustrations and notes in the margins ofthe official calendar, printed
and distributed to the public after the tenth century, were widely used as
guides for scheduling personal conduct.
WESTERN INFLUENCES
The further development ofthe art offate calculation was a complex process.
It was augmented by}-'aoist elements, particularly during the Six Dynasties
period (third to sixth centuries A.D.) and probably reached its maximum
development in the T'ang,50 when Western cultural influence was prom-
inent. 51
Although portent astrology appears to have been widespread in early times,
49 Needham, Science and Civilisation, vol. 2, pp. 358-359.

50 See Li Hsu-chung ming-shu *m9=t1flJ~ (Book offate calculation of Li Hsu-chung; eighth
century). This is an example of purely Chinese fate calculation.
51 Needham, Science and Civilisation, vol. 2, pp. 358-359.
S8 EARLY IMPACT OF CHINESE ASTRONOMY
the horoscopic art is unique. There is no sign ofparallel developments outside

the Mediterranean area. Traces of horoscopic astrology in China come late
and are clearly transmitted through the contact of cultures.
The first translation of foreign astrologic knowledge was the Mo-teng-
ch'ieh ching .~{bn~ (ca. A.D. 230) of Chu Lli-yen 6tr$* and chih Ch'ien 3Z:~.
This work introduced an astrology based on the nak!atra, the twenty-eight
lunar mansions of India. There are in the Chinese version materials and con-
cepts (such as the week) ofIranian or even Babylonian origin not found in the
Sanskrit original, the Sardii!akar1Javadana siitra, which dates from before the
middle of the second century.52 All these influences played an increasing role
in the T'ang period~ when Sogdian astrology was especially popular, and
Iranian and Tantric Buddhist elements contributed to the elaboration and
spread ofhemerology.53 Also, a number of siitras translated at this time were
devoted to Indian methods of casting horoscopes.
THE TIN-TANG ART IN JAPAN
The importation of Chinese ideas. The Chinese art of divination was welcomed
by the Japanese court. Textbooks assigned to students of the yin-yang art
were as follows :54 .
(I) Chou i )Wj£ (popularly known as I-ching £~, The book of changes).
(2) Hsin chuan yin-yan shu ~m~I~HI (Newly compiled book of yin-yang
art).
(3) Huang-ti chin-kuei yii-heng-ching 'J{*~llf3~~~ (The yellow empe-
ror's golden casket canon of the jade balance).
(4) TFu-hsing ta-i :n.fi*~ (Fundamental principles of the five elements).
The I-ching, one of the most ancient Chinese classics, probably originated
as a collection of peasant omen interpretations. Although it incorporated a
mass of material used in divination, it was eventually elaborated into a com-
plex system of symbols and explanations that has no counterpart in any other
civilization.55
Japanese military strategists in warlike ages frequently used the I-ching
in making crucial decisions. In peacetime under the Tokugawa regime, the
book gradually lost its importance and became a handbook for unemployed
52 Zenba Makoto, ~tBlnrJ "Matoga kyo no tenmon rekisu ni tsuite" ~~1tJnmO)::R?X:M

Jg(~C"::>\'\L (On astronomical and calendrical problems in the Sardulakarnavadana sutra), in
TOyiigaku ronsii JI~:r$~IDfajl (1952), pp. 171-213.
53 Yabuuchi Kiyoshi, Shina no tenmongaku, p. 143.
54 See above, n. 13.
55 Needham, Science and Civilisation, vol. 2, p. 304.
samurai, who told individual fortunes. In fact, it is still the principal tool of
Japanese street-corner soothsayers.
Although the cosmologic teminology of the I-ching was widely used, the
work itselfwas so abstract that it was never brought into a functional relation
with astronomy. Consequently it could not in any way influence the technical
development of astronomical science.
Presumably the Wu-hsing t"a-i (circa A.D. 600) represents the highest achieve-
ment of Chinese natural philosophy. Its author, Hsiao Chi _-=ir, epitomiz-
ing preceding works such as the Huai-nim tzu rlm T (The book of the Prince
of Huai-nan) and the writings of Cheng Hsuan I)$:, combined the five-
elements principle and explanations ofvarious human and natural phenomena
into a system. Although he included many ingredients of ch'an-wei thought,
he concerned himself only occasionally with fate calculation.
Again in this work, the correlation between celestial and terrestrial events
is expressed only metaphorically. Although there is more concern with scien-
tific matters and less with fate calculation or other kinds of prognostication
than in other books of the same type (for example, the Huang-ti chin-kuei
yii-heng-ching), the method employed is highly metaphysical.
Many other kinds of divination not represented in these works were prac-
ticed in China, as shown in the treatises on bibliography of the dynastic
histories. Most of them were unknown to the Japanese,56 perhaps because
they were not available via official routes.
Buddhist influence (sukuyo do). Besides official intercourse with the Chinese
court, there was anot'her way for astrologic ideas to enter Japan. Buddhist
monks returning from study in China introduced elements of Indian
astrology. Buddhism, the overwhelming intellectual discipline of ancient and
medieval Japan, emphasized contemplation and rejected the phenomenal
world as illusory. Physical theory and scientific institutions were outside its
scope. The Buddhists were concerned with astronomy only as one of the
peripheral features of the Indian cultural tradition that had been transmitted /
as an incidental part of their theology (see Chapter IS).
The Indian art of fate calculation, however, was unquestionably horoscopic
astrology for individual use, as opposed to the traditional Chinese portent
astrology. In this one respect, we may link Japanese astrology with the legacy
of Hellenism. The fatalistic tendencies of Buddhism and its emphasis on spiri-
tual enlightenment for the individual were certainly compatible with geneth-
56 Saito, oeM jidai, p. 153.

Figure 9 (aJ. The earliest known Japanese horoscope, for the year III2, copied in
about the eighteenth century. (Available at the Zushoryo Library, Tokyo.)
liacal astrology, 57 while Confucian concern for social and political institutions
provided the ideologic basis for portent judicial astrology.
The Japanese school ofIndian astrology was called sukuyo do mllffH~ (the art
of the lunar mansions and planets), as· distinguished from the yin-yang art
(on'yo do). Its canqn was the Hsiu-yao ching mlll~ (The canon of mansions and
planets), a work translated from an Indian language by Amoghavajra (Pu-
k'ung ~~) in 759. Although the basic ideas of horoscopic fate calculation
57 Miscellaneous data on Buddhist astrology are gathered in Morita Ryusen ~m~~~,
Mikkyo senseiho m~J:!:i£l:* (Astrology in Tantric Buddhism, 2 vols.; K6yasan, 1941).
Figure 9 (b). The second earliest known Japanese horoscope, for the year 1269.
The innermost circle represents the twelve directions marked out by the Chinese
"branch" cycle. The next circle represents the twelve signs ofthe zodiac; their associa-
tions with seven luminaries as illustrated in Ptolemy's Teirabiblos are also indicated.
The third circle contains the twenty-eight lunar mansions. The fourth circle indicates
the positions of the nine luminaries (the sun, the moon, the five planets, and the
two Indian pseudo-planetary nodes of the moon, Rahu and Ketu) at the time of birth.
The outermost circle is the twelve houses. The most strikingly apparent difference
between Japanese and Western horoscopes lies in their shapes. Japanese nativities
are arranged in a circle, while those of the West (Indian as well as Arabic) are in-
variably square or rectangular. (The original copy is in the Shiryo Hensansho of
Tokyo University.)
were set forth explicitly, the main indexes it employed were the twenty-eight
(or twenty-seven) lunar mansions (nak~atra) and the week rather than the
zodiac,58 thus revealing Indian rather than Greek influence.
, The Hsiu-yao ching was a sketchy treatise, however, giving only a rough idea
of the horoscopic arts. A more detailed account, the Ch'i-yao jang-tsai-chueh
-I::;1Ii.~~ (Formulas for avoiding calamities according to the seven lu-
minaries; ninth century), was also available. This work gave planetary ephe-
merides since A.D. 794 and could be used for actually casting horoscopes. It
displayed a noticeable trend toward hemerology in that although the early
part of the treatise was devoted to explication of the pure horoscopic art, the
latter tended to rely on calendrical indexes rather than on planetary ob-
servations.
There is one extant work, Sukuyo unmei kanroku mlli:l!!ilJm~ (A record of
fate prognostication based on the mansions and planets), which consists of a
horoscope cast in II 12 (see Figure 9) and its interpretation. In addition to
treatises of Indian origin such as the ones described above, it quoted fragments
of the Tu-li-yii-ssu ching 1~5fU$;ltJT~ (translated into Chinese about 800),
which was based on Hellenistic zodiacal astrology without reference to the
Indian naksatras. 59
As in Western horoscopic astrology, the point of departure for sukuyo do
was the moment of birth of the individual. Each part of the human body was
said to be influenced by a particular constellation. In order to determine the
position of the sun, the moon, and the five planets, practitioners (sukuyo shi
mlliffilj) consulted the Fu-t'ien Ii ffxff#}, an unofficial calendar compiled
between 780 and 783 in China.Jt was recently proved that the Fu-t'ien calendar
was brought to Japan in 957 by a Buddhist monk. So far we have found that
two extant Japanese horoscopes, OfIII2 and 1269 (see Figure 9) respectively,
were calculated by the Fu-t'ien method. 6o
Although practitioners quoted these works, there is virtually no record that
they also observed the courses of heavenly bodies for the purpose of casting
horoscopes. This art, therefore, did not help in stimulating astronomical
activities but was merely absorbed into the underworld of Chinese divination
practices.
58 Yabuuchi Kiyoshi, Cbugoku cbusei kagaku gijutsu sbi tlO kenkyu (Studies in the history of
science and technology in medieval China; Tokyo, 1963), pp. 175-176.
59 Yabuuchi, Cbugoku cbusei, pp. 169-172.
60 Momo Hiroyuki, :&5:ftH'J "Futenreki ni tsuite" ~::RJf:H:."::>\"L (On the Fu-t'ien ca-
lendrical treatise), Kagakusbi kenkyu, n, 118-119 (1964). See also Shigeru Nakayama, "Charac- ,
teristics of Chinese astrology," Isis 57, 450 if (1966).
ASTROLOGY AND THE OCCULT SCIENCES
Indigenous elements (on'yo do). We cannot overlook Japanese religious ideas

and elements of popular Taoism, which were integrated with other elements
of Chinese and Buddhist thought. Equally as important as the Chinese I-ching
and the Indian Hsiu-yao ching was a Japanese work on the art of divination
called the Hoki naiden it1tI*JVJ (Ritual implement), traditionally attributed to
Abe no Seimei :t(fflllWgij, a legendary giant of on'yo do ~~m. 61 It was a typical
on'yo do work, dealing mainly with hemerology, including Shinto, Buddhist,
and possibly Taoist elements, but less theoretically elaborate than Chinese
works like the Wu-hsing ta-i.
The Chinese yin-yang and five-elements principles were expounded inJapan
only among specialists at the court. The Japanese general public probably
found this natural philosophy difficult to comprehend. Thus, purely Japanese
aspects of the practice of fate calculation were developed in the form of a
popular yin-yang art, on'yo do. It had neither a simple core of principles nor a
consistent system, but was a set of superstitious beliefs derived from various
origins. Different writings of the court nobles show that both their public
and private lives were strictly conditioned by the taboos of on'yo do. The
application of fate calculation attracted the people, not the theory itself. 62
Conclusion
Neither portent astrology nor fate calculation as practiced in China and
Japan led to objective study of the heavens. It is true that portent astrology
depended upon constant observation and provided a vast accumulation of
empirical data on celestial portents for modern scientific examination. 63
However, its purpose was the discovery and interpretation of anomalies in
nature, whereas modern astronomy aims primarily at the discovery of regu-
larities in nature. Their goals are diametrically opposite.
Although the casting of individual horoscopes in the West might, because
of the necessity of tracing the planetary positions at the birth date, have
contributed to or at least been related to astronomical observation and
computation, Chinese and Japanese fate calculation had no direct interrela-
61 According to Imoto Susumu, this treatise was written by Abe no Seimei and later ex-
panded, presumably by Buddhist monks of the Shingon.ii;~ sect-"Hoki naiden kin'u gyokuto
shu seiritsu no kenkyii." .1li*JjlJ4:.~.:E:%~nX;.ftO)TiJf~ (A study on the formation of the
Hoki naiden), Kagakushi kenkyu, no. 13, 41-44 (1950).
62 Saito, OeM jidai, p. 36.
63 See above, n. 4. It is well known among contemporary astronomers that the nova of
1054, now identified with the Crab Nebula, was recorded in China and Japan but not in
Europe.
tionship with astronomical science. Fate calculation depended upon the study
of the five elements and calendrical indexes (for example, the stems ,and
branches), not, as in the West, upon observation or calculation of the posi-
tions of the heavenly bodies.
Thus, the assertion that astrology is a harbinger or concomitant ofscientific
astronomy is very dubious in the case of China and Japan, just as Otto Neu-
gebauer showed it to be doubtful in the case of Babylonian astronomy.64
It is questionable to what extent the Japanese were able to assimilate the
real content of the comparatively advanced Chinese science and to what
extent they could comprehend its technical details and understand their
merits. The yin-yanf; art, although it seems to have adhered to a set offunda-
mental principles, was a loosely structured set of techniques operating in the
field of everyday human affairs. It was this utilitarian and anthropocentric
feature of Chinese astrology in which the pre-Tokugawa Japanese were
mainly interested.
64 Neugebauer, "The history of ancient astronomy."

6 The Introduction of Chinese
Calendrical Science
THE ART OF CALENDAR CALCULATION was China's most genuine contribu-

tion to exact science. According to available records, prior to the Tokugawa
period the Japanese made no original contributions to calendrical science. \I
They relied on practices borrowed from China.
Frequency of Calendar Reform

Figure 10, which gives the dates of the reforms of civil calendars in China
and Japan, 'indicates their great number. In two thousand years there were
more than fifty revisions of the Chinese calendar, whereas there was only one /
major reform-the Gregorian-in the West. Why were the Chinese so pre-
occupied with the calendar that they were driven to such long-continued
efforts? Two major reasons are apparent.
(1) As mentioned in the preceding chapter, the idea prevailed among the
Chinese that a ruler received his mandate from heaven. Therefore, after
important changes of reign and always after changes of dynasty in the early
period, the new emperor was prompted to reform every institution-es-
pecially the official calendar-in order to confirm' the establishment of the
new order, the new disposition of celestial influen~es, that a new mandate
implied.
This idea was well founded by the Han period. The Han emperor Wu :lEt1if
(who reigned 140-87 B.C.) was advised by his councillors that he should at
once revise the calendar and change the color of ceremonial vestments, in
order to make it clear that his rule was based on a true mandate'! The result
. 1 "Lti li chih" $Jffit (Treatise on harmonics and calendar-making), Han shu ~. (History
of the Former Han dynasty). Earlier changes had been made by the founder of the Han
dynasty. See Homer H. Dubs (trans.), History of the Former Han dynasty (5 vols. projected;
Baltimore, 1944-), vol. I, p. IS0.
Dynasty Date China Japan Date Calendar Period Date
Former
Han B.C.
A.D.
Later 100
Han
200
Clan
period
300
Six
Dynasties -400
445 - - - - ,,
,,
500
,,
Sui , - - - - 604? Yuon-chio 600
665 - - - - 6921 [-feng Asuka
729 ,~ ~
700
T'ang 762
822
======-", ',---- 764 To-yen
Nara
800
'" ':.':.. 858 Wu-chi Heian
862 Hsuon- 900
Five Dynasties ming
-1000
Fujiwara
-1100
Sung
1200
- - - Shou- Kamakura
Yuan shih - - - -1300
-1400
Ashikaga
Ming -1500
1600
1685 Jokyo
Tokugawa- 1700
1755 Horyoku
Ch'ing 1798 Konsei -1800
1843 Tenp6
1872 Gregorian Meiji -1900
Figure 10. The frequency of and correspondences between calendar reforms in China
and Japan.
was the imperial edict by which the T'ai-ch'u::kW calendar was adopted. 2
The importance of the calendar to the political order endowed calendrical
study with such prestige that the history ofChinese astronomy is, for the most
2 Yabuuchi Kiyoshi fii73m, "Ry6kan rek~h6 k6" mTlJffl*~ (A study of calendrical sci~
ence during the Former and Later Han), TOM gakuM, Kyoto Jlt1Jlj':~Ji(1!f~ (Journal of Ori-
ental Study) 11, 330 (1940); and Zuito rekiM sbi flO kenkyu nJ~Jffl*3I:.z1iJf~ (Researches in
the history of calendrical science during the Sui and T'ang periods; Tokyo, 1944), p. I.
INTRODUCTION OF CHINESE CALENDRICAL SCIENCE
part, the history of calendar calculation. Scientific cosmology was set aside
and forgotten (see Chapter 4).
Gradually, however, the political importance of calendar reform dwindled.
Although some rulers initiated reform to proclaim a new order and thus gain
popular support, the classic identification of calendar revision with change of
dynasty was largely lost by the time of the Northern Wei (fifth century) and
succeeding northern dynasties.
(2) By the T'ang dynasty, the motive for calendar reform had become sim-
ply to correct disagreements of the calendar with observed celestial phenom-
ena. Hence reforms were carried out whenever a small error was found. 3
This accounts for the frequent revisions shown in Figure 10. Chinese calendar-
makers were not satisfied with providing a conventional calendar, in which
the courses ofthe sun and moon were reconciled, for civil use. They tried also
to include the anomalistic motions of the sun and moon and the periodic
motions of the five planets in a comprehensive ephemeris. The Chinese term
Ii ~ corresponds to ephemeris or astronomical treatise, and not to calendar in
the narrow sense.
Despite early recognition that a single perpetually valid calendar was
impossible, 4 calendar calculators never tired of proposing revisions. After the vJ
T'ang period, for instance, they frequently revised the calendar because of
failure to predict an eclipse. s The incentive for their ind(£atigable desire to
conform to the apparent celestial order must ultimately be attributed to a
philosophical acceptance of the phenomena of the material sky as the most
authentic reality. It was because of this orientation that calendar-making
maintained its status as an important integral part of Chinese science and
learningfor such a long time.
The Nature ofthe Chinese Calendar

The Chinese calendar, from early times until its replacement by the Gre-
gorian calendar in the twentieth century, was a typicallunisolar calendar.
Successive attempts to produce an improved system for reconciling two fun-
damentally incommensurable periods-tJ1e tropical year and the synodic
month-were made from dynasty to dynasty in China, just as they were
made in classical times in Greece and Babylonia.
3 Yabuuchi Kiyoshi, "T6s6 rekihO shi" F.!f*fflJi'.t3!: (The history of calendrical science
during the T'ang and Sung dynasties),TiihO gakuhO Kyoto 13,491-493 (194 2 ).
4 Chia Kuei .~ (A.D. 30-101) in the Hou Han shu 1&rJ;~ (History of the Later Han
dynasty), chap. 12.
5 Yabuuchi, Zuitii rekihO shi 110 kenkyu, p. 22.
The length of a synodic month varies between 29.0 and 30.1 days. The
Chinese lunisolar calendar provided for "short" months of 29 days and
"long" months of 30 days. Calendar-makers attempted to arrange short and
long months so that the~2QJ1~.s_.conjun~tio?would take place on the first
day of every month. Prior to the T'ang period a mean synodic month of
approximately 29.5306 days was used for this purpose. Shortly before the
T'ang period, however, it was suggested that anomalistic motions of the sun
and moon be taken into consideration in calendar-making. Liu Ch'o ~1jA1,
who died between 605 and 616, used the term "ting shuo" JEgl)j (true synodic
month) as opposed to the older concept of fling shuo fgl)j (mean synodic
month).6 During the T'ang period the true synodic month was applied in the
Wu-yin iXJit: calendar in order to attain better agreement with the actual
phases of the moon and for convenience in eclipse prediction.
Besides the notation of lunar months, the Chinese had an independent
system of solar intervals for indicating seasonal changes, the most important
phenomena in the regulation of agriculture. The tropical year was divided
into twelve equal intervals of time called ch'i *\. The middle 'point of each
ch'i interval was called its ch'i-center (chung-ch'i $*\). The synodic month
was always slightly shorter than a ch'i interval, and thus a ch'i-center did not
occur in certain months. Such months were designated as intercalary months,
an~ in this way the sequence of synodic months was reconciled with the .
seasons of the tropical year.
Liu Ch'o made the first recorded distinction between true (ting-ch'i JE*\)
and mean (p'ing-ch'i f*\) ch'i intervals. The latter is one-twelfth of a
tropical year, ~s indicated above. The former is the period of time required
for the sun to move through a given 3o-degree arc of the ecliptic and therefore
varies In length in accordance with anomalistic movement. The true ch'i was
not, however, actually applied until the Shih-hsien Ir.f;@; calendar of theCh'ing
period.
We do not find in Chinese calendrical theory any tendency toward a con-
ceptual scheme or a mechanistic model of the sort that characterized the clas-
sical European developmeht ofmathematical astronomy. The Chinese method
was almost always arithmetical and algebraic rather than geometric. Unlike
Ptolemaic astronomy, Chinese astronomy showed no concern for projection
in space; for all purposes of measurement, heaven was two-dimensional.
Because the Chinese limited themselves to tracing apparent celestial orbits,
6 See Yabuuchi, Zuito rekihii sbi no kenkyu, p. 15.

INTRODUCTION OF CHINESE CALENDRICAL SCIENCE
they made no schematic innovations despite their continuous accumulation

of data. Chinese astronomy never went beyond an algebraic treatment of
what might today be called spherical astronomy.7
The Purpose ofthe Chinese Calendar

The difference of purpose between calendar-making in the West and in
in China is clear. The Western calendar aimed at schematic convenience for
civil and religious purposes. Thus Lilius, in the Gregorian calendar reform,
reduced the amount of observation and computation so as to provide an
artificial system independent of astronomical tables, and indeed of any link
with actual celestial phenomena. The Western calendar was not even intended
to tally with astronomical observation.
The Chinese calendar, on the other hand, disregarded civil convenience.
Daily life was never affected by small errors in the calendar s~ch as those due
to the anomalistic actions ofthe sun and moon. The astronomical attainments
of the Chinese calendar were far beyond the concerns of the common people.
All that. was essential for the regulation of agriculture was the twelve solar
ch'i intervals.
The calendar was always closely linked with celestial phenomena, since
the goal of the calendar-makers was to represent faithfully the movements
ofthe heavenly bodies. Most ofthe many reforms ofthe calendar were merely
minor corrections, and some of these actually made matters worse. By and
large, however, the tendency was toward constant improvement. The
Ta-yen )drr calendar ofI-hsing ~fj in the T'ang period and particularly the
Shou-shih ~~ calendar of Kuo Shou~ching l~~i!c in the Yuan period are
outstanding achievements of Chinese exact science.
JAPANESE ADOPTION OF THE CHINESE CALENDAR
Early Japanese calendars were simply borrowed from China. The date of
Japanese adoption of the Tuan-chia 5G:Mf calendar, the first one borrowed, is
unclear. The earliest record of official adoption is found in the Nihon shoki
(Chronicle of Japan; A.D. 720), which contains the following entry: 'In
the eleventh month of the fourth year of the reign of Empress Jito ~it#C, in
compliance with an imperial order, the Tuan-chit/, calendar and the I-feng
.}II.calendar were begun. 8
7 See Yabuuchi, Zuito rekihO shi no kenkyu, p. 4., and Nathan Sivin, "Cosmos and computa-
tion," T'onugPao, forthcoming, appendix c.
8 William George Aston (trans.), Nihong), chronicles of Japan (London, 1896), p. 400.
Since it is inconceivable that two different calendrical systems were

adopted at one time, there was considerable later debate on this question of
chronology among astronomers and Shintoist scholars. 9 A comparison of the
stem-branch cyclic indexes and the intercalation that appeared in the ancient
chronicle with those of the two calendars has led to a possible solution of this
problem. The work of Kozawa Masakata IJ\~IE!@: (flourished about 1800),
which takes earlier discussions into account, indicates the following: 1o
CALENDAR DATES OF OFFICIAL USE
Yuan-chia 604-691
Yuan-chia and I-feng 11 692-697
I-feng 69 8-76 3
Figure 10 shows a distinct time lag between Chinese calendar reforms and
Japanese adoption of the revisions. The Ta-yen calendar was brought to Japan
by Kibi no Makibi -a1ifiH.ifm on his return from China in 735. It was actually
adopted in 764.12 The TFu-chi :n:*c
calendar was brought to Japan in 780.
In the following year an imperial edict was issued to announce a new calendar
based on it, but only in 858 was it actually adopted,13 Even after the imperial
edict adopting the JFu-chi calendar was issued, "no one had ever studied it,
so the task of calendar reform would have been interrupted [if it were used] ;
therefore calendar dates were still computed following the Ta-yen calendar."14
Thus the time necessary for a calendar to reach Japan and be adopted and
understoo? prevented Japan from using a calendar as up-to-date as the Chi-
nese.
9 Examples are Shibukawa Harumi iiliEJII~m, "Nihon choreki" 13 *-fitM (A comprehen-

sive chronology ofJapan; 1677); Abe Yasukuni *{.g:~*,~, "Rekiha shinsho" M$~. (New
treatise on calendrical science; 1754;) Hirata Atsutane fB31$)iL, TenchO mukyu reki :R!im~~
M (A perpetual calendar of the imperial court; 1837), in Hirata Atsutane zensbu fB31$)iL~~
(Complete works of Hirata Atsutane), vol. II (191 I). Nada ChGryo's il~B3}i!;',~Rekigaku
sbi ron M"'§!:~ (A study of the history of calendar-making; Tokyo, 1948) includes a good
account of this controversy. See pp. 128-135.
10 "Genka reki so" 5G&M1j![ (A treatise on the Yuan-cbia 5G& calendar; 1800), chap. 7;
quoted in Noda, Rekigaku sbi ron, p. 13 I.
11 Presumably the Yuan-cbia calendar was used for determination of the new moon and
the I-feng filii. calendar for the prediction of eclipses. Imai Itaru ~*1l, "Naracho zengo no
rekijitsu" ~&ijl)liW1&O)M13 (Calendars around the Nara period), Kagakusbi kenkyu f4"'§!:
1iJf1t: (Journal of the history of science, Japan), no. 40,36 (1956).
12 sboku Nibongi.13 **e. (Official history ofJapan continued; 797), chaps. 12 and 24, in
Kokusbi taikei ~§!:**, vol. 2 (1900).
13 Mo1Jtoku jitsuroku )(~"j!fc (Veritable records of Emperor Montoku's reign; 879),
chap. 8, in Kokusbi taikei, vol. 3 (1900).
14 Sandaijitsuroku =:~"j!fc (Veritable records of the three reigns; 901), chap. 5, in Kokusbi
taikei, vol. 4 (1900).
INTRODUCTION OF CHINESE CALENDRICAL SCIENCE 71
Although the Japanese relied entirely on Chinese calendars, they showed
some interest on their own in calendrical problems. Debates were held on
the prediction of eclipses, the arrangement of 29-and 30-day months, and the
coincidence of winter solstices with lunar conjunctions (which had a cere-
monial importance and began certain astronomical cycles).15 Buddhist monks
were especially active in attacking and casting suspicion on the court as-
tronomers.
However, the Japanese did not revise their calendar as often as the Chinese.
Some political motivation over and abov~ a desire to correct technical defects
in the calendar may have been needed before decisions to revise it were made.
Perhaps natural calamities, epidemics, and other omens were the main
V
stimuli for calendar revision. 16
After the adoption of the Hsuan-ming '§'!m calendar in 862, a long period
of indifference to calendar reform ensued in Japan, due partly to loss of con-
tact with Chinese court astronomy and partly to lack of specialists with the
necessary skills. Although a proposal for calendar revision was recorded
after this time, it was never effected. The inadequacy of the Hsuan-ming
calendar became evident in the course of time. Its value for the tropical
year (365.2446 days) was far enough from the true value (365.2422 days)
that, after more than eight hundred years of continuous use of the calendar,
the discrepancy amounted to almost two days. The difference in geograph-
ical longitude between China and Japan was also ignored in predicting
eclipses. Nevertheless, the calendar was left untouched, while in China revi-
sions continued to be made.
Further indication of Japanese lack of interst in the calendar was their
limited use of astronomical tools. In T'ang China gnomons and water clocks
were used extensively for astronomical purposes,17 but in Japan water clockk
were probably used only for timekeeping. They were not employed as
I
1
check on the calendar, nor were they used in combination with celestial
observations to record the movements of the heavenly bodies. The gnomon
was brought to the Japanese court in 736,18 but records of its use before the
Tokugawa period are scant. These timekeeping instruments were kept in the
15 Araki Toshima m*~.~, Nihon rekigaku shi gaisetsu S *~~J1:.m'tIDt (Outline' of the
history of calendar-making in Japan; Kyoto, 1943), p. 5.
16 Instances are gathered in Koji ruien ti*~7If (Source book of ancient matters), "H6-
gibu" :1JtHffi (Volume on technical specialists; Tokyo, 1909), pp. 363-368.
17 Elaborate Chinese astronomical clockworks are described in Joseph Needham, Wang
Ling, and Derek J. de S. Price, Heavenly clockwork (Cambridge, England, 1960).
18 Shoku Nihongi, chaps. 12 and 24.
hands of the government for its exclusive use. If a private individual made
use of them he was condemned to pen1.1 servitude for a year. 19
Moreover, the Japanese did not go further in the theoretical work of cal-
endar-making than to interpret the works available to them. "They were
satisfied with studying books. They did not observe and examine the move-
ment of celestial bodies. Neither could they comprehend the theoretical
basis of the calendar."20
In 757 the following texts were assigned to the students of calendar-
making: 21
(I) "Lu-li chih" 1$1I~ (Treatise on harmonics and calendrical astronomy)
of the Han dynastic history.
(2) "Lu Ii chih" of the Chin history.
(3) Chiu-chang suan-shu :fL:t!.& (nine chapters on the mathematical art).
(4) Chou pi suan ching mJ".~ (The arithmetical classic of the Chou
gnomon).
(5) Liu-chang A:t! (The six chapters).
(6) Ting-t'ien lun lE~~ (On the "true heaven" [?]).
All of these books are quite advanced examples of genuine Chinese science.
The first two are treatises on calendar calculation. The third and fourth
are the most important classics in the fields of mathematics and cosmology
respectively-analogous to, but hardly on the level of, Euclid's Elements and
Ptolemy's Almagest. The Chou pi suan ching is also the canonical authority of
the Chou pi school of cosmology, discussed in Chapter 4. The fifth and sixth
books are no longer extant. The Liu-chang is not listed in any Chinese
bibliography, but it is known that it served as a textbook for mathematics
students in Korea. 22 The Ting-t'ien lun is known only as a work on cosmology.
How thoroughly these achievements of Chinese science were mastered by
Japanese students is questionable. It is likely that their interest was focused
on the determination of auspicious and inauspicious days, rather than on
construction of the ephemerides. In the period of decline of astronomical
institutions, which closely corresponds to the hiatus in calendar reform, the
deterioration of the art of calendar calculation was obvio'us. The proposal for
19 Ritsuso $WR (Outline of the legal code), "Shokusei" ~mu (The governmental staff
system). Quoted in Koji ruien, p. 284.
20 Harumi sensei jikki *mJ'[;~.~ (Veritable records of Shibukawa Harumi), reprinted
in Nihon kyoikushi shiryo E *tJc1f~~~ (Materials for the history of education in Japan;
Tokyo, 1892). vol. 9, p. 491. '
21 Shoku Nihongi, chap. 20.
22 Fujiwara Matsusaburo iJiJJJt~=~~, Nihon sugakushi yo E *1tJ!}':~~ (Essentials of the
history ofJapanese mathematics; Tokyo, 1952), pp. 16-19.
INTRODUCTION OF CHINESE CALENDRICAL SCIENCE 73
*
adoption of either the Korean (Silla) calendar or the Sung calendar in 1048
was not approved. 23 In the meantime the authority of professors of calendar-
making and ofthe court astronomers was eclipsed. Adherents of the Buddhist
sukuyo do school, with the aid of the Fu-t'ien calendar, challenged and com-
peted with the court calendar calculators in predicting eclipses. 24 Still later,
court mathematicians joined in this competition. 25 The decline in the au-
thority of the official calendar led to an outflow of unauthorized rural calen-
dars, primarily for superstitious use.
23 Ojima Sekiyu ~~~7A, "Honpo tenmon rekido no enkaku" *;J:B:x3tMjiO)r;}:i!fL

(A history of astronomy and calendar-making in Japan), Koko ruisan tifir~. (Antiquarian
repository) 7, 10 (1903).
24 The Sung scholar Wang Ying-lin ±Ii!M has noted that the Fu-t'ien calendrical treatise
was based on Indian astronomical methods, but no further details were known until very
recently. We have lately discovered a fragmentary manuscript copy of the solar table of the
Fu-t'ien calendar in the Tenri :xw. Library. By analysing it; I have shown that it employed a
parabolic function for expressing the solar equation of center. This expression resembles
neither Indian trigonometric functions as translated in the Chiu-ehih fL~ ("Nine upholders,"
Navagraha) calendrical treatise (718) nor the complicated Chinese interpolation formulas
of the period. It is reported that the Fu-t'ien calendar was brought from the west of China.
A similar expression was employed for the same purpose in the Uigur calendar, as reported
in Islamic sources. The Fu-t'ien calendar chronologically precedes this Uigur calendar, sug-
gesting a unique contribution of Central Asian astronomy. See Nakayama Shigeru 4tWZ!t,
"Futenreki no tenmongakushi teki ichi" r-t:x~0):xX¥¥: ~i¥J{ftmt (The significance of the
Fu-t'ien Ii on the history of astronomy), Kagakushi kenkyii f4¥¥:~1iff~, no. 71,120-122 (1964).
See also Shigeru Nakayama, "Characteristics of Chinese astrology," Isis 57, 442-454 (1966).
25 Saito Tsutomu, 7f~RIJ GeMjidai no on'yo do ±JiY3~~O)~~ji (Yin-yang art during the
OchO era; Tokyo, 1915), pp. 108-1I0.
7 Analysis of Chinese and Buddhist Influences
DURING THE PERIOD with which we have dealt in this part, Japanese astron-
omy was almost entirely under Chinese influence, specifically that of Chi-
nese court astronomical practice.
One may say with certainty that in China genuinescience took form during
the Han period. Its basic ideas and characteristic approaches were crystal-
lized at that time. In succeeding periods, astronomy was developed in the
established pattern, until it reached maturity in the Sui and T'ang periods.
Chinese institutions were closely copied in Japan, to the exclusion, it seems,
of creative innovation. Although the Chinese organization was highly sys-
tematic-nothing comparable was to be found in the rest of the world at the
time-this very systematization may have served largely to forestall the
emergence of new lines of thought.
Calendar-making was, in its approach, closer to modern science than any
other Chinese art. Despite its empirical, quantitative basis, however, it was
inherently limited by its lack of concern with conceptual schemes. During
the Han and Six Dynasties periods cosmologic discussions often took place,
but they were discontinued soon after. By the T'ang period the Chinese were
no lorger interested in this speculative pursuiL Their scientific goal was to
trace the apparent positions of the heavenly bodies and to obtain the closest
possible agreement between celestial movements and the lunisolar calendar,
with the aid of algebraic, not geometric, tools.
Minor discrepancies between the calendar and celestial phenomena resulted
in amazingly frequent calendar revisions. Whereas the Western calendar
emphasized schematic convenience for civil and religious use, Chinese
calendars became much more complicated than their practical applications
warranted. A sharp separation of scientific astronomy and civil calendar-
making did not take place.
ANALYSIS OF CHINESE AND BUDDHIST INFLUENCES 75
The Japanese borrowed the successive calendrical systems of China and

put them to official use. Apparently, however, they did not attain sufficient
proficiency in the theory and technique of calendar-making to compile their
own treatises. They tended to concentrate on pseudosciences that promised)
more immediate applicability, such as astrology, fate calculation, and div- !
I
ination.
The method of fate calculation developed by the Japanese also obviated
objective observation of the heavens. It was based on Chinese genethliacal
astrology, which, unlike portent astrology, was not closely integrated with
actual celestial movements and was elaborated without reference to them.
Thus it did not encourage the study of astronomy, as Ptolemaic astrology
would have.
. After two centuries of dependence on Chinese thought, Japan lost contact
with China. Only merchants and Buddhist monks maintained communi-
cation with the mainland. At the same time, Japan fell victim to internal
social disintegration, and Japanese court institutions, generally speaking,
became corrupt. The calendar remained untouched for nearly eight centuries, (
despite the necessity for, and the tradition of, frequent revisions of the /
Chinese calendrical system.
Although the Chinese influence on Japanese astronomy was primary, and
astronomical work was done mainly in secular institutions at the court, Bud-
dhist thought also had an impact on scientific activity. TheJapanese adoption
of Chinese culture took place during a period when Buddhism was flourishing.
Enjoying the sponsorship of the Japanese court, Buddhism spread easily into
Japan and came to dominate the intellectual climate.
The original and essential doctrine ofBuddhism is that all earthly existence
is suffering. The only means ofrelease from suffering is renunciation ofworldly
desire. The vanity of life and the uncertainty of worldly phenomena neces-
sitate a contemplative approach to the world, in which human conduct is
significant but nature is subjective and valid only as a setting for human
conduct-taken into account simply because it happens to be there. There-
fore, it is logically and psychologically impossible for Buddhists to face the
material sky with any attitude but indifference.
The pursuit of astrology and calendar-making by Japanese Buddhists,
then, stemmed not from original Buddhist practice, but from forms in which
later Indian ideas were intermixed. Buddhism in its homeland, India, absorbed
a jumble of vulgar practices in its later phase (from the eighth century on)
and, degenerating into Tantrism, came to resemble Hinduism. The combina-
tion of religious emotion directed toward supernatural authority and the

longing for hasty fulfillment of worldly desire tended to encourage magical
practices. ,
During the T'ang period, this decayed version of Buddhism was imported
into China and thence into Japan,where it was embraced by the sect of
Shingon Mikkyo ~ § ~~. ("profound teaching of the true word"). Worldly
blessings such as health, good harvests, and prosperity were thought to be
the reward of those who worshipped Buddhist deities. This philosophy
was compatible with the native Shinto belief, and the gorgeous rituals and
o
mystery of the Shingon sect made it attractive, especially in court circles.

It was into this intellectual climate that Buddhist astrologers entered.
So long as a sharp distinction between other-worldly and secular orientation,
contemplation and a direct approach to the physical universe, was maintained,
Buddhism remained indifferent to natural science. But the confusion of these
polarities, and emphasis on the supernatural, often led to pseudoscience.
It is doubtful that this odd admixture ofideas could lead to the development
ofa sound view ofphysical nature, especially because the Shingon sect, while
it emphasized worldly enlightenment, still considered the world of nature
inferior and even sinfu1. 1
Although Buddhism prevailed in Japan, Taoism was never formally ac-
cepted there. It did not greatly influence astronomy, which remained a copy
of Chinese official astronomy with added Indian elements. Popular Taoist
thought crept in only in the form of magical superstition and divination.
All in all, the evidence indicates the failure of Chinese astronomy to take
root in Japan as a creative activity before the sixteenth century. The institu-
tional nature of Chinese learning and the predominance of Buddhism were
factors inhibiting disinterested inquiry into the physical world. Social disorder
and internal warfare also restricted the study of astronomy.
It should be noted that the vicissitudes of astronomical science· in this
early period are not an index of the over-all level of cultural and intellectual
activity oftheJapanese. Astronomy was only a rather humble subject brought
in as a minor part of Confucian officialdom and it therefore shared in the de-
cline of Chinese institutions.
1 'jujushin ron -t{±'L\~ (On the ten spiritual stages; n.d.), reprinted in KobO daishi zcnshu
:JL1**ffiIj~~ (Collected works of Kiikai ~m; Tokyo and Kyoto, 1910), vol. I, pp. 125 fr.
Part II
The early impact of
the west: from the late
Sixteenth Century to
the Early Eighteenth
Century
8 ·lesuit Influence
THE IMPACT OF THE WEST finally began to make itselffelt on the isolated
islands ofJapan in about 1543,1 the year in which Copernicus' De revolutionibus
and Vesalius' De humani corporis fabrica were published. Of direct significance
to the history of Japanese astronomy was the Jesuit mission that came to
Japan from Spain and Portugal at this time.
A long period of civil warfare between feudal lords was approaching its
end. Firearms, introduced by shipwrecked Portuguese, quickly spread
throughout the country in an era when superior weapons were of decisive
importance. In 1603 Tokugawa Ieyasu ~J1I*m took the title of "Shogun"
~. ("Generalissimo") and by 1615, after a long struggle, his family succeed-
ed in imposing its authority upon all its feudal rivals. They took every pos-
sible measure to perpetuate their centralized regime. The emperor sat power-
less at Kyoto, holding only nominal authority, while far-reaching changes
occurred. The way oflife ofthe feudallords, samurai (warriors), and all other)
classes was prescribed.by law. Social status was made hereditary. Although
the shogunate was able to maintain continuous peace, it was purchased at
the price of political freedom and social mobility.
The government was secular. Although Buddhism was officially patronized,
it had .lost its i.ntellectu.al vitality and Neo-Confucian philosophy became the
r
et1iical basis of the new regime. Members of the samurai class, which com-
prised about 5 percent of the population, gathered in the towns of the feudal
lords. In this era of relative peace they found ample time for learning and
became the intelligentsia of the day.
The scientific activities of the missionaries)n Japan have never been care-
fully investigated and described as have those in China. 2 Scholars who have
1 A Portuguese source places the date at 1542. However, according to a Japanese source,
the Teppoki ~~~a, written between 1648 and 1651, the year is 1543. See C.R. Boxer, The
Christian ~entury in 'Japan, 1549-1650 (Berkeley, 1951), P.27.
80 EARLY IMPACT OF THE WEST
'}
studied the reports of such missionaries to China as Matteo Ricci and Johann
Adam Schall von Bell tend to project their picture of seventeenth-century
Chinese science onto that of Japan in the corresponding period and often
conjecture that Japanese science also was substantially affected by the early
icontributions of the]esuits. However, circumstances in the two countries

differed greatly.
The Japanese government in the beginning of the seventeenth century,
believing that any disturbance from the outside world would endanger its
regime, strictly prohibited the diffusion ofthe Christian religion and Western
learning in general-for a time, in fact, banning foreign books. The teachings
ofthe missionaries in Japan thus were nearly eradicated. From an evaluation of
the influence ofthe scientific teachings that did endure, we can draw a general
picture of the availability of Western astronomical theory and techniques in
Japan before the middle of the eighteenth centruy. Specific topics, such as
cosmology, are discussed in some detail in later chapters.
Jesuit Activities
Beginning in 1549, when St. Francis Xavier landed on the southwest shore
of Japan-several years after Japan's first direct contact with the West-
Christian evangelism marched into Japan, reaching its prime between 1574
and 1612. 3 Despite barriers of language and cultural background, the Chris-
tian teachings ofthe Jesuits were received with enthusiasm i11. some Japanese
jquarters. This receptivity to Renaissance Christianity may be explainable in
terms of its essential compatibility with the decentralized militaristic and
feudal social organization ofJapan at that time.
Of the various techniques bequeathed by the Jesuits to Japanese, the sur-
gical arts became well established, surviving even during the period of Chris-
tian persecution. Western astronomy also made some impression on the
tJapanese. Xavier reported to the vicar-general, Ignatius Loyola:
2 Recently, an effort to fill this historical blank was made by Ebizawa Arimichi m~~
*Jill, Nanban gakuto no ken.~yu i¥Jm¥ififtO)1iJf~ (A study of the tradition of Western learning
iin Japan; Tokyo, 1958). This work emphasizes the importance of the Jesuit movement in
)Japanese intellectual history, with the first half completely devoted to Jesuit contributions
to Japanese astronomy.
3 According to D. Schilling, Das Schulwesen der Jtsuiten, 1551-1614 (Munster, 193 I), Jesuit
evangelism in Japan may be divided into the following periods: (a) formation (1549-1574);
(b) highest achievement (I 574-1612); and (c) systematic suppression (161 3-1650). Schilling's
book has been translated into Japanese by Okamoto Yoshitomo 1li1J*~~1l as Nihon ni okeru
Tasokai no gakkO seido El*~~:J:ovt~Jf~~*O)¥ttllJUJ.t (Tokyo, 1943).
JESUIT INFLUENCE 81
Priests who intend to come to Japan must be well prepared with learn-
ing in order to meet the countless questions about which the Japanese
are eagerly curious. First of all, they are to be competent philosophers
[that is, physicists as well as metaphysicists]. It will further be desirable
for them to be well trained in 4ialectic, so as to be capable ofpointing
out the contradictions to which the Japanese are prone in their dis-
cussions. Furthermore, they will be at an advantage if they are well
acquainted with cosmic phenomena, because the Japanese are enthu-
siastic about listening to explanations of planetary motions, solar
eclipses, and the waxing and waning of the moon ... All explanations
of natural phenomena greatly engage that people's minds. 4
In Xavier's letters instances are reported of the conversion of Japanese

intellectuals to Christianity primarily because of their acknowledgment of
the superiority of Western astronomy. This pattern also occurred with many
of Matteo Ricci's followers in China. It would, however, be an exaggeration
to say that the Jesuits contributed as much to Japanese astronomy as Ricci
and his successors did to Chinese astronomy. The Jesuits in China generally
took a flexible, and sometimes conciliatory, attitude toward the existing
social order. They attempted to gain converts indirectly by impressing the
elite classes with their superior knowledge of astronomy, then exploiting
these groups to bring about wholesale conversions. This practice was in
contrast to that of other orders in China (for example, the Dominicans and
Franciscans), who concentrated on preaching to the masses and were less
interested in working through existing institutions. According to the Jesuit
view, this approach might be adequate in poor and backward regions, but it
could not succeed in a highly civilized state like China. (\
The missionaries in Japan did not have the benefit of such enlightened
technique, since they started somewhat earlier than Ricci and Michael Rug-
gerius, who began their work in China in 1583. The mission to Japan became
deeply involved in the political turmoil ofcivil warfare, and their efforts neces-
sarily focused on evangelism rather than on gradual intellectual proselytism.
The Jesuits attempted to found seminaries and colleges in which the Japan-
ese could be trained, but the courses ofinstruction in these institutions dealt
primarily with language. The Jesuits also introduced Western-style movable
type to facilitate dissemination of their teachings. It is interesting that there
4 The quotation, taken from a letter written from Goa by St. Francis Xavier on January
29, 1552 (Epistolae S. F. Xaverii, vol. 2, p. 373), is here retranslated from a Japanese translation.
are no genuine scientific treatises among the works printed under missionary
direction; more than half of them deal directly with Christian practice,
liturgy, and doctrine. 5
In 1579 the newly-arrived Alexander Valignano tried to organize a college
in Japan to train me~mbers of the Jesuit order. Francisco Cabral, the vice-
provincial, opposed him on the basis ofa firm belief-"founded on experience"
-that "the Japanese, being notoriously haughty and of an overweening
spirit, and ofan excellent wit, would, ifcultivated by the study ofall sciences,
human and divine, quickly abuse them, and soon come to despise Europeans."
Cabral therefore instructed his Japanese students only enough so that they
could hold the lowest posts in the service of the mission. 6 Cabral's attitude,
by and large, was shared by his fellow missionaries. 7 In spite of Valignano's
consistent effort to found institutions of higher educations in Japan, he was
further hindered by the political upheavals and persecutions that occurred
soon after his arrival. Under these circumstances no systematic introduction
of Western astronomy could be attempted.
The Policy ofSeclusion

From the late sixteenth century onward, the Japanese government was
suspicious of the Christians. Eventually it forbade any belief in Christianity
and took steps to expel the Portuguese and Spanish missionaries from the
country. After 1638 the Chinese and Dutch were the only foreigners allowed
to reside in Japan, and they were restricted to the city of Nagasaki for the
pursuit of trade. This political action was paralleled by restrictions on the
import of certain Chinese books, which included all works on Christianity
and all works by Christian authors. These restrictions so seriously affected
the course ofJapanese astronomy that it is worthwhile to examine the regula-
tions and the manner in which they were enforced.
WESTERN BOOKS
Contrary to what might be supposed, the government never took legal ac-
I
tion against the importation of Western books. In early seventeenth-century
Japan the fraction of the population that could read Western books was
5 K6da Shigetomo :$ EB rtx;:!Y:., NichiO kOtsu shi S lMV\3t§j~ (A history of intercourse between
Japan and Europe; Tokyo, 1942), p. 140.
6 James Murdoch, A history of 1apan (Kobe, 1903), vol. 2, p. 114.
7 Arima Seiho 1f.~nltffi, "Seigaku to Rangaku" gsJJ': t OOJJ': (Western learning and Dutch
learning), Rangaku Shiryo Kenkyukai kenkyu hOkoku OOJJ':~*41iJf~fni}f~¥IH~f (Reports of the
society of Dutch sources in Japan), no. 30 (May 17, 1958).
JESUIT INFLUENCE
insignificant compared to the fraction that could read Chinese books. There
were undoubtedly certain individuals who had a scanty reading knowledge of
Western books; some had been instructed in missionary schools, and others
had learned while engaged in the practical business of trading. Still, the prohi-
bition of Christianity, the departure offoreign missionaries from the country,
and the limitations on foreign trade left no opportunity for the ordinary intel-
lectual to receive instruction in European languages. The small amount of I
knowledge acquired in the early period was not transmitted to later geQ.era-
tions and gradually disappeared.
The only exception was the group of official interpreters at Nagasak~"
Because of their professional function, they were officially permitted to stud
European languages. 8 They later played an important role in the introductio
of Western learning (see Chapter 13).
Books in Western languages were by no means a profitable commodity
in the eyes of European traders. It must be remembered that the main object
of these merchants was not trade between Europe and Japan, but trade be-
tween other East Asian regions and Japan. Unless introduced for evangelistic
purposes, Western bo?ks were shipped to Japan only by chance. Dutch trad-
ers were well aware of the Japanese government's policy concerning Chris-
tianity a1).d took appropriate precautions. According to. the official journal
of the Dutch trading company at Nagasaki, "no printed matter except that
concerning medicine, surgery, and navigation should be brought intoJapan. 9"
CHINESE WO RKS
It is generally acknowledged that the Tokugawa government's censorship

began in 1630. According to Kondo Seisai (Morishige) ili:§IE~ (~m)
(1771-1829): "Since 1630, thirty-two items written by Matteo Ricci and other
Europeans, and all books concerning the evil Christian religion, had been put
on the list of prohibited works, but those which only mention the evil re-
ligion and customs of the Europeans in passing were permitted to be traded
without expurgation."10
8 It is said that toward the close of the seventeenth century, when the ban was most 1
rigidly enforced, even the interpreters were not at all proficient. Around this time the
Portuguese language was gradually replaced in commerce by Dutch.
9 Dejima Rankan nisshi 1±l1¥h M!I1l El tt (Journal ofDutch residence in Dejima), Japanese trans-
lation, reprint ed. (Tokyo, 1938-1939), vol. I, p. 157. This entry is dated October 3 I, 1641.
10 Kondo Seisai, (Morishige) Kosho koji tEf:Br!I* (chap. 74 of his posthumous works),
reprinted in Kondo Seisai zenshu lli:jfIEJf~~ (Complete works of Kondo Seisai; Tokyo,
1906), voL 3, p. 215; see also Ito Tasaburo {jt*~=:~~, "Kinsho no kenkyii" ~:BO)Wf~
(A study of banned books), Rekishi chiri ~Je.:i1!!31 (History and geography) 68, 325 (1936).
EARLY IMPACT OF THE WEST
It seems that Matteo Ricci, in the eyes of the government censors, was a
most dangerous character. Any work by him, or associated with his name,
was barred whether it concerned Christian tenets or not. It is well known
that Ricci and his Jesuit successors in China made no major attempt to
convert the general populace. Instead, they poured their energies into demon-
strating their own learning, particularly in the field ofastronomy, to educated
Chinese. Their knowledge was eventually embodied in a series of books,
written in the Chinese language, on Western science. It is unfortunate from
the point of view of subsequent development of Japanese science that the
edict of prohibition was issued so soon after publication of these works
began. 11
The first target of censorship was the so-called ((Ricci corpus," the T'ien-
hsueh ch'u han ::R~1.JJ1iI (The first collection on learning of the heavens 12), of
which one half ("Li pien" IJ.i1I [On theory]) is primarily devoted to elucida-
tion of Christian tenets, and the other half ("Ch'i pien" ~i1I [On utility])
consists mainly of scientific works.
The "Ch'i pien" comprises eleven works written between 1607 and 1632
by Ricci, SabatinQ de Ursis, Emmanuel Diaz, Christopher Clavius, and Hsu
Kuang-ch'i 1*1G~ and Li Chih-tsao *z~, both pupils of Ricci. Subjects
treated are astronomical theory (two works, one of which also discusses
calendar calculation), instrumental techniques of astronomy (five works),
geometry (two works), mathematics (one work, which includes European
and Chinese approaches), and hydrography (one work). The most famous of
these works is the Ricci-Hsu translation of the first six chapters of Euclid's
Elements .13
All of these publications undoubtedly would have been useful in the
( development ofJapanese astronomy. Yet the government had categorically
\ forbidden the importation of all books connected with the Jesuits. On the
1 other hand, any number of works of purely Chinese ori gin in which astronom-
ical and calendrical writings

I
were included could be freely imported. Thus,
the Shou-shih Ii ~~~ (The Shou-shih calendrical treatise; 128o) by Kuo Shou-
ching l~~1IDc (1231-1316), brought in as a part of the history of the Yuan
dynasty, was eagerly studied by many Japanese astronomers and mathemati-
11 Ricci's map of the world influenced the Japanese conception of world geography. See
Ayuzawa Shintaro j~~{~:*~~, Nihon bunka shi jii ni okeru Ri Mato no sekai chizu S *)({I:)!::1:
vc:tovt 7.:> tUJ.~.O)i!tJf.:l:tQi'I (Matteo Ricci's world map and the cultural history of Japan),
ed. 2 (Tokyo, 1944).
12 Preserved in the Research Institute for Humanistic Studies of Kyoto University.
13 Kondo, Kosho koji, vol. 3, PP. 219-22)~ Ito. "Kinsho no kenkvii." nassim.
JESUIT INFL UENCE 85
cians from the seventeenth century on. The T'ien-ching huo-wen 7(~alGrR5
(Qgeries on the classics of heaven), although not an important work in thj
history of Chinese astronomy, slipped in soon after its public.ation in 167.5
and provided many Japanese with a sketch of Western cosmology.1 4
More stringent prohibitions followed. In 1685 the discovery of a forbidden
Jesuit book in the port of Nagasaki stiffened the government's attitude. It
blacklisted not only books ofJesuit origin, but all those containing the slight-
est indirect reference to the Jesuits, such as casual mention of the names of
missionaries or their works. The government seems to have barred many
suspect books without revealing their titles to the public.
During this period, whenever a Chinese boat anchored at Nagasaki it was
quarantined and all books aboard were sealed in a warehouse pending inspec-
tion by censorial officers. When the censoring process began, the books were
taken out of storage and carefully examined. The contents were reported to
the customs office, the reports then passing through the magistrate of Naga-
saki to the central government at Edo, the shogunal capital. Government
officials checked the reports and ordered certain books to be shipped to the
capital. These were added to the government library, where very little use
was ever made of them. Most books not sent to Edo were given to private
book-traders. Prohibited publications were sometimes burned and objec-
tionable passages often blotted out with ink. Chinese shippers who carelessly
brought these books in were punished by suspensioljl of their licenses. i5
Although the controls were complete, there are a few recorded instances of
private possession of prohibited books, some imported before promulgation
of the prohibition decree. Generally, however, such forbidden fruit was con-
fined to very select groups and circulated secretly in manuscript form. i6
Effects of the Seclusion Policy

New prospects for the spread of Western knowledge did not emerge until
the reign of the eighth shogun, Yoshimune 8*, who in 1720 relaxed the \
interdict upon Western learning to the extent of permitting the importation)
of foreign books so long as they did not propagate Christianity. This meant
14 See Chapter 9. Its sequel was not allowed to come into Japan.
15 Nakamura Kiyozo r:pif1{%~=::, "Edo bakufu no kinsho seisaku" rrp.JffO)~.~AA:
(The Tokugawa government's policy of prohibiting the importation of foreign books),
Shirin'§!:'1* 11, 84-85,20°,204,422 (19 26).
16 Arai Hakuseki ~#B~, Kotto zOdan 1tj[~~ (Miscellaneous1essays on antiquities),
in Zuihitsu shu shi I§i~~~ (Collection of essays; Tokyo, 1892), no. 4, pp. 15-16.
I that scientific works written by Jesuits in China could be brought to Japan.

(The results of the new policy are examined in detail in Chapter 12.) Y oshi-
j mune's motivation is not quite clear, although it is evident that he was
I fcting in accord with a growing desire among Japanese scholars to extend
their studies beyond the range of traditional learning.
The seventeenth-century decree banning Christian writings was largely
" responsible for the continned predominance of purely traditional astronomy
,\ in the Chinese pattern during the first half of the Tokugawa period. The
scientific works of the ((Ricci corpus" did not exert a serious influence on
Japanese astronomy, because by the time the ban was lifted they had been
superseded by the more detailed works of the second generation ofJesuits in
China and their Chinese collaborators.
",./ A~other factor was the !esser. degree of inter:st in .astronomical stud~es
partIcularly calendar-makmg-m Japan than m Chma. Although Chmese
astronomy apparently was at a low ebb at the time of Ricci's visit, the office
of Grand Astronomer still existed, if only vestigially. Ricci might have made
an impression on Japan equal to the one he made on China if he had visited
Japan in the eighteenth century, but he certainly would not· have in the
sixteenth or early seventeenth century.
f We may conclude that despite some evangelistic success, the Jesuits were
I unsuccessful in introducing Western astronomy to Japan because of the nar-
1 row scope of the missionaries' efforts, the relatively short period of their
\ activity in Japan, the government's commitment in the following period to
'an effective, systematic policy of sedusion, and, finally', the absence of
] significant Japanese interest in astronomy.
9 The Impact of Aristotelian
Cosmology in Japan
IN JAAPN, COSMOLOGY does not seem to have had any noticeable appeal
before the coming of the Jesuit missionaries in the sixteenth century. New
modes of thought that came from the West reacted with long-dormant
Chinese cosmologic stereotypes to create a fresh interest in the subject \
among philosophers as well as astronomers. .
Early 'Jesuit Influence on Cosmology

As we have seen, the Jesuits in Japan, unlike Matteo Ricci and his succes-/
sors in China, by and large were too busy with evangelical activities to·~
pursue a program of scientific enlightenment. Still, as a consequence of the·
mercantile activities of the Portuguese and Spaniards during the late six-
teenth and early seventeenth centuries, the notion of the sphericity of the
earth may have been gradually diffused among the Japanese.
Shinmura Izuru mMlli reports that in 1525 the Chugoku byodan J:j=rmm~
(Description of China), written by an unknown Japanese, explained the
sphericity of the earth in terms of the traditional Chinese hun t'ien theory.1
As early as 1552, St. Francis Xavier expounded the sph~icity of the earth[
to the Japanese, and by the middle of the seventeenth century the influence
of Ricci's world atlas was clearly noticeable in Japan. 2
1 Nanban kOki i¥HIJJ(~B (Retrospect of the Westerners; Tokyo, 1925).

2 Ayuzawa Shintaro j~1$m:;t~~, "Kinsei Nihon ni okeru chikyu chidosetsu no tenkai"
lli:t!t 13 *~;:::;o V1 ~ :ttB~:ttBib~O) ~Im (Development of the theories of the earth's sphericity
and rotation in Tokugawa Japan), Nihon rekishi 13 *~3!:. 71, 33 (1954); and his Nihon bunka
shijo ni okeru Ri Mato no sekai chizu 13 *5t1b3!:.J::~;:::;OV1 ~fU~~WO)t!t9j!.:ttBil (Matteo Ricci's
world map and the cultural history ofJapan), ed. 2 (Tokyo, 1944), p. 22.
In 1605 aJapanese Christian propagandist who called himselfFucan Fabian

wrote a tract entitled Myotei mondo M> ft:rl=l~~ (A dialogue between My6shii
and Yiitei) in which the sphericity of the earth was propounded. The
following year Hayashi Razan **1111, a distinguished Confucian philos-
opher, visited Fabian for the, express purpose of refuting the Christian
doctrine. ~azan, in the course. of the dispute, denied the sphericity of the
earth. In this he was. probably following Chu Hsi who, like Cheng Hsuan
before him, seems to have believed in a flat earth. When Razan was shown
a cosmologic chart of Western design, he expressed suspicion that the Jesuits,
upon visiting China, had plagiarized the hun t'ien theory.3
V His attitude shows the contemporary enthusiasm ofJapanese intellectuals
I' for Chinese culture. Japanese apologists for Eastern values repeated Razan's
argument that Chinese and Indian sources were much older than Western
~>I sources and therefore more authentic. Their attitude was still very much
that of the traditional classicists. They looked to the ancient past for their
[),,\ criteria and were apathetic to novelty and the idea of progress. They were
not so much interested in the physical configuration of the heavens as in the
agencies that underlie and dominate the universe.
Early Christian sources, such as the Guia do pecador (Guide for the sinful),
translated into Japanese in 1599, and Fabian's Myotei mondo ~j> ft:rl=l~~ of
1605,4 mentioned the four elements and the eleventh sphere (the empyrean,
which Christian theology had contributed to the ancient schema). They
were, however, primarily religious writings and lacked detailed descriptions. 5
'I A full-scale presentation of Western· physical cosmology appeared only after
the unfortunate suppression of the Jesuit movement.
Aristotelian Cosmology in the Kenkon Bensetsu
THE ORIGINAL TEXT
: One product of the Jesuits' cosmoiogic influence, the Kenkon bensetsu JjfZt$
~Wt (Western cosmography with critical commentaries; circa 1650), is an
jexceedingly interesting example of the confrontation of Eastern and Western
3 Razan sensei bunshu ~Ill)\:;j::::st~ (Collected prose of Hayashi Razan; Tokyo, 1918),
especially vol. 2, pp. 286-330.
4 Reprinted in Nihol1 koten zenshu S *il ~:@:~ (Collected Japanese classics), vol. 2 (1925).
5 Imai Itaru 4-*?~, "Kirishitan no jOitten shidai" -j;J]3'lf't0)--r-j(12B:k (The eleven heav-
ens and four elements of the Christian converts in Japan), Nihon tenmon kenkyukai hObun S
j(::st1iJf~.*::st (Memoirs of the Japan Astronomical Study Association), no. 3, 129-132
*
(December 1956).
IMPACT OF ARISTOTELIAN COSMOLOGY
ideas. There are several extant copies that differ substantially in content and
style. The following discussion relies on the modern reprint, which is the
result of a meticulous textual study. 6
The treatise consists ofan original text and indented annotations by a com-
mentator. The original text is by the apostate Jesuit missionary Christova?
Ferreira (Japanese name, Sawano Chiian ~JfJiP"~, 1580-1650) and the
commentator is Mukai Gensh6 ~*:2:7t (1609-1677), a Confucian scholar
and physician.
The preface, which bears the name of the commentator Gensh6, explains
the origin of this work as follows. In 1643, he writes, a shipwrecked Western
vessel drifted onto an island in the westernmost part ofJapan. The passengers,
all Jesuit missionaries, were arrested and imprisoned for illegal entry. One
Jesuit, who was well versed in astronomy, submitted a treatise in Latin to
the authorities. A few years later this work was turned over to Ferreira for
translation. Ferreira was then serving as a censorial officer for the Japanese
government, having abandoned his Christian faith at the time of the persecu-
tion. Although proficient in spoken Japanese, he could not write Japanese
characters, so he wrote his translation in romanization. An interpreter, Nishi
Kichibei g§~~1¥j, read it aloud and Mukai Gensh6 rewrote.it in Japanese
script. Gensh6 stated that in editing the work, care was taken not to change a
single word, however awkward the result, and to be completely faithful to
what Ferreira intended to say, so that the true implications of this Western
work would not be altered. Although this preface is confirmed by another
source,? there are grounds for suspecting its authenticity and the veracity of
the dates given.
A table ofcontents ofthe Kenkon bensetsu is given in Appendix 1 . The subject
matter largely coincides with that of De caelo, Meteorologica, and De genera-
tione et corruptione, the content being typical of Renaissance Europe.
There is no explicit indication of the text from which Ferreira worked.
Imai Itaru, after comparing astronomical data and diagrams, recently con-
jectured that most of the Kenkon bensetsu is derived from Christopher Clavius'
6 In Bunmei genr.yii sosho )( §)jV"DfE~:I= (Series on the origins of civilization; Tokyo, 1914),
vol.2, pp. 1-100. Hereafter cited as BMG.
See also Yoshio Mikami, "On a Japanese manuscript of the seventeenth century concern-
ing European astronomy ('Nanban Tenchi-ron' of circa 1670)," Nieuw Archie/poor Wiskunde
10, 71 (1912). His "On an astronomical treatise ('Kenkon bensetsu') composed (in 1650)
by Portuguese in Japan," Nieuw Archie/voor Wiskunde 10, 233 (1913) summarizes the contents
of the treatise.
7 "Nagasaki tsGji yuisho gaki" *~3m~'iijIE~~(Records ofthe interpreters at Nagasaki),
MS in the Japan Academy.
In sphaeram Ioannis de Sacro Bosco) commentarius (1607).8 It is possible that the

Jesuit missionaries brought in this work with the same purpose Matteo
Ricci had, to· utilize their astronomical knowledge in evangelical activities.
The presence of material on astrology is a contraindication, since the Jesuits
were strongly opposed to astrology. It is possible, however, that the source
was the personal compilation ofa Jesuit who was interested in the subject sub
rosa.
Clavius' commentaries had been published in many cities of Europe over
the years and had circulated widely.9 They are far longer than the original
text by Sacro Bosco, constituting in effect an independent work. Despite J. B.'
Delambre's criticism that the commentaries were not 'astronomically sig-
nificant, but only useful for public instruction,10 the copious and detailed
I
Euclidean demonstrations and the tables of astronomical computations
made the work greatly superior to the Kenkon bensetsu) which was an exposition
oflittle use in the practice of astronomy.
The 1607 edition of Clavius included an attack on Copernicus' "absurd"
hypothesis,11 which was absent in the Japanese work. Still, it is highly prob-
able that Ferreira consulted Clavius or works based on Clavius. It is likely
that the preface is either incorrect or, as has been suspected, a forgery, and
that the Kenkon bensetsu was written by Ferreira himself.t 2 The context
supports this argument in that, first, untranslated Portuguese words are found
in several places, making it unlikely that the treatise was translated from the
Latin, and second, during the discussion of the sphericity of the earth the
names of Japanese prefectures and the Philippines appear.
i GENSHO'S COMMENTARY
Mukai Gensho, besides being a Confucian scholar, was a physician, a firm be-
tiever in Shinto, and reportedly a student of Hayashi Kichizaemon **tftc1ff:jr~,

who taught Western astronomy.13 Whereas Ferreira's text was a straight-
forward description ofthe Western science ofthe time, Gensho's commen tary
8 "Clavius to 'Kenkon bensetsu'" !J '7 r'f -{ ? ~c ~:t$twfWt (Clavius and the "Kenkon
bensetsu"), Nihon tenmon kenkyukai hObun, no. 4, 181-188 (1957).
9 A 1607 Rome edition, preserved in the Houghton Library of Harvard University, was
available for use in the preparation of this book.
10 J. B. Delambre, Histoire de l'astronomie du moyen age (Paris,1819), pp. 241-242.
11 Copernicus is praised by Clavius not as an advocate ofheliocentricism, but as inventor
of the eighth sphere of trepidation. Sino-Jesuits seem to follow this misevaluation.
12 Nanban kOki, PP.401 -402.
13 "Nagasaki senmin den" *~J'e~AJ (Biographies of the Nagasaki pioneers; MS). The
fragmentary records do not discuss Hayashi's competence in Western astronomy.
IMPACT OF ARISTOTELIAN COSMOLOGY 91
was strongly biased by his background and thus is of utmost interest.
In the opening part,14 he summarized the basic differences between West-
ern, Buddhist, Confucian, and Shintoist doctrines:
Those who write vertically and eat with chopsticks take the basic
li-ch'i ~*t, yin-yang ~~, and five-elements doctrines as tools for schol-
arly investigation. Their countries are Japan and China. Their schools
are Shintoism, Confucianism, and the "medical" school. Astrono.my,
calendar calculation, and yin-yang art are their branches, and the other
arts are their offshoots.
Those who write horizontally and eat with their bare hands instead
of chopsticks do not comprehend the doctrines of li-ch'i and yin-yang,
suspect the truth of the five-elements principle, and therefore believe
in four elements-earth, water, air, and fire. Their countries are India
and South Barbary [Portugal and ,Spain]. The learning of the Dutch is
the same as that of the Portuguese.
He goes on to characterize the learning of each country. His comments are
paraphrased below.
(I) Western. For Westerners the sky is something special, entirely unre-
lated to the four elements. Their heaven does not share the nature of earthly
things. Therefore heaven cannot be essential to the composition of things.
Westerners 'are ingenious only in techniques that deal with appearances and
utility, but are ignorant about metaphysical matters and go astray in their
theory of heaven and hell. Since they do not comprehend the significance of
li-ch'i and yin-yang, their theory of material phenomena is vulgar and unre-
fined. But this vulgarity appeals all the more to the ignorant populace, and
stupefies them,15 "Portuguese scholars" are, convinced of the superiority of
their own learning and so go abroad to preach it. But their study is utterly
erroneous and prejudiced. Their preachments on the past and future worlds
are full ofphqntasms.
(2) Indian. The learning of the Indians is that of the Buddhists. They
regard the four elements as the fundamentals of creation and phenomenal
change. Besides these four elements, they have introduced the concept of
void (Sanskrit sunya, kii ~ in Japanese). This void is not an element, but is
14 BMG, vol. 2, pp. 6-8.

15 Exotic ideas and mechanisms imported by the Europeans during the preceding period
gave rise to the Japanese term "magical practices of the southern barbarians." This abhor-
rence stemming from ignorance continued throughout the period of seclusion.
transcendental. They do not appreciate the significance of the world of the

four elements, but say that because ofits constant change it is a mere illusion.
What is most significant to them is the void of the spiritual world. Although
they have a. sort of cosmologic theory, that of Mount Sumeru (explained
further in Chapter IS), and a hierarchical world, these ideas have only spiritual
significance, so their phenomenology is fantastic and incomprehensible.
Therefore the Buddhists and Indians are also unrefined in the study of the
earth and sky.16
(3) Chinese. The learning ofthe Chinese is the teaching ofthe ancient sages
and the researches of the Confucians. They explain phenomena quite con-
sistently in terms of li-ch'i) yin-yang, and the five elements, with their com-
binations and harmonies. No other entities-the sun, the moon, the future
world, the past world, and so on-are metaphysically fundamental.
(4) 1apanese. Japanese learning is Shintoism. This discipline puts great
emphasis on li-ch'i) yin-yang, and the five elements. Confucianism without
Shintoistic elements would degenerate into mere nominalism and utilitari-
anism (keimei kori 7flJ;:g;~fU). If ignorant of Confucianism, a Shintoist would
go astray into shamanistic practices.
In his phrase-by-phrase commentaries Gensh6 never deviated from a stern

adheren<:e to the Neo-Confucian li-ch'i principle. He could not reconcile
himself to the Aristotelian four-elements theory and its characteristically
European explication. He accepted the universally valid astronomical meas-
urements of the West, sometimes freely praising their ingenuity, but here
and there he expressed his contempt for the unbalanced emphasis on material
phenomena. Although he was biased, at least he wasfree of Aristotelian prej-
udices.
Gensh6 was frankly suspicious of the explanation of terrestrial phenomena.
For example, he was not convinced that the sphere of water is above the
sphere ofearth. When water is dropped on a lump ofearth, he said, the water
penetrates and seeps through the lump; thus the existence of underground
water is explained. There is therefore no stratigraphic difference between
the natural place of water and that of earth. 17
Whenever the author mentioned the four elements, the commentator
16 This comment must be referred to in its historical context. In the early part of the
Tokugawa period, Confucianism was not yet established as the sole orthodoxy, and its pro-
ponents had to contend with the challenge of Buddhism.
17 BMG, vol. 2, pp. 22-23.
countered with the Chinese five elements, not even bothering with a detailed
refutation. He sometimes did not even follow the text, expostulating with a
sweeping comment that, because the Portuguese did not know the li-ch(i
theory, they had to devise a cumbersome materialistic demonstration.
On'ce one mastered the significance of Ii ~, he could derive the same result
without benefit of the barbarian's demonstration. 18
The commentator clung to the five-elements principle with irrational
vehemence. After explaining terrestrial events in terms of the four elements,
the author began to discuss the heavens. The commentator stated with
satisfaction that since yin and yang are obviously divided. into five elements,
even the Portuguese, despite their ignorance, had to add the celestial quintes-
sence as a fifth element. Regardless of whether this substance is, in their
theory, foreign to the other four elements, there can be no doubt that
the sky, in harmony with the four elements, is fundamental to terrestrial
phenomena. 19
Gensh6 c.ould never agree with the A~istote1ian celestial-ter.restrial dichot-l
amy. For hIm the sky could never be dIvorced from terrestnal events, but
was a father that gave sustenance to all things on earth. In Neo-Confucianism,
heaven is even identified with the fundamental principle Ii ~.zo
It is interesting that Ferreira, who had a superficial understanding of
Chinese philosophical terminology, attempted to interpret theJour-elements
theory in terms of the five-elements principle by employing the conceptions
ofproduction (hsiang sheng *131:.) and overcoming (hsiang k(o *131ill). His misuse
of these terms was severely criticized by the commentator. It is curious
that the Aristotelian element air was identified with the Chinese element
wood, in the absence of a more closely corresponding element in the Chinese
scheme. 21 In a variant copy of the Kenkon bensetsu the heavens are identified
with the element metal because of their crystalline, solid nature (in accord-
ance with traditional Western cosmology).22
There are, from the standpoint of the history of astronomy, several other
interesting points.
18 BMG, vol. 2, p. 29. 19 BMG, vol. 2, p. 54.

20 Yasuda Jiro ~133 .=:e~, "Shushi no sonzairon ni okeru (ri) no seishitsu ni tsuite" *.:y.0)
:ff:iEwH~::':[uvt Q IWJO)i1:.~~r. "?\, \"( (The characteristics ofli in Master Chu's ontology),
Shinagaku 3Z:m¥': (Sinology) 9 (1939).
21 BMG, vol. 2, pp. 13-16.
22 "Nanban unki ron" i¥JIHI*t.mfQ (Meteorologic theory of the southern barbarians; MS,
circa 1650); Oya Shin'ichi *5C~-," 'Kenkon bensetsu' no ichi ihon" IJIiZ:I:$~WtJO)-~*
(A variant copy of the "Kenkon bensetsu"); Kagakushi kenkyu f4¥':~1iJf~ (Journal of history
of science, Japan) no. 14, 36 (1950).
(1) Depth of the layers of the four elements. According to the author, the
sphere of fire has the greatest depth (100,000 Ii), the sphere ofearth the next
greatest (a radius of S1S4Ii),23 the sphere of air the next greatest (less than
SO Ii), and the sphere of water the least (the depth of the ocean being only
1 or 2 Ii !!.).
The commentator did not find this satisfactory. If it were true, the dry
elements fire and earth would greatly outweigh the humid elements air and
water, and drought would immediately result. The barbarians' ignorance of
the harmonious function ofyin and yang (yin is humid and yang dry) led them
to this nonsensical idea. 24
(2) Sphericity of the earth. For perhaps the first time in Japanese history,
the sphericity of the earth was explici tly recognized. Still, the commentator
apologized for the traditional cosmology, saying that the Confucians had
already noted that the earth is spherical like the yolk of an egg-which
interpretation, as remarked earlier, is questionable. He was annoyed by the
author's "tedious" demonstrations, using such examples as lunar eclipses.
He regarded the truth as intuitively obvious in the light of the yin-yang
principle.
(3) Circumference of the earth. Ferreira calculated the circumference of the
earth from the distance corresponding to 1 degree of latitude. Although the
commentator accepted this computation, he noted that since Eastern gentle-
men were not aggressive and had no interest in conquests outside their own
borders, there had been no need for a Japanese attempt to measure the cir-
cumference of the world. 25
(4) Rotation of the earth. In one passage, Ferreira refuted the concept of
the rotation of the earth, saying that ifit were so, everything on earth would
be whirled out into space. There was no mention of the heliocentric system.
Presumably the author was not -concerned with the Copernican theory; he
simply repeated the traditional Aristotelian and Ptolemaic arguments. 26
The commentator agreed without reluctance.
(S) Trepidation. The phenomenon of precession was recognized by Hip-
parchus in the second century B.C. and by Yli Hsi m::g in the third century
A.D. In Renaissance European astronomy, it was assumed that the preces-
23 See above, n. 8, pp. 185-186.

24 BMG, vol. 2, pp. 25-3 I.
25 BMG, vol. 2, pp. 25-31.
26 Imai Itaru, " 'Kenkon bensetsu' zakki" rljil;:I:$~~J~~a (Miscellaneous notes on the
"Kenkon bensetsu"), Tenkansho :;R-gfl (Private journal of Imai Itaru) 22, 14-16 (mimeo-
graphed, 1957).
sion cycle is 49,000 years, a figure inferior to that used earlier. Observation
has revealed that the actual cycle is only about 26,000 years. In order to
reconcile the traditional figure with the observed data of equinoctial preces-
sion, King Alfonso of Portugal, or his astronomers, employed a periodic cycle
of trepidation,27 which oscillates with a period of 7000 years, in addition
to the old cycle of precession. Since each type of celestial motion had to be
ascribed to a separate sphere, and the number of spheres was formerly nine,
it now became necessary to assume a ten-sphere universe. 28
The theory of trepidation was generally but not universally accepted and
caused considerable controversy. The matter remained in doubt until the
time of Tycho Brahe, who in the sixteenth century showed that this belief
in the irregular motion ofthe equinoxes was caused solely by errors in observa-
tion. 29
The author of the Kenkon bensetsu repeated this traditional error, speaking
of a north-south oscillation with a 7000-year cycle, while progressive preces-
sion in an east-to-west direction was said to complete its cycle in a period of
25,798 years (50".236 per year, very close to Copernicus' value).30 Itisworth
noticing that although Clavius (in his commentary to Sacro Bosco) and
Ricci gave King Alfonso's precession value of49,000 years, the Kenkon bensetsu
was close to the correct value. 31 The origin of this figure is still unknown.
The commentator flatly denied the existence of north-south oscillation
and reduced the number of spheres from ten to nine. He was well aware of
the secular term of precession, which had been incorporated into Chinese
and Japanese official calendars since about the eighth century A.D. (see Ap-
pendix 2), while trepidation was unknown. His refutation was a comment
to the effect that 'north-south oscillation could not contribute to the order
ofnature and therefore could nO,t exist. He stated that such erroneous notions
were caused by the barbarians' ignorance of the li-ch'i principle. 32
(6) Structure ofthe heavens. The commentator, having eliminated the sphere
27 The idea possibly originated with Theon of Alexandria before Ptolemy, and was
developed by Arab astronomers. See J. ,L. E. Dreyer, Histor.,y ofthe planetary systems from Thales
to Kepler (Cambridge, England, 1906), pp. 203-205 and 276-277.
28 Dreyer, History, pp. 278-279. This idea is, of course, historically discontinuous with
the modern concept of nutation.
29 Dreyer, History, p. 371.
30 BMG, vol. 2, p. 64. "North-and-south motion" means latitudinal variation, while" east-
to-west precession" means longitudinal precession. The present value of precession, based
on Bessel's constant, is 50". 36354. See J.C. Houzeau, Vade-mecum de l'astronom (Bruxelles,
1882),p.201.
31 "Clavius to 'Kenkon bensetsu,'" p. 187.
32 BMG, vol. 2, pp. 59-60 and 62-63.
EARLY IMPACT OF THE ~EST
of north-south oscillation, concluded that there are "nine heavens." He

then stated that this was in accord with the concept of chiu-ch'ung t'ien iLli
7(',33 found in Chinese classics. This concept originated from a division of
heaven into nine regions but was later utilized by Chu Hsi in describing his
nine-layered universe. The commentator apparently was ignorant of the fact
that the earth constituted one of Chu Hsi's nine layers and that the. latter's
universe consisted of layers and not spheres. 34 He concluded that Western
and Chinese cosmology, with the exception of north-south oscillation, were
basically identical. ,
(7) Direction ofplanetary revolution. Gensh6 accepted the premise ofwest-
to-east motion of the planets. 35 Like Chinese astronomers, he'ignored the
Neo-Confucian theory ofeast-to-west motion; he was less influenced by Chu
Hsi's cosmology than by his metaphysics.
(8) Anomalistic motions. In order to explain the anomalistic motions, the
author explained the ancient eccentric mechanism in rather awkward lan-
guage. Each sphere has three subspheres, of which only the central one,
the location ofthe planet, is eccentric. 36 The inner and outer spheres are con-
centric with the earth's center, so that (in the plenum) the contiguous outer
sphere can transmit its motion to the inner sphere. Ferreira seems to have
been satisfied with this as a description of the anomalistic motions of the sun
and moon and also with its ability to account for the difference between total
and annular eclipses. He did not mention the rotation of the c~nter of the
eccentric circles, which could have accounted for the retrogressive motions
of the planets.
The observational data for the "equation of center" had long been known
in China and Japan, but the commentator was skeptical ofthi~ Western me-
chanical model. Desiring to find the explanation elsewhere, he commented
that the barbarian theory was too artificial, if not entirely absurd. The orbit
33 Chiu-ch'ungnm (nine-layer) is a Buddhist term indicating the nine constellations or
regions of the sky. \
34 Chu Hsi, "T'ien ti" ~~ (The heavens and the earth), in Chu-tzu ch'iian-chi *T~~
(Collected writings ofMaster Chu Hsi), p. 49. Matteo Ricci introduced a nine-sphere universe
in his Kun-yii wan-kuo ch'iian-t'u shuo :l:ff!~.~~IfiIIDt (Comprehensive world atlas; 1602),
omitting the sphere of trepidation, perhaps because ofits insignificance. But in the following
year he described an eleven-sphere universe in Liang-i hsuan Ian t'u W1mi:Z:~1fiI (A profound
demonstration of the two spheres).
35 BMG, vol. 2, pp. 61 and 70.
36 The author failed to mention the position of the planets in this middle space. The
system of spheres apparently originated with Ptolemy, but received special attention from
fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Arab astronomers. The body of the sun occupied the space
'between two eccentric spheres, as did the epicyclic spheres of Venus and three outer planets.
See Dreyer, History, pp. 259-260.
of every heavenly body, however far away, should center on the earth. 37
(9) The height of the heavens. On the basis of a spherical, onionskin model
of the universe, the thickness of and distance between each sphere could be
computed. Without giving any basis for his calculations, the author listed
the resulting numerical values. Almost all of them coincide with those of
Clavius, but the values for nonplanetary spheres were not given by Ferreira,
since these spheres do not have anomalistic motions and cannot have three-
fold subspheres. The commentator was not convinced of the validity of the
values given, since he could not accept such meager observational data as
the basis for determining such great magnitudes. 38
(10) The dimensions ofthe heavenly bodies. Again without giving any rationale,
the author presented the dimensions of'the heavenly bodies. 39 The com-
mentator said that since neither the Chineses nor the Japanese had any
clear-cut theory as to the dimensions, the barbarian theory might tentatively
be accepted despite its strangeness. 40
(II) The lengths of day and night, and eclipses. Purely astronomical explana-
tions, such as those of seasonal differences in the length of day, solstices,
eclipses, meridians, and so on, were accepted appreciatively, and the ingenuity
of Western science was praised by the commentator. The treatment of these
topics agreed well with the traditional approach of Chinese and Japanese
astronomy. It should be remembered that these verifiable explanations have
survived, whereas most of the cosmologic speculations presented were over-
thrown shortly thereafter. While the latter were the products of Western
cultural development, the former were soundly based on observations and
mathematics and therefore universally communicable.
(12) The civil calendar. When the author explained the difference between
the Western Gregorian calendar and the Eastern lunisolar calendar, the com-
mentator stated that the basis ofthe lunisolar calendar was easily perceptible,
even to lao/men, from the apparent courses of the sun and moon, while the
Western calendar made sense only to learned men. 41
31 BMG, vol. 2, pp.87-92.
38 BMG, vol. 2, pp. 99-100.
39 The figures for the planetary system are very close to theOvalues of AI-Farghani, given
in Dreyer, History, P.258.
40 BMG, vol. 2, PP.92-94.
41 BMG, vol. 2, pp. 71-87. This statement reflects the Sino-Japanese concern with ap-
parent celestial motions. Since the lunisolar calendar depends partly on the apparent phases
of the moon, it makes the day of the month a datum of observation, rather than a purely
ordinal number as in the Gregorian calendar. However, as the lunisolar calendar must recon-
cile the motions of the sun and moon and take into account their anomalisitc motions, it is
far more difficuI"t to compile than the Gregorian calendar.
(13) Astrology. Toward the end ofthe treatise, genuine Western horoscopic
astrology and astrologic medicine, based on the macrocosm-microcosm cor-
respondence, were reintroduced to Japan. The basic ideas were neither com-
mented upon nor criticized by Gensho, who failed to identify the astrologic
art with the practices of sukuyo do. He concerned himself exclusively with
technical points, such as the difference between the four-elements and five-
elements principles. 42
The author had to face the nearly insurmountable problem of expressing

subtle ideas fully in a foreign language in which his fluency was limited.
''''~,lFurthermore, neither Ferreira nor Gensho was a professional astronomer.
Ferreira's main intent was to outline Western cosmologic ideas. The numeri-
. cal values in the text were often confusing and unsatisfactory as'a basis for
calendrical calculations.
The historical situation put the commentator in a position of general
hostility toward Western learning, as his preface shows. The European view
of nature was not to his taste.. He considered the emphasis on appearances
fo~ their own sakes trivial and vulgar. His primary interest was in an over-all
worJd-view, including not only natural phenomena but also the social order
and'the nature of man.
Although Gensho accepted Western astronomical knowledge insofar as it
was relevant to the methods of traditional Far Eastern astronomy, his denun-
ciations were directed mainly against the physical theories based on the
Aristotelian four elements, which conflicted with the Chinese five-elements
theory. This theory was the greatest obstacle in Japan-perhaps even greater
in China-to the acceptance of Western cosmology. It proved more objec-
tionable than Copernican heliocentricism.
Other· Cosmologic Works
THE "NI GI RYAKUSETSU"

r
t There is another treatise of the same so~t by Kobayashi Yoshinobu IJ\#
j ~~ (1601-1684), the "Nigi ryakusetsu" =ft~'m (Outline theory of
J terrestrial and celestial globes), only one copy of which is extant. 43 Accord-
42 BMG, yol. 2, pp. 94-99. .
43 In the Naikaku bunko I*JM)(~ (Cabinet Library). This work has been reprinted in
Hanyu sosbo ¥~mjU;: (Hanyii collection), no. 1 (2 Yols.; mimeographed, 1958). References
are to the "Nigi ryakusetsu" manuscript, hereafter cited as NR.
i
ing to "Nagasaki senmin den" ~l!Jtff7'e.a:.1lJ (Biographies of the Nagasaki

pioneers), Yoshinobu, like Mukai Gensh6, was a pupil of Hayashi Kichiza-
emon. Yoshinobu was imprisoned when his teacher was executed on suspicion
of being a Christian in 1646. In 1667 he was set free and later taught many
students at Nagasaki. In 1683 he pointed out an error in a lunar-eclipse pre-I·
diction in the official calendar, and his correction was verified. .
In the scattered data available, there is no indication ofa direct link between
him and the author of the Kenkon bensetsu. It is said that Christovao Ferreira
taught Western surgery, but he had no students of astronomy. Yoshinobu's
teacher Hayashi Kichizaemon, however, is believed to have studied with Fer-
reira. 44 According to Hayashi Tsuruichi 1*.~-, Yoshinobu was the same;
person as Higuchi Gon'emon ~ l=l.ti1fjr~, the first Japanese to study the'
art of Western land-surveying at Nagasaki. 45
The content of his work is much the same as that of the Kenkon bensetsu,
but the construction of the work suggests that it is a collection of texts
based on Western sources. It was recently shown 46 that the material on which
the author relied came originally from the "De sphaera"47 (circa 1593) of a
Spanish missionary Pedro Gomez (1535-1600), which was prepared for use
in instructing Japanese' students at a Jesuit collegio.
The author's own comments and interpretations are set off by such phrases
as, "Interpret this to mean." Yoshinobu restricted himself to faithful in-
terpretation of the core of Western physical astronomy, with no animadver-
sions. On the whole, the organization of the "Nigi ryakusetsu" is similar to
that ofthe Kenkon bensetsu, but the later treatise is by no means a revision ofthe
earlier; the style is entirely different and the content is astronomically more
elaborate. The "Nigi ryakusetsu" does not cover astrology. Its treatment of
several specific problems is given below,48 for comparison with the Kenkon
bensetsu.
(1) Epicycles. For a physical explanation of planetary motions, the "Nigi
44 Yajima Suketoshi :R~*tifU, " 'Nigi ryakusetsu' no kenkyii" 1=:~~mJO)1iJf~ (A
study of the "Nigi ryakusetsu"), Kagakushi kenkyu, no. 10,31 (1949). .,
45 Mikami Yoshio =:J::~~, Nihon sokuryo jutsu shi no kenkyu El *mU:l:VliJ!£:O)1iJf~
(Studies in the history ofland-surveying in Japan), ed. 2 (Tokyo, 1948), pp. 28-29 and 35-36.
46 Hirose Hideo JJ(rI*tl, "Kyii Nagasaki tengakuha no gakut6 seiritsu ni tsuite"
.ffi:~:R~~O)~ltiit$;:ft~C'0\"L (On the formation of the old Nagasaki school of as-
tronomy), Rangaku shiryo kenkyukai kenkyu hOkoku Jj~~*f1iJf~*1iJf~~1!r no. 184 (1966).
47 The Latin manuscript has been edited and published with a Japanese translation by Oba-
ra Satoru J'§JJj('m, Kirishitan kenkyu ::f- !J v!J :/1iJf~ (Researches on early Japanese Christian-
ity), vol. 10 (1965). Christian tenets in the "De sphaera" are entirely omitted in the "Nigi
ryakusetsu."
48 NR, vol. I, pp. 2-8.
ryakusetsu" adopted the same model as the Kenkon bensetsu. For the first time,
epicycles rather than eccentrics were introduced in the case ofthe five pllnets
and the moon, but no geometric or mathematical details were given.
(2) Trepidation. The theory of trepidation, a source of much fruitless con-
troversy, was accepted but presented in a confused manner. Two different
theories were given, suggesting that the author consulted more than one
source. In one theory the motion oftrepidation was attributed to the eighth
stellar sphere, while in the other the sphere of trepidation was given as a
separate ninth sphere. In the end, the author endorsed the second theory.
Numerical values for precession and trepidation were not given.
(3) The galaxy and the telescope. The/author wrote: "The learned astronomer
discussed the existence of innumerable small stars, which cannot be seen
with the naked eye, gathered in the Milky Way. Thus informed, I observed
the Milky Way with a telescope and noticed countless small stars." This
account is the first reported telescopic observation in Japanese astronomy.49
(4) Western degree notation. Use ofthe Western degree instead ofthe Chinese
tu (see Chapter 10, note 25) probably did not originate with the books discussed
here. There is evidence of its use by Japanese navigators before this time.
The author of the "Nigi ryakusetsu" was outspoken in his praise of the con-
venience of the Western measure.
This book is much more readable than the Kenkon bensetsu. However, most
of the astronomical figures given were approximations, so that the book was
not useful for practicalastronomy. '
THE CHINESE WORK, T'IEN-CHING HUG-WEN

Neither the Kenkon bensetsu nor the "Nigi ryakusetsu" was widely circu-
lated. There are several extant copies of the former, but only one copy of the
latter, only recently rescued from obscurity, is known. 5o Neither book was
ever printed; both were preserved in handwritten copies made by the few
people with special access to them. It is very likely that the persecution of
Christianity prevented their diffusion. Even to discuss them openly was to
court trouble.
49 According to Mikami Yoshio, the telescope was brought to Japan for the first time in
1613. See his "Nihon boenkyo shi" S *~~~~ (History of the telescope in Ja§an), in
Nibon sokuryri jutsu sbi no kenkyu (see above, n. 45), p. 102.
50 See Kanda Shigeru !il$83a;, "'Nigi ryakusetsu' ni tsuite" r=.~IDtJ~C":>"'L (On
the "Nigi ryakusetsu"), in Tria tenmongaku sbi sbObO Jlnffi:R)(~~/J'-¥Ii (Brief notices on the
history of astronomy in East Asia), no. 37 (cyanotype; Yugawara, 1945).
On the other hand, a Chinese treatise, the T'ien-ching huo-wen :x~WtFJ:l'

(Qgeries on the classics of heaven; circa 1675), was brought into Japan im-
mediately after its first printing and was widely known even before the print-
ing of the first Japanese edition in 1730. It is said that while the Confucian
scholar Nanbu S6ju m{fB1it.was at Nagasaki (1672-1680), the treatise was
imported, and he persuaded the censors to let it pass because of its purely
astronomical nature. 51 Although it isin effect a treatise on Western astron-
omy, it contains no elements of Christianity. During the Tokugawa period
everyone with an interest in astronomy read it.
The author, Yu I Wf~, was a rural sholar in South China (Fukien province).
His work is little known among Chinese scholars, and there is no copy of the
original edition in China. 52 The book, remarkably popular among the Japa-
nese, was reprinted in a series of annotated editions and was an established
astronomical classic until the end of the· Tokugawa period. This popularity
was partly because of the scarcity of astronomical works, but also because
the book was easily comprehensible-even to the dilettante-and covered
the field of cosmology in breadth, though not in depth.
Yu I was taught astronomy by the prominent scholar Hsiung Ming-yli
~~~~, who was a close friend of the Italian Jesuit Emmanuel Diaz, author
of the T'ien-wen !ueh:x3tPJ1j (An outline of celestial phenomena; 1615).53
Hsiung, with his profound knowledge of Western astronomy, was able to
distinguish scientific principles from religious doctrine. He was the author
ofthe Ko-chih ts'ao 11B~z1it (Draft treatise on natural philosophy; 1620, printed
posthumously in 1648). Yu did not read foreign languages and never carried
out any astronomical observations. His knowledge of European astronomy
was second-hand. Although the book lacked the profundity of his teacher's
writings, it was easier to understand.
The T'ien.;.ching huo-wen escaped the Japanese censors, but a sequel to it"
was listed as a forbidden book. The original work deals solely with t~e core of
Western astronomy, avoiding superstitious material, while the sequel, deal-
ing with trivial hemerologic observances, imaginary phenomena, and uncon-
51 Nakamura Tekisai 9=t*'H~~, "Tenmon koyo" :R3t:7f~ (On the elements of astrono-
my), vol. I, quoted in Ebizawa Arimichi m~1$-;fJm, Nanban gakuto no kenkyu -mm~$ffO)
1Yf~ (A study of the tradition of Western learning [in Japan]; Tokyo, 1958), p. 136.
52 Ssu-pu tsung-Iu, t'ien-wen pien gg$~~:R3tii (Resume of the four classifications of
literature, section on astronomy), ed. Ting Fu-pao T~if* and Chou Yun-ch'ing I1m~W
(Shanghai, 1956), supplement, p. 7.
53 Chien-yang hsien chih ~~lfv1tt (Gazeteer of Chien-yang hsien), addenda, chap. 10, p. 37.
firmed speculations, is much inferior. 54 A table of contents of the earlier vol-

ume is given in Appendix 3.
The Kenkon bensetsu and the "Nigi ryakusetsu" were translations or repro-
ductions of Western treatises; the T'ien-ching huo-wen was a synthesis of
Western and Chinese views. The ideology, approach, and technical term-
inology were tightly bound to tradition. On the other hand, the content was
essentially Western and thoroughly eclectic. For example, the Western
degree notation is used throughout, with no mention of the Chinese tu.
Indicated below are several characteristic features that did not appear in the
treatises already described.
(I) Cosmologic scheme. The author introduced a ten-sphere universe, with
seven planetary spheres, a stellar sphere that accounted for the functions of
both precession and trepidation, a primum mobile, and an empyrean. It is
interesting that the empyrean is entirely devoid of religious connotations,
being merely an immovable coordinate of reference. 55
(2) Planetary motions. The author expounded epicycles and' eccentric
spheres (explicitly stated to be equivalent to epicycles) but there is no detailed
discussion of the mathematics of epicyclic orbits.
There is one passage that cannot be interpreted otherwise than as Ty-
chonian:
The sun is situated at the center of thedeferents of Saturn, Jupiter,
and Mars, and these planets include the earth within their orbits; there-
fore they can be in opposition to the sun. On the other hand, the center
of the deferents of Venus and Mercury is also the sun, but these planets
do not include the earth within their orbits ... and therefore these
two have retrograde motions and cannot be in opposition to the sun. 56
In early seventeenth-century Europe scholars generally adhered to
Ptolemy in deference to the philosophers who had linked his views to those
of Aristotle. But there were some well-informed astronomers connected with
the Church, particularly among the Jesuits, who supported the Tychonian
system. 57 This trend culminated in Giovanni Battista Riccioli's Almagestum
54 Chien-yang hsien chih, addenda, chap. 10, pp. 37-38.

55 T'ien-ching huo-wen ;R~gI(;rl=l~ (Nishikawa Seikyii's annotated edition of 1730), vol. I,
p. 29. Hereafter cited as TCHW. The T'ien-wen lueh of Emmanue1 Diaz expounded a twe1ve-
sphere universe in which the empyrean, which was outermost, was assigned manifest Chris-
tian implications.
56 TCHW, vol. I, p. 18.
57 Stillman Drake, Discoveries and opinions of Galileo (New York, 1957), p. 13.
Figure 11. Cosmology as illustrated in the T'ien-ching huo-wen. The deferents of

Saturn, Jupiter, and Mars are centered on the earth, rather than on the sun. (Ch'ing
edition preserved in Naikaku bunko.)
nopum of1651. The Tychonian system was also adopted by the second genera-
tion ofJesuits iIi China,Jean Terrentius and his successors. 58 These men were
engaged in the compilation of a monumental astronomical encyclopedia, the
Cheung-chen Ii-shu ~jjIJ{m. (Astronomical treatises of the Cheung-chen era;
58 Henri Bernard, S.J., "L'encyclopedie astronomique du Pere Schall," Monumenta Serica

3, S8 (193 8).
completed 1634), which was quoted in the bibliographic section of the T'ien-
ching huo-wen.
It m~y be said, therefore, that Yu I was acquainted with the Tychonian
system. But his description was rudimentary, and the only cosmologic
diagram in his book (see Figure II) was a poorly drawn model. Furthermore,
it is inconsistent with the passage quoted above, as here the deferents of
Saturn, Jupiter, and Mars center on the earth, rather than on the sun.
(3) Precession. The 7000-year trepidation cycle and the precession cycle
of approximately 25,000 years were adopted. Use of ecliptic coordinates
instead of the traditional equatorial coordinates was highly recommended
for dealing with precession. 59
(4) The four-elements theory. Unlike the treatises described previously, the
account of terrestrial phenomena was given case by case without presenting
any universal laws. Both the yin-yang principle and the Aristotelian four quali-
ties appear here and there, but the discussion of the choice between the
four- versus five-elements theories at the close of the treatise is confusing and
pointless, and does not arrive at a clear-cut conclusion. 60
The author's attitude was apparently not very critical. Sometimes he held
rigidly to the conventions of calendar calculation, and sometimes he com-
promised with traditional astrology. There is even a teleologica~ explanation
of the movements of celestial bodies, which were said to take place in order
to provide the seasonal changes necessary to life on earth. 61
The work was not intended for application to practical astronomy. The
author quoted various values and theories from his own tradition and that of
the West, but his account was not consistent. In the absence of a more ade-
quate treatise, however, this work played a significant role in the diffusion of
Western astronomy in Japan.
POPULAR TREA TISES
The first edition of the Tenmon zukai :;RxliWM (Astronomy illustrated, 5

vols.), by Iguchi Tsunenori :it I=l 'ffilfm, was printed in Osaka in 1689. In the
introduction a diagram of a nine-sphere universe, indicating periods of
I
revolution and radii of the planetary spheres, was reproduced from Matteo
59 TCH w, vol. I, pp. .2 and 20. .

60 TCH W, vol. 2, p. 34. In one place, Yu I spoke offire·as the most fundamental element
and function; in the other, both fire and water were said to be the most basic.
61 TCH w, vol. I, p. 30.
IMPACT'OF ARISTOTELIAN COSMOLOGY 105
Ricci's Liang-i hsuan-lan t'u WH~::k~1iiI (A profound demonstration of the two r

spheres; 1603).62 Ricci's name, needless to say, did not appear, but one ad-
mires Iguchi's apparent audacity. The introduction has no relation to the
text, .which adhered to the traditional interests of calendar-making and
eclipse prediction and dealt only incidentally with the planetary system.
Influence of the T'ien-ching huo-wen on this work has not been proved.
The Shogaku tenmon shinan W~7(3t1~1¥.f (An elementary introduction t~
astronomy; 1706), by Baba Nobutake .~~~:lP\;, definitely does show the
I
influence of the T'ien-ching huo-wen but does not improve on it except for
the readability ofits vernacular style.
The fact that these treatises were printed and widely circulated indicates
an increasing interest in astronomy, but one which more or less reflected the
cosmology of the medieval West and aroused neither enthusiasm nor per-
plexity. Speculation on the structure ofthe universe was merely a stereotyped
embellisment, to be placed in the opening section of popular astronomical
treatises.
Shibukawa Harumi's Cosmologic Views

It is worthwhile to note here the cosmologic views of the celebrated calen-
dar reformer Shibukawa Harumi rMfJll :f:m:, who achieved the highest degree
of proficiency in astronomical observation and calendar calculation of his
era. Most of his works (see Chapter 10) treat these areas. He stated his
cosmologic views only in the opening part of the "Tenmon keit6" 7(3t:Ej~
(Treasury of astrology; MS, 1698).63
Brought up in the Shintoist tradition and educated in Neo-Confucianism, I

he accepted the traditional scheme of thought. He repeatedly quoted Chu
Hsi and other Neo-Confucian philosophers. Although· he admitted the
sphericity of the earth and some of the technical aspects of Western learning, !
the framework of his thought was Neo-Confucian.
In accordance with the ideas of this school, he considered the westward
motion of the planets a physical reality:
62 The stellar sphere was mistakenly attributed a movement in a "7ooo-year cycle from
west to east."
63 A discussion of cosmology and some technical aspects of astronomy is followed by :l
vast collection of records of celestial portents.
I
Most astronomers in recent times follow the theory ofeastward motion

[of the planets]. The barbarians who recently arrived have adhered to
this eastward revolution theory. This is a serious mistake. Heaven con-
w:
sists ofemptiness. It is void. 64 The movement of ch'i causes the move-
ment of the heavens; the fixed stars, the sun, the moon and the five \
planets move following the movement of ch'i. The fixed stars move
attached to the sky, but the planets cannot maintain equal speed. Their
retardation is caused by their heaviness. 65
To accompany the movement of ch'i, by which the planets are carried
around, Harumi introduced the factor of spontaneous motion of the planets.
This he did as a practical astronomer in order to explain the phenomenon of /
retrograde motion, which was not a~counted for in Neo-Confucian physical
theory.
However, the planets have retrograde motions which are sometimes
faster than the over-all movement of the sky. The reason is that these
planets have their own movements. According to those who hold to a
nine-layer heaven, the faster layers [that is, faster in westward motion]
occupy the upper layers, and the slower the lower. 66 This theory seems
quite plausible. Nevertheless, the planets, for example, Venus, are
situated much higher than the earth and are still subject to retrograde
motions, during which their bodies become larger and brighter. Thus,
during this period, Venus must be situated nearer than the moon. Dur-
ing the progressive motion, the same Venus is located beyond the
moon. This is confirmed by Ku-chin chan il4-J:!:i [Prognostication, ancient
and modern; this work is unidentifiable]; at the time of Venus' occul-
tation by the moon, Venus sometimes appears in front, with the moon
behind it. 67
Relying on misleading ancient observations, Harumi was led to the errone-
ous view that Venus in its retrograde motion moves within the orbit of
the moon.
Although Harumi's criticism of cosmology of Western origin is that of a
64 The author employed the term kil (Sanskrit sunya, Chinese k'ung ~), one of the most
important terms in Buddhist thought.
65 "Ten'un" ~~ (The movement of the heavens), in "Tenmon keito"; unpaged MS,
vol. I, completed in 1698.
66 This is the Neo-Confucian, not the Western, nine-layer theory.
67 "Tenmon keito"; unpaged MS, vol. I.
practical astronomer, he was ignorant of the Ptolemaic device by which epicy-I

cles were used to explain retrograde motion. He commented on the Western
view only in terms of the Eudoxian physical spheres centered on the earth.
His knowledge of Western astronomy was gathered mainly ffom the T'ien-J
ching huo-wen, which did not provide a sufficiently exact schemato satisfy him.
In fact, he showed his low estimation ofYu 1's work in denouncing the ina'c-
curacy of its eclipse and planetary theories. His final comment on European
astronomy is that "however well the Westerners argue theory, they are
incompetent in the technical aspects of astronomy."68
Nishikawa 10ken and the Separation of Speculative

and Empirical Cosmology
One ofthe most interesting figures in early Tokugawa astronomical thought
was Nishikawa Joken gg)II~llf! (1648-1724). Living as he did in Nagasaki,
it is likely that he was in a position to be informed about foreign learning,and
that his education in Western science was ob~ained in the school ofKobayashi
Yoshinobu, author of the "Nigi ryakusetsu." He did not originate his own
cosmologic theory, nor does he seem to have engaged in astronomical ob-
servations. He was eclectic and inconsistent in may ways. His voluminous
popular writings, in which ancient and available modern works were ex-.l
tensively quoted and commented upon, were widely read and indicate the I
standard of astronomical knowledge of his day. '
STUDY OF MEIRI AND KEIKI HEAVEN
In the opening chapter of his Tenmon giron :R3t~IDfa (Discussions of the \

principles ofastronomy; 1712) he posited two heavens, corresponding to two
approaches to astronomy: the heaven of meiri (Chinese ming Ii ~1.I) and the.
heaven of keiki (Chinese hsing ch'i JfJ~). As meiri corresponds to the Neo- J
Confucian Ii 1.I and keiki to ch'i *t, this amounted to a type of moral-physical \
dualism. \
Joken said that "meiri is not obvious, and is difficult to comprehend, even
though it exists close to everyone." Like Heraclitus' logos, it is the underlying
harmonious principle of human nature and the universe, and generates the
moral and social order as well as the physical cosmos. In Chinese thought the'
I
word t'ien (heaven) implies a universal controlling power: t'ien governs all \
}
68 Nishiuchi Masaru lffll*J~, Shibukawa Harumi no kenkyu ~JIIlM~O)1iJf~ (A study of

Shibukawa Harumi; Tokyo, 1940), pp. 153-157.
things, natural as well as human phenomena. Hence the study of the meiri
heaven is not a branch ofnatural science, but represents an effort to arrive at a
world-view comprehensible only through psychic awakening. The heaven of
meiri may be thought ofas apurely ideal heaven. It operates in physics as the
formal aspect ofcosmic order, which is at the same time moral. The heaven of
keiki, on the other hand, is the measurable phenomenal world. Ifit is necessary
to assign priority, Joken said, the heaven of meiri is superior and that of keiki
inferior. Yet these two are in any event inseparable and complementary.69
In spite of the inseparability of these two heavens in Joken's thought, the
significance of his presentation lies in the very demarcation ofheaven into these
two aspects. The way in which he specified keiki astronomy in opposition to
the study of the meiri heaven opened the door to an objective view of th~
phenomenal world unimpeded by Confucian preconceptions.
In point of fact, Joken rarely referred to meiri elsewhere, but devoted his
largest work, Ryogi shusetsu Wlfi~IDt (An e,xplanation ofcollected materials on
j celestial ~nd t~rres,trial globes; ~7I4), solely to kei~i .astronomy. In one place
. he even IdentIfied astronomy WIth study of the ketkt heaven alone. 70 .
In. the late seventeenth century the kogaku ti~ (ancient learning) SChOO.lo.f
! Confucian philosophy emerged as a reaction against Neo-Confucian ortho-

dOXY. It6Jinsai {jtJ1it:~ (1627-1705) and Ogiu Sorai ~~m1* (1667-1729)
questioned the concept of harmony between human nature and the physical
I
., world. They denied the traditional assumption that every level of the social
I hierarchy was a reflection of the natural order and therefore morally regulated
I by the "way ofheaven," and drew a sharp distinction between matters human
\-and matt~rs celestia1. 71 T~ey attempted t~ divorce obj~cti.ve cosmology.from
)moral phIlosophy, and theIr effect on the mtellectual clImate may have mflu-
encedJoken's distinction between the two heavens.
Nishikawa Joken's son Seikyu lEit further expounded this dichotomy:
"The man of virtue masters the principles of morality and human nature by
69 Nishikawa Joken i§JII~ll~, Tenmon giron (hereafter cited as TG), in Nishikawa 'Joken
isho i§)II~oJ~jl. (Works of Nishikawa Joken; Tokyo, 1899), vol. 2. See also Sugimoto
Isao ;f~*!I{, "Meiri no tengaku ni tsuite" -61JWQ)~¥v;:,,,:)"'-C (On meiri astronomy), in
Nihon Daigaku Bungakubu kenkyu nenpo B **¥)(¥mni}f~::q::¥1l (Yearbook of the Depart-
ment of Literature, Nihon University; Tokyo, 1954); and "Keiken kagaku no bokk6 to min-
shu" ~~f4¥Q)~~C fR;~ (The rise of empirical science and the populace), in Nihon
'*31:
sbakai sbi no kenkyu B * ifII: Q)?iJf~ (Researches in the social history ofJapan), ed. Kodama
K6ta 7[l..:E:$::;t (Tokyo, 1955), pp. 259-265.
70 Ryogi sbusetsu, vol. I, p. I, in Nishikawa 'Joken isbo (see above, n. 69), vols. 15-18.
71 Maruyama Masao 1Ll1J~~, Nibon seiji shiso shi kenkyu B *~fELI!',~3I:?iJf~ (A study
of the history of political thought in Japan; Tokyo, 1952), pp. 52-54, 8o~82, and 210.
IMPACT OF ARISTOTELIAN COSMOLOGY 1°9
~eans of astronomy, while the redheads [that is, the Westerners, especially
the Dutch] are confirmed in vice and avarice through the same study of
astronomy. It is regrettable that although the redheads are accomplished in
keiki astronomy they disregard meiri."72
The exploration of nature was not a final goal but a means to moral virtue.
Psychologically, however, Nishikawa Seikyu's statement may be interpreted
as a rationalization to counter the threat to his own values. The dichotomy of
meiri and keiki has survived almost to the present day in the conservative
argument that Western values are materialistic and Eastern values are spirit-
ual. Arai Hakuseki ~*815, a scholar-politician and a contemporary of Ni-
shikawaJoken, was one of the initiators of this view in Japan. He said: "West-
erners are inferior in metaphysical matters, although they are ingenious in
manipulating figures and instruments."73
JOKEN'S EVALUATION°OF WESTERN ASTRONOMY
In this period of suppression of foreign books, Joken's knowledge of

Western astronomy could hardly surpass the standard of the Kenkon bensetsu,
despite the tremendous advances that had been made in the West during
the intervening seventy years. Among the Chinese works he quoted art
only two books related to Western astronomy, the T'ien-ching huo-wen and th .
Liang-i hsuan-lan.
World geography received a more matter-of-fact appraisal. Western astron-
omy, especially cosmology, was transmitted through foreign books, which
were always associated with Jesuit activities. Geographical knowledge could
b~ obtained through personal contact with traders and pilots at the port of
Nagasaki. Hence Joken was led to the opinion that "Chinese astronomy
gives priority to celestial observations, and terrestrial measurements come
next; Western astronomy starts with terrestrial measurements and extends
to celestial observations."74
NishikawaJoken wasfully aware ofthe superiority ofWestern geographical
measurements. He affirmed75 that "The Portuguese and Dutch have thor-
oughly mastered the art of navigation. Their technique is superior to that of
72 Nishikawa Seikyu @JlIIEf*, Tengaku shogaku mondo::R~fJJ~rl=t~~ (Queries concerning

elementary astronomy; 1730), p. 7.
73 Seiyo kibun @f=f*BIlfj (Hearsay concerning the West), reprint ed. (Tokyo, Iwanami
bunko), p. 24.
74 TG, pt. 1, p. 7. For an account of the transmission of Western navigational techniques,
see Chapter 10.
75 TG, pt. 2, pp. 3-9.
no EARLY IMPACT OF THE WEST
China. Although we do not navigate the oceans or travel far, we must admit
geography is a branch ofastronomy, and that by means of geography we can
measure and prove many things in astronomy, for example, the meridian, the
equator, the ecliptic, the seasons, and the lengths of day and night, all of
which are rooted in geographical measurements."
He warned that those who admitted the superiority of Western astronom-
ical instruments did so because of their ignorance and undervaluation
("due to the debased standards of the day") of the glorious achievements of
classical Chinese astronomy. This evaluation was justifiable. According to
Ricci's diary, when the Jesuits arrived in China at the end of the Ming dy-
nasty, the Chinese had forgotten their ancestors' achievements and did not
know how to use the astronomical instruments of the Yuan dynasty.76
Furthermore, Joken's knowledge of Western astronomy was insufficient to
convince him ofits overwhelming superiority.
Mukai Gensho's antagonism to Aristotelian cosmology was condf£ioned
by the anti-Christian sentiment of the first few decades of seclusion. By~
Joken's time, however, continued peace, almost complete suppression of
Christianity, and contact with foreign pilots and traders made it more pos-
\ sible for Western science to be judged objectively on its own merits.
]OKEN'S SKEPTICAL AND POSITIVISTIC ATTITUDE
Although mindful of the achievements of the ancient Chinese, Joken did

not accept their authority to the degree the classicists had. His commentaries
on canonical sources were outspokenly critical and skeptical, particularly of
) unwarranted speculation.
~ " c
U In general he accepted Western astronomy, but he was distrustful of, for

instance, available (pre-Copernican) values for the radii of the planetary
spheres. The method by which these values were obtained was not stated in
sources available to him. He'wrote: "Even Westerners cannot go up into the
sky and examine it with their own eyes. Hence these theories, whatever they
are, are all absurd."77 He agreed with the nine-layer scheme of the cosmos,
which he believed to be the genuine Chinese model, and denounced a West-
ern eleven-sphere theory as extravagant and ridiculous. 78
Likewise, he dismissed as groundless an estimate of the dimensions of the
76 Henri Bernard, S.]., Matteo Ricci's scientific contribution to China, trans. E. Chalmers
Werner (Peiping, 1935), pp. 59-60.
77 TG, pt. I, p. 20.
78 TG, pt. 2, p. 19.
IMPACT OF ARISTOTELIAN COSMOLOGY III
sun and moon given in an ancient Chinese account. Nonetheless, quoting the
values given in the Liang-i hsuan-lan (where the diameter of the sun is 165
3/8 times that of the earth, and the diameter of the earth 38 1/3 times that
of the moon), he commented: "These values, originating in the theory and
measurements of Western astronomers, seem at first glance nonsensical,
and yet since they must have been calculated according to actual precise
measurements and mathematically verified, we cannot unreasonably dis-
miss them."79
He suspected, however, that the Western value for the radiu;s of the sun <.
was too great and the Chinese value too small. His critical bent led him to
an attitude of mistrust: "1 think that those who want to learn astronomy
should not conform to either the Western or the Chinese theories, b~t should
just rely on their own observations and measurements. This attitude leads
more directly to the truth."80
His son Seikyu continued in this vein, stating that "so far as astronomy is
concerned, the classical treatises are only records to supplement modern
observations ... Even the words of the ancient sages are useless when they
do not fit the phenomena of the earth and sky."81
During the early Ch'ing period, the Neo-Confucian idea of "all-westward"
planetary motion was much discussed in China. 82 Nishikawa Joken thor-
oughly disapproved of the theory and devoted a whole treatise, the Shichiyo
usen benron -f:;lIiti~~~ (A defense' of [the theory of] eastward planetary
motions) to refuting it. 83 One of his points was that if the sun, the moon, and
all the planets moved westward like the fixed stars, differing only in speed,
it would be impossible to account for the change in their declination in the
course of revolution~ He praised the Neo-Confucians who had entered the
field of cosmologic expl~cation, which professional astronomers had avoided,
but denounced their tendency to re~y on speculation for determination of
details. He also criticized the T'en-ching huo-wen as uncritically supporting
the Neo-Confucian view.84
THE YUN-CH'I THEORY
As a positivist, Joken denied the validity of both traditional portent astrol-

79 Ryiigi sbilsetsu (see above, n. 70), vol. 2, pp. 7-9.
80 TG, pt. 2, pp. 6ff and 24.
81 Nishikawa, Tengaku, pp. 7-8.
82 See Juan Yuan ~5G, Ch'ou-jen chuan _A~ (Biographies of mathematicians and astrono-
mers; 1799), chap. 34.
88 In Nishikawa 'Joken isho, vol. 14.
84 Ryiigi sbilsetsu, vol. I, pp. 66-67.
II2 EARLY IMPACT OF THE WEST
ogy and Western horoscopic astrology, although he knew very little about
the latter. Nonetheless, he was byno means free from traditional patterns of
thought. At the close of the Tenmon giron he stated:
Astronomy, geography, and the study of yun-ch'i }I*\: these three

are inseparable. What we call yun-ch'i is the function by which ch'i *\
operates between the sky and earth. Astronomy and geography are
studies of appearances, whereas yun-ch'i is the study of function. All of
these are aspects of the study of the heavens ...
Those who know only appearances in astronomy are as imperfect as
physicians who know a great deal about pharmacology but little about
clinical treatment. The Chinese theory has five el~ments (yun }I)-
earth, metal, water, wood, and fire-and six qualities (ch'i *\)-cold,
hot, dry, wet, windy, and fiery. The Westerners are said to have
four elements-earth, water, air, and fire-and four qualities-dry, wet,
hot, and cold. Since we know nothing further of the Western theory,
we cannot judge its truth, but it seems to be of the same sort as the
Chinese theory. It may be that the Chinese theory is more detailed than
the Western, since the former has altogether elevenyun and ch'i, and the
latter eight. '
Even those who practice the Western-style yun-ch'i [medical] art
at the port of Nagasaki rely on Liu Wen-shu's ;ljm~T theory of yun-ch'i.
When we treat a disease in the five viscera and six organs of the human
body with the Chinese method of five yun and six ch'i, it works remarka-
bly well, since nature [macrocosm] corresponds to the human body
[microcosm]. There can be no doubt that the Chinese method accords
with heaven and earth; otherwise the method would not be applicable
to the human body. Nevertheless, physicians no longer rely on the
yun-ch'i theory. Most regrettable !85
The fi-ch'i theory of Sung Neo-Confucianism was developed into a theory
of pathology in Liu Wen-shu's Su-wen ju-shih yun-ch'i fun ao *rp~A;r\;}I*\~~
1(A yun-ch'i theory based on the Yellow Emperor's inner classic; Chin 4:
r dynasty). 86 According to this theory, man is a small universe, a microcosm.
! Like everything else in the world, man is governed by the yin-yang principle.
tEach ofhis organs corresponds to an element. Tun, a sortofpneuma composed
85 TG, pt. 2, pp. 22-23.

86 Reprinted in Cheng t'ung Tao tsang IEmJc~jl (The Taoist patrology; printed 1444 or
1447).
IMPACT OF ARISTOTELIAN COSMOLOGY II3
of the five elements, circulates on the earth. The six ch'i (another sort of
pneuma; cold, hot, dry, damp, windy, and rainy) perpetually ascend from
the earth to the sky and wander back from the sky to the earth. 'Th~ cause 0
disease lies chiefly in disturbances of the analogous circulation of yun and
ch'i in the human body. This is a sort ofastrologic (or meteorologic) medicine.
It does not seem to have contributed to the development of science. The text
is based on a superficial knowledge of astronomy and contains no incentive
for further development of astronomy per se.
During the Chin and Yuan dynasties this yun-ch'i school became increas-1
ingly popular.in China and was introduced into Japan during the Kamakura
period. It was popular in Japan in the seventeenth century, when Neo-Con- I
.fucianism was established as the official philosophy of the Tokugawa shogu- !
nate, and exerted'great influence on Japanese medicine. Several Japanese books (' \
on yun-ch'i theory appeared early in the Tokugawa period, the first of them \
being published probably in 1611.
It may be supposed that Nishikawa Joken, a skeptical positivist, took a
rather reactionary role in adhering to the yun-ch'i theory. However, he con-
sidered yun-ch'i not as an astrologic technique but as physical science, as
serious as Aristotelian theory. In. the absence of adequate acquaintance with
the methods of Western physics, yun-ch'i seems to have been the most at-
tractive theory available. .
Its reasoning was challenged in Joken's time by the positivistic and clinical
koiho (ancient medical learning) school. This group advocated abandoning
metaphysical accretions and returning to the earlier, more empirical ap-
proach ofthe Shang han fun 1!*Wfi (On febrile diseases; circa 200) by Chang
Chung-ching 51H!f1:m-. Tun-ch'i was finally discarded in the eighteenth century.
As exemplified by the koih6 school, positivistic attitudes were widespread
at this time. Other schools also were beginning to challenge the orthodox
Sung Neo-Confucianism. Joken's dichotomy of meiri and keiki astronomy was
I
further developed by Nishimura T6sato gBt1~!I!, acting master of the
Court Astronomy School and an extensive writer, who proposed the follow-
ing classification of astronomical subjects :87
SUBJECT EXAMPLES
(1) Rigaku JJ.~: explanation of Ancient Chinese cosmology, for
the cosmos and of terrestrial phe- example, the kai-t'ien and hun-t'ien
87 Tengaku shiyo :R¥1Ii~ (Essentials of astronomy), ed. 2 (1776), pp. 1-3; and "HonchO
tenmon shi, furoku" *ljiJj:R)(~ffl~ (Collected records ofJapanese astronomy, appendix:

MS,1781).
II4 EARLY IMPACT OF THE WEST
nomena such as winds and rain- theories. Contemporary volumes

bows. Inaccurate in observations like the T'ien-ching huo-wen. Works
but detailed in causal explanations. of Nishikawa Joken and Nishikawa
Seikyu.
(2) Keiki: identical with tradi- WorksofKuo Shou-ching and
tional calendrical science. Strong in Shibukawa Harumi.
mathematical treatment and weak ill
physical explanation.
(3) Meiri: traditional metaphy- Confucian classics.
SICS.
(4) Senko ~{~: traditional portent Works of Abe no Seimei, fre-

astrology, that is, the popular quently quoted in books on
aspects of astronomy. military strategy.
There was nothing corresponding to the last two divisions in available
Western works.
Summary
In the first half of the Tokugawa period, Aristotelian cosmology was
-f-.: introduced in a fairly accurate version by the Kenkon bensetsu) the "Nigi rya-
. kusetsu," and the T'ien-ching huo-wen. It did not, however, replace traditional
cosmology, with which it was largely incompatible. At best, Aristotelian
theory was accepted as a facet of European learning and merely juxtaposed
onto the Eastern theory.
,) The three treatises mentioned were of an elementary nature and did not
-'. _give an adequate account of Ptolemaic astronomy. Unlike such Sino-Jesuit
treatises as those in the Ch'ung-chen Ii-shu) these works neither served the
purpose of traditional calendrical astronomy nor indicated the procedures
underlying the findings given. They merely provided astronomers with
numerical values-generally rough and not very reliable-to be compared
with the traditional ones. It is not surprising that practical astronomers like
Shibukawa Harumi underestimated Western astronomy.
In the early Tokugawa period, contemporary cosmologic schemes and
)mathematical astronomy were almost totally unrelated. The bifurcation was
traditional: the field of cosmology was 'simply a playground for intellectual
curiosity.
IMPACT OF ARISTOTELIAN COSMOLOGY IIS
In the first annotated Japanese edition ofthe T'ien-ching huo-wen, Nishikawa
Seikyu said: "All the calendrical treatises merely described techniques and
parameters for tracing the movements of the celestial bodies, but did not
expound the shapes and causes of the heavens and the earth. Therefore they
are of little use to philosophers and physicians. In this respect the T'ien-ching
huo-wen is valuable, although its numerical values are not reliable. For detailed
calendrical science, do not consult it."88
At the same time, we find a gradual trend-still within traditional modes of
thought-toward a disinterested- concern with "pure" astronomy not bound
for calendar-making and emancipation from the prevailing socio-ethically
oriented natural philosophy. This current is exemplified by NishikawaJoken's
l
works. Slowly, the scientific characteristics of astronomy emerged. Only in'
the late eighteenth century, when a more detailed account of Western astron-J
omy became available, did the amalgamation of what Nishimura T6sato had
called the rigaku and keiki astronomies begin.
88 Nishikawa, Tengaku, p. 8.
10 The Fi~st Native Calendar Reform
THE REMARKABLE PREOCCUPATION of the Chinese with calendar reform-

first for political and then for scientific reasons-has been discussed at some
length in Chapter 6. The early Japanese, on the other hand, did little more
than adopt the Chinesecalendars 1 for their own. Revisions were made in-
frequently, and there was iri fact a long period of indifference to, calendar
reform. It was not until the Tokugawa regime that intellectual pursuits
were encouraged and stimulated sufficiently to set the stage for the first
calendar reform by the Japanese themselves.
Early Influences
THE JESUIT CONTRIBUTION

Since, at the height ofJesuit activity in early seventeenth-century Japan,
the need for calendar reform had not yet been keenly felt by the Japanese, the
Jesuits had no incentive to parallel the achievements in this area of their
fellow missionaries in China.
. Although Christian popular almanacs were circulated among Jesuit con-
[verts,2 their purpose was to indicate the days for religious observances.
1 In this chapter "calendar" is used in the broad sense, equivalent to "ephemeris" or

"astronomical treatise." It should be kept in mind that a Chinese or Japanese official calendar
is in effect a scientific treatise, giving in full basic methods and data for calendar composition,
and that as such it should be distinguished from the yearly almanacs distributed to the popu-
lace.
2 An account of the Christian calendar is included in Ebizawa Arimichi ~~~1fm,
Nanban gakuto no kenkyu 1¥J.~nvcO)?iJf~ (A study of the tradition of Western learning
[in Japan]; Tokyo, 1958), appendix, pp. 444-496. It is interesting that elements of Gregorian
calendar reform were adopted by Japanese converts as early as 1584 or 1585. See Osaki ShOji
*~IE{Ji:, "Nihon Yasokai nokaireki" S*Jf~f.iirO)~~ (Calendar reform by the Society
of Jesus in Japan), Rekishi chiri ~~:Lt~ (History and geography) 70 (4) (1937).
FIRST NATIVE CALENDAR REFORM II7
Astronomically, they were ofno importance, although they demonstrated the

simplicity of the solar calendar in comparison with the traditionallunisolar
calendar.
Ids recorded that a Jesuit, Carlo Spinola (r564-r622)- who, .like Matteo
Ricci, was once a student of Christopher Clavius at the Collegio Romano-:-
observed lunar eclipses at Nagasaki in r6r2 and 1617 simultaneously with
missionaries in China in order to determine the difference in Iongitude between
Nagasaki and Macao. 3 However, as we have seen, the subsequent persecution
of followers of Christianity prevented the diffusion of this or other Jesuit
knowledge among the Japanese.
THE INFLUENCE OF NAVIGATION
Japanese navigators who sailed the trade routes on European ships acquired
some knowledge of navigational astronomy before the r633 decree prohib-
iting foreign intercourse. This fact is best substantiated by the Genna kokaisho
5G5flJjf]ftm:l= (Writings on navigation during the Genna period; also called the
GennakOkaiki 5C5flJjf]ftm~a), written by Ikeda Koun M1.83tff-~ and dated r6r8. 4
According to the preface, the author learned the art of navigation through
his experience sailing with Manoel Gonsalvez, a Spanish merchant shipowner,
on voyages between the Philippines and Japan after I6r6. His presentation is
not systematic, but rather an amalgam of miscellaneous information in which
Western and Chinese influences and the author's own ideas are mixed. Imai
Itaru 4-tt:~ has studied this work carefully and has pointed out particularly
the influence of Portuguese navigational techniques. 5
The Genna kokaisho was perhaps the first Japanese work to employ the west~1
ern 36o-degree angle notation, but trigonometric functions do not appear.
Values ofthe declination ofthe sun were tabulated for each day ofthe year, to a
3 A. J. von Krusenstern, Reise um die Welt in den lahren 1803-1806 (St. Petersburg, 1810),
vol. pp. 320-321 ; Richard Cocks, Diary ofRichard Cocks (Tokyo, 1898), vol. I, pp. 292-293.
I,
4 ~eprinted in various series, such as Nihon kagaku koten zensho B*f4~~ :Jil1;1~::& (Com-
prehensive collection of classical works on Japanese science), ed. Saigusa Hiroto =:;\sZt:fiif
(Tokyo, 1943), vol. 12.
5 Imai Itaru 4-*~, "Genna kOkaisho no tenmongaku" r5C:flJ!IDtW:\f&J 0)3(3t~ (Astronomy
in the Genna kOkaisho), Tenkansho 3(tr:rl (Private Journal ofImai Itaru) 15 (1955). Imai's pen-
etrating analyses of the Genna kOkaisho appear in various articles in Tenkansho. See also his "Genna
kOkaisho no sakub6" 5C:flJ!IDtm:rlO):!ft)j~(Indexesof the moon's phases as they appear in the
Genna kOkaisho), Nihon tenmon kenkyukai Mbun 13 *3(3t1iJf~fr¥~3t (Memoirs of the Japan
Astronomical Study Association) 2, 107-114 (1955); and Uchiyama Moritsune i*J11J~m,
"Genna kiikaisho no sakubo hyo ni tsuite" 5C:flJ!IDtm:rlO):!ft)j~~vc" ?\, ''L (On the table of
phases of the moon in the Genna kOkaisho), Tenmon soM 3(3t*~* (Journal of astronomy) 10 .
(114),47-48 (1956).
lI8 EARLY IMPACT OF THE WEST
precision ofone minute ofarc, so that a ship's latitu.de could be determined by

measuring the sun's altitude at noon with an astrolabe and consulting the
!. tables. 6 Rough drawings of a simple astrolabe and a quadrant are given with-
out explanation. On the whole, in spite of the new ideas and data presented,
l the treatise is far from comprehensive.
The later development of navigational astronomy was frustra~ed by the
government's decision to close the country. During the period of seclusion,
the techniques of this art seem to have shifted to geographical surveying.
The "Sokuryo higen" lJlU:l:ff~ § (Secrets of surveying; 1727) states that
"the basis of this art [surveying] was originally bequeathed by the West-
ern pilots." But even Western techniques of surveying were not welcomed
by the feudal government. The subject was frequently denounced as unac-
ceptable or heretical, 7 possibly because of its grave importance for military
strategy, or perhaps simply because of its Western origin.
CHINESE INFLUENCE
I After peace was established inJapan under the Tokugawaregime, interest in

lintellectual advancement began to flourish and the printing ofbooks increased.
Chinese mathematical and astronomical learning was reintroduced. Heme-
rologic treatises called hoki.~ (ritual implement), written for popular use,
were the first to appear. Probably the earliest genuine; Japanese treatise on
calendrical science still extant8 is the "Nichigetsu kaigo sanpo" 13 JJ ir~_i*
(Mathematical treatise on eclipses; ms, 1642) by Imamura Tomoaki 4-M~jifj,
i one of the earliest wasanka ;fO_* (traditional Japanese mathematicians).
Several studies of the Hsuan-ming Ii ~~JfI, the contemporary official calendar
in Japan, followed. This growth of interest was accompanied by definite
I
advances in mathematical capability.
I The single most important influence on Japanese calendar-making was
' Kuo Shou-ching's ~~~fWc shou-shih Ii ~mfJfl, a thirteenth-century calendrical
treatise and possibly the highest achievement of traditional Chinese as-
I(tronomy. During the Mongol Yuan dynasty, the Chinese hadfrequent con-
~ tacts with the West; many Arabian instruments were used, and resident
6 The declination ofthe sun, when plotted against days ofthe year, gives an unexplainably
irregular curve. This might have been caused by the author's own method of calculation, or
by varying observational values at different locations along the ship's route. See Imai,
"Genna kokaisho no tenmongaku."
7 Mikami Yoshio =J::~~, Nihon sokuryojutsu shi no kenkyu S *mU:l:1Jj;jj:(7)1iJf~ (Studies
in the history ofland-surveying in Japan), ed. 2, (Tokyo, 1948), pp. 51, 56, and 68.
B The manuscript is preserved in the Nihon Gakushiin (Japan Academy).
FIRST NATIVE CALENDAR REFORM 119
Islamic astronomers were employed to make the calendar and to translate 1

Arabic calendrical treatises into Chinese. It seems, however, that the Chinese I
astronomers themselves remained unconcerned with this foreign astronomy
during the Yuan period. 9 The two schools coexisted without cooperating.
with each other. In fact, there are no significant traces of Western aStronomy
in the Shou-shih calendar.
The Shou-shih calendar was received with enthusiasm in Japan and after the
1670'S was published repeatedly in annotated Japanese editions. Many of its
commentators, such as Seki Takakazu NJj*=%ll and Takebe Katahiro ~ffBJt~,
were first-rate mathematicians. The calendar might have attracted attention
in Japan at a much earlier time, but because there was so little mathematical
proficiency it could not be thoroughly comprehended before the early Toku-
gawa period.
Japanese Efforts
SHIBUKA WA HARUMI AND THE JOKYO CALENDAR
As the study of mathematics and the Chinese calendar continued, the

defects of the old Hsuan-ming calendar became apparent. Reformation of the
official calendar in Japan was, however, an event of major political impor-
tance, not a mere technical matter. Moreover, age-old tradition decreed that
calendar-making be monopolized by the emperor's court, a stronghold of
conservatism, while actual political hegemony was in the hands of the sho-
gunate. Even if an astronomer were well aware of the scientific defects of the
current calendar, he would be compelled to weigh also the fact that any pro-
posal for calendar reform might be considered a criticisin of the authorities.
In such circumstances, determination and self-confidence were as important
as astronomical acumen.
Although by the seventeenth century the discrepancy in the tropical year I
amounted to almost two days, the error caused little inconvenience or con-
fusion in daily life. Such a small difference could not affect agriculture to any':
real extent; moreover, in determining their agricultural schedule, peasants
9 Kiyosi Yabuuti (Yabuuchi Kiyoshi), "Indian and Arabian astronomy in China," Silver
1ubilee Volume of the Zinbun-Kagaku-Kenkyusyo, Kyoto University (Kyoto, 1954), pp. 590-592;
his "Genmin rekih6 shi" 5f;§JjJff1!.se. (History of calendrical science during the Yuan and
Ming dynasties), TOM gakuhii(Kyoto) *:JJ~¥li, Ji(1m 14, 265 (1943); and Willy Hartner, "The
astronomical instruments of Cha-ma-Iu-ting, their identification, and their relations to the
instruments of the observatory of Maragha," Isis 41, 184-194 (1950).
~
elied on experience rather than on the official yearly calendar. to The predic-
.tion of eclipses necessarily became highly inaccurat.e, but the error in the syn-
'odic month was comparatively small. Ifthere was any motivation behind the
government's decision to reform at last, it was that ofstrengthening imperial
. authority by providing the people with an accurate national calendar.
Mere technical competence therefore was not enough to carry through a
calendar reform. Diplomatic ability sufficient to convince important political
figures of the significance of the reform was also vital. Shibukawa Harumi
i'itlEJII 3f¥iiJ was the man capable of such a complex task.
During this period when observations were seldom made, the study of the
. calendar was considered to be a branch of mathematics~ While others were
concentrating on mastering Chinese texts, Harumi conducted what· were
\ probably the first systematic astronomical observations in Japan. At the
same time, he approached influential men both in the Tokugawa government
and at the imperial capital and tried to persuade them to back his scheme for
reform. At first he urged adoption ofthe Shou-shih calendar,l1 but then in 1675
an eclipse occurred as predicted in the Hsuan-ming calendar but not in the.
Shou-shih. Although disturbed by this incident, Harumi labored on. He sent
another memorandum to the court offering his own calendar, but in 1684 the
court announced adoption of the Ta-t(ung **1E, the official Ming calendar, in
which Harumi had no confidence. The jealousy of the incompetent hereditary
court astronomers had temporarily blocked the success ofan untitled amateur.
No sooner did the news reach Harumi than he dispatched ~~emoran
dum. Finally his own '}okyo y{}j£. calendar was adopted in the same year.
Upon his success he was appointed official astronomer (tenmongata :x.x.1J) to
the shogunate at Edo. From this time on the Tokugawa government main-
tained permanent astronomical posts independent of those in the imperial
, court. These posts were also hereditary, but under the feudal regime this
'I situation was not at all unusual-even for technical positions.
Nominal authority for issuance of the calendar was retained by the court
astronomers. Although the shogunal astronomer's duty was to produce the
10 Sugimoto Isao if~*~, "Edo jidai no n6jireki ni tsuite" rrpffif~CO.JI~~~C"?"\L
(On the farmer's almanacs of the Tokugawa period), in Nihon Daigaku Bungakubu kenkY17
nenpo B **¥)(¥fm1iif~:if.¥1i (Yearbook of the Department of Literature, Nihon Univer-
sity; Tokyo, 1958).
11 In this first proposal, in order to persuade the court factions, Harumi pointed out as one
impetus for calendar reform that hemerologic notes, according to Japanese yin-yang art, were
not practicable since their basis, the day indexes, no longer conformed to observed phenom-
ena. Still, it is doubtful that Harumi really believed in hemerology; in his later proposals,
it is not mentioned at all. .
"scientific" parts of each year's calendar (and astronomical tables), the drafts
were sent to the court astronomers at Kyoto for supplementary hemerologic
notes and were issued under their authority. Still, the real power for calcu-
lating the calendar was now in the hands ofthe shogunal astronomers at Edo.
Shibukawa Harumi's work was based entirely on the Shou-shih calendrical
treatise of 1282, generally accepted as an astronomical classic during the
Tokugawa period. By Harumi's time, the Chinese had promulgated two
further calendar reforms, the Ta-t'ung (1368) and the Shih-hsien ~~ (1644),
to which Harumi occasionally referred.
The Shih-hsien treatise was the first official calendar composed by the
EuropeanJesuits. It undoubtedly would have had greater influence on Harumi
if a full account ofit had been available to him. But it seems he had only frag-
mentary information, perhaps only the calendars that were distributed
yearly. The most valuable treatise for his purposes was thus the Shou-shih of
four .centuries earlier.
As for Western astronomical works, almost the only source he had was the I
T'ien-ching huo-wen, an elementary, secondhand work (see Chapter 9). Al-
though its schematic approach was new to t.he Far Eastern tradition, its rough. 1
parameters were not at all helpful for practical calculation. When Harumi
commented that "although Western theory is attractive, it cannot be applied
in practice," his evaluation is justified in view of the limited information
available to him. Since he was a zealous calendar reformer, it is unlikely that
he was speaking from prej udice.
Shibukawa Harumi's instruments were much inferior to those of Kuo
Shou-ching, and he did not improve upon the Shou-shih's observationalpreci-
sion. The significance of his observations lies in his correction for Japanese
longitude and latitude. In the ]okyo calendar there were a few minor improve-
ments, but by and large Harumi was in no position to make major innova-
tions.
It was psychologically important for the Jqpanese to break their long-
standing precedent of adopting Chinese calendan. Har~mi did not always
surrender to the authority of the Shou-shib, but felt free to criticize it within
the limit of his capabilities. Still, the ]okyo calendar did not transcend the
traditional Chinese framework. In China itself, this framework had been
modified by·the Jesuits' enter~ris:s in the seventeenth centur~; the Japa~ese,/.
. on the other hand, were begmnmg the development of theIr own SCIence
entirely within the traditional stereotype.
THE HORYAKU CALENDAR
t
In the early eighteenth century the Shogun Yoshimune, himself an en.;
thusiastic amateur astronomer, desired to sponsor an improved calendar
. ased on Sino-Jesuit astronomy. Although there was no appreciable discrep-
ancy between observed phenomena and the ]-okyo calendar then in use, he
wished to modernize the structural framework of the calendar and therefore
.permitted the importation ofJesuit treatises. His was to be a revision initiated
and sponsored by the government itself-a distinct difference from the first
Japanese calendar reform, which was accepted only after years ofeffort on the
part ofShibukawa Harumi. }
The tenmongata of the time proved incapable of carrying out the task en-
visioned, and so Nishikawa Seikyu, who had a high reputation for knowledge
of Western astronomy, was appointed a supernumerary tenmongata.
~
Seikyu intended to base his work on the Cheung-chen Ii-shu ~jjjJ{M.) a newly
b,tained collection ofJe,suit treatises, but he became involved in the conflict
between the Western-oriented shogunate astronomers and the conservative
' astronomers of the imperial court. The latter, eager to restore their former
}, monopoly ofcalendar-making, constantly attacked Seikyu on the ground that
he desired only to popularize Western ideas and was not qualified for practical
calendar-making. After the death of Yoshimune in 1750, Seikyu and his
party could no longer rely on the government's encouragement and support.
They finally were defeated by the Kyoto faction. The function of calendar-
making thus was temporarily returned to the control ofthe court.
As a consequence, the theoretical essentials of the new Horyaku WM
calendar were, the same as those of the ]-okyo) basically derived from the,
\,obsolete Shou-shih calendar. Yoshimune's goal of modernizing the calendar
as not to be realized. A very few Western methods, such as the use of the
quadrant in making observations and some application of trigonometric
tables in computation, reportedly were incorporated.t 2 The failure of this
revision became manifest a few years later when the calculation of a solar
eclipse failed.
INSTRUMENT ATION
During the Jesuit period, various instruments of Western origin were
12 Hirose Hideo lJ:ifj*tl, "Horyaku no kaireki ni tsuite" .MO)qt(M~c'0"\-c (On the

Horyaku calendar reform) Rangaku shiryo kenkyukai kenkyu hOkoku M~~*41iJf~*1iJf~¥IH!i·
(Reports of the society of Dutch sources in Japan), no. 127 (1963); and Ry6kichi Otani,
Tadataka Ino (in English; Tokyo, 1932), p. 18.
introduced by the tiny community of Dutch traders at Nagasaki. A mec~ani-I

cal (weight-driven) clock had been brought to Japan in 1551 by St. Francis
Xavier, and this instrument was subsequently reproduced with artistic
refinements by Japanese craftsmen,13 though its scientific use in combina~ion
with astronomical observations was postponed until the early part of the
I
nineteenth century. . '
At the time ofKuo Shou-ching's calendar reform, a variety of instruments
were employed for various purposes. 14 The most important were the gno-
mon, the armillary sphere with sighting tube (see Appendix 4 f0r the relative
precision of these two instruments), the celestial globe, and the clepsydra.
Harumi replaced the clepsydra with the hyakkoku kan s~U~ (a kind of sun-
dial), although the Chinese had found the clepsydra quite satisfactory. He
also employed a telescope to determine the positions of circumpolar stars. 1S
Reportedly introduced as early as 1613, the telescope seems to have been
merely a curiosity until the time of the Shogun Yoshimune and the Horyaku
calendar, when its systematic ·use for astronomical observation was'begun. 16
Technical Aspects ofthe shou-Shih and 1okyo Calendars

There are four major topics in traditional Far ·Eastern calendar-making:
the movement of the sun, the movement of the moon, the reconciliation of
these two movements in compiling the lunisolar calendar, and eclipse predic-
tion. Let us analyze each in some detail,17 then examine the lack of concern
about planetary movements.
THE MOVEMENT OF THE SUN
The most critical astronomical observations are those·aimed at precise

13 Yamaguchi Ryiiji lllo ~:::::, Nibon no tokei 8 :2js:(1)ffifH (Japanese clocks; Tokyo, 1942),
pp. fr.
II
14 See Alexander Wylie, "The Mongol astronomical instruments in Peking" (London,
1873-1874), in Cbineseresearcbes (Shanghai, 1897); and Joseph Needham, Science and civilisa-
tion in Cbina (Cambridge, England), vol. 3, pp. 284 fr.
15 Tani Jinzan ::e-~lll, ']inkiroku 3::~~, vols. 1 and 2, reprinted in ']inzansbu ~lll~
(Collected works ofTaniJinzan; Tokyo, 1910). Jinzan was a pupil ofShibukawa Harumi and
recorded his teacher's activities.
16 Mikami, Nibon sokuryo jutsu sbi no kenkyu, pp. 102 and 120-121.
17 To amplify the discussion of the Sbou-sbib ~ffif calendar (the calendrical treatise of the
Yuan history), the following works may be consulted: Hsing Ytin-Iu 7fIJ~lm, Ku-tbin Iii-Ii
k'ao tl4-~Jff~ (Investigations ofold and new calendars; circa 1600); Mei Wen-ting #§i:xW,
Li-suan cb'iian-sbu Jff~~. (Comprehensive collection of works on calendrical science and
mathematics; 1723}; and Takebe Katahiro ~{fB.JBl. "Jujireki kaigi" ~ffifJffm., 6 vols.;
MS circa 1690.
p q
a x b c
Figure 12. Determination ofsolstitial time by the Interpolation method. The relation-
ship of gnomon lengths p and q, taken on consecutive days before the winter solstice,
to length r, taken the day after the solstice, is used to determine the hour of solstice.
determination of the solstices for the purpose of calculating the length of the
tropical year. While in Western astronomy the tropical year begins with
the vernal equinox, in Chinese practice it began with the winter solstice,
uwhich had a special significance in court ceremony. For determining the time
of the solstice the gnomon, although inferior to the armillary sphere (see
Appendix 4), was considered indispensable. But mere observation ofthe long-
est shadow of the midday sun could not giv~ time of solstice to the fraction
of a day. "'Furthermore, daily variation of the solar declination is minimal at
the solstices, while maximal at the equinoxes. Hence, for precision, an
interpolation device was employed,18
Interpolation. In Figure 12, let p and q be gnomon-shadow lengths on two
consecutive days a and b before (or after) the winter solstice and r be that on
day c after (or before) the solstice, where the relation p< r < q holds. Since
the distance AB is small, it may be regarded as a straight line. Then the
following relationship holds: (q-r)j(r-p)=(b-x)/(x-a). The curve is
assumed to be symmetrical for the winter solstice; therefore its date s is given
by ~(c-x)=s. In this way not only the exact day, but also the hour of
solstice is deduced.
This method, although ingenious, contains within itself a source of error.
Because of the solar equation of center, the curve that represents solar decli-
nation is not necessarily symmetrical about the solstice.
18 This method had earlier been used for the same purpose by Tsu Ch'ung-chih Jil[1r?Z
(43 0 -5 01 ).
The solar equation of center, eliminating higher terms, is

A=Ao+2e sin M, (10.1)
where Ais the sun's true longitude, Ao its mean longitude, e the eccentricity
of the solar orbit, and M the mean anomaly (angular distance of the mean sun
from the perigee). Also
(10.2)
where OJ is the longitude ofthe solar perigee and t the number of elapsed years
since commencement of the epoch.
At the time 'of winter solstice, A=lir
2,
by definition. By substitution of
this value for A in Eq. (10.1), and with the value of M from Eq. (10.2),
In the second term of the right member, we may substitute A for Ao be-
cause the difference in their sines is negligible. If Ao s is taken to be the mean
longitude of the winter solstice, then
; ir-;- Ao s +2e sin [; ir-OJ(t)]

=Ao s -2e cos OJ (t). (10.3)
Let the declination, longitude, and mean anomaly of the sun at points x
and c on Figure 12 be OX, AX, and Mx and oC, AC, and Mc respectively. Since
the solar altitude at points where shadow lengths are equal is the same, OX=Oc.
Let e be the obliquity of the ecliptic, that .ls, about 231;2 degrees.
Since sino=sin A sin e,
then sin oX=sin AX sin e
and sin OC = sin AC sin e.
Since OX=OC,
sin AX=sin oc;
AX=A c+2nir or (2n+I) ir-Ac.
If we assume n=I,
Applying Eq., (10.1), we see that the mean of the mean longitudes at x and
c may be represented as follows:
AX +Ac-2e(sin Mx+sin MC)

2
=l-n--e [sin (Ax-w)+sin (Ac-w)]

2
=l-n--e [sin (Ax-w)+sin (Ax+w)]

2
=l-n--2e sinA x cos w.

2
From Eqs. (10.3) and (10.4), the difference between the mean and the true
winter solstice may be represented by
Aox+Aoc 3 3
..los 2 2 n-+2e cos W-(2:n--2e sin AX cos w) "-
=2e cos w(I+sin AX). (10.5)
Likewise, the difference in the case of the summer solstice will be 2e cos W
(sin AX~ I). Dividing these terms by the mean solar motion, they may be
converted into day units, which will give the error inherent in the Chinese
method of interpolation.
At the time of the Shou-shih calendar W'=7 3/2n-, that is, the longitude of the
solar perigee and that of the winter solstice were nearly the same. Therefore
this method of interpolation could be applied without appreciable error.
But in the case of the 1okyo (W=277.4°) and the later Horyaku (w=278.6°)
calendars, if the equinoxes were chosen as points x and c, the error would
amount to 0.25 and 0.29 days respectively.
The length of the tropical year was estimated by the following method.
The number ofyears (in terms of solstices) and the number of days (in terms
of 60-day cycles) between a solstice observed in ancient times and a recent
one were counted and the latter divided by the former. This gave the average
le~1th of a tropical year. The result obtained in the case of the Shou-shih
L;~dar was 365. 242 5 days, which is the same as that employed in the Gre-
gorian calendar. (Ptolemy's value was 365.2467.)
Obviously, the taller the gnomon, given suitable precautions such as use
of a pinhole to define the shadow, the more precise the results obtained. For
the Shou-shih 'calendar, Kuo Shou-ching used a giant gnomon 40 ft tall. Shi-
bukawa Harumi tried to determine the time of solstices in the same manner
over many years,19 but his instrument was much smaller (8 ft tall) and there-
19 "'}okyo rekigi" .A1J:Jff~ (Procedure of the '}okyo calendar; MS) vol. I, includes the re-
sults of his observations.
fore less precise. It is unlikely that he finally used his own observational
values. Probably, he relied on the calculations of the Shou-shih treatise. 2o
Variation in tropical-year length. The Shou-shih calendar gave the following
formula for secular change in length T of the tropical year:
T= 365.2425 -0.000002 t, (10.6)
where t is the number ofyears subsequent to the epochal year, A.D. 1282. This
is called the "method of hsiao-chang ~* (variation)."21
While succeeding Chinese calendars did not adopt this factor allowing for
secular change, Harumi and other Japanese astronomers were more impressed
by the Shou-shih than by later Chinese works, principally because ofits seeming
profundity in adopting such a minute variation. In fact, the main reason
Harumi was not attracted to later Chinese calendars was their omission of
this variation term.
The length of the tropical year is indeed subject to constant change. For a
relatively short period, astronomically speaking, Newcomb's equation 22
holds:
where the epoch is A.D. 1900.

The two equations, however, are fundamentally different. Newcomb's
equation gives the length of the tropical year in terms of the mean sun,
whereas the Chinese equation refers to the motion of the observed sun.
Let us now examine variation of the tropical year in its Chinese meaning.
To consider this problem, the cause of variation must first be determined.
The principal cause is the pr~gressive motion of the solar perigee. That is,
the sun's elliptical orbit is itselfslowly rotating about the darth. (Here we shall
consistently follow the geocentric system.) Because of this, the sun passes
through slightly more than 360 degrees of true longitude to complete an ano-
malistic year-in other words, to move from one solar perigee to the next. It
20 Nishimura Tosato IffiH~ll, "1okyokai" j{¥:M (The 1okyo calendar illustrated; 1761);
and Nishiuchi Masaru 1ffiP3~, Tani jinzan no gaku ~*11I0)~ (A study of Tani Jinzan; To-
kyo, 1945), pp. 278-280.
21 The idea of variation of the tropical year first appeared in the T'ung-t'ien iliIC::Rlff calen-
dar of the Sung dynasty (promulgated in 1194). For details, see Nakayama Shigeru I=f:ll1lm,
"Shochoho no kenkyii (I)" ~:IJt$O)?iJf~ (Variation of tropical-year length in Far Eastern
astronomy and its observational basis), Kagakushi kenkyii f4~JI:.?iJf~ (Journal of history of
science, Japan), no. 66 (1963), pp. 69-70.
22 Simon Newcomb, "Tables of the motion of the earth on its axis and around the sun,"
Astronomicalpapers preparedfor the use ofthe American ephemeris and nautical almanac (Washington,
1895), vol. 4, pt. I, p. 10.
( a) ( b)
Figure 13 (a). True motion of the sun in the ecliptic plane about the earth E. Angle
AEB -represents the advance ofthe solar perigee from A to B. Two winter solstices are
represented by Wand W'. (b) Instantaneous ellipse when the sun is at B displaced
by backward rotation through angle AEB to instantaneous ellipse when the sun is
at A. Angle WE W' =angle AEB.
will be demonstrated that while the anomalistic year is constant in length,

the tropical year ofthe Chinese calendar is somewhat shorter, varying in ac-
cordance with the position of the winter solstice on the sun's elliptical orbit.
Figure I3a shows the sun's true motion on the ecliptic plane about the
earth E. The solar perigee is constantly advancing, in this case from A to B.
Angle AEB (here exaggerated) represents this advance.
For illustration, let us displace an instantaneous ellipse when the sun is at
B and make it coincide with another instantaneous ellipse when the sun is at
A by rotating backward with an angle AEB about E. We thus obtain Figure
I3b, which shows the sun's elliptical orbit considered as stationary. In such a
case the winter solstice is thought of as moving slowly backward along the
orbit, with angle WEW' equal to angle AEB.
The length of the tropical year then is the length of a constant anomalistic
year minus the time taken by the sun to move through angle WEW'. Thus,
anomali~tic motion combines with progression of the perigee in such a way
as to produce a variable term in the tropical-year length. The mathematical
procedure for deriving this factor is demonstrated in Appendix 5.
As we have noted, at the time the Shou-shih calendar was compiled the solar
perigee nearly coincided with the winter solstice so that (J) = LIT,. .or nearly
2
so. In such a case, the following approximate equation may be applied:
T= To +0.00058 -0.000000000026 t 2 ,
where To is the length ofthe tropical year in terms of mean longitude, assumed
constant. If we compare this equation, the modern version of variation of
tropical-year length, with the original Shou-shih formula of Eq. (10.6), we
notice a fundamental difference. While the Shou-shih value constantly de-
creases, the modern version asserts that the tropical-year length reached its
maximum, 365.2428 days, at the time of the Shou-shih compilation when
referred to the true win ter solstice.
From the foregoing Eq. (10.6), and as illustrated in Figure 14, the length of
the tropical year at the '}okyo epoch was 365.2417 days. This variation term
was taken over to the next calendar reform, the Horyaku, in 1754, and a value of
36S.2416days for the tropical year was derived. Thus neither of theseJapanese
calendars relied on new Japanese observations in determining tropical-year
length; both were formulated entirely from calculations based on the Shou~
shih treatise.
Observational basis for the variation term. Comparisons of available observa-
tional records with calculations of solstices and equinoxes are given in Tables
AI to AS. of Appendix 6. Figure IS shows these results graphically. The
x-axis indicates the year the observation was made. The y-axis shows the
amount ofdeviation ofobserved records from the calculated length oftropical
year according to Newcomb's formula, Eq. (10. 7). Negative values represent
times earlier than the calculated date, and positive values later. Most of the
Chinese observations are given only by date; hence the points indicate midday
of the day on which the observation was made. The precise moment of a
winter solstice must be considered as falling somewhere within the line seg-
ment representing one day that centers on the midday dot.
In determining calendrical constants from winter-solstice observations,
there are two variables: the epoch and the length of the tropical year. Chinese
calendar-makers customarily first determined the epoch and then the trop-
ical-year length, then verified them by comparing calculations based on
them to actual and recorded observations. It was essentially a process of trial
and error. With the introduction of a variation term, however, a third degree
of freedom appeared and further complicated the matter. I
In Figure IS, a straight line involves two degrees offreedom. It is apparent,

however, that the three ancient Chinese recorded data and the observations
after the fifth century A.D. do not lie in a single straight line. The Chinese
seem to have introduced the variation term in order to reconcile all these
foo-4
W
o
\\
365.2500 \~ •
\
...... \
(/)
>.
\,
.g .2480
",
..c:
.-
"
Ptolemy ~'"
. •
.,.
0'
c::
~
0
.2460
""
'-
---- ;-._----
-- ..
... _---------------
Q)
>.
•
....•
J
. tr1
0 >
.~
l:l=I
Q. ~
~
0 • ~
t"l
~
.2420 • v", s~\~ • l-(
.2400
I
0
I I
200
I
400
I
600
I
800
I
1000
5~O
I
1200
I
1400
r'
1600
"t"J
J/.o\"'b('"Ot' ~~
>
()
1800 ~
Year calendar adopted (A.D.) ::r:
Figure 14. Variation in the length of tropical year as calculated during different calendar reforms. The straight line represents ~
decreasing lengths calculated according to the Shou-shih formula; the broken curve illustrates the diminution ofadopted tropical- tr1
CI:l
year lengths (see p. 131). I-i
FIRST NATIVE CALENDAR REFORM
data. The formula for tropical-year length ofthe Shou-shih calendar, Eq. (10.6),
is a second-degree equation with respect to t and hence is represented in
Figure IS as parabolic. By this means a single equation of the second degree
could "save" both ancient records and modern observations.
Curiously enough, the length of the tropical year as given in successive
Chinese calendars 23 shows a tendency toward constant diminution, as shown
in Figure 14. This trend can be accounted for by the gradual correction of
preceding values, starting from the ancient "quarter" calendar (Ssu-fen Ii
lm5tmf), in which the tropical-year length adopted was equal to that of the
Julian calendar. Probably, the diminution in length caused the Chinese to
believe that in ancient times the tropical year really was longer and that it
would continue to become shorter in the future.
Let us postulate a certain number ofdays' error, d, in an ancient observation
ofthe winter solstice on which the classically oriented Chinese placed absolute
reliance. It is possible to trace the effect of this error on the determination of
tropical-year length in successive Chinese calendars.
We shall assume that in determining topical-year length the most ancient
observational record and a recent observation are used. Let t be the number
of years elapsed between these two observations, T the true tropical-year
length, and Tthe tropical-year length obtained by dividing the number ofdays
elapsed between the two observations by the number ofyears. Then
Tt+d T
t
and t(T-T)=d.
From this we obtain the hyperbolic curve of Figure 14.
We may reasonably conjecture that the ancient records of winter solstice~,
whether actually based on observation or not, are responsible for the exces-
sive values of tropical-year length in later Chinese calendars and also for the
misleading conception of variation in tropical-year length.
Accuracy ofobservations. As can be seen from Fig'ure IS, the most remarkable
agreement with the Newcorribian calculation is found in Kuo Shou-ching's
observations of both the winter and summer solstices at the time of the
shou-shih calendar reform between 1277 and 1279. This striking achievement
was partly due to his giant 40-ft gnomon and partly to the fortuitous circum-
23 Data are from Chu Wen-hsin *)(~, Li-fa t'ullg-chih ~i*~it (History of Chinese
calendrical science; Shanghai, 1934), pp. 35-42. There are a few cases of exceptionally small
tropical-year lengths, which are not shown in Fig. 14.
-5. i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i j i I
-4
",
"" ,-
" ,~
-3 ',Oe::-,&
(i) ;-,~~
>.
o ' . . .",,0
br, If)
~
~ , VhQ .c
..0-2 --
. . . <. , u
...
E ' eJ ......
...... 0
a..
8 Ancient Chinese ......,....... .90 .c
~
z
1 records ~~......"............
' ....... :r:
~
:c
01 ~ _:::s
.
2" '" _5 " I~?-...
5 ' < : > t;
I~ I~
E -1 Q)" ........ .c.
is
~~
,g 0:::::: '" ...., . . . . . U • E •
t- · ~ ..-~.~-~
.: : : "til, -... .... .c 'S--;:::
_c:
o
o
._ 01
""
"
'' x
x"
""
, ,,>.
........ _
•
•
_ _ ~ r-
••
- .... '-
•
•
•
If) ••
• • .. If)
0
=> .\
•
..
......
XI(-~-
;:;
o
Newcomb '..('
~
x6J....'~.
'"
,E
"Q)
""
"
0
_
•
••
x·
-.
•• •
~
X ' .
• ••
•
•
'"
- . ' =-=-- i4{
- - - - - - - -Ih
,.
1t +
lit
·1
x
,
~"
""
"a..
'e
"x
'.
•
"",,'"1Il
"
til
2' 8bo I 600 I 400 I 200 I B.C.' AD.' 200 I 400 I 600 I 800 I 1000 I 1200 I 1400 I ._'__ I I
--, - Year of observation

Figure 15.' Compari~onofobservational records andcalculiti~~-of solstitial or eqUinoctial times (from Tables AI-A7 ofAppendix 6). Values are given
in terms oftheir derivation from Newcomb's formula, negative values representing times ei~lier than the calculated date and positive values later.
stance that the winter solstice and the solar perigee happened to coincide at
the time (the longitude ofthe perigee in 1280 was 2700.55). It is probably the
best determination of solstitial or equinoctial time made before the modern
era. The Jokyo and Horyaku calendars followed this precedent in ignoring the
effect caused by the solar equation of center, but in their time the discrepancy
was no longer negligible.
Kuo Shou-ching's observations also tend to validate -the computations of
Newcomb, who distrusted all classical observations, whether Greek or Is-
lamic, and relied only on contemporary observations in formulating his basic
equation for the length of the tropical year.
Figure 16a shows an enlargement of that portion of Figure IS concerned
with]apanese observations, and Figure 16b shows the same graph after the
correction equation (10.5) has been applied. In the case of the Jokyo observa-
tions, the error in calculating the winter solstice amounts to nearly half a
day. This error is natural enough, since Harumi's gnomon was small and his
techniques of observation rudimentary. His observations could not lead to
any precise calendrical constants; he could do little more than check the
validity ofthe Shou-shih constants. He may well have made these observations
in order to imitate the style of the Shou-shih li-i and thereby provide his work
with a semblance of authenticity.
In the next calendar reform, the Horyaku, data listed as observed clearly I
were based on a priori calculations. Although consistent with the theory ofl
the Horyaku calendar, the data given, when evaluated by modern calcula-
tions, are well outside the permissible limits of error. The pattern of observa-
tions shows the influence of preconceived notions. In an effort to maintain
tqe theory of the Shou-shih calendar, observations inconsistent with it appear
to have been eliminated. Although the idea of progressive motion was men-
tioned in the TCien-ching huo-wen and repeated in Harumi's work, it was not
applied in the calculation of astronomical tables. Japanese astronomers of the
time were not quite convinced of the truth of this idea and had no way of
verifying it.
The solar equation of center. From determinations of the times of solstices
and equinoxes, it became apparent that equinoxes do not fall exactly midway
between the solstices, but are closer to the winter solstice. In other words,
the sun apparently moves faster near the time of the winter solstice than
during the other half of the year. In China this inequality of the sun's move-
ment had been noted during the Han period.
To determine the sun's true anomaly, measurements ofthe sun's longitude
-0.5
Jokyo Horyaku
-0.4 xX
x
-0.3
x
III
>. X
0
::s
..c -0.2
E
0
u
:;: ~x
Q)
z -0.1
E
,g I
.x
c x
.Q Newcomb x
'0 0 x
'>
Q)
(x
a lX
0.1 .;
.:1·:
....
Horyaku summer solstice
0,2 JOkyo summer solstice
0.3
1670 1760
( 0)
-0.5
Jokyo Horyaku
-0.4
-0.3
i0
::s
..c
E ~
0 x
u x Xx
:;:
x
~.~
Q)
z -0.1 x
E
0
.:: ~x
c Newcomb xX
0
0 x
~
.:;;
a
Q) '\.~
~x .:!·
0.1 a ..
:. Horyaku summer solstice
II!
0.2 Jokyo Summer solstice ·
0.3
1670 1680 1690 1700 1710 1760
( b)
Figure 16. Enlargement of portion of Figure IS that shows Japanese observations;

e, summer-solstice observations; x, winter-solstice observations: (a) values prior to
Eg. (10.5) correction; (b) values after correction.
were required. The most exact way then available was to utilize observations
oflunar eclipses. At such times the sun is located at a point on the celestial
sphere exactly opposite the moon. Since lunar eclipses are not very frequent,
a less exact method based on the heliacal risings and settings of stars and of
Venus was employed as a supplement. Meridian observations at midnight
could also be used, but the exact time of midnight was unobtainable. .
For reference in determining the sun's position, the positions of fixed
stars had been measured to a maximal precision of 2 or 3 minutes of arc with
Kuo Shou-ching's giant armillary sphere. Harumi's instrument was much
smaller and could not significantly improve on Kuo's values. Hence the latter's
table ofstars and their equatorial coordinates was used in the '}okyo calendar. 24
From the time the sun's anomalous motion was incorporated into the of-
ficial calendar during the Sui and T'ang periods, the Chinese had fixed the
solar perigee at the winter solstice. (The movement of the perigee had been
noticed by medieval Arab astronomers.) Actually, during the T'ang period
the solar perigee was located about 9 days before the winter solstice and was
constantly advancing toward the winter solstice until, at the time of Kuo's
observations, they happ.ened to coincide. Hence, despite Kuo's observational
accomplishments, he merely confirmed the traditional "coincidence."
By the time of the '}okyo calendar, the perigee had advanced 7.4 degrees
from winter solstice. Harumi was suspicious ofthe old coincidence, but could
not disprove it by his own observations. He adopted the T'ien-ching huo-wen's
value of 6.21 tu (6.12°) advance from the winter solstice. 25
With no geometric or physical model to work from, the numerical calculus
of finite difference was applied to the observed data and two separate cubic
equations were formulated in the Shou-shih: 26
.y = 0.05 I 332 X - 0.000246 x 2 -0.0000003 I x3 (10.8)
and y=0.048706x' -0.000221 x'2_0.00000027 x 3 , (10.9)
24 Tani, :Jinkiroku, vol. I, p. 2: Harumi's contribution consisted of augmenting the

number of fixed, stars in the ancient Chinese catalogues. See Harumi sensei jikki *~ge1:.~
(Veritable record of Shibukawa Harumi), in Nihon kyoikushi shiryo S'*tJ(1f5t:~*t (Source
book on the history of education in Japan; Tokyo, 1892), vol. 9, p. 491.
25 Tani, :Jinkiroku vol. 4, p. 5. The tu It, the Chinese degree, is the arc of the sun's mean
daily motion, where one circumference (365.2575 tu) is equal to a sidereal year. One tu is thus
slightly smaller than a Western degree. In the present volume, values have been reduced to
Western notation whenever feasible. To denote a Chinese degree, the superscript "t" (for
example, 90t) is used.
26 For the method, see Yoshio Mikami, The development of mathematics in China and :Japan
(Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der mathematischen Wissenschaften mit Einschluss ihrer Anwendungen,
vol. 30), pp. 103-106 (Leipzig, 1913). Tsu Ch'ung-chih iii§.rrflz. apparently had already
discovered the method for quadratic equations.
2c
-
Q)
u
o
c
o
o
:::l
0"
W
10
o 1800
Mean anomaly
Figure 17. Solar equation of center as represented by Ptolemy, Newcomb, and the
shou-shih and lokyo calendars.
where y is the equation ofcenter expressed in tu, x the number ofdays counted
from the perigee (winter solstice), and x' the number ofdays counted from the
apogee (summer solstice).
Figure 17 shows the curves for the various formulations of the equation of
center given by Ptolemy,27 Newcomb,28 and the Shou-shih andlokyo calen-
dars. In general, the degree oferror ofthe Shou-shih (arising from the difficulty
of obtaining the exact longitude of thesun) is comparable to that of Ptolemy
(whose findings had been much improved by the Islamic astronomers).
The curves ofEqs. (10.8) and (10.9) ought to be smoothly (that is, differ-
entially) continued at the equinoxes, where the anomaly is 11:/2. This, how-
ever, is impossible, and in this respect the formulation of the Shou-shih treatise
is not successful. The point at which dy/dx=o is 89.5 degrees from the perigee,
and the point at which dy/dx' =0 is 92.6 degrees from the apogee. Therefore
the two curves must meet at an angle somewhere around the equinoxes.
Shibukawa Harumi was annoyed by this lack of smoothness, and tried to
mend it, but failed. His formulas are
y=0.0436x-0.0002X2_0.00000034x3
and y=0.04II98 x' -0.000I746x'2_0.0000003I x'3.
These formulas were not based on sufficient observational data. Taking the
modified maximum value of the equation of center (2.03 degrees), Harumi
tried blind manipulation in order to bring the two curves into smooth con-
tinuity. Figure 18 is a reproduction of his geometric representation of the
solar equation of center. The horizontal line represents time and the curve,
the difference between mean,and true anomaly. It is noteworthy that while
the traditional calendrical treatises contain only numerical tables of the
equation of center, Harumi's notes show that he conceived of it in terms
of an abscissa-ordinate schematization. 29 His curve is also closer than that of
the Shou-shih to the modern value, as is apparent from Figure 17.
Reduction from the ecliptic to the equator. Throughout history, the Chinese
have maintained equatorial coordinates as the primary system of reference,
in contrast to the Western preference (until the time of Tycho Brahe in the
27 In his Almagest, R.C. Taliaferro (trans.) ("Great Books ofrhe Western World" [Chicago,
1952], vol. 16,_ p. 102 [bk. 3, table 6]). See also J. C. Houzeau, Vade-mecum de l'astronom
(Bruxelles, 1882), pp. 483-488. .
28 See Newcomb, "Tables of the motion of the earth," table 12. Note that the curve is
subject to gradual change in the course of time, but this does not substantially affect the
present argument.
29 Tani, linkiroku, vol. 4, pp. 12-13.
c
g
E
5i~
~~
~g
.0
0
~(1)~
~~ ~ . .
;-g -=:;
00
Perigee Apogee
Time
Figure 18. Shibukawa Harumi's geometric representation of the solar equation of
center.
sixteenth century) for ecliptic coordinates. 3D It was therefore often necessary

to reduce the sun's position on the ecliptic to equatorial coordinates.
In the Shou-shih calendar, this problem of spherical trigonometry was dealt
with by application of the arc-chord-sagitta relationship of Shen Kua 1X;fi5
(1031-1095) :
a= c+s2/r, (10.10)
in which a is the arc, c the chord, r the radius, and s the sagitta (see Figure
19). To eliminate c from this equation, the Pythagorean relationship
r2= (C/2)2 +(r-s)2 (10. II)
is applied, and we obtain the following arc-sagitta relationship :31
s4+4r2s2-2ars2-8r3s+a2r2=0. (10.12)
By repeated applications of the basic formula together with the rule of three
and the Pythagorean theorem both right ascension and declination of the sun
are obtainable. 32 The procedure is demonstrated in Appendix 7.
While cumbersome to use, this method was ingenious and entirely correct.
However, the basic formula, Eq. (10.10), is only approximately valid. If it
is expressed in terms ofangle () (see Figure 19),
30 Needham, Science and civilisation, vol. 3, pp. 229 if.

31 Equations (lO.n) and (10.12) in combination constitute a fourth-degree equation,
which was numerically dealt with by a Sung algebraist. See Mikami, Nihon sokuryo jutsu shi
no kenkyii, pp. 74 if.
32 See L. Gauchet, S.J., "Note sur la trigonometrique de Kouo Cheou-King [Kuo Shou-
ching]," T'oung Pao 18, 151-174 (1917); and Ch'ien Pao-tsung ~.~, Chung-kuo suan-hsueh
shih 9='~~~~ (A history of Chinese mathematics; Peking, 1932), pp. 148-151.
Figure 19. Reduction of ecliptic coordinates of the sun to equatorial coordinates by

the method of Shen Kua. If the angle of the sun is (), a is its arc, c the chord, r the
radius, and s the sagitta.
2()r=r[(1 -cos 2 ())+2 sin()].

When () =!!...., trr = 3r: This is a reason for the Shou-shih adoption ofthe ancient
2
valuetr=3. Consequently, the error amounted toa maximumofoo.22 midway
between a solstice and an equinox,. where the reduction difference itselfreaches
a maximum. 33
This method of reduction was not expounded in the original edition of the
Schou-shih treatise; only a table for each degree was given. Although the meth-
od was fully available to Harumi through the T(ien-wen ta-ch(eng kuan-k(uei
chi-yao 7(3t*nx;1r~~~ (Essentials of astronomy; 1653), he confessed his
inability to comprehend it and merely copied the Shou-shih table. 34 Only
Seki Takakazu mM*=;fIJ, a contemporary mathematical genius, could fully
understand the procedure.
THE MOVEMENT OF THE MOON
The parameter most essential to the lunar calendar is the length of a

synodic month. Even though the moon travels much faster than the sun,
the moment of syzygies can be precisely determined through observations of
lunar eclipses. By dividing the interval between two lunar eclipses by the
33 Imai Itam, "Jujireki kenkyii" ~ffifm;:1Yf~ (A study of the Shou-shih calendar), no. I,
Tenkansho 3, 97.
34 Tani, 1inkiroku, vol. 2, p. 6.
140 EARLY IMPACT<OF THE WEST
number oflunations, the precise length ofa synodic month had been obtained
in ancient times. The value obtained withstood significant later correction.
From the Later Han period on, with very few exceptions, the length was
taken as between 29.53058 and 29.53060 days.35 The Shou-shih calendar
adopted a value of 29.530593 days, while the ]okyo proposed a minor change
to 29.530590 days.
The movement of the moon is more complicated than that of the sun, but
observation of its position in reference to the stellar background is easier.
The computed lengths of the anomalistic and nodal months were also not
far from the present values. The moon's equation of center was formulated
in the same manner as that of the sun, by applyirg the calculus of finite
difference. While the present value for the maximum equation of center is
6°.29 the Shou-shih value was 5°.02. Harumi again tried to smooth the two
curves; he revised the maximum value to 4°.95, but this was mere numerical
manipulatiori.
In addition to the equation of center, the apparent motion of the moon is
subject to many other minor inequality terms, of which the most significant
are evection (maximum 1°.27) and variation (maximum 0°.66). Although
the former was determined and the latter noted by Ptolemy, the Chinese
failed to detect either.
The moon's node with the ec7iptic recedes ata constant rate. Consequently
the moon's path is complicated by an effect that the Chinese found impossible
to reduce to a single formula. In point of fact, the instantaneous orbit for
each moment was determined with reference to the node and the inclination
to the equator (not to the ecliptic). Appendix 8 demonstrates the mathemati-
cal technique employed to determine the instantaneous orbit of the moon.
The discussion of the moon's motion in the Shou-shih treatise, although
simpler in these respects than that of contemporary Western astronomy,
was most difficult for Harumi to master. 36 Hence, except for his "smoothing"
of the equation of center, no modifications whatever appeared in the ]okyo
calendar.
Thus far we have discussed the movements of the sun and moon without
reference to the practical aims of the calendar. These practical aims include
determination of the length of day and night at any season, composition of
the lunisolar calendar, and prediction of lunar and solar eclipses.
35 Chu, Li-fa t'ung-chih, pp. 35-42.
36 Tani, '}inkiroku vol. 5, p. 2.
FIRST NATIVE CALENDAR REFORM
E f-----+-~~__:"~~--___t E'
A
Figure 20. Determination of the length Figure 21. Projection of Figure 20 on
of day and night by the shou-shih method. the AOA' equatorial plane. R' and R" are
N is the north pole, and Ss' is the circle intersections of the sun's path with the
along which the sun rises and sets. Arc equator. SMS' forms a parallel inner circle.
NE is the ,known latitude of the site, and From this, length ofday can be computed
arc S' A' is the sun's declination. from Shen Kua's formula.
DETERMINATION OF THE LENGTH OF DAY AND NIGHT
According to a commentary on the Shou-shih calendar, the method used

in this determination was similar to that of reduction to the equator, with
frequent use of Shen Kua's formula, Eq. (10.10), and with the value of IT
taken as 3. In Figure 20 N is the equatorial pole and Ss' the circle along which
the sun rises and sets. Arc NE is the latitude of the site, which is known from
observation, and arc S' A' is the sun's given declination. By applying Eq.
(10.10) or Eq.(IO.I2) to sector NOE,chords N§l,~,andE~an be computed.
Likewise, in sector S' OA', S'L' (= MO) and L' 0 (=S' M) are obtained. By
application of the rule of three, MR is calculated.
In Figure 21, a projection of Figure 20 on the AOA' equatorial plane, the
inner circle is parallel circle SMS'. R' and R" are intersections of the sun's
path with the equator. Since S'M ( = MR') and MR are known, RS and RR"
can be found. And by reversal ofShen Kua's formula, arc R'SR" is obtained.
Since the entire circumference is 6 S'M (taking IT as 3),
R'S'R"
length of day 6S'M'
The modern formula is

length of day = cos- 1 (tan 0 tan 1»,
where 0 is the sun's declination and 1> the latitude of the site. In the Shou-
shih table, the discrepancy is on the order of one minute, within the accuracy
of a clepsydra.
We do not have definite evidence that the Shou-shih actually employed the
above method, alone or in combination with depsydt.:a readings and inter-
polation between observed values. The values given for each day in the
Shou-shih tables (to the excessive precision of 0.1 second) are quite close to,
but not identical with, the values obtained by applying the above method
given in the later commentary.37 The original edition of the Shou-shih treatise,
which appeared in the Standard History of the Yuan period, does not include
this fundamental method. While it was available to Harumi through the
T(ien.;.wen ta-ch(eng ,kuan":"k(uei chi-yao 7()(*nx:ifQ:$ij:~, he was unable to
follow it. 38
Observing that the length of day at summer solstice given in the Shou-shih
treatise was greater than that observable at Kyoto, \he assumed that the
hours of daylight in excess of half a day could in each case be formulated as a
constant ratio. This ratio he applied· to every value given in the Shou-shih
tables, and a table for Japan was thus constructed.
COMPOSITION OF THE L UNISOLAR CALENDAR
The first and simplest problems encountered in compiling a lunisolar

calendar are .the combination of solar and lunar movements and the predic-
tion of syzygies.
In ancient China, the mean motions of the sun and moon were used to
formulate the calendar. After the discovery of anomalous motions, mean
syzygies were converted into true syzygies by employing a correction factor
t; calculated as follows.
Define T ts and T ms as the times of true and mean syzygies. Let Ats and
Ams be the true and mean longitudes of the sun at the time of mean syzygies,
and A'ts and A'ms be the corresponding longitudes of the moon. Further, let
Ams -Ats=L1A, A'ms-A'ts=L1A', and T ms- Tts=t. Let A and A' be the true
longitude of the sun and moon. Then
37 Imai, "Jujireki kenkyU," pp. 101-103.

38 Tani, 'Jinkiroku, vol. I, p. 12.
iJA-iJA'
t d(A-A')T ms • (10.13)
dt
The right-hand member is completely determined by data in the tables of
the equation ofcenter, Eqs. (10.8) and (10.9). The Shou-shih, as well as preced-
ing calendars, ignored A' in the denominatorofEq. (10.13), causing a maxi-
mum error of 0.05 day in t. This W2.S corrected by Harumi in the 1okyo
calendar. 39
The true solar day was incorporated into the prediction of syzygies and
eclipses, but for indexes in the yearly civil calendar ch'i-centers were listed
according to mean solar motion (see Chapter 6). Later, in the Shih-hsien calen-
dar, the Chinese (in an effort to approximate true celestial movements as
closely as possible, even in the civil calendar) adopted the true solar position
for denoting ch'i-centers. Thus they were no longer equally spaced, and a
more complicated method of intercalation had to be developed. Harumi was
not influenced by this reform, which was inconvenient for everyday applica-
tions of the calendar; he preferred the schematic, or mean, frame of reference
to the natural, or true. 40
ECLIPSE PREDICTION
Success or failure in predicting eclipses is the supreme test of accuracy of

many ofthe elements discussed above and indeed ultimately ofthe ephemeris
as a whole. It is no wonder that the subject of eclipse prediction has been
investigated with particular interest from dynasty to dynasty in China.
The distance between a node (intersection of the ecliptic with the moon's
orbit) and a syzygy was the basic parameter used to detect the occurrence of
.eclipses. Let A and Ao be the true and mean solar longitudes, and N ts and
N ms be the nodes at the times of true and mean syzygies T ts and T ms. Then,
using the notation ofEq. (10.13), we can derive
( A-Nts) Tts -_( Ao-Nms) + [d(A-Nts)]

dt T ms
( Tts-T ms) • (10.14)
The first term of the right member is the value of nodal distance at a mean
syzygy, and the second is the correction from a mean to a true syzygy.41
39 Tani, '}inkiroku, vol. I, p. 12.
40 "'}okyo rekigi."
41 See Yabuuchi Kiyoshi iiiP'.JifIf Zuito rekihO shi no kenkyu mJl1.tfflfi*~~?iJf~ (Researches
in the history of calendrical science during the Sui and T'ang periods; Tokyo, 1944), p. 97;
and his "Astronomical tables in China, from the Han to the T'ang dynasties" (in English),
Chugoku chusei kagaku gijutsu shi no kenkyu t=P~t=Piftf4~:lJtVf1j~(7)?iJf~ (Studies in the history
of science and technology in medieval China; Tokyo, 1963), pp. 475-489.
On the other hand, the Shou-shih formula for eclipse prediction (where
.ilo is the mean lunar longitude) is
(.il-Nts)Tts=(.il/o-Nms)+(.ilo-.il/o). (10.15)
This is only the first term of the right member ofEq. (10.14). The Shou-shih
dealt only with t'he time of a mean syzygy and ignored reduction to the time
of the true syzygy. The omitted second term amounts to 0°.67 at most.
Whenever the value ofEq. (10.15) was no more than 12°.9 (modern average
value II °.9), it was assumed that a lunar eclipse would occur. Lunar eclipses
are seen almost simultaneously regardless of the geographical position of the
observer, but longitudinal differences must be taken into account in the
prediction of local time. Harumi worked out the relationship between
longitudinal difference and local time. He also estimated the difference
between Japanese time and that of China, which had not been done pre-
viously.42
The case of solar eclipses is complicated by the considerable effect of the
moon's parallax. (The parallax ofthe sun is negligible.) Being unfamiliar with
spherical trigonometry, the Chinese had tried a semiempirical approach to
parallactic correction. For the time of maximum eclipse, the correction term
was
t- h(sooo-h) (10.16)
- 9600 '
where h is the time interval between noon and the syzygy, expressed in units
of one ten-thousandth of a day. For afternoon eclipses t was added to, and
for morning eclipses t was subtracted from, the time of true syzygy. Al-
though t depends also on the sun's declination, this was not taken into ac-
count.
The Shou-shih value of parallax may be estimated from Eq. (10.16) for the
particular case of the equinoctial sunset where h=~, expressed in Chinese
2
notation as 2500. When we apply the modern parallax formula
d(.il'-.il /) = :1r (10.17)

dt
where p is horizontal parallax and .il and .ill are as defined for Eq. (10.13), the
value of p derived is 0°.8. Today the mean equatorial horizontal parallax of
the moon is known to be about 0°.95.
42 Tani, 1inkiroku vols. I and 4.
It should be remembered, however, that the concept of parallax was not

firmly established in China and that there was no estimate of parallax per se.
Semi-empirically derived from accumulated data, the variable p was ex-
pressed directly as a correction term to be added to Eq. (10.15). This cor-
rection factor had three components: a north-south, an east-west, and a
constant term.
(I) North-south difference: At midday when /:;=0, parallax is at a maxi-
mum; and "as h increases, parallax decreases. At the equinoxes, parallax is
zero. At the solstices, it reaches a maximum of 4t.46. To satisfy these condi-
tions, the term a was formulated;
a= (r:;o -4'-4 (r- bt)6)
Bere J is the true longitude of the sun measured from the solstices, ex-
~i'\i?ressed in terms of Chinese tu. The term 4 t.46 is the maximum parallax
similarly expressed, and d is the time interval between sunrise and sunset
on any given day (expressed in units of one ten-thousandth ofa day).
(2) East-west difference: If h=o, parallax is zero; and as h increases,
parallax increases. At the equinoxes, parallax is at a maximum of 4t .46. At
the solstices, it is zero. To satisfy these conditions:
f3 ~(A-~) (h+ t )
1870
2500)
where A is a semicircle expressed in tu.
Table 2 gives the values of a and f3 at various times and seasons. As noted
therein, maxima occurred at solstitial midday and at equinoctial sunrise and
sunset. When a circular arc was involved, it was a favorite Chinese practice
to express it in terms of a second-degree formula of the type x(A-x).
Table 2 Values of a and jj components of tbe parallactic effect incorporated into
Eq. (10.15), tbe prediction equation, as correction terms. a
Value of variable at-

Time of Winter Vernal Summer Autumnal
Variable day solstice equinox solstice equinox
a (north-south
component) Sunrise and sunset ot88 0 It8I 0
Midday 4 t46 0 4 t46 0
jj (east-west
component) Sunrise and sunset 0 4 t46 0 4 t46
Midday 0 0 0 0
a At the latitude of Peking.

ss ss
AE I - - - - - - - - - i VE AE VE
ws ws
Figure 22. Visual representation of a and I' terms incorporated in the Shou-shih
prediction equation (IO.IS) to correct for north-south and east-west differences in
the parallax. SS and WS indicate summer and winter solstices respectively; AE and
VE indicate autumnal and vernal equinoxes.
The correction terms a and I' were added to or subtracted from Eq. (10.15).
Their sense is illustrated in Figure 22, where the plus sign indicates a south-
ward direction and the minus sign a northward direction. Physically speaking,
it may be supposed that I' was based on the parallactic component in the
plane that includes the earth's axis and the moon, and a was based on the
parallax in the plane perpendicular to it.
(3) Constant term: In addition to a and 1', there was a constant correction
term r~ When looked at from China in the Northern Hemisphere, the moon
always appears in the southern half of the celestial sphere and the apparent
path of the moon is always south of the true orbit. The Shou-shih value for this
constant was 6 t .IS.
According to modern spherical trigonometry, the moon's parallax H is

given by the following equations:
H=p sin z, (10.18)
and cos z = sin cp sin () + cos cp cos () cos h, (10.19)
where p is the horizontal parallax of the moon, z the ze~ith distance of the
moon, cp the latitude of the site, () the declination of the moon, and h the hour
angle of the moon.
The parallax correction to Eq. (10.14), the modern formula for eclipse
prediction, is given by NN' =q, since the node is transferred from N to N'
fIRST NATIVE CALENDAR REFORM 147
Z (Zenith)
Figure 23. Parallax correction to the modern formula for eclipse prediction, Eq.
(10.14). The node is displaced from N to N' on the ecliptic.
(see Figure 23). On flANN' (since a small spherical triangle can be treated
as a plane triangle),
Hsin (F-I)
q (10.20)
sin I
in which I is the inclination of the moon's orbit to the ecliptic and F is de-
fined by the following relationships:
., cot e d' sin h cos <p
F=D+D, tan D= - - , ,an SIn D
cos 1\ SlllZ
where A is the true longitude of the node, e the obliquity of the ecliptic, and
0::;; D::;; 7C and - ~ ::;; D'::;; ~ respectively.
Comparing modern calculations with those of the Shou-shih reveals the de-
fects of the latter in the simple case of equinoxes. From Eqs. (10.19) and
(10.20), the following sets of equations 43 may be derived:
1. For midday:
7C
Vernal equinox A=O, Z=<p, F=--e;
2
_ Psin <p cos (e+1)
q- sin 1 .
7C 7C
Summer solstice: A=-, z=<p-e, F=-;
2 2
Psin (<p-e) cos I
q sin I
43 These formulas are borrowed from Yabuuchi, Zuito rekibO sbi 1/0 kenkyii, pp. 121-122.
IT
Autumnal equinox: A=IT, Z=(jJ, F=-+e;
2
_ Psin (jJ cos (e-1)

q- sin I .
3 IT
Winter solstice: A=-IT, z=(jJ+e, F=--;
2 2
P sin ((jJ+e) cos I
q
sin I
. II. . h IT
For sunrIse, .were Z=-:
2
Vernal equinox: A=O, F=~-((jJ+e);

2
p sin ((jJ+e+ 1)
q sin I
IT 3IT -cos(jJ
Both solstices: A=- or--, cos F
2 2
p sin (F-I)
q
sin I
IT
Autumnal equinox: A=IT, F=--((jJ-e);
2
p sin ((jJ- e+I)

q
sin I
IT
III. For sunset, where z=2:
p sin ((jJ-e-I)
Vernal equinox: A=O, F=(jJ-e; q
sin I
IT 3IT +cos(jJ
Both solstices: A=- or--, cos F
2, 2 .vI - tan 2 (jJ tan 2 e;
p sin (F-1)
q
sin I
Autumnal equinox: A=IT, F=(jJ+e;
p sin ((jJ+e-I)
q sin I
Let us now substitute for these variables the numerical values they had
in the thirteenth century-that is, 1=5.15°, e=23 .53 0, and (jJ=400 (the
latitude of Peking, the Yuan capital). Table 3 compares the resulting values
Table 3 Comparison ofparallax correctionfactors (degrees ofarc) computed by modern and
Shou-shih methods.
Time of I. Winter II. Vernal III. Summer IV. Autumnal

day Method solstice equinox solstice equinox
A. Midday a. Modern 9·53 6.02 3·00 6.51
b. Shou-shih 10·45 6.06 1.67 6.06
B. Sunrise a. Modern 5.80 9·95 5.80 3·92:
b. Shou-shih 6.92 10·45 4.28 1.67
C. Sunset a. Modern·' 4·11 2.08 4·11 9·09
b. Shou-shih 6.92 1.67 4.28 10·45
ofthe correction factor when computed from modern and Shou-shih variables. 44
Although, using the Shou-shih figures, values AbII=AbIV, BbI=CbI,
BbIII=CbIII, AbI=BbII=CbIV, and AbIII=BbIV =CbII, these identities
are not verifiable by modern calculation. 45 The Shou-shih disregarded the effect
of the moon's inclination, expressed as I in the above sets of equations, and
hence inevitably included errors' which amounted to nearly two degrees.
The correction factor is, in the case of ascending-node eclipses, subtracted
from the amount given by Eq. (10.15), and in the case of descending-node
eclipses, added. When and only when the final result falls within the given
eclipse limits, a solar eclipse should occur. North of the ecliptic, eclipses
appear within the limit of 6 t , while south of it the limit is 8 t • Theoretically
these two limits should be almost the same. We can interpret the difference
as It southward correction and consider it as an effect of constant parallax
incorporated into the expression for the eclipse limit.
Shibukawa Harumi noted. that, because of the difference in latitude, the
constants given in the Shou-shih calendar should not be applied directly in
Japan. Nevertheless, he did so without altering them significantly. Still,
Harumi deserves credit for having taken longitude into consideration and
thus for bringing eclipse prediction in Japan to the same order of accuracy
as that of the Shou-shih calendar. Since he retGlined the shou-shih's framework,
he did not improve on its accuracy.
Apparently influenced by the T'ien-ching huo-wen, he tried to solve the
problem of eclipse prediction by making assumptions about the dimensions
and distances of the sun, the moon, and the earth. 46 But the numerical values
See also an earlier work by Hirayama Kiyotsugu -'¥ WmtX, in Meiji zen Nihon tenmongaku
44
shi gJjrattr s *::R)(¥~ (A history of Japanese astronomy before the Meiji era; Tokyo,
1960), pi). 84- 85.
45 Yabuuchi worked with the values of the Hsuan-ming ~gJj calendar. See his Zuitorekiho
shi no kenkyu, pp. 124-125, and his "Astronomical tables in China," p. 488.
46 Tani, linkiroku, vol. 6, p. 8.
ISO EARLY IMPACT OF THE WEST
in the T'ien-ching huo-wen" were not reliable, and creation of an entirely new
• approach was beyond Harumi's capabilities. His schematics merely assisted
I
, in the understanding of particular problems; his actual calculations were
'\ based completely on traditional Chinese practice. ,
LACK OF CONCERN WITH PLANET AR Y MOTIONS
Chinese astronomy, unlike Western cosmology, lacked the concept of a

sphere in which each planet is supposed to dwell. In Neo-Confucian cosmology
there was a crude notion of three-dimensional planetary motion but it did not
end itself to further mathematical elaboration. Traditional Chinese astron-
omers were content to believe in a two-fold universe consisting of heaven and
I earth. planets had no particular significance in their cosmologic thinking.
1 Chinese calendrical science ~oncentrated almost exclusively on analyzing

j movements of the sun and moon for the practical purposes of lunisolar cal-
I endar-making and eclipse prediction. The problems of planetary motion
I Were therefore considered a side issue, unrelated to the main subject matter of
\, traditional astronomy or to the Chinese art of individual fate calculation.
'j There was no incentive for soothsayers, or even professional astronomers, to
}be concerned with predicting planetary phenomena.

, In the ordinary arrangement of a calendrical treatise planetary phenomena
were treated at the end, as an addendum to the main work. Often, popular
calendrical works ended with the subject of eclipse prediction and the plane-
tary section was omitted entirely.
The only practical significane of planetary astronomy in China, and in
Japan for that matter, was for portent astrology, where contiguity and
approach to the sun, moon, and planets in certain constellations was be-
lieved to have serious effects on mundane affairs. This knowledge was par-
ticularly r~quired for military specialists in order to predict the success or
failure of proposed strategy.
Observations of planetary positions with reference to the sun and stellar
background had been conducted from an early time, and fairly accurate
figures for the synodic period of each planet had been established since Han
imes. During the Sui period, the anomalistic motions of the planets were
t~ken into con~ideration in the Ta-yeh *~ calendar, and also the solar equa-
(:
tIOn of center III the planetary table of the Huang-chi ~Ii calendar. 47 The
47Yabuuchi Kiyoshi, "Chiigoku tenmongaku ni okeru gosei undo ron" 9=t~:;R3t~~(.

;t:ovt~1i§i~ifJ~ftB(Planetary theory in Chinese astronomy), Tohii gakuhii26, 95":'97 (1956);
and his "Astronomical tables in China," pp. 489 ff.
Shou-shih calendar maintained, with minor revisions, the traditional non-

geometric planetary theory.
In this calendar, the synodic period ofeach planet was divided into fourteen
phases ofunequaltime and the time interval and number ofequatorial degrees
traversed for each period were tabulated. The mean anomaly for any specific
conjunction was obtained by adding the cumulative distance from the planet's
perihelion. As for the anomalistic motion of the sun and moon, a calculus of
finite difference of three degrees was applied for each planet, in order to cal-
culate a correction term for the anomalistic motion ofthe planets. The second
correction term was that for the solar equation of center; this was applied in
the Shou-shih only for the time of heliacal rising and setting. 48 Furthermore,
there was no consideration of the inclination of planetary courses. Planetary
motion was treated completely in terms of the equatorial plane.
Critique of Far Eastern Astronomy

Analyzing the character of Far Eastern astronomy as a whole, with the[
Shou-shih and 'Joky 0 calendars as the points of highest development, the mostl i
striking characteristic is the lack of conceptual schemes. It was not customary
to provide illustrations in official calendrical treatises, and the few treatises
that were illustrated used conventional schematizations to aid in the under-
standing of specific subjects. For instance, an eccentric scheme was conceived
to explain the equation of center. 49
The final aim, however, was to reduce observations as accurately as possible
to algebraic relationships, which the Chinese consistently but often awk-
wardly attempted to do. In this sense, Chinese astronomy could well be placed
in the group ofwhich Babylonian astronomy is the prototype. But the lack of
schema eventually proved disastrous in the all-important realm of eclipse
prediction.
An empirical approach at least has the advantage of being free from pre- "
conceptions about physical reality. Too much conceptual rigidity in astrono-
my probably would have hindered its later development. Compared with·
Ptolemy's epicyclic scheme, the Chinese calculus of finite difference, for ex-
ample, was not necessarily in ferior in expressing the solar equation of center.
48 Yabuuchi, "Chugoku tenmongaku," pp. 99-102.

49 An example is found in Kameya Kazutake if[~;fr.Wr, 1ujireki kyo genkai ~If.fM~ID&m
(An interpretation of the shou-shih calendar; 1711), vol. 1, p. 24. It does not reflect Western
influence.
EARLY iMPACT OF THE WEST
\ However, it is undeniable that the development of geometric-particularly
I trigonometric-representation, concomitant with the Western epicyclic

scheme, played a crucial role in the rise of Western astronomy.
Once a theoretical scheme has been proposed, discrepancies between it and
actual observations can be clearly recognized. Such recognition isolates varia-
tion terms of smaller magnitude, which call for a more complex scheme based
on more accurate observations. Because of the lack of scheme-consciousness;
improvements-even in methods of data collection-came very slowly in
China, despite the greater continuity ofits astronomical tradition. Thus, on
\ the whole, Far Eastern calendrical 'science did not surpass the standard re-
jpresented by Ptolemy's Almagest. .'
'
11 Institutional Features and Background
Attitudes in the Tokugawa Period
DURING THE TOKUGAW A PERIOD, the central government devised every I

possible measure to maintain the status quo, including a foreign policy of seclu-
sion. The ramifications of this attitude affected various facets of Japanese
intellectual life.
Institutional Background
In an attempt to stabilize society, hereditary offices were turned over to
various samurai families. Three other classes below the samurai-farmers,
artisans, and merchants-were fixed by heredity, in theory at least. To pass
from one class to another was difficult and unusual.
Some early Tokugawa Confucians envisaged a revival of educational insti-
tutions patterned on the Chinese model. The warrior government had no \
such comprehensive goal, however. Its limited academic aim was to educate 1
the samurai for their new role as a peacetime ruling class. To this end the"
government sponsored Hayashi Razan's ilt&1lJ school ofConfucianism. From
that time on, his Neo-Confucian doctrine became state orthodoxy, and his
descendants enjoyed a hereditary position and stipend as heads of the schooLt
Fief governments imitated the central institution and founded small-scale
replicas of it.
The subjects studied in these schools were confined to the martial arts and
Chinese humanistic studies, such as Confucian moral and political philosophy,
history, and literature. The main purpose of these official institutions was
1 Wajima Yoshio 5fO~7¥U#, ShOheikO to HankO ~3f~ C iJ~ (The Bakufu school and fief
schools; Tokyo, 1962).
indoctrination of young samurai. Freedom of inquiry was not encouraged.

There was no official system of training in natural science comparable to
that which the Chinese and the ancient Japanese had used. (The lineage ofthe
Nara period professor of mathematics is untraceable.) The government
simply perpetuated the hereditary aristocracy of certain official positions in
astronomy. The Tsuchimikado ±1fElJr~ family of court astronomers, for
instance, enjoyed titles ofnobility and directed the preparation ofhemerologic
notes throughout the Tokugawa period. Presumably they derived significant
revenue from the issuing of licenses to practicing soothsayers and the dis-
tribution of yearly calendars. They supported several families of subordinate
officials and occasionally hired talen'ted astronomers such as Nishimura
! T6sato iffltt~.m..
, In addition to these official positions there emerged an independent
professional scholar class who supported themselves by honoraria, giving
'" instruction to the public at private schools. Their subject matter was mostly
Confucian studies, but in the later Tokugawa period they also often taught
mathematics to the merchant class.
Despite class stratification, which in general was rigidly maintained, there
was some mobility among professional groups. There was nothing like the
fChinese state examinations, which absorbed the energies of Chinese youth
f in a single stereotyped pursuit. Therefore, independent intellectuals had
f some freedom in trying to attract students into their own private academies
\ or in seeking jobs as consultants to feudal lords. In fact there were many
i free-lance scholars, who advertised themselves by expressing deliberately
J,unorthodox views and thus inviting popular attention.
r These teachers were not above control, however. Iftheir ideas were subver-
jsive, the government could deprive them of their livelihood by issuing a ban.
\lIndependent scholars were also prevented from exerting influence within
,!the highlydeveloped governmental organization. They could compete with
l
~ Offi.cial astronomers in such matters as predicting eclipses and could Critiei.ze
defects of the official calendar. Yet there was no appropriate way for them to
propose a calendar reform unless they held an official position. Furthermore,
, they had no acceSs to the most advanced knowledge of calendrical science,

which was kept pretty much within the central bureaucracy.
I
Gradually, however, competent scholars were admitted to the official
circle of ~stronomers. Bec~use of l~is achievem~nt in the field of calendar re-
form, Shlbukawa Haruml iilEJlI~m was appomted a tenmongata x ")cJJ, or
official astronomer to the shogun, and his descendants inherited the post.
THE TOKUGA W A PERIOD 155
The tenmongata, nominally a mere assistant to the court astronomers in issuing

the calendar, in actuality w~s responsible for the scientific aspects ofcalendar-
making. He received a stipend equivalent only to that oflower-grade samu-
rai,2 but his professional opinions were highly regarded.
Furthermore, since the descendants of official astronomers often lacked J
ability, new positions were created. By the end of the Tokugawa regime the !
number of families of official astronomers had increased to seven. Some were !
appointed assistants to the tenmongata as well as to. the court astronomers. i
Feudal lords also occasionally took an interest in mathematics and astro-
nomy and supported experts in those subjects. The Satsuma fief, for instance,
hired an astronomer to compose its own calendar" Some astronomers were
provided by fiefs with positions as land surveyors. Others, however, were
forced to support themselves by practicing astrology or by entirely irrelevant
means. Positions of influence for competent astronomers were rare, and the
government still controlled the field.
Cultural Background
Science can be firmly rooted in a society only when it takes form as a
discipline independent of the social and political hierarchy-that is, when
there is a definite group of people who endow scientific achievement with
more ~tatus than birth, rank, wealth, political power, or any other value.
Only within such a status' group can science remain objective and incor-
ruptible. '
a
When the political activity and economic mobility of society attain a
high pitch, stimulated by extreme prosperity or its opposite, people tend to
be occupied with more mundane activities. Only at times of relative social
stability do members of the middle class, whose economic level has been
previously established, become content to conserve their status, or, excluded
or alienated from the means of rising in the social hierarchy, do they devote
themselves to disinterested intellectual activity and attempt to fulfill their
ambition in a different sphere of human conduct, such as scientific inquiry.
Such was the case with the founders of the Royal Society in seventeenth-
century England.
This condition existed in the Tokugawa period. Lower-ranking samurai
2 Otani Ry6kichi *~~E, "Kyubaku jidai no tenmongata no etsureki" tl.~~O)

~)(:1:J0) M~ (Biographies of tenmongata during the Tokugawa period), Tenmon geppo ~)( Ii
¥~ (Astronomical monthly) 5, 1 ff, 13 ff, and 26 ff (1912).
I56 EARLY IMPACT OF THE WEST
or merchants interested in mathematics formed a competitive "status group"

and created new mathematical pursuits in order to acquire individual fame.
Inventive mathematicians were not enough to raise the value placed on
mathematics by society, however. For one thing, the mathematics developed
by the group, unlike the mechanical philosophy of the West, was isolated
from the main intellectual current, Confucianism, which had overwhelming
authority.
,f Furthermore, Japan lacked an intellectual public to read about and inter-
Ipret scientific achievements. The rise of publishing activities had facilitated
\general learning3 by producing much reading material, and the samurai
r class and such professional2eople as physicians and Buddhist monks formed
) a fairly wide reading public.But publishers were largely indifferent to scientif-
I ic activity. The treatises prinred on mathematics and astronomy were mostly
I popular works, the various annotated editions of the Shou-shih calendar and
\ the T'ien-ching huo-wen representing the highest standard among them. More
I numerous were hemerologic treatises for daily use. Most intellectuals were
: able to see astronomy mentioned only here and there in classical Chinese
texts. Those seriously interested in the subject found it difficult to acquire
highly specialized works, which were transmitted in manuscript form.
Although the activity of court astronomers brought some prestige to
astronomy, since the study of the heavens occupied an important place in
Confucian tradition, the governmental astronomers were unable to contribute
,to their field in a substantive way. They were officials first and independent
Iresearchers second. As their subject matter was largely involved with the
i governmental enterprise of calendar reform, they could not be entirely
J independent of official control. Thus they could not extend their creative
I imaginations as freely as their mathematical colleagues.
I Although the proper conditions existed in the Tokugawa period for the
I formation ofan informal group ofpeople interested in astronomy, these people
I were not influential, because it was peripheral to the political and intel-
I lectual authority of the day. At the same time, the government astronomers,
\) who worked in a prestigious atmosphere, were limited to traditional modes
of thought.
Philosophical Background
The Neo-Confucian world-view expanded by Hayashi Razan and Mukai
3 Kobayashi Zenhachi Il'**~)\, Nibon sbuppan bunka sbi B *t±lJ1&3t1l:J/:. (A history of
publishing in Japan; Tokyo, 1938), p. 249.
Gensho fPJj:!:::tlt was overwhelmingly influential in the early part of the

Tokugawa period. It embraced the physical as well as the metaphysical
sphere. The same principle, Ii JJ., gave order to both natural phenomena and
human conduct. Everything in the world was harmonized in accordance
with natural order.
Like medieval European philosophy, Neo~Confucian cosmology had a
limited physical basis and was rather more concerned with the social order..
I
Accordingly, it should not be criticized from a purely scientific standpoint,
as we have already observed in our discussion of Mukai's critique ofAristote-
lian cosmology.
Confucians often placed in the preface or opening part of their treatises an .
ornamental discourse ofa cosmologic nature, but these phrases were intended
only to convey an impression of profundity. One mathematician, Irie Shiikei
AD.: {~it, in his preface to the annotated edition of the T(ien-ching huo-wen
(1750), quoted a classical passage to the effect that "only those who attain to
comprehension of heaven, earth, and man can be truly called Confucians."4
The quotation is not a true reflection of Confucian concern with science,
however, but rather an attempt to justify the study of astronomy by placing
it in a Confucian context.
In the late seventeenth century the Kogaku school emerged to oppose the)
Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. Ito Jinsai {jf,Hit:iJ, its founder, sharply dis- \
tinguished between celestial order and human conduct. Instead of subscrib-
ing to the Neo-Confucian static-harmonic cosmology, he embraced a dynamic I
world-view that presupposed the changing nature of the world.
"Heaven is something beyond our cognition" was a well-known phrase
used by Ogiu Sorai ~1=A.El.1*, the most influential member of the Kogaku
school. For him, the sky was an object of worship, not of rational inquiry.5
Hence he was intellectually concerned solely with human conduct. Heaven
became a palace of inscrutability.
. He was an agnostic in cosmology. He fully acknowledged variations in
the length of the tropical year and commented that heaven, having vitality,\
is incessantly changing. 6 He never thought ofthe p.ossibility ofan underlying.
regularity in nature. On the contrary, he separated the human element from
4 Tenkyo wakumon chukai :RmglGFI=t,ttM (T'ien-ching huo-wen annotated; 1750).

5 Maruyama Masao 1LW~tl, iIlihon seiji shiso shi kenkyu S *i!Dc~/~,~J!:.1iIf~ (A study of
the history of political thought in Japan; Tokyo, 1952), p. 81.
6 Ogiu Sorai~1:.W.~, Gakusokufuroku ~J{Uffl~(Appendix to the principles of learning;
172 7).
the ontological concomitant of Confucian tradition, thus precluding any

idea of natural law. ..
The sharp division made by the Kogaku scho~l between the study of
mankind and of heaven, with emphasis on the human sphere, left the value
of astronomy in doubt. A pupil of Sorai, Miura Seiin =:fIi~~, thoroughly
denounced the speculative approach to the science current among Neo-
Confucians and gave limited credit to the efforts of astronomers. "Even
though astronomy is only a minor art," he claimed, "technical information
given by specialists in astronomy should be fully acknowledged."7
I
Seiin subscribed to only a small part ofthe astronomers' product, and anoth-
, ~: Conf~cian schholar, ~an Sazan 1f~,U-lh (I748-I828d)' ~ehld a hsimdilar vi~w.
T 1lere IS no ot er use lor astronomy, e commente , t an t e etermma-
I tion of time; other concerns (namely, cosmology and general astronomy)
are merely useless argument and dull speculation."8 This attitude was
largely shared by his fellow Confucian scholars, whose pragmatic interest
in social and ethical problems excluded an objective concern with physical
nature.
r By the middle of the Tokugawa period, most Confucianists had been
freed from the quasi-scientific orientation of the Neo-Confucian world-view.
jThe attitude of the Kogaku school was that scholars should concern them-
lselves with everything under heaven, but with nothing beyond the mun-
idane. Agnosticism and indifference toward astronomy had their origin in
i the same intellectual bias. Although the social and moral· thought of Sorai
and his followers had many modern elements, it failed to open up the way to
(
modern scientific thought. Historians of science usually regard these men as
reactionary. It is not surprisingto find a m.ore genuine interest in Western
natural science among unorthodox members of the Neo-Confucian school,
particularly those of the Kaitokud6 'Iflm¥: in the merchant city of Osaka.
/
The Status ofMathematics
Japanese mathematics, as opposed to astronomy, had few philosophical
overtones. It was not substantially disturbed by such traditional concepts
( as the yin-yang principle. Alienated from the Confucian framework, it did
7 Miura Seiin =:ooJlW~, Chihi hen ~D~FIi (1744). See also, Nakayama Shigeru lflWm,
"Edo jidai ni okeru jusha no kagakukan rrp~~~t:.:tovt~ m~cof4~Wl (Confucian views
of science during the Tokugawa period)" Kagakushi kenkyu, no. 72: 157-168 (1964)
8 Kan Sazan, tg~W Fude no susabi *CO-t ~ If (Writings for amusement's sake), in Nihon
zuihitsu taikei B *~**-* (A comprehensive collection ofJapanese informal essays; Tokyo,
1927), vol. I, p. 80.
THE TOKUGAWA PERIOD 159
not enjoy a high intellectual position, but tended to be a mere technique. I

The merchants valued mathematics as a practical skill contributing to
success in business. While they regarded learning in general as not only
unnecessary but sometimes even harmful and extravagant, they felt no psy-
chological restraint in dealing with mathematics.
In contrast to the merchants, however, the samurai considered mathematics f
a mercenary activity, fit only for traders and petty officials. They did not
view it as a spiritual discipline, as did the Platonic tradition. Their attitude
was strengthened when their economic status became inferior to that of the
merchants in the middle of the Tokugawa period.
Under the secluded feudal regime of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, the area of possible application ofJapanese matheinatics was never
envisioned. The Baconian idea of exploiting nature did not develop to any
appreciable extent. Investigation of the techniques of navigation was almost
entirely prohibited, and study ofgeographical surveying was often discour-
aged by the feudal government because of its strategic importance. Japa-
nese mathematicians did not develop physical science or engineering in any
modern sense, nor did they consider problems of motion. 9
The socioethical orientation of Confucianism led to intolerance of purely
theoretical investigation. Because theoretical mathematics lacked ~ocial
dignity and applied mathematics was not highly developed, most people)
thought of mathematics as a mere amusement, on the order of the crossword!
puzzle. io The mathematicians' lack of contact with other fields of learning
made their outlook narrow. Isolated from society as a whole and alienated
from its intellectual tradition, they tended to form small groups in which a
strong teacher-pupil relationship and an esoteric means of initiation were
maintained. As in the West in the seventeenth century, private societies of
mathematicians were centers of free inquiry, but their narrow-mindedness,
fostered by the lack of a favorable milieu, prevented them from attaining a
level comparable to that of their colleagues in the West. l1 Ogiu Sorai, dis-
9 It has been claimed that enri [§]:@. (theory of the circle), developed by Seki Takakazu ~M
3¥:5¥O and his followers, anticipated Newton's and Leibniz' discovery of the differential and
integral calculus, but enri was limited to the static problems of area and arc length.
10 It is interesting that in the bibliography Koeki shoseki mokuroku taizen JJt~iUl § ~*1f=:.
(1692) mathematics was classified under "recreations," along with flower arrangement,
cooking, and the like.
11 For special features of traditional Japanese mathematics, see Mikami Yoshio, =:'1:~~
s
Bunkashi jo yori mitaru Nihon no sugaku )(11::31::1: J:. f) J! t.:f'Q *O)~~ (Japanese mathe-
matics from the viewpoint of cultural history; Tokyo, 1947); Ogura Kinnosuke IJ'\i'~~JtIJ,
Sugakushi kenkyu ~~3I::1iJf~ (Researches in the history of mathematics, 2vols.; Tokyo,
1935 and 1948) and Nihon no sugaku S *O)~~ (Japanese mathematics; Tokyo, 1940).
gusted by the dilettantism of the mathematicians, as illustrated by the

calculation of the circular constant to an astronomical number of places,
commented that "The mathematicians appreciate only the curious and com-
plicated, and want overelaborate solutions; this is their common failing."12
From the earliest times, practical use of mathematics in calendar-making
Iwas fully recognized, and some mathematicians were interested in applying

.their skill to calendar calculation. But rarely was Japanese mathematics stim-
ulated by the requirements of astronomy. Mathematicians tended to choose
Itheir topics for the sake of pure self-satisfaction, without taking possible
lapplication into consideration.
A talented mathematician, Kurushima Yoshihiro ~fI1l1h~* (died 1757),
commented that "When a mathematician discusses problems in calendrical
science and astronomy, he is doing so because he is unable to find a proper
topic in mathematics itsel£"13
Nishimura T6sato bitterly denounced the attitude of contemporary
mathematicians:
Pursuing selfish aims in order to enhance his own fame, the mathema-
tician indulges [himself] with the will-o'-the-wisps of daily life, debates
with others on the basis of empty theory, reproaches others, insisting
on [the dictates of] his own ego, and spends precious time on nothing.
This is really the mathematics of an idiot. Those who draw diagrams
irrelevantto practical applications, those who build up hypotheses and
present cumbersome problems, and those who seek meaninglessly elab-
orate solutions, are all utterly worthless to society.14
T6sato condemned the futility of the mathematician's efforts, but his own
ideal of mathematics was not necessarily utilitarian by modern standards.
He believed that the purpose ofscientific study was to attain the ideal of"the
superior man" in the traditional Confucian ideology-to cultivate one's
personality, to regulate one's family, to govern states rightly, and to make
the whole world peaceful and happy.15
12 Ogiu, Gakusoku furoku;
13 Fujita Sadasuke §B3 ~~, Tamaji Kunju sensei sawa 11lJB!;gWJt;~EJ~~15 (Table talks of
Master Yamaji Kunju), in Rekizan shiryo ~.~;M (Source book on calendrical science and
mathematics), ed. Kodama Akito )[l.:::E:OO /\ (1933), vol. I, p. 13.
14 Nishimura T6sato g§tf~.m., Silgaku yawa ~~~~ (A night tale of mathematics;
1761), in Nihon keizai sosho S *~~jJU!~: (Bibliotheca Japonica Oeconomiae Politicae; Tokyo,
1915), vol. 1I, pp.223-224.
15 This ideal originated in the Confucian classic Ta-hsueh *~ (The great learning). For
the standard translation, see James Legge (trans.), The Chinese claSSics, reprint ed. (HongKong,
1961), vol. I, p. 359.
Furthermore, his evaluation of mathematics was based on class distinction. '

The emperor was to use mathematics to govern in accord with heaven and to
control the people. The feudal lords were to use it to master the art of govern-
ment, in both civil and military affairs. The commoners were to learn from it I
how to be prudent in living within the standard appropriate to their social
position and how to bring harmony to their households. The term "mathe:-
matics" as employed here referred to the art ofattaining socioethical order. 16
Tosato's attitude, although perhaps expressed more articulately than that
of his contemporaries, was quite typi~al. He was tightly bound to the tradi-
tional Confucian ideology, in which the moral implications' of any activity
were overwhelming.
Thu~- neither astronomy nor mathematics commanded prestige as intrin-

sically valuable disciplines in the Tokugawa period. Both were subordinated
to socioethical values. In contrast, Western astronomy and mathematics in
the Age of Reason were independent of ethical res~riction.
16 Nishimura, Sfigaku yawa, vol. 9, p. 223.

Part III
The period ofrecognition
of Western supremacy:
from the mid-eighteenth century
to the late nineteenth
century
12 The Emergence of" Dutch-Learning"
UNDER THE SHOGUN YOSH1MUNE "t:f*, ruler ofJapan from 1716 to 1745, F
a new relationship between Japanese and Western astronomy developed. I
The ban on Sino-Jesuit treatises, which had been in effect for almost a century,l
was relaxed in 1720 and the study of the Dutch language and "Dutch learn{
ing"1 received its first measure of encouragement. I I
Importation ofSino- JFestern Treatises

As a result of the decree of relaxation, "those books which only mention
Christianity [could] be imported, not only for official use but also for purchase
by the general public."2 The "Ch'i pien" of the "Ricci corpus," for example,
thus was entirely freed from the ban. 3
The immediate response was not overwhelming; the government by no
means urged people to study the Jesuit treatises. In fact, it was the custom of
the Tokugawa government not to proclaim the cancellation offormer prohi-
bitions. The list of prohibited books still hung in some bookstores long after
relaxation of the edict. Even if a Japanese were aware that the ban had been
lifted, he still had reason to feel some restraint. 4 The government's primary
1 The term "Dutch learning" as used in this connection refers to the Japanese study of
works written in the Dutch language.
2 Kondo Seisai (Morishige) lliJ.lIE~(q:m:), Kosho koji tifSi.&* (chap. 74 of his posthu-
mous works), reprinted in Kondo Seisai zenshfi lliJ.lIE~:@:~ (Complete works of Kondo Seisai;
Tokyo, 1906), vol. 3, p. 217.
8 Curiously, Emmanuel Diaz' T'ien-wen lueh ~rl=l'/II! (An outline of celestial phenomena;
1615), a part of the "Ch'i pien," is missing from Kondo's list of books freed from the ban.
Still more curious is that, according to records, its import and sale were permitted in 1639,
when the exclusion edict was already in effect. This anomaly may be due to the recorder's
omission, or it may be that the work, because of its Christian coloration, received special
treatment.
4 Ito Tasaburo fjl-*~:=,~~, "Kinsho no kenkyii." ~SO)1iJf~ (A study of banned books),
Rekishi chiri ~)!:t-mw. (History and geography) 68, 343 (1936).
166 RECOGNITION OF WESTERN SUPREMACY
intent in mitigating the law was not to enlighten the people, but to take
advantage of the best knowledge of the day.
Intending to revise the contemporary lokyo ~l1 calendar immediately
after his appointment, Yoshimune consulted astronomers and mathemati-
bans. These men must have read some of the officially forbidden books which
were preserved only in the shogunate library and found them superior to the
traditional Chinese works, for they apparently persuaded Yoshimune to col-
lect all Chinese translations and treatises on Western astronomy.5 Even
before the lifting of the ban one of these astronomers, Nakane Genkei 9=tfl
5G~ (1661 ?-1733), was allowed to examine imported books and to use
Jesuit works in composing a more precise ephemeris than had formerly
existed. 6
After promulgation of the decree of relaxation, Western knowledge on an
} advanced and professionally useful level was transmitted to Japan for the
c
. first time. Among the wotks then introduced, the following are particularly
noteworthy:
" (1) The Ch'ung-chen li';'shu ~jjIJ{M.· (Astronomical treatises of the
Cheung-chen era; completed 1634), by Jacob Rho, Johann. Adam Schall
von Bell, and others. This work was the basis of the Shih-hcrien ~;;; calendar,
composed and adopted in 1645 in China, and was the crowning achievement
ofthe Jesuit missionaries. It was in the style of traditional calendrical treJtises
but the contents, methods of calculation, data, and parameters were purely
Western (particularly Tychonian). This work was imp~rted into Japan in
1733·
(2) The Ling-t'ai i-h~iang chih 11 iifi~ i=&: (On the astronomical instruments
in the imperial observatory; 1674), by Ferdinand Verbiest and other mission-
aries. This work illustrated Western astronomical instruments.
(3) The Li-suan ch'iian-shu M~~.-(Comprehensive collection of works ori
calendrical science and mathematics; 1723), written by Mei Wen-ting m3tw.
This work is in part a Chinese modification of Western works based on the
Cheung-chen Ii-shu. It was translated into Japanese immediately after its im-
portation in 1726.
Although somewhat obsolete, all of these works had considerable influence
5 Tokugawa jikki ~J11 lUa (Annals of the Tokugawa government; 1849), in Sbintei %obo
kokusbi taikei 5ilffiIT!tffm~~:*.* (Source book on Japanese history; Tokyo, 1934), vol. 46,
p. 292. There is some controversy concerning the date of the source of this account. For a
detailed discussion, see Ebizawa Arimichi m~~~~, Nanban gakuto no kenkyu mmJW:tifEO)
1.i1f.~ (A study of the tradition of Western learning [in Japan]; Tokyo, 1955), chap. 3, sec. 4.
6 G. B. Sansom, Tbe Western world and 'Japan (New York, 1950), p. 202. .
EMERGENCE OF "DUTCH LEARNING"
on the later course ofJapanese astronomy. None of them was reprinted at the
time, since there was little immediate demand for such specialized texts. The -'"
T'ien-ching huo-wen) however, already diffused within certain circles, became
popular after the appearance of its first Japanese edition (by Nishikawa
Seikyu ifflJllIE1*:) in 1730, and it Was followed by nlfmerous later editions.
Encouragement of Dutch Learning under Yoshimune

Until the time of Yoshimune, Japanese scholars and officials had had no I
source of information on Western astronomy other than Chinese works.
Yoshimune was never satisfied with secondhand sources, however, and put
many questions to the Dutch traders who came from Nagasaki for their annual
visit to the shogunate capital. For instance, he asked them to explain the
functioning of an astrolabe, and also requested that a Dutch astronomer be
sent to undertake calendar revision.
Unlike the Jesuits in China, the handful of Dutchmen at Nagasaki were,
first and last, tradesmen. They were not particularly able or willing to spoon-
feed curious Japanese. As a matter of fact, the Dutch commercial missions
could not satisfactorily answer Yoshimune's incessant questions and were
often embarrassed on this account.
Desp.ite the difficulty of obtaining accurate information from ~he Dutch, f
Yoshimune pursued his interest in Western astronomy. He· himself con- I'
structed an astronomical instrument and encouraged telescopic observations. J'
In 1745 he officially advised interpreters to learn to read Dutch books. Prior to
this, their proficiency had been almost entirely restricted to translation of
spoken Dutch. Although it does not appear that the Shogun's government
encouraged the study of Dutch in scholarly circles, the lifting of the official
ban certainly stimulated curiosity about Western culture.
Yoshimune's attempt by no means transcended the exigencies of his day.
Although he was extremely curious about Western astronomy, his primary
intention was completely bound to the traditional Chinese idea of the ruler's
responsibility to provide the people with the exact time indications fun-
damen.tal to agriculture. T.he over-al.l aim ofhis enlighte.ned policy was simPlYI.'
to make use ofthe practical aspects ofWestern knowledge in order to preserve
the feudal regime, which at that time already showed signs of decay.
The Japan~se at this stage were still preoccupied with the exotic, new,
and utilitarian aspects of Western kno'wledge; they overlooked its deeper
roots in a universal scientific method and a view of nature that was the out-
come of the seventeenth-century Scientific Revolution.
Continued Investigation of Western Science

While the early Tokugawa period was mainly spent in catching up with
traditional Chinese scholarship, the Japanese 'from the early eighteenth cen-
tury on began to realize that the Chinese achievements were not enough.
The retreat ofJesuit scientific activity and an intense-response to the previous
Western impact in Japan caused China to lose her preeminence as a model
xcept in philosophical and humanistic pursuits.
Thus the Japanese in the eighteenth century were compelled to seek a new
urce of nurture. 7 They were more acute and less prejudiced in accepting
E estern culture than were the Chinese, perhaps because of a long-cultivated

mental habit of looking for cutural stimulation outside their own country.
Western astronomy was of paramount interest to them, partly because the
1 government, which dictated policy concerning foreign contacts, found it so
useful, and partly because the early Sino-Jesuit contribution had proved the
\ pragmatic superiority ofWestern science, particularly Western astronomy.
Circumstances of foreign relations confined Western-oriented Japanese to
exclusive reliance on Dutch sources. After its golden age in the seventeenth
entury,. Holl~nd .could no longer maintain its glory; in the late eighteenth
century Its SCIentIfic efforts were at an ebb. s The Japanese then depended on
E utch translations of Western European works.
The Further Development of Dutch Learning

In the 1770's, a generation after Yoshimune's reign, direct translation of
Dutch books was begun by two groups, the official interpreters at Nagasaki
and the physicians of Edo. The official interpreters, notably Motoki Ryoei
**~7k and Shizuki Tadao ~~,*u;l, struggled with almost no aid from
foreigners to introduce Dutch works to Japan (see Chapter 13). Holding
hereditary posts, they achieved the highest level of linguistic competence of
vtheir time. Their painstaking work was, however, unavailable to the general
public. As official government interpreters they were forbidden to have
their works printed, although handwritten copies did circulate within a
(.limited group of intellectuals.
7 Yabuuchi Kiyoshi fii*Jfrf, "Edo jidai ni okeru gairai kagaku no yu'nyii." rrp~ft~c
:tovt Q7I-*f3J-~O)i/iiriA(The importation offoreign sciences during the Tokugawa period),
Kagakushi kenkyu f3J-~~1i1f~ (Journal of the history of science), no. 43,2 (1957).
8 The contribution of Holland to the sciences, ed. A. J. Barnouw and B. Lanaheer (New York,
1943), p. 271.
EMERGENCE OF "DUTCH LEARNING"
The second group of translators was composed of physicians, whose in-

terests lay primarily in practical clinical treatment. Although their aims were
more concrete than those ofthe interpreters, their linguistic competence was
inferior. Still, their professional experience and the practical assistance they
received from Dutch doctors at Nagasaki helped th-em considerably, while
the official interpreters had to rely to a ml;lch greater degree on word-by-word
translation. The physicians, not a few of them self-employed, enjoyed more
freedom than the interpreters, who were under direct control of the central
government. Those translators who made important contributions to
Japanese understanding of the natural sciences other than astronomy came
mainly from the medical group. .
Choice of the subject matter<;>f Dutch learning was determined largely bY)
the government's desire for utilization of practical Western knowledge.
Since astronomy and medicine were subjects long familiar to the Japanese, I
they were immediately attractive. Generally, technical aspects of natural j
science and the study of foreign products were easily accepted for their uni- !
versality and practicality, while the humanities and social sciences -closely I
tied to cultural premises-were ignored. I
The interpreters tried to introduce the core of genuine Western science,
conceptual schemes and cosmology, which did not interest practical astrono-
mers except when directly applicable within their traditional approach to
calendar-making-as, for example, observational data and astronomical
constants. At first they were satisfied with Jesuit treatises, but around 1800
they began to look for European originals and studied the Dutch translation Y
ofJ.J.L. de Lalande's Astronomie.
At the beginning of the nineteenth century the government observatory
.started translating Dutch works. From an institution subordinate to the
Office of Astronomy emerged the Translation Bureau, which did not restrict 1
itself to astronomy and geography. As the foreign military threat appeared
more urgent, and the need for Western knowledge was more keenly felt, the
government tended to monopolize the best learning of the day. It created,
I
several institutions. For reasons ofnational defense, the emphasis on military \
science and strategy was overwhelming. In this situation, astronomy lost its \
• 1
preemmence. .
13 Introduction ofthe Copernican and
Newtonian Theories
The Copernican Theory
RECEPTION IN CHI~
Chinese intellectuals of the seventeenth century displayed such indiffer-

ence toward Western civilization that the introduction of the Copernican
\ theor y was left to Jesuit missionaries. The Jesuits were generallyanti-Coper:..
\nican, and their lack ofenthusiasm for the heliocentric system caused a delay
j
rin recognition of its value. B. Szczesniak concluded that the "Copernican
Ilconflict had perhaps an even more tragic history in China than in Europe,
because it lasted until the end of the eighteenth century."1
1 B. Szczesniak, "Notes on the penetration of the Copernican theory into China from the
seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries," 10urnal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1945), p. 3 I.
The entire article, pp. 30-38, hereafter referred to as reference I, and another by the same
author, "The penetration of the Copernican theory into feudal Japan," 10urnal of the Royal
Asiatic Society (1944), pp. 52-61, hereafter referred to as reference 2, are the principal sources
on this subject availa,ble in a Western language. They contain several misleading statements,
which are listed below and corrected either here or in Chapter 13.
(a) Szczesniak maintained that the Jesuits' lack ofattention to the Copernican heliocentric
doctrine was caused by religious prejudice or intentional suppression (reference I, pp. 33 and
36). This statement is corrected in Chapter 13. See Yabuuchi Kiyoshi f&i*Jm, "Kinsei
Chiigoku ni tsutaerareta seiy6 tenmongaku" lli:t!tl=ftm~::.flJi*-l?nkg!H$7()(~(European
astronomy introduced into modern China), Kagakushi kenkyu f4~J!:.M~ (Journal of the
history of science), no. 32, 16-17 (1954).
(b) Szczesniak commented that the Chinese had a materialistic outlook, and regarded
the sky merely as something different from the earth (reference 2, p. 53). I disagree; the
metaphysical meaning of the Chinese heaven was almost totally independent of the material
figure. *
COPERNICAN AND NEWTONIAN THEORIES 17 1
The Jesuits generally preferred the Tychonian system to the Copernican. (

In fact, the important ChCung-chen Ii-shu ~!jIJUI., by Johann Adam Schall von
Bell and others, basically followed Tycho Brahe's system, his calculations and
observations. Ptolemy's and Copernicus' methods ofepicyclic representation
were compared with Brahe's but there was no direct discussion of the Coper-
nican heliocentric theory.2 One paragraph offhandedly, denounced the
hypothesis ofthe rotation ofthe earth, without giving any detailed argument.
Apparently, however, the Jesuits failed to advocate the Copernican theory
through indifference rather than hostility. They were not much concerned
with denouncing the heterodoxy of the heliocentric system. Rather, they
turned to the Copernican, or Tychonian, or Ptolemaic system-depending on
their p~actical goals. Brahe's work, for instance, was especially useful in trac-
ing apparent courses of celestiaf bodies. They looked on the Copernican
theory as a mathematical device, not as an unwelcome attack on their orthodox
cosmology.
The Chinese attitude toward Western astronomy was somewhat permis-
sive, in that new ideas were given consideration. However, the Chinese
thought only of additions to current astronomical practice. "Let us melt
their [Western] materials and cast them into the mold of the [traditional]
Ta-tCung *mJE calendar!" was a celebrated slogan of Hsu Kuang-ch'i ~:Jft~, an
* (c) Szczesniak assumed that "with the traditional philosophy and science of China, the
heliocentric system would have encountered a violent resistance" (reference I, p. 36). This
statement is corrected in Chapter 13.
(d) Szczesniak said that "Baba Nobutake (as shown in his Shogaku tenmon shinan fj][j})'Xy:'
:f~T¥J [An elementary introduction to astronomy; 1706]) believed implicitly in Copernican
astronomy" and that "Later he [Yoshimune] imposed on Nakane Genkei the task of explain-
ing the principles of European astronomy, and this man is the author of the first book on
astronomy written from European sources, under the title Tenmon-zukai hakki 'XY:.I'IJWN~nJ!
(Illustrated astronomy; 1696). In 1744 the Shogun founded Japan's first astronomical observ-
atory... The observatory was at first situated in the castle ofTokugawa in Edo, and Nakane
Genkei was the first director, and the first who knew the Copernican system" (reference 1)
There are five errors in these statements. (I) Baba had no knowledge of heliocentricism.
(2) Genkei translated from Chinese into Japanese it Sino-Jesuit treatise which was mainly
based on the Tychonian system. (3) Tenmon-zukai hakki was published posthumously in 1739.
(4) The observatory founded by Yoshimune was not Japan's first, nor even ofmodern European
type. A historical record of a Japanese observatory goes back to the seventh century. (5)
Genkei died in 1733, and could not have been the first director of the observatory. .
2 Curiously enough, Copernicus was cited as having initiated the eleven-sphere universe
by adding a trepidation sphere, which was abolished after Brahe's time. See Johann Adam
Schall von Bell, Li-fa hsi ch'uan ~?*j:§f' (On the transmission of astronomy in the West;
circa 1634) included in Cb'in-ting ku-chin t'u-shu chi-cb'eng *XlEr!l41'1.~nJt (Imperial ency-
clopedia; 1726), ed. Ch'en Meng-Iei et al. (edition of 1884), s.v. "Ii-fa" ffl}?* (calendrical
science), vol. 16, pt. 5. This may have originated in the misleading account given byClavius.
RECOGNITION OF WESTERN SUPREMACY
eminent Chinese collaborator of Matteo Ricci. This avoidance of the broader

view of astronomy was characteristic. 3
There was no religious opposition to the Copernican theory in China, for
theological and astronomical cosmology were not linked in the Chinese view
of heaven. A debate on whether the planetary system is really heliocentric or
geocentric was trivial to the Chinese, who therefore treated the new theory
with indifference. 4
In summary, the incomplete acceptance of the Copernican theory in China
at the time of its introduction was caused by the lack of attention paid to
heliocentricism by the Jesuits and by the unwillingness of the Chinese to
abandon traditional concepts.
THE SETTING IN JAPAN
Up to the early part of the eighteenth century, Japanese astronomy was
I
\ ,dominated by Chinese tradition. Discussions ofWestern ast,ronomy available
[
in Japan, such as the T'ien-ching huo-wen ~Kr£~rI=l5 (Qgeries on the classics of
heaven), were sketchy. Detailed accounts in Chinese did arrive in the first
half ,of the eighteenth century in treatises of seventeenth-century Jesuit
I
origin. 5 However, these treatises took the form of traditional Chinese cal-
endrical studies. They revealed only slight knowledge of geocentric cosmolo-
gy and none at all of the Copernican system. It was not until the last quarter
of the eighteenth century that the Copernican theory appeared in Japanese
works.
Compared with the date of acceptance of the Copernican system in the
West, its introduction into Japan was late, partly because of ideologic and
technical difficulties in comprehending the heliocentric system. More im-
portant, however, international communication was difficult. political action
Yabuuchi Kiyoshi, "Seiy6 tenmongaku no t6zen-Shindai no rekih6" g§'¥$7()(~O)

8
*llWi-m~O)}ffi* (Introduction of Western astronomy into the East-calculation of the
calendar in the Ch'ing period), TOM gakuM, Kyoto *:1JJJI:¥ltfj'(t~ 15, (Journal of Oriental
Study) pt. 2, 146-147 (1946).
4 A recent article by George H. C. Wong, "China's opoosition to Western science during
late Ming and early Ch'ing," Isis 54, 29-49 (~3), gives a better account of the Chinese
reaction, although the author confuses the Tychonian and Ptolemaic systems. A number of
errors are corrected by N. Sivin in Isis 56,201-205 (1965).
5 There is no reliable source to fix the exact date of importation. It is even possible that
Jesuit works were preserved by the government at a much earlier time and released in this
period. See Ebizawa Arimichi m~~~~, Nanban gakutii no kenkyu i¥HI~t1tO)1iJf~ (A study
of the tradition of Western learning [in Japan]; Tokyo, 1958), pp. 147-148. It would be safe
to assume that detailed study of Western astronomy through Chinese sources began around
the 1720'S and 1730'S.
COPERNICAN AND NEWTONIAN THEORIES 173
limited free circulation of ideas. Since Chinese works were practically useless
in this respect, the original Western treatises had to be translated by official
interpreters. Thus, the proximate difficulty was lingustic rather than ideo-
logic, and great credit is due the linguistic experts who devoted their
efforts to the new science.
THE TRANSLATIONS OF MOTOKI R YOEI
Translations of Dutch works by Motoki Ryoei **.5!7k are significant

not only as the first Japanese sources on the Copernican heliocentric s1stem, Q
but also as a landmark in the advancement of the study ofWestern languages
inJapan. Ryoei (1735-1794) belonged to the third generation of a hereditary
family of Nagasaki interpreters. Besides discharging routine duties, he was
perhaps the first to receive an official order to translate Dutch works. During
his lifetime Ryoei produced several translations in the fields of astronomy and
geography.
He once stated that since there had never been a professional translation ofa
Dutch work in Japan, his predecessors were skeptical about the possibility of
even literal translation and were reluctant to try it. 6 He recognized that ifhe
were to fail in his initial translation, his own ability would be brought into
question and his inherited position jeopardized. 7 His attitude indicates that
the main difficulty in the introduction of heliocentricism lay in the linguistic
barrier and the conservative intellectual atmosphere, in which an innovator
hesitated to present anything extravagant. Official requests did, of course,
encourage Ryoei, although not all his translations ?riginated in this way.
While Ryoei would have had ready access to the works of the Nagasaki
astronomers (such as Kobayashi Yoshinobu IJ\*~jH~ and Nishikawa Joken
jffiJll~llfl), he himself was not a practical astronomer. There is no evidence
that he ever personally conducted any astronomical observations. He re-
mained fundamentally a linguist, studying astronomy as an avocation.
6 Motoki Ry6ei **~7k (trans.), Seijutsu hongen taiyo kyuri ryokai shinsei tenchi nikyu yohOki
£**~*~~:OOTmmmU;R:f:lB=AAffll*~a (The ground of astronomy, newly edited and
illustrated, on the use of celestial and terrestrial globes according to the heliocentric system;
1792-1793), voh 2, reprinted in Tenmon butsuri gakka no shizenkan ;R)(4'm:OO~*O) 13 ~Ii
(Japanese astronomers' and physicists' views ofnature), in Nihon tetsugaku shiso zensho S *'&~
}~,:m:@:. (Source book in Japanese philosophy), ed. Saigusa Hiroto :=:'1sttfif (Tokyo, 1936),
vol. 8, p. 342. .
7 It is recorded that in 1791 seven interpreters at Nagasaki were dismissed for having made
inaccurate translations of Dutch documents. See Otsuki Nyoden *m~Qm, Shinsen yogaku
nenpyo m~¥$~if.~ (A newly edited chronology of Western learning in Japan; Tokyo,
1926), p. 76. For an English translation, see C. C. Krieger, The infiltration ofEuropean civiliza-
tion in 'Japan during the eighteenth century (Leiden, 1940), pp. 94 if.
Ryoei's references were limited to the T'ien-ching huo-wen and the Tenmon
giron ~3t~gJfB (Discussions of the principles of astronomy), although Jesuit
treatises dealing with similar subject matter did exist. In China, for instance,
the Li-hsiang k'ao-ch'eng hou-pien M~~nX:1itm (Sequel to the compendium of
calendrical science and astronomy; 1742), edited by the German missionary
Ignatius Kogler and others, had made use of the elliptical orbit of the sun for
calendrical calculations without reference to the heliocentric system. In 1760 a
French missionary, Michel Benoist, illustrated the Copernican theory and
the Keplerian elliptic orbits in his K'un-yu ch'iian-t'u :f:$~itll1 (Map of the
world).8 These works did not influence Ryoei.
The" Granda chikyu zusetsu.)) Ryoei's first translation referring to the helio-
centric theory was drafted in 1772 under the title "Oranda chikyu zusetsu"
1lnJ~~t:I:tBfj(lI1m (Dutchmen's illustration of the earth). Its original was the
Dutch translation Altas van Zeevaert en Koophandel door degeheele fVeereldt
(Amsterdam, 1745) of the Atlas de la navigation et du commerce qui se fait dans
toutes les parties du monde (1715), by Louis Renard.
The original text included large charts with a seaman's guide to the use of
maps. Only the descriptive part of the text was translated into Japanese,
however. As it was not a scholarly account of astronomy, no substantial
discussion on cosmology was given.
1 In the historical introduction, one paragraph mentioned that scholars had,
~n general, accepted Copernicus' heliocentricism. A later passage gave a short
/account of daily rotation and annual revolution, including the difference
between true (heliocentric) and apparent (geocentric) motions. These
, references hardly constituted an introduction to heliocentric Copernican
. . theory; they were important simply because the name Copernicus appeared
J . there for the first time in Japanese works.
A comparison with the Dutch original shows that the translator has omitted
certain paragraphs in his translation. The Dutch version of Renard's book
gave a brief history of astronomy up to the time of Copernicus' and then
proceeded with a discussion involving Biblical issues raised by Copernican
theory. The translator left out all the theological argumentation. The omis-
sion is apparently deliberate, motivated by the translator's abhorrence of the
account of God's creation. 9
8 Yabuuchi Kiyoshi, "Kinsei Chiigoku ni tsutaerareta seiy6 tenmongaku" ~t!t9='~~;:'
~;t G,h,f-:gs¥$:R3t¥ (European astronomy introduced into modern China), Kagakushi
kenkyu, no. 32,17-18 (1954); and Ch'ou-jen chuan I!I'jA~ (Biographies of Chinese mathemati-
cians and astronomers; 1799), ed. Juan Yuan 1!Ji;5[;; edition of 1955, vol. 3, pp. 601-609.
9 Motoki Ry6ei (trans.), "Granda chikyii zusetsu" j)i1JBiliJJt::L1ftfj(i:l~ (Dutchmen's*
"The'~Tenchinikyu yoho."'Thesecorid work'bythesame'translator was the

f~Tenchi' ;nikyu,y6h6" 7(:i1.I!,=J;)j(}tr~'
(The use: of., celestial and terrestrial
globes) dated· I 774. Its Dutchoriginal was' TweevoudighOnderwiis vandehemel-
she: enaardsche Globen (Amsterdam, T666 10 ;:firsfedition, 1620).
. The book waswrittenam:Lprefacedby Willein JanszoonBlaeu(orBlaaw,
T572~I63 8j,and: editedandcpublished ,byhis,,~on Johan.WillemJanszoon
BIaeu was arendwnediDutch cartograph~r andan intimate friend and disciple
of Tycho Brahe. He was alsoomLofthe ,early' proponents ofthe Copernican
sy,s,t~m~It1, ' ,:i.,i",.:', . " " " , .",i".', :
•',We :h~Y~)tq,,~vay?,f,p~~)Vin,~ ~~ep Bl~eu'~, 166()tdit~()pwf~; b,r0l:lghr to
J~1?al1~'.,.ltmay, bp ,tha ~ ,lol1g be~ofe:.fh~ Japanesetr~,n,~lat~on in, I 774 it '.,"\Vas
imJ?()t:tedin,W'l;'J~gf~~k(~l1(l t4~p"pu~iedj~J o?s~~fi9~·l31aeu isfn ,e,ll1i n,en.t
~ gpre "ill: th,e, ,s~ye,nteellth, ,s~n tury', •,the golden~geof ,the .Dutch; ,his "\Vofk,s
'yere tr~l1s1ated ~ntofrell~h. ami othefJang~C1:ge,s an,1 dif[usedthr()ugholltthe
)\Todq.: ,¥anyqfhis p1~ps,an~o~her:work~ pad;ll,s0Ireen propght tojap~R:, ,..•.
It is, :ll1al1ifest that BI~~qwrotethe book\V~th.t:~eirtenti()ll o(propagating
thrCoperni,cal1 hYP:9t~e~is.Wemay not?~q~ev~r,hastily.. ~W~lltn,e the d~t;e, pf
1774 ~s the turning point in the history 'ofJapaneSe,astf.o~om¥,in'Which the
Copernican theory replaced thy"older. cO~ll1olqgysucldeply' and,thoroughly.
:M:0t()ki:Ry6ei~sQWn pre(1cesays: .' .,' , "
The preface of [Blaeu's] booksaid'that there'are two theories an.1ong

"astrohomers'concerning the' centet'ofthe'heavert'andplanetary' move-
ments. One is that the immobile earth is situated in the middle of the
heaven; :and,seven luminaries·artd,·fixed stars go around it in .circular
orbits. The other says that the sun is always immobile and that the
earth, together with the other five planets, goes around the sun; the
*illustration of the earth; 1772), vol. 2, MS preserved in the Nagasaki City Museum. See also
NakaY:lmaShigeru ,9=' 1lJ~, "¥otokiRyoei yaku'Oranda chikyii setsu'ni tsuite" **~~
~ IfJiJjjj~1:::Jm~IDt~cvj~ \."( (On the "Oranda chikyii setsu" translated, by Motoki Ryoei),
Rangaku shiryakenkyukai kenkyu bOkoktljjj¥~;r-l-1iJf~fr1iJf5E¥IH~'CReports of the society of
Dutch sources. in Japan), no. '112 (I9Q.?-) and no•• 162 (1964); and his "Abhorrence of ,God'
in the introduction of Copetnicanism into Japan," 'Japanese Studiesin the History ofScience, no.
3, 60-61'(19 64); . ,
10 Because of the long interv;ll between ;tlle date of the original and that of the Japan~se
translation, Itazawa Takeot&~jEUt conjectured. that the, original was published in 1766
instead of 1666, but this is obviously wrong. See his "Edo jidai ni okeru chikyii chidosetsu
no tenkai to sono hando" n:?ffiftt~cj:ovtG:Jm~!ililbIDtO)~Mc-t:-O)LZlb (The develop-
ment of the heliocentric theory and the reaction to it during the Tokugawa period), Shigaku
zasshiJ1::¥~M.; 52 (I), 12(1941);
11, Pierre HemyBandet,Leven en Werkenvan Willem 'JanszoonBlaeu (1871); and Edward
Luther Stevenson, Willem 'Janszoon Blaeu (New York, 1914), pp.1 1"-13.
heaven offixed stars is also absolutely immobile. The former is the theory
of Hipparchus, Ptolemy and his followers, and is still an established
theory now. The latter ic that ofancient writers, which had been lost for
a long time. About one hundred years ago, there was a man called
Nicolaus Copernicus. Having intimate communications with Tycho
Brahe, the biggest figure in astronomical observations, Copernicus
investigated this [heliocentric] theory thoroughly and finally reached'
enlightenment out ofcumbersome darkness.
, This extract is apparently an exposition of Copernican heliocentricism, but
Iwe have found no more mention ofit in this work. While the preface ofBlaeu's
original had eight paragraphs, Ryoei translated and put into his own preface
only the first four paragraphs. Blaeu's preface stated that his intent was to
illustrate the Ptolemaic system first, because it was more familiar and more
easily comprehensible, and then go on to the true theory of Copernicus.
Paragraphs 5 through 7 discussed Blaeu's plan of arranging the Copernican
system as opposed to the Ptolemai~but these are all omitted from Ryoei's
preface. Furthermore, Ryoei confused the historical relationship between
Copernicus and Tycho Brahe.
Blaeu's book consisted of two parts as follows:
Volume I: Astronomical principles of celestial and terrestrial globes based
on the inadequate hypothesis of Ptolemy.
Volume II: Astronomical principles of globes based on the true hypothesis
of Copernicus.
Ryoei's translation terminated near the middle of Volume I (at page 120 of
163 pages), the part based on Ptolemaic geocentric theory. Apparently he had
no intention ofextending his translation further. It is highly probable that he
deliberately omitted the sqction on heliocentricism from the main text as well
as from his own preface.
It seems unlikely that the Copernican heliocentric theory was insurmount-
ably difficult for Ryoei to comprehend, despite its unfamiliarity. Blaeu's
astron.omical writing was not particu.lady advan.ced; KePler'.s contributions
did not appear in it. Hence it would be more plausible to interpret this delib-
( erate omission as being caused by Ryoei's precaution against any subversive
\lor unorthodox thoughts. We conclude, therefore, that Ryoei's work in 1774
\should not properly be called the full introduction of the Copernican theory.12
12 Nakayama Shigeru l=F'llJa;, "Motoki Ryoei no tenmonsho honyaku ni tsuite" **ll!7k
O)~)(.~~~c::.."'?\"L (On Motoki Ryoei's translations on astronomy), Rangaku shiryo
kenkyukai kenkyu hOkoku, no. 66 (1960).
Adams'treatise. A more detailed and truly comprehensive account of thel

Copernican system was translated in 1792-1793. It was entitled Seijutsu
ho~en ta~o_kyuri ryokai shinsei tenchi nikyu yohoki £f,/\j.*~:;;t~~:I:l7m~lIJU~'
:Lfu~fj(fflW~a (The ground of astronomy, newly edIted and Illustrated; on
the use ofcelestial and terrestrial globes according to the heliocentric system),
and consisted of seven volumes. 13 The Dutch original has been identified as .
Gronden der Sterrenkunde, gelegd in het Zonnestel zel bevatlijk gemaakt; in eene
Beschrijving van't Maaksel en Gebruik der nieuwe Hemel- en Aarrd-globen (Am-
sterdam, 1770),470 pages. 14 · .
Its author, George Adams the elder (died 1773), was a maker of mathemat-
ical instruments under King George III. He had a worldwide reputation as a
maker of celestial and terrestrial globes. The ultimate original of Ryoei's
translation, Adam's Treatise describing and explaining 'the construction and use of
new celestial and terrestrial globes (London, 1766), passed through thirty editions
in England and was also printed in America. 15 ,
Ryoei's translation included the first 325 of the 360 paragraphs of the 1
Dutch original; only a portion on the use of globes was left untranslated. The
work began with a straightforward description and explanation of the solar
system, in which the relationship between the apparent and true courses of
the planets was expounded on the basis of the heliocentric scheme. It seems,
however" to be not an advanced treatise for professional astronomers, but a
textbook for navigators.
Elliptic orbits were introduced but were not associated with Kepler. His
name appeared only in connection with a list of values for the distances of \,
perihelion, mean solar distance, and aphelion by various astronomers such as !
Hipparchus, Ptolemy, AI-Bat6ini, Brahe, Riccioli, Cassini, and de la Hire. j
Kepler's second and third laws were not given; the name of Newton was I
ignored. Dynamic theory did not appear at all, and mathematical formulation ~
was consciously avoided. 1
The arrangement of topics was strikingly different from that of traditional"l,
Japanese treatises. From the outset, the earth was treated as a member of\.
the solar system. First, detailed instructions were given for the reduction I,
13 Vol. I is reprinted in Nihon tetsugaku 'Zemho E *'&~~. (Source book in Japanese
philosophy), vol. 8 (1936), hereafter cited as NTZ. .
14 Itazawa, "Edo jidai," p. 10. A first edition and an edition of 1771 are preserved in the
shogunate government library. Yogaku Kotohajime Ten, Rangaku no shokeifu to Edo bakufu kyu'Zo-
bon ~~~Ht t:CJb~, lI~O)~*~c l[p.mliYi* (Catalogue of books, exhibited at
the "Y6gaku Kotohajime Ten," on earlier phases of Western civilization in Japan), ed.
Okubo Toshiaki :k?-.f*fUliMt (Tokyo, 1954), pp. 17-18.
15 Dictionary of national biography, s.v.
from grocentric to heliocentric coordinates; then, the behavior of the plan-

ets and satellites was expounded. The traditional approach, as noted in
Chapter la, started with an analysis ofthe apparent motions of the sun and
moon, and ended with the prediction 'of eclipses, the five planets having
little significance in the main exposition.
A table of refraction based on James Bradley's observations and values for
the length of the lunar cycle' and the inclinations of the planets were given
accruately, but the other data given were too unreliable to be useful for calcu-
lation of ephemerides. Parallactic effects were well explained, but without
ltrigOnometric formulas. As for the traditionally crucial subject of eclipse
prediction, only an explanation of the cause of eclipses was given. The expla-
\ nation of the effect of refraction on lunar eclipses was perhaps new to the
Japanese. Lack of accurate detail made this treatise of little practical use to
Japanese calendar-makers.
Other works. Ryaei's translations were not printed during his lifetime.
The manuscripts were filed in central or local government offices beyond the
reach of the general public. His achievement, however, was fairly well known
in intellectual circles and had a substantial intluen~e on Shiba Kakan "PJ,~LI:rl
(see last section in this chapter)16 and Yamagata Banta I-UJt!ll1J5, who both
ublished popular works on the heliocentric theory.
Ryaei also gave brief summaries of Philosophische OnderwUzer and Beginselen
der Natuurkunde. 17 The original of the former is Benjamin Martin's The phil-
osophical grammar (first edition 1738, Dutch edition 1744); that of the latter is
the Anfangsgrunde der Physik by Johann Heinrich Winkler (Dutch edition
1768).18 These works elucidated the Newtonian laws of mechanics, but they
were beyond Ryaei's concern or comprehension. 19 He could only compare
the Ptolemaic, Tychonian, and Copernican systems brietly.
. As we have seenfrom the several instances given above, there were not a
few Western astronomical treatises available for translation in the last quarter
of the eighteenth century in Japan. Hence, at this period the ban on Western
books was not completely operative. To a certain degree, translators had
freedom to choose their subject.
16' NTZ, pp. 362-3 66.

17 See Johannes van Abkoude, Naamregister van de Bekendste en meest in Gebruik Zynde Neder-
duitsche Boeken (Amsterdam, 1787), p. 579.
18 First edition published in Leipzig in 1753. An English translation was published in
London in 1757.
19 Kuwaki Ayao ~*~~l, Reimeiki no Nihon kagaku ~§ljmO) s*f4~ (Japanese science
at the dawn; Tokyo, 1947), pp. 105-107.
The transformation from geocentricism to heliocentricism did not raise

difficult technical problems unless one had certain religious and philosophical
presuppositions. Thus, unlike Newtonianism, the introduction of heliocen-
tric theory never raised difficult questions for Ryoei.
The main causes ofthe delay in the introduction of the heliocentric theory \
into Jap.an were the government's policy of seclusion, rigidly maintained until
the early part of the eighteenth century, and the linguistic barrier, which re-
mained formidable until the last quarter of that century.
, Ryoei's personal view. Ryoei was a borrower of ideas. In his contrasting of
Western and Japanese cosmologic principles, civil calendars, and units of
measurement, his views remained within the tradition of the Nagasaki
school ofastronomers. For instance, he said: "Dutch learning tells us that the
sky is limitless while the earth is limited. Therefore the Dutch astronomers
start with terrestrial measurement, and on that basis go on to celestial obser-
vations."2o This estimate is identical with that of Nishikawa Joken (see
Chapter 9). When Ryoei recommended that the student of astronomy start
with ancient learning (geocentric astronomy as exemplified by the T'ien-ching
huo-wen) and then proceed to the modern (heliocentric) theory, he might have
been repeating the recommendation of Willem Janszoon Blaeu.
Interestingly, he identified astrology and astronomy, the two studies of
heaven to be found in Dutch learning, with Nishikawa's epistemological classi-
fications meiri iPJ£ and keiki %~. Deprived of its metaphysical connotations,
meiri is correlated with portent astrology or senkO ~f~,21 while keiki is made to
correspond with astronomy in the modern sense.
Pythagoras, Copernicus, Kepler, Galileo, Descartes, and Newton were \
mentioned by name in Ryoei's works, but their theories were not explained. !
The word "philosophy" was translated as "seiri" ttJ£, a Neo-Confucian term I
which refers to the underlying rational and basically moral principles of I
nature. 22
Thus Ryoei was a faithful translator, drawing on the knowledge ofhis time,
but not an advocate of new ideas. When, at the end of Volume I of his transla-
tion of Adams' treatise, he expounded his own view of astronomy, he did not \
indicate any special enthusiasm for the newly introduced heliocentric system.
20 NTZ, vol. 7, P.345.

21 See the account of Nishimura T6sato in Chapter 9.
22 NTZ, vol. 7, p. 359.
The Newtonian Theory
NEWTONIANISM IN CHINA AND JAPAN
} Unlike the Copernican theory, Newtonian mechanics was introduced first

( in Japan, then in China. At the last quarter of the eighteenth century the
I Japanese had access to Newton's theories through Dutch treatises.
1, There was no Chinese work in this field before the 1850'S when Joseph
Edkins (I 823-I905).' a Protestant missionary, with the h.elp of Li Shan-Ian
$wlti (1810-1882), translated William Whewell's An elementary treatise on
\ mechanics. The introduction occurred during the post-Opium War phase of
Protestant missionary activities.
THE CONTRIBUTION OF SHIZUKI TADAO: THE

"REKISHO SHINSHO"
) Shizuki Tadao $~1it',1$ (1760-1806), an official interpreter and pupil of

MotOki Ryoei, was the first Japanese to undertake the transmission of
Newton'~ doctrines. The original version used by Tadao was a Dutch trans-
J
llation by Johan Lulofs, Inleidinge tot de waare Natuur- en Sterrekunde (Amsterdam,
11741), of John Keill's (1671-1721) Introductiones ad veram Physicam et veram
IAstronomiam. ~ibus accendunt, Trigonometria, de viribus Centralibus. De legibus
(Attractiones, editio novissima (London, 1739). This one-volume edition
(includes several originally separate treatises. 23
John Keill was a pupil of David Gregory, a zealous champion of Newton's
priority over Leibniz, and one of the best exponents of Newton's Principia.
Johan Lulofs was a professor of astronomy and philosophy at the University
ofLeiden, who added many notes ofhis own to his translation ofKeill's work.
Shi2Uki Tadao spent more than twenty years on his transla.tion. His pre-
( paratory notes were made in three drafts, "Tenmon kanki" ~Jt~1MI (As-
Jtronomical collection; I7 82), "Dogakn shinan" iIJ~'411m (Guide to mecha-
\nics; n.d.), and "Kyiishinryoku ron" ;:j(1t.'1J~ (On attraction; 1784).24
jThese were revised with substantial amendment into the final monograph,
23 Both Introductio ad veram Physicam (Oxford, 1702) and Introductio ad veram Astronomiam
(London, 1718) have been published in English, as Introduction to natural philosophy, ed. 1 (Lon-
don, 1720) and Introduction to the true astronomy, ed. 1 (London, 1721).
24 Osaki Shoji *~lEiJ\, "Rekishii shinsho tenmei kyUyakubon no hakken" fflf~ff.xOO
ltH¥.J*(J)~J! (The discovery of manuscript translations preliminary to the Rekishiishinsho),
Kagakushi kenkyu, nos. 4 and 5 (1943), p. 101.
entitled "Rekisho shinsho" M~~. (New treatise on calendrical phenom-

ena), which appeared in three volumes (completed 1798,1800, and 1802).
Tadao's work was not a literal translation, but rather a digest of his notes.
Some parts of the original were briefly summarized, and some large sections
were omitted entirely.
Astronomy. Book I began with a fairly complete translation ofslightly more I
than four of the thirty-one lectures in Introductio ad veram Astronomiam. The,
remainder ofBook I was devoted to tables of, inter alia, the sizes, distances, and
periods ofrevolution of the planets. A briefexplanation ofnovae, comets, and
precession was also added. Tadao's own brief notes were attached, but there
was no exposition of underlying methods or of the technical aspects of as-
tronomy. The section in Keiil's work dealing with eclipse prediction was \
translated in a separate work, "Nisshoku ezan" E11t~~ (Calculation'of solar
eclipses illustrated; 1803).25 ,
Keill's work had the typical post-Newtonian deistic tone; unrestrained
praise of God's creation, harmony, order, symmetry, beauty, and so forth is
lavishly distributed throughout. These embellishments were eliminated from
Tadao's translation, except in one place where he rendered "the idea of God's
design" as "the agency of limitless prajna (~., a Buddhist term, literally
"wisdom").26
While Ryoei mentioned only the first of Kepler's laws, in Tadao's work a
full treatment of Kepler's thrid law appeared in translation. The second law
was also mentioned, although the section of the original in which it appeared
was not translated. '
Relativity. To Tadao the relativity of location and motion was the most)
impressive and admirable feature of the heliocentric theory. Motion or rest
depended solely on the point of reference, and the two were therefore intrin-
.sically indistinguishable. There was neither absolute rest nor absolute motion.
For geographical location, or even for family relations, there was no absolute
measure. Ifthe point ofobservation was the sun, the earth was in motion, and \
vice versa. Thus there was no reason to prefer either the ancient Chinese or
the Western theory concerning motion of the sun or earth.
From this relativistic notion the plurality of worlds followed easily, since
the immediate world had no particular priority. To support this theory,
25 Lecture XI: "Of the obscurations of eclipses of the sun and moon."
26 In Rekisho shinsho, reprinted in Nihon tetsugaku shiso zensho 13 *,&~,~,;m~. (Source
book in Japanese philosophy) hereafter cited as NTSZ; ed. Saigusa Hiroto =:.t!ttlif and
Shimizu Ikutaro m7j(~::t~~ (Tokyo, 1956), vol. 6, p. 117.
182 RECOGNITION'OF'iWESTEItNSUPRE.MACY
Tadao quoted iBuddhist writers' and Lieh-"fzU' 7U -=f,; ana'nciehtand 'possibly

legendar:y GhineseTaBist thinkel.",whosegrounds: for this view were intuitive
and metaphoric~LHe cited a (;:;hinesestatelllentthat~~things[fluid]' pU're and
light go uparidform the heavens; while the turbid andheavY'COlne do\Vn and
make the earth,"27 and argued that every star and plariet'was:cotriposedof
thesaqie.kirtdoftUlibid matteta's,the earth;:Thushe daimedth:it the,plurility
ofworlds was knownbefore the Westerners advaricedit.(The original. cdntent
6fthisstatenlent, which is 'perhaps, a Nco:;Contudansaying, had)l1bthingtodo
with the' pIuralityproblem 'as such;) 'Whilehef sa)Vthat,theWesterri theories
ofthe earth':s; motion:and the'plurality ofw6rldsweresignifidant because they;
were 'based: on i pr·operlyrdatedreasoning:a.nd observation'~,he was also anx"-
ious that the contributions 'of hisjowncultur~'be 'recognized;
Inthe1appendix to 'Book I, Tadaopresbrtted'his:ownaccqurrt oft.hehelioJ
centric system, entitled "Tentairon" :7(RffifB (I5istussions'onthe' 'hea-ve,nly
bodies).28; Likehisteachet: MowkirRy6ei,<fadaof diditlot,ev,inceani iertthu-
sia~l11 for tne;theory'hewasintroducirtg;,His: intent wasto'teconcile i lllodetn
Westerrttheory with ttaditiol1a}.Chinese<vlews),::,l
;':'iWhe'nconfrortted\Vith:theiric6rt1patibHityofd~eXiopetnicanthe6ty;~tidthe
tr~ditional ;rtbtibn, ;whiCh ,;iddltifled the" sky'wltih' !yang; ahd m6tioh and' >th~
earth with yin and rest, Tadao tried to preserve the respectabilityot:artdertt
Chrnesetoncepts'by'quotihgca,rt:atlciertt:passage:thh,:intetpteted.yeryifteely,
referred ", 'to the 'motiort::of'the! earth.; !.And,wh~Ilithe'c6bsetvative:Ghinds~\
attitude t6w~tdthe:newthe6rywis att~cked ohthe: gt6hnds th~t eveh;though
the name of Copernicus appeared in the Li-hsiang k(ao-ch(;eng;the' Ghiriese
still did not adopttheCbpernican theory, T~da6ag~irfdefendedthe:Chihese.
In a rather fair apologia, he pointed out that the'Chirie~ewe're26iicerhedoll.'ly
with observations and predictions of the apparehf:codrses; bPt'he hekvetily;
bodies, and not with theory; therefore they had no compellihgteasohtbad6pf
heliocentricism.
Physics. Book II dealt mainly with Newtonian mechanics and other physic'at
topics. After an exposition of the Newtonian laws, there followed a lengthy
section devoted to Huyghens' demonstration of centrifugal force and circular
motion.
In the opening part, just before introducing Newton's laws, Tadao ex-
pounded his own "fundamental" view of nature. It seems that he intended to
root the concepts of Newtonian mechanics in the ancient Chinese Natur-
27 NTSZ, p. 14I.
28 NTSZ, pp. 135-142.
COPERNICAN, ANDNEWTONIAN THEORIES
p. hil.osoPhie; His
old'andthenew~:;
~ea,soningisaJurther example'ofhisattempts to reconcile the
183
I
Th~' space •. o{ th¥.uni v~rse contail)s only opesu~starice,ch'i~,.butit
can also beeitheretnpty orJuU:;Thus i~ one.there'istwo,'and,in two, one.
Ifthere\v~re only the' o~e,thFre could . ~~ no'dlffere~cebetwe'en the
;arefi~dandth~con.densed:'fhFhe~vel1sareligh'tand!~refied.Thee~rth
~i~:hea~y'a~d' c6rtdensed.·,Isthe~enbtthena,dl~erenc~ between t~e,.·rar-
e~,ed and .the cond~nsed ?B,y' the existence ofth~sft",o'contraryprinCi-
.pl~s' the . phenomena. arecaus~d in endless.succession. J3ecause of the one-
ness.of thes:~bstance, th,euniverse is monisti~.Th~ cause of thes~ pr]~~i
pIes isbeyopd.mycOlllBre~ension"but the bestwaytocomprehend'the
··'.'su~tletY'()fthese,principlesis to stu~ythe teachings of,th~ i3ooko/ch.anges
. CI-cbing2·' < ' ; . .;: ...•., . . . : . • .' , .' '..... "
Ifthere.",~re o~ly the t'Y?"thech'i ofheav~n' ~pd ~artl1 co'uldnot1?e
trarsl11itte~frOl~one tothe ot~er.,Theshiningch'i'ofthe~una,~dhe~\Ten
lybo4ies is'reBecte~fromope tothe other, and;g;oes toand from the ~x
tremiti~s ofheavfIl.. g~rmeatingspace without a:sitlglegap,.itrises and
falls,. undergoingcbllntIess, tran~formations .. We 1 ust, then, adtn.it that
11
there isonlyasinglech'i~ .. , which differs in respect to condensation
and. rarefaction. Gond.ensation and rarefaction are the sarri~ in cau~al
,origin as e~ptines~ and plenitude. The extreme of condensation ispl~ni
tude. The extreme.ofrarefaction is.emptiness... Perfect plenitude and,per-
fecte pti l1ess,cotn bining witl1 each other, l11ake a si l1 gle state. This
l11
is why Lao~tz~ ~T said "nonexistence occupi~s nonspace."Neverthe:-
less, evenin the extremities ofiheaven, there is not the slightest space
ofpure emptiness or nonplenitude, and even in th~ center of the earth,
there is not the slightest space of pure plenitude or nonemptiness.. '
We must acknowledge that the light of the stars can permeate the
broadheay.ens, and th.at the, ch'i of fire can penetrate rock and metal.
For example, although winter is cold,and summer hot,even in winter
there is stillsOlne warm ch'iandeven in summer, thereis some coldch'i.
.Or take the case .ofsoil, placed in water. As the soil is condensed and heavy,
thewater,qeing ligh~ andrarefied,is like heaven. The soil, mixing with
the water, discolors it, and the water,permeating the soil, moistens it.
Therefore in the water there is nowhere where the soil ch'i is absent, and
in thesoil, nowhere where ,the water ch'i is absent. 29
29 NTSZ, p. 145.'
By this theory he explained quality in terms of a single substance and

quantitative degree in terms ofa dualism. The passage reminds one ofancient
Milesian cosmology, particularly in its striking similarity to Anaximene~'
principles of rarefaction and condensation. But the argument is typical of
Chinese dialectic works in the tradition of the Book of changes and Neo-Con-
fucian cosmology. Tadao was q.ttempting 'to reconstruct the Newtonian
scheme on the basis ofEastern Naturphilosophie) but the gulfbetween them was
so great that his purpose could not be realized.
The concepts most crucial to the introduction of Newtonian mechanics
were those of universal gravitation and differential calculus. The Japanese
ere hindered in comprehending these concepts because there was nothing
resembling mechanistic laws of nature in the Japanese tradition. Although
traditional Japanese mathematicians had developed an integral calculus of
area measurement, they knew nothing of the kinematic approach. For some
Western mathematical concepts, Mei Wen-ting's Li-suan ch'iian-shu Jfl.~.
(Comprehensive collection of works on calendrical science and mathematics)
\ was certainly useful, and it was often quoted in Tadao's works. But there was
Lno reference work available to explain dynamic and physical concepts. Japa-
nese or Chinese equivalents for "matter," "force," "corpuscle," and the like
did not exist. 30 Nevertheless, the Newtonian laws of motion and the idea of
I centrifugal force were artfully expounded through Tadao's painstaking

efforts. 31
Book III of the "Rekish6 shinsho" was .devoted to centripetal force and
concerned almost exclusively with certain properties of the ellipse. It was
based on De viribus Centralibus.
Fundamental cause. In the appendix to Book II, entitled "Fusoku" /FilU
(Immensurability), the causes of gravitation and other cosmic phenomena
were discussed:
80 An unspecified Chinese translation for "inverse square law" is cited in a note. See
NTSZ, p. 149. No more is known of the origin of the equivalents Tadao used.
Brief notes by Maeno Ranka 1W!I!f~1t., one of the earliest "Dutch scholars," anticipated
Tadao in introducing the parallelogram of forces and elliptic planetary orbits in the 1770'S,
but these notes are only fragmentary and apparently were not widely known. See Yoshio
Mikami, "On Mayeno's description of the parallelogram of force," Nieuw Archie!voor WiI-
kunde 11, 76 (1913); and Yajima Suketoshi 5(~1tifU "Honpa ni okeru shoki rio butsurigaku
teki kenkyu" **/W::.:to vt Q WM 0)4'fo~~1¥J1iJf~ (Early works on the physical sciences
in Japan), KagakuIhi kenkyii, no. 2,41-48 (1942).
81 A detailed work on the reception of Newtonianism appeared in Saigusa Hiroto, "Kako
niseiki Nihon ni atta Newton ni tsuite" ~~=t!t*BS*~;:,t5"':)t":=-:L-r ~~;:,"':),,\-C
(Appreciation of Newton in Japan in the past two centuries), Yokohama Daigaku romo ~~
*~IDfQfl (Yokohama University collectanea) 10 (I), 303-363 (1958).
COPERNICAN AND NEWTONIAN THEORIES 18 5
All things have the property of gravity. Although gravity originally

-emerged from the inexplicable process of creation it can be compre-
hended by the intelligence and hence is not absolutely inexplicable.
Yet the cause ofgravity is quite inscrutable. Even with advanced Western
instruments and mathematics, the fundamental cause is indetermina-
ble. 32
Tadao was no longer adhering to the traditional evaluation of Western learn-
ing-"good for utility and measurement, but poor in fundamental principles."
He frankly admitted the limits of human knowledge.
He nevertheless felt obliged to justify his cosmologic views in terms of
Confucian morality:
However, there -always exists a governing center in everything. For
an individual, the heart; for a household, the father; for a province, the
government; for the whole country, the imperial court; and for the whole
universe, the sun. Therefore, to conduct oneself well, to practice filial
piety toward one's father, to serve one's lord well, and to respond to the
immensurable order of heaven; [these] are the ways to tune one's heart
to the heart of the sun. This is the way to admire the sovereign of the
universe. 33
Origin ofthe solar system. At the end of Book II, Tadao raised the question of
why all the planets rotate and revolve in the same direction, in planes not
greatly ine1ined to the ecliptic. By way ofan answer, he proposed at the very
end of the treatise, in a section entitled "Kenkon bunpan zusetsu" ~:f:$7t
*UlllijJt (The separation of opposites in the generation of the cosmos illustrat-
ed), a hypothesis concerning the formation of the planetary system. He
claimed it as his own idea, saying: "It may be that this theory has already
been formulated by some Western scholar, but we have never heard ofit."
Tadao's hypothesis immediately recalls the celebrated hypotheses of Kant
and Laplace. The essentials of the three theories are compared in Table 4.
Of these hypotheses, Laplace's is the most advanced. Tadao's argument was
not Laplacian abstraction from a cautious synthesis of all relevant observa-
tional data, but was somewhat closer to the rationalistic inferences of Kant.
In view of the relative inaccessibility of Western treatises, it is unlikely
that Tadao borro~sd his idea from anyone else. His hypothesis, considering
32 NTSZ, p. ~46,:' .
33 NTSZ, p~2;47:
186
his b~ck ground,:i:n N~Q.,.QOi1(uciap! id<:;as,. w~wn.ota ti,taniq l¢ap.,Ma:.n:Y'i~spects

of it were,?lr~Cl.dy;preS~'l1t,ip:th~N:eQ.,.Coh(U~i?llyqrt~:xCO,Sl11ogonY"Which
claims ;tp;lt.begippipgWithpriinQrclial chaps:tpe ,lighr,fllliq;tends to.fl9at to
the surface.al1(:L pe?aY;Y111a,~ter:,tq; p;recipit?r~: :It-th¢ ,<;etlt~rin! the,:C9l1.r.se of
one-way: rey,olution. '. ;I:-I¢pqe, . ~sma.l1 cp()rtiQl).' of, the.jq~as ,0Ca.ttra,cti()n: and
centrifugal force provided Tadao with a more elaborate mechanicaL,pypo-
thesis, formulat~d in accqrdaI}ce wi\h the heliocentri<;system.
\('J ., .....:' .:'·yCJ,f::',·',uJX>i ;-.;~;;: . (:; ;·'}.'·~'rx ~}n:_~ :·:_~;.,·;~:·i.'.)f:~ ',-.,:,1: -'<>r::'>;/!
Table 4 ComPf:'r}son,
; .. J.'., _'. .
irrzppr~a1Jt hypoth,eserwncernipg
ofthree,;'<.
j.: ~ .1..1 ..::. ,I J ;_,It_~'"
'• •:.
thefpt;mqtionofthrrp(anetary
," .~~,~
-' . .' " ,"',
system~ ,
.. ;'.' ' . : " .," ..1' I ' -. ; , - : " '. ; :.' :' .;.·;1 ..: ' : . :. ..... :, .' ./ •. " .... '..; .... ", : l'~
Author of ····,!GdsmiC' .1'"

hypothesis . !Pa,~~;i' ·y;materi~t:
Kant 1755 Particle Mechanical
Laplace 1796 Particle Thermal condensation'
and mechanical
Shizuki Tadao "'I 8b211.' ,dh~i (fluid), 'M~e~b'h;i-~ic~i '~ ); .. ; .
a The original idea see~s to ~aV'~ str~ck S'hiz~kiTada~in I792~
;;;.1, ,'i':, \;,:" I'j " .. :
A comparison oftheirla.rran gel1l.entofs~bje€tsJj;11, the. section. ,011 ,physics

reveals a notable differerl¢e,·betwee'n,Keill al1d,T~d,aO;;Tbeforl1l.~r,a.fter $pend-
ing considerable space(Qnl11atter1i 9ffa.il).Hiar.expetienc~jweJ.i t'QnJQ ,Newton's
laws; the latter started:with,cosmologic:prindples,: 'theriipJ;Oc;:eed~etimmedi
ately toa discussionoffundamental mechanical laws. This differet)c,e"althQugh
partly due to Tadao's persRnal.proP1~sity.rO[ metaphysic~, stel\1~ 111ai9,ly
from circumstances. In,Tid~~'s. time JaB~l1es~-'scieri,ce"\vas"~ol'sUflic~~~tiy
advanced to require Newtoriiali: l11echal1icsa,s: afunda~lehta'r \Vbi:ki~gtooI:
Improved precision in tradifi?n~a'calendilcalscierice 'c~~'la116f 'b~ e~si:lyaU'
tained from the Newtonian.; dynamic app~oach, ~hifh\Va~ent.irel /on~i y gll.'
In fact, Newtonian mechanip> was riotapplied;'rintll several 'dec~des'~ft~~'
Tadao's work was done. \~ ' t ; , / " ; " " .",;1;(:<';';: ,'i,;
The most feasible way to intr?d.J<:e,Newtgl1i~l1:phYsics\~~st o 111ageq~g?~

its concepts as integral parts of ~phiio'~ophyofratu~~?r~n"?~er-~l1'~o~ld~'
view. Tadao digested these idea~ internlsof thetraditiol1alNttt~rphil~sophie:
Although unsuccessful in bridging. the: t\v,C> ?iffer~nt' tn~~e{()f5hovght?, ,~~.'
fully recognized the consistency~6fmoderns:~i~ntific corcept,s;' ev~;~t~lthe !
point offeeling required to apologize f~r his o,wn 'tr~did6ri'al h~rit~ge:"': -: ~.- ,"", )" , 'I '
Diffusion ofthe Copernican and Newtonian·Yheorier

During the entire Tokugawa period, no work of Motoki Ry6ei or~hi?uki
Tadao was ever published in printed form. For the most part,their:work,s
COPERNICAN AND NEWTONIAN THEORIES
were preserved in manuscript form in libraries and circulated as handwritten (

'.'1;'
copIes. .... ,." '. , . '>', ,. .., .'. '. 'i... . ' ...•., " . , ... '
It was Shiba K6kan'pj.~rrl'l who popula~iz~~.fthe Copernicanthe~ry

through three printed books :34 Chikyu zenzu ryakusetsu ~fj(~5IIAAWt (An out-
line world atlas; 1793); Granda ten~etsu fr:rIf~Wt (Dutch astronomy; 1795); and
Kopperunyu 35 tenmon zukai ~U Bm~3t5llM (Copernican astronomy illustrat-
ed; 1805). A literary dilettante and gifted free-lance painter in the Western
style, K6kan enjoyed more freedom than did the official interpreters and
astronomers. He frankly acknowledged Western achievements and superior-
ity, but never apologized for Sino-Japanese tradition as Tadao did. Eman-
cipating himself from the predominant notion that Western knowledge was
valuableJOnlyJorutility; he incorporated Western astronotnicalcoficeptsinto
.his thdught~and'used:them'as ori,e basisofhisunique;materia1is,tic cosmology,
.in whi~h,fireiastheJundameritaLelement.3,6;Still,the'deptho[lhis knbwledge
ibLWestermastrOnomYi:clid mqh:'exceedthat oD :Motoki,·· Ryoei,whosb<iwhrk
was his main source.
)'iAftercK6kan other :-amateur, ast,ronomers'Such' as(fYamagata Bant6'!U Jt!llitJ~
'contributedito :the ~introduction lOt themew cosirrlologyiand tne ptopagationJof
D~~~hAearqingiiJ};general;•• N ewtoniarifnethani6swasexpouiIded: by Noashi
:,Hanri' I/YtJEj§t'~",and.others,!hut ShizukiTakab's 'cO'ntributionwas'so'ou:tstand-
,ing, .ihabhisJ,work ,remained, uns urpassed;undl,the:ll(liddleof:thenineteerith
:•.centut:y; U i ;i)':"
'.: The: Gop.ennicahandr,Newtoni~!l i:systems:idi@: not:evoke,bitter id~ol(jgic

'Qppositlon,in'Japan"exceptrin.rBiliddhisi:"drcles (this>wiHi .·be::disdrssed,·in
;Chapt~r, T 5)" ~'Ut 'eve-n.·thel Buddhists' coiddunot' exertacomtfia<ndin:g reac;"
tionary influence comparable: to; fhatiof;the\R:ehaissa:nce~;CDhurch::inliEuropie.
The reception of the new theories depended more or less on general recogni-
tion of the superiority of Western learning. Since Westefll :~,~~r,~T1~'~Y;in,;,E?,e \
domain of "figure and appearance"-the material aspects~ha'd been well 'J
established_{in:~pitIe: of so me ideologic- incotnpatiibiHty(and'; c~m.flicf;:~ Wesfern
tlstronoffiydtam'! rathersrn,.oothieceptiotl during thedatter:partoftHe tr'()kti~
.gawa;periodv:jil
;) n. {"' , .:·t . '"
r~~kW~ fU~i~1e., ~Bl~,s~e. ir1p!iJ\'Bd)n,!)lf~~i iS~\;5~:,'!JM?f~~~dqi~4 ~Mf~ \iJ"'tHli

Ii, ,3~ i Kii>kiih c6nfils~d i the Cniiiesei t'r~i1sliteratioh for f'Kepler?"wi'th ,thalfor '~copd·nlEM.')
;rn~; cPP1~Ptp'h,9·)\)fi"'Mr,:i~!:qefil}itt~Y <qp:pt;:~n,.ic~n,.~);, .,:\( '/d~/';;,: L:n, i,:.ii/ :"i L':,'i i,n
36,Muraok,aTsunets~gutt~~nuli],. ZO*:lt Nih0f!-, sh,isoshi kel1kJ~)~.S._*Ji!.'\;t~~1iJf~ (S,tl1~ie.s
ih 1fhe-'historyof]a'p'an:ese,fhough'trse!qud;tTok"y6,t'939), Pp.'239 'ft ;: ;\,1 . "I. '(.' 1.1. ··(t·'
14 Continued Efforts at Calendar Reform
ALTHOUGH SHIBUKAWA HARUMI'S CALENDAR REFORM is a landmark in the

history of Japanese' astronomy, the Sino-Japanese lunisolar calendar still
\
demanded endless revision. The values of the astronomical parameters in-
volved were only approximate, and errors insignificant at the calendar epoch
increased in magnitude with the passage of time.
As Western astronomy was disseminated, some of its elements were
absorbed into the traditional Far Eastern framework before final adoption of
the Western solar calendar in 1872. Throughout the Tokugawa period, Japa-
jnese astronomers were continually preoccupied with the contrast between the
,Chinese and Western approaches to astronomy and tried to adopt whichever
'jseemed preferable to them: Although they followed Chinese astronomy in the
; first halfofthe period, Western astronomy became dominant in the latter hal£
During the period of transition, there appeared' a mental attitude that at-
tempted to syncretize and synthesize both astronomies. There were succes-
sive efforts at reconciliation of the two schools, with varying degrees of
Western astronomical knowledge involved in each.
The Asada School

Because the position of official astronomer was hereditary, it otten hap-
pened that the incumbent lacked the ability required to produce a sound
revision of the calendar. Such untalented officials did no more than con-
centrate on preserving their sinecures..Within this hereditary bureaucracy
conservatism naturally prevailed, and the spirit of free inquiry was stifled;
innovations were dangerous. But in the eighteenth century astronomical
knowledge was diffused by various means to private scholars, who then
openly criticized the failures of the official calendar. Some of these astron-
CONTINUED EFFORTS AT CALENDAR REFORM
omers were recruited into government service and reinvigorated official

astronomy. New possibilities of appointment to astronomical positions
appeared, with some provincial fief governments in the late eighteenth
century creating posts for expert astronomers in their own schools.
Amateur astrqnomers were no longer restricted to the intellectual samurai
class. Even under the feudal Tokugawa regime commercial activities gradually
increased, and the merchant class, whose nominal status was the lowest,
gained in prosperity and power. Typically, the early generations ofa merchant
family occupied themselves -with founding family enterprises; only their
scant leisure time was spent in intellectual pursuits. Later generations, while
continuing the businesses they had inherited, often had abundant time and
energy to de~ote to their private cultural interests. The wealth of the mer-
chants of Osaka, for example, often surpassed that of the fief governments.
They could afford expensive imported books and could support instrument-
making and astronomical observation.
It was not by chance that Asada G6ryii Wf(EEI/lQ1U.rr (1734-1799), a prominent
amateur ast~onomer, having deserted his newly-appointed post as a fief
physician, chose Osaka for his residence. The city was the focus of nationwide
commercial activities. His influence flourished there and led to the formation
of an important school of calendrical scientists.
ORIGINS OF GORYU'S LA W
While making his living as a physician, Asada G6ryii devoted himself to

astronomical observations and study of the Jesuit treatise Li-hsiang k'ao-
ch'eng, with its sequel the Li-hsiang k'ao-ch'eng hou-pien ~~~nlt~m. The
former work, written late in the period ofJesuit influence, is a rearrangement
of the Ch'ung-chen Ii-shu ~1Ji:~., whose calendrical science is based upon the
Tychonian model of the universe. The sequel,t as noted elsewhere, employs
Kepler's first and second laws without reference to the. heliocentric system.
Dynamics, as an approach, is absent; the name of Newton is associated only
with observational data, most of which is Cassini's. The arrangement of the
treatise is to a great extent that dictated by traditional calendar-making
practice. Within this framework it was unnecessary to relate Kepler's laws to
heliocentric coordinates. Lack of interest in planetary motion seems to have
made adoption of his third law unnecessary.
Asada G6ryii is credited with being the first Japanese to make a serious,
1 This work is included in the compilation Lit-Ii yuan-yuan ~MtJIlI~ (Origins and sources
of harmonics and calendar-making; 1713-1730).
: RE C OGNlrl 0 N~ 0 F,WE ST,E RN SU:P R1EM A CY
intensive study ofKeplerianlaws.'One ofhis pupils claimed, for'hinl :the holior

ofhaving independently"discovered the,relationship:betwe'en ,the distances '
of:planet'~ front the sun and, the periods of their 'revolution:; (in[other'word~;.
Kepler'sthircllaw),:although he did notpubl1shit:2;Otatli)Rypkiehi*:i:J1~E'
111Cliptgineq, ,however, ,that 'the, Igwwa~: first known ,in Japan in 1803, :gfter
4~ada',~8~ath;whe]jhis, pupils obtained of? Dll.f¢h:t.'ranslation :the AstrQnomi'e,
qfJ.,J.,L.d¢; Lal:l11de}Kepler'sthir.dJaw, ',as:ia maJter:of fa~t, 'had "been.:de~'
sqribedintlw .Te/imonkqnki!,3'(3(f[fMl" one; of ShizukiTadao's". "- .
,draft transla~1
. ,~ ", \ ..
tipns, in:J78-?-. Qi1esusp~ct,$tha:t G;6Tyiiwas acquainted;with;it:thrpll.gh putch,

learning,: in, which: hehClac great int.~rest ifp¢rhapssrnall/s:ompetence.4 Just
what it; meant, to, hiIll; pi usthe ClsGertained by flJ,tiJ,re researc,h.
,In :prCliseofAsada, G6ryji~sachieve111ent, hi.sdis,tingilished: pupil :Ta,kaha:-;
shiiY()shitoki,,~m~IlB'G]:7Q4-'-I'804)stated;':
',' :,iibbrih gov~t Chiriese' ~n(rW~sibrh! ~6fks,:'A$dd~ :C~ryrt'~t(dsdka; 5is-

~overed the Sh6ch6 (hsia.o-ch'ang) r~*.'{\rthdiigli'W~stetri>~sfrohdfri{ls:
'.,··:·::~,:},,·,·""i:',~ :.:'·<.. ·'T ._-';>~-'\:'J' \, ;:;::';:~'-< :;-""'"i-'. .-:' '".',','-,(',/:," .i ....(!.~,; (:",,.-;,,,,..!,-. -:: . ".:',-,:,i.-'. :,;i-,',:-:J"'"r:
"thost'advanced, \ve haY~'~bfheard ,.?~it,s inehtioliirig' this liw~l(riown
?nlf itf#iIr!cB~rtttY:~her~fo~¢',I~~~e,s~i~ !h~t'a:rt~btigI{(~'e!;irei.{i~~~rl
'to'boaktaDb'lit o,tt{'afhieyemen.t's ihc6ilipa~i~qri,*h:h'tho~e cit, th~ We~e~',
~.-,:.? ;",.,":: i-:':":~:',""':'~:"!,i >'.·-«'·~~U·:> ~.'.'-'~i",.::.,,-:::--l-,.-', ·:::l.:;_~ :.:_.>_}(,._.-; ..,._,<~ _:,f'~_""'::'-~r'-:":::i:<'
erners, iny'colnitiy' snould 'be proud d(tpis 'fHaRap:d 'his discovei'y~5" "
i"'."·;i :.,:, .... ;'-", _,: '.:' ..;;:
:;"i'O, .:'.:}L:'(i'.:',;i":~:.; .({-.~ ;.();'. ;";."1";
This is perhaps the only original achievement in the entire history ofJapa-
nese astronomy; it thus merits critical examination:
;In:a.d;<;>pMng·th~i9~a pfhiaQ:c,cp(ang D:h~'~<:i~ular.9iPJ,in utiOl) {)£;trp1?ic~l~y~ar
lep:gth~'.whi<;h.pa~J)~~l1·,exp\aiI1eg;iJl d;eta.il;i:11;Chgp,t~T;,Ig)",astr~pqmer~iakth~;:
tiJJ;lcr q(fhe,~hou:.shih '~".~.,\a.nd ',~lOkyo/i;-¥- '9,Cll~l1qars(wer~;Jequir:~d ibnty tQ,a,C~,;
cqul1~{9r~ ,th<f;.ap<;i,~I1t,Qh,iI1~s~;cla.ta,7'!Whit~.i~ i~( tr,ge,tb:at'·ndtherth~,J~s,jli~s:!
nor)the.,¢hil1,e.s.~ hadiI1~gfpqrat;e<i;the qmc<tPtofhi,tlo"c.~~tlngjntot,A~ir:,cglen:c;,
he,
q;=t[S' Ji Fk"1f:fi[;-~pert,h-is!?l1 J?oir t~9 ,out, :thr~~;"Bq~s.j.ble :qaYS(fs, f9£;~aIi~M.9J;l\ ~nj,'
tr,opi~a.hY~flF; l,eggt.h;f GJ:}jrg;ariwJ ;of,thy PeJ;1te.r ()(,t,hesRl~;lr,o;.t;Ririp ~efer~)J.c~ ,
tot,h~ ~~r,t4 (E<;rha.p~,referr:i.ng tpJh y pr;ogt;ess.iye, p:lQ.ti()A()f~be.I.~o,l?;r.pe.rige.e );j
(2); y:ariClJi.op.pfthe; e,sc~l1tridtY,ofth~,~Olflt;(or1Jir;C3}ly?,ri~ple,vpt;~c:~s~i9:n,
,",2' ;Taidh£shi·•. ;YbShitdki;~·~~:~;·1'Rara:Ade' ireki;h9.~inkeri" ':j'~ ) +'.i1f~.:i (X-;
p'riViite revi~'wLo'fLalande"s :Aitrdnomie;-MSirl tfiei!H~z~mafamilY;col1ecti'6hj,:~6i. 3'dso3J.'!
, ;~; ;13:y,gl<iS~i OraT)i"T;<z~ataka; :Il1o:(i,rt,,-English;'i1;'q\c;YOj' I93;Z), P,:38'~I! i r,;,;:;.', ",\) " , y "'.(1
4 Yabuuchi Kiyoshi ilil*Jl1f, "SeiyO tellmongakti no l\!ihpn e, no, ~ik.y6"fl9~7()(.CP.
13 ;<$: ~ (J) ~W (The inffuence of Western' astrortomy:on' Jdpa'n);; Jtih'asseiki'lui }bt'ieii kagJ.ku" !
-t/\i!t*cO)§:~f4M1:.cNat).l,rqLs9i~n<;:eiil thee~ght~~hth:ce)1t:lJ!,';yX~d.,KQb..or,i:A1Cir~d~W1l!
(Tokyo, 1957), p. 170. ' . , .
. 5 $()e rrakah~,shi;Xqs~\it(,)~i, \/~Z6shij shOch6 heW; d.i:~.~*l*;. 'CHsido~cMang! method,
revised and augmented; MS, 1798). , , ":';'J:j;i- ;"'!:"i;;'
CONTINUEDEFFOR 1'S AT CALENDAR REFORM
(trepidation).6NumericaLvalues, however, were not given, because suth a

mihute parameter was 'not determinable within single lifetime. a
i Classical 'Western data, .such 'as' those listed,in 'the' Almagest ofPtolemy,
became'available to! Garyuthrough: the Sino-Jesuit treatises.'Siricehe was
unaware of the .rapid' Western.progress in telescopic .observations anclceles,.:
tial fuechanits,Garyuwas: not'jn'awe; of Westerri.:authoiity.H,e: dareden~
dea-vor,to:synthesize:Wdternand'CHinese"astrdnomyand give a"numerical,
explanation, by-meansoLa; single principle, 'of all the observational data
ava:ilableto' him~old'ortiew,Ea;stern' or,Western)
"'It ,seems:tha.t (Caryn: didinot,' fully: :comprehendthe,:epicyclic ,system,
based on that of Tycho):Btahe;iwhidhappeared'in.theSino-Jesuit:works.{
Oilly·· ohse'rved,data artd,numer1C@l, parameters' iIiterested ;him,' in .' Western j
astronomy.' These he ,could utilize for his. purel ytraditionalappro~ch;that of

obtainil1g:an algehtaicrepresentation,thatcortesponded as' closely as possible
tQohserved phe119mena.
::' Copernicus appear-s! in' the: Ch'ungwqheiz li'-"shu 'notiarsawadvocatedf.helioceri":
tricism, but as an observatiohaVasnohpiner;andasitiriventor::of.:the eighth:
sphere.oftrepiqatibrt~r7;iI-Ie'is;,said'in'thatworkto:havebelieved·thafthe;an
dehttropkal~year lel1g:thi-w~rs'longei·tharl.' the:me~iev:a1; olie,', wl1ich., in .turn-
waS' ·sl1.otter than; thetontemporaryon:e;Goryuwas' perhaps struck bY' this
passage in :rhdCh'uf1:g~cheJi ili,;.shu~an'd'with its tmpetus: formulated a modified:
hsiao:':c'h'angcbliceptiotf/namety ihat:the atl9ient,tt0pi~aL-yearlength tended
to decrease\ll1til:it iteached a rhinimurrtin:medieval timesand,that it'has been
growi:l1g:1onget eVer, sii1~e.
,9 Yiq~)if riVA,;R,I 4:;qp~ P,J;';)~:~ TR 9NC?,-f'AFYA,1.- J?d\.~A¥,;E;, I.E:I};S,,:
i(:bufihg"~the){se:Vertteenth:'cei1turY'Jih;China; pbssiblY;···stimulated···byr'ithe
Jesuits' ,geometric astrortomY5,'ih¢:<ShineSe :ad:hehmtsofJJsiad7~h'ahg beganth
debate its theoretic'::iFfbuncladol1;,O'ne Jotthe:tni \attributed: its cause to a: de:.;,
creas¢in the'etcerttridty ofthe: rs6Iaforbit. 9;,
,." .... i·;. . ~_l.: ...;_-,>\-f:;.. l; ',:.'\- :<;{!r:-:,'.'(';·~· ,:.:,'d".'1 ·\.~-"~/L',,,·,::~·. :'\ :-':·::~;:'_·Ir-.~·I'" r~;. "-<.:,:~'-: "," ;;:-.,:',..,-:;;:
. 6'"Hehg-hsing ii-chin" tg£fflft~ (Giiid'e' fa' stellar astronohiy), iiI· theCh'imp:,:':chen li'-shti
~Ji!t1{Jlf. (Astronomical' treatises {of- the; Ch\ung-,;chen! er~), 'ed:r Johann .Adam' Schall :vo.n
~~V(9pmpl~tfd JP3,4),: .d.i.\'} I~){ ';ii: ,; J i .. 'I, / '~)j; r ,.:, ..,':;: ;;;t ,'" '.,: ,,; ,;,:. i'i i
: Coper111cu~ 'was ,not the lllve~tor?fth~elght,hsphere, w?lch goes 'back to tp.e Alphonsllle
as-tioho-rrlers o(the'-'th'irt~~Jt'1).:'Geiltur'y(: The er-tonebu's, sNlteinent :()f(t he Je~uitastron6mer'
Christopher Clavius, attributing the eighth sphere to Copernicus, was probably the source
ofthis;be1ic:[; f,(: ;;I,!:" ':
!ls,See abo've~;rt!6j>
9, See Nakayama Shigeru TL-U~' "~h6ch6,h6chO kenkYii,m~l*;O)Ff~C2)"(Variatibn
of'tropical~ye~r'lerigth:iii, Far Eas.iern astranoin:y:and'itsobservatidriaL ,basis), Kagakushi ken-
kyii f4~)l::Ff~ (Journal of the history of science, ]apan)/rio;'67,128 (1963).' , ,;i,
Mei Wen-til1g m3tm!-, in his Li-hsueh i-wen Jfl¥~rJ:l~ (Qgeries on calendrical

science; 1693), made a significant attempt to provide a theoretical basis for
hsiao-ch'ang. Suspicious of the secular diminution of tropical-year length,
Mei considered it to be subject to periodic change like other celestial parame-
ters. From solstitial gnomon observations, he determined that the tropical
year was slightly longer than the value given in the Shou-shih calendar.!o He
also noted that at the time of the Shou-shih calendar the solar perigee had nearly
coincided with the winter solstice. Since the anomalistic year was not yet
distinguished from the sidereal year, he inferred from these two facts that
tropical-year length undergoes periodic variation in accordance with the
precession cycle, with a minimum at the solar perigee.
Mei's argument was not rigorous, being based on the inference that varia-
tion of tropical-year length is caused by the movement of the solar perigee.
His conclusion was opposite to the actual. state of affairs, as tropical-year
length reached a maximum in Kuo Shou-ching's time (see Chapter 10).
However, G6ryu seems to have been impressed by Mei in the formulation of
his own idea of-variation of tropical-year length.
G6ryu introduced the idea ofperiodic variation of tropical-year length in a
precession cycle of25,400 years.!! The time of minimum tropical-year length
was not associated with the solar perigee, but arbitrarily chosen in order to
fit with recorded data. He also presumed that the only perpetual constant was
the length of the anomalistic (or sidereal) year. Other basic parameters,
such as the lengths of the synodic, nodical, and anomalistic months, 'all were
assumed to be subject to variation in a preces~ion cycle. This idea seems to
have originated in the T'ung-t'ien)fftx calendar of the Sung period. In the
West, the first systematic study of the variation of basic astronomical pa-
rameters was carried out by Simon Laplace on the basis of the perturbation
theory. Although superficially similar, G6ryu's approach was by no means
comparable to Laplace's well-founded theoretical considerations.
The mathematical derivation ofG6ryu's formula for variation in tropical-
year length is given in Appendix 9. Applying this formula to historical obser-
vations, we see in Figure 24 the extent to which it reconciles the data shown
in Figure IS of Chapter 10. After A.D. 133, the year of the epoch, the formulas
of Newcomb, G6ryu, and the Shou-shih calendar roughly coincide. Before the
10 See Mei Wen-ting ~3tW, "Sui-chou ti-tu ho-k'ao" ~WJ:l1!!.It1t~ (On tropical year
and latitude), in the Li-suan chiian-shu Iff~~. (Comprehensive collection of works on
calendrical science and mathematics; 1723).
11 Asada Goryii ~m/i7!lU1L, "RekihO shochO jutsu" Iffl*WHHlfj (The hsiao-ch'ang method
in calendar-making; MS, 1788).
CONTINUED EFFORTS AT CALENDAR REFORM 193
Ancient Chinese
records Greek observations
~ -3 ·~~Ot.i~s~,
oo 4. x ' " ' //h ft
So. •- - orrnuI
z~ -2 C10s x ' ".~
lOr/)}. .--._••
E -1
.....e
c:
,~
lI/o --,--.
-'---'-.---.---.---.
:Q
>
Q)
o
Figure 24. Comparison of Asada Goryu's formula for variation in tropical-year

length with historical .observations and calculations according to the formulas of
Newcomb and the Shou-shih calendar. The three ancient Chinese records are indicated
by an X; Greek observations, by a EB and •.
epoch, G6ryii's formula appears as a parabola of deep curvature, which com-

prehends the Greek observations as 'Yell as the three ancient Chinese records.
It is apparent that what G6ryii really intended to do was account for the newly
acquired Western data. His basic goal, that of "saving the ancient records,"
differs not at all from that of the traditional hsiao-ch'ang approach. His con-
sideration of the precession cycle was theoretical decoration.
THE REVIV AL OF TREPIDA TION
In 1798 one of G6ryii's most prominent pupils, Takahashi Yoshitoki

~~~~, wrote the "Z6shii sh6ch6 h6" :Ii~WH~:t* (Hsiao-ch'ang method,
revised and augmented) in order to provide a rigorous foundation for G6ryii's
method. Although at that time Yoshitoki probably had no more access to
works on Western astronomy than had G6ryii, he had mastered the Ch'ung-
chen Ii-shu, particularly spherical geometry and the theory ofepicycles.
Furthermore, he revived the old idea oftrepidation contained in the Ch'ung-
chen Ii-shu, where it was somewhat vaguely mentioned in order to contrast
it with the more accurate view of Tycho Brahe. Unlik~ Alphonsine trepida-
tion, which has a 7000-year cycle, Yoshitoki's cycle of trepidation had the
same period as the cycle of precession. His epicyclic system is demonstrated
in Appendix 10.
194
The Kansei Calenda~ Reform , ."
Asada Goryii, after settling down in Osaka, was occupi~di~rt'YehtY')years

in making observations, studying Western ast~~l:1omy;~rtd:training p'6pils.
He and his school became famous. The shoguhat~, ~he~.it~lJecame clea:rth~t
the official astronomers were not ~,qll;11 to the task,tyrn 7dto him for a revision
of the Japanese c.alendar using 'the !'lew theories 'of Western astronomy. Ih-
c ste'ad 'or:icceptingth~"':l ppoint1l1ent'him§elf,., Gory.iirecommended ,his be~'t
pupils, Takahashi Yoshitokl;and H~zama Shigetomi FI'l,m&, (I756-1816).,~~2

Shigetomi, a wealthy m~rch~nt, became aconsultant or assistant; but Y6~hit()
:~i.since:bs was as,amu~a,i,alth9Urh?~Jya .mi!1groffici~r·· was a?ppinted
offi~i~t~sgonome.t<· . . " ' . ..' :, .'" .' , . '.
an
:X(),s~i:tokia,n~. ~hi:ge~0l11f c0;9lJ,9rat9d c.~?se1Y;.~l1: t~e c,~~~119~rrevi~iol1tl1a,t
;wa~~A9pteq.~'n,,~791~,i~~rtl1~*t~if~i'~~ :C;:ll;e9:q~r~:,~hf~)c~linda,r)~:~lgnmf~ht
:~~~'m~e, ~n", it,,~ht;·J~.B~m~se:for. t.h~ first,: :timy :~u;CPr$s,(ull y"aq;qp~~q VIt,s,te,fl1
measurements in an official reform.};
The Kansei calendar was based largely on the sequel to the Li-hsiang k'ao-
ch'eng;M$<,~fflt. (Col11 penqium,: of calendrical.sci~~ce".~nd"asHon,omy),a11d
'~d?pted·.fro~.:it'ellil?d~lrepresent~HRtis';of·~olar,(lahd.1unir ',~r?itS;.· 'AltHqugn
-f911g in, rh~h~nds '?ft¥e :()ffi~e~(Astron9ini~.th~·~~qUe1had' n~mained u;n-
tls9d'·~I~~ar~'s..~ .',?,~~, 't~;~' 'r~:ck,,~t: upd~~~_ta~~~I~ g ,()~'th.~ th¥~1Y I 0E.' i~e':,ellip's~:,'By
1798}~p'a~eSetTI'~tl1en:~ti~shqHl~a4e,corisidpr~bl~p~b'gre~s~_andistud~~t,s,.?f
'Western 'a:st'to~blni': ~e~er'~ny;h~d:httle'" di,tficulty' "vltH~'m~~hbm'atlcal!a p;-
plications. But rib :bn~yet'H~il ~~rlbu:slY'si:udiea th~'p~6p~r:tl~s'ofthe;6ll1pse:;
Takahashi Yoshitoki was really~the first to master and apply elliptic theory.
The sequel did not discuss orbits of thepl£ri~ts.;Hdnce!fbrplanet:aty n16tions
:the ,Tychonian: epicycliC representation1 of:the originaL Li.. h$i.4ng(k~aQ-c/J.':eng
,was still followed;, :,\',
:Des.pite.the;Westerin.fra111~.wQrk~.!for,·b~sic:par:un,eters:y,-oshitoki.andShige:
,,tomi adhered, to;, their teacher~~ hsiao-'ch~t(ng" nietho'd,\iWhichcithey" tried lito
presehtth their: unsympathetic -felloW!; as:trol10p1ersiasan improvement:over
the Jesuitapp~oach •. 'Finall'Yj,in:the'Kansr:i'c~lendar,(th(rYisu.c.ceededinapply:
ipgd toP: ,i .: ;
; '~' j12j fa fa rti, "Tdd'ai'dlM IilJ/PP·~)39.l4b'.i
. (; it,~i iL~~tq: from .Shiget9m~ (to,Yqsh~tQ~i,j [I 797; -iiv~'S,~iga!c<U\§h~1c<'\l)~' £~~ AA CN;otes,ans!
c9rr~sP9nd~nce O? astronmny;MS), ed. Sbibu't<aw~ Kagesuk~MlWJJ:#5? re,pdnt~~ ,and ~n.-
'i16iated' in \Atlsab r.r~kaihic1ii'~tlii~~;,!('K~rtseiki'hi oI<er&'Asadaryti terigaku!d'rro'k:atsudo
'0 .megu.tte'?! ',Jli!&'JH;:':'i9 Vt. Q WRmVTEx¥~lO)$IV~6D' <tY);-c :(q.n,th;e~ctivitie$" o( "tIle
astronomers of the Asadaschool during the Kansei era), Hisutorial:::.:A r.V 7,-!10: II, ~8--;9,o
(1955). ' . j" ';: . .
195
.-{\It,h9Jlg1:J.f.lll pa~a111~t,~J;s'ofthis 91end,a;t·were J;IJ;llch d9serto pr~sent valLJes

than were those of the,preyiol,ls. Horyqku ,.)f,f.c'alenda~. (~ee., A pp~p:dix: 2),
forl11ici~pl~;!e<:.hqisa.L: 4ifliculti~s . :wen:~:in,tXQq: 4<:eet; )b.y~dhering. to. ,G6ryu's
formu:lq~!In t,~y;I&Y}':S it;~~S,liealiz~d:th~lt,qq~etyat:ion;s,d~di1Qt agree with the
l(qnr~i;,calepd~r:;; r:emqvaJ:gfhsiqo-cNp/{g. f~ctqrs·al1c;t:retl,lxnr,to ,th~·. origingl
I:hhriqngk'qo-c,Veng, g~ ve;better agr~,ep:l~nt;14 Th¢; llsia()-;(h'anglnethodwClS'
90omec:l.;
As noted in Chapter 10, analysis of planetarY,lllotioll:va,sancilla~y to 7h~

main problems of Chinese calendar-making. Motoori 'Nbrl'naga *g~*
doubteetthat&heappare,11tcouxs¢s, qfth~pl~net.~ wiem!goxetned by undetly-
- ingr~g).llarit,yaTlci,thClt,:per(ect;)Tiathemati<;al ,e4PPClSsion oLtheippaths was
l?o~sibJe.H;y c()J;Il,J;n{{gted,::.,
";"':;:A$tr6nbrri~d(ate;ihtHneWto ~~ilWt~f'J~.t;ediih·'th~:~x~d: fohllubti6fi~f

.····'iHe'd5udes'bf f.h~:fiV~,pla'net~:i'Bhe tl1eir::~ffdrt ;i~. ,.cl'u1'te' 'futil~ .. 'I;heJi~v~:
"'that th'et:reatinen't6fthd'fi~e'pt{rie:ts:'6fi'giridted'in;th~.'6veeIel~~~~s?
andb~g~n with the pr~gnostication?f g?od alld bad,'p0rtertt's.:Therefofe'
!':lCitHa~ n~thirg todb'\Vi~h talenclHc;al,sti~n2e~ "A~trono'iners should ,not
·'regard'it·asari;importiptt'onc~rno(th~ir;s.i5' ' .: .' ,
. I:: ~ fj'~ "'/';'~";' "~;':!" ,)':\"'1.";
;J\fter;~ttginiJ;lK q)psiderClble1predsjol1jl1,th~;;treatm~ntQflunar andsol~p

ph~n91~en~, the;]ilpaIle$e I!lqV;~dto·therstlidYQCthe.fJYeiplanets.,Shibukcny:a
H;~!'\lmi;hadha<.l someipt~r~st,in,this subject;;a$:had:Asada c;6ryu, ,But real,
-s'cl).()l~rly interest bt?gan;withTakall?shi;'Y9shitoki,for whomEilrop~af:l
astronomy was the crucial stimulus.
'. ,'Ihe)ack pfplall(;t~ry theopyin the, s~quel;to :th~ ·Li",hsiqngk'ao-ch'r;ng111ust
h::lvy~rous~d, ,Yo~hi toki's curiosity,.; fOr., his;iTlt~r~sts were ;aqac!el11ic'and; not
lil11i.te~L by .the, COTlqern$. oftraditionalycalend,ar-J).laking.l:? He l1lay .well haye
a~t~l11pte4· tp.appl yth~ :ell~ptical-orbi t theory toplanetarymotion§" which 'in
th~ Kansei calendar were dealt with by the old rnethod of Tycho Bmlle.'
14 Koide CMjura $et/$ei dell lJ' t±J~±~~.7'e~ ~ (niographyofMaster Koidc Chc)j urp;
'Toklishiina,i9i7), pp.21-22.· , .• .
15 Temnoll ZU$etsu ::R)(~Wt (Illustrated description of astronomy; 1782), reprinted in
Zab(JA1otoori;Norillaga,;Y(U1sbUm*m*,@~~~~ (Complete. works of Motoori Norinaga,
f(~viseQ~diti6n; J'dkyo, 1926); YO,L IQ, P.I90~ '.' .•
16yvatallage ToshiQ,mt3:l1.W:~, Ha~twta Sbigetomi toso/lOikka FI3,:mi'<!: •.:z:- (l) -~ .. (Hazama
Shigetomi and his fanlily; Kyoto, 1943), pp. 270~274.
When, at the end of his life, Yoshitoki acquired Lalande's Astronomie, his
enthusiasm for planetary theory became even greater.
Prior to Yoshitoki's time, Chinese and Japanese observations of planetary
motions were infrequent and imprecise. Neither· the Keplerian planetary
theot:y nor adequate observational data were available to him. He had to
start with basic observations. He planned to begin with the neighboring
planets, Venus and Mars, and then proceed to Jupiter, Saturn, and finally to .
Mercury, but he died in 1804 without completing his project. His work was
continued without interruption by members of the Asada school.
Observations and Instruments

The Asada school made astronomical observations in accordance with
Western methods. Long before, Yo~himune had intended to carry out observa-
tions with new instruments, but even the Hiiryaku calendar reform had
employed instruments of the traditional Chinese type, such as the gnomon.
Japanese observations up to this period had been much inferior to those of
Kuo Shou-ching; the data could be used only to check a calendar, not to make
significant improvements.
The Asada school introduced modern instruments and observational
methods and gathered more reliable data. Asada Garyii himself initiated
techniques for precise observation. He ground lenses, made a telescope, 17
and used it to observe the movements of Jupiter's satellites. Recognizing
time measurement as fundamental to astronomical observation, he was the
first to make use of the pendulum clock for that purpose. 1S Takahashi Yoshi-
toki's theoretical efforts to eliminate causes of error further increased
precision in this area.
Hazama Shigetomi showed the greatest talent of his time for inventing
and improving instruments and for making precise observations. Expending
his wealth freely, he also sponsored the training of talented instrument-
makers and conducted systematic observations with the assistance of his
business employees.
Traditional field work was largely limited to gnomon observations of
solstitial sun-shadows, eclipses, and occultations. It was customa~y to make
17 Mikami Yoshio =:J::.~*=, Nibon sokurjo jutsu sbi no kenkyu S *mli:l:Ui'~(l)?iJf~

(Studies in the history ofland-surveying in Japan), ed. 2 (Tokyo, 1948), pp. 125-126.
18 It was constructed by Asada G6ryfi or Hazama Shigetomi. See Watanabe, Ha'Zama
Sbigetomi pp. 330-33 I.
CONTINUED EFFORTS AT CALENDAR REFORM r97
regular observations during the few years preceding an anticipated calendar

reform; beyond this, only occasional checks were made. The observations
were directly related to calendar-making alone. Earlier astronomers had done
little more than make minor amendments to the Shou-shih calendar. 19 After
the Kansei calendar, astronomers realized the importance of continuous
observations which could be utilized for basic theoretical modifications in
future calendars. Their new efforts provided them with data whose scope
coincides reasonably well with that of present-day practical astronomy.20
The movements of the planets and comets were carefully traced. The
first observation of Uranus was made in r826. Transit observations were
conducted in order to give precise time indications. Observation,ofrefraction
effects was attempted in combination with thermometric, barometric, and
other meteorologic measurements. Occultation, which had been of great im-
portance in portent astrology, now was observed by modern methods for
investigation of the lunar orbit. Recorded observations of meteors are rela-
tively few, indicating the emancipation of this school from the ominous in-
terpretation ofmeteors.2 1 In the field of map-making, Ino Tadataka {jT~~}it~1ilt,
a pupil ofYoshitoki, made measurements ofterrestrial latitude with a probable
error of less than thirty seconds of arc.22
Various new instruments, such as the' pendulum clock, the qu<\drant, the
transit, the eclipse meter, a more elaborate gnomon, and the telescope, were
used for astronomical observations. 23 Almost all of these instruments were
made by Japanese; a few telescopes, smoked glasses, octants, and sextants
were imported through Dutch traders. Lens-grinding and telescope construc-
tion gradually were mastered by Japanese artisans. At first, all smoked glass
was imported, but the Japanese began making it in r800. In the r830's Kuni-
tomo Tobei ~:btIl~ii, who himself engaged in continuous sunspot observa-
tions,24 made an astronomical telescope far superior to any brought in by
Dutch traders. 25 The sextant and octant, because of their low accuracy,
19 Aida Anmei frEB tJi:. 00, Tenmon kanyoron ::R3t1ii1~~ (Simplified elements of astronomy;
1807), preface.
20 Kanda Shigeru ffi$EBm, "Tenmon kansoku shi" ::R3t.7JlU~ (History of astronomical
observations), in Meiji zen Nibon tenmongaku sbi OO~lW 13 *::R3t~~ (A history of]apanese
astronomy before the Meiji era; Tokyo, 1960), pp. 398 ff.
21 Watanabe, Hazama Sbigetomi, pp. 232-325.
22 Otani, Tadataka Ina, pp. 325-326.
23 Otani, Tadataka Ina, pp. 199-245; and Watanabe, Hazama Sbigetomi, pp. 326-387.
24 Issei Yamamoto, "Kunitomo and his astronomical activities in the pre-Meiji era,"
Isis 26 (2), 330-335 (1937). ,

25 Watanabe, Hazama Sbigetomi, pp. 197-198. Of course, the imported instruments were
not the first-rate astronomical telescopes then available in Europe.
RECOGNITIONOFWESTERN SUPREMACY
app-arentlywerenot used· except for comet 0 bseryations, :which were imprac-

tic~ble with a transit andquadrant~26
'-"Atthe time ofYoshim:un~, the telescope was first usedin,combination with
other astronomical, instrllmerttsandthus -: given universal, application tdas-
ttonomical observation. 'By contrast, the Asada school developeditsinstru-
l11erttsJorspecialized: applications (forexarnple, the transit for Iongitudeand
thequadtant for latitude). ?7-
La{ancie's.-Astrqnomie.and 'the Genesis ,,_ofa: ¥e,~hdr:istic View

Most]apanese'astror1omers prior toG6ryiHs timerdied -on Sino-Jesuit
'workstathetthan on translations of Dutch treatises, whichweie neafly
alldfan elementatY' nature and of little use in. calendar~making., InI8.og,·a
Dutch trartslatidnofLalande'sAstronomie 28 was:imported, the first advanced
treatise on contemporary Western astronolllyto reachJapan. After he obtained
aeopy, Takahashi Yoshitoki worked day 'and night until his health was
adversely affected ;he died early in the following: year. He had long 'be~n
interested in Dutch learning,29 butit-seems that-he, began intensive study of
the Dutch language only in order to translate the Astronomie. Many of his
contempotarieswere mote proficient linguists than he, but comprehension
of such a highly technical treatise required the best possible background in
astronomy.
Yoshitoki left his notes, "Rarande rekishokanken" 77 /T'~.~J!(A
private'review of Lalande's Astronomie), in·,elevenvolumes. 3o This.work is
noteworthy for theinsightit gives intoYoshit6ki's'concerns and the limits of
his comprehension. His interests had widened to embrace the schem~tic
representatiohofplal1etaryorbits. ,But because he had no concept ofdynamics,
his appreciation.remained at ,the pre-Newtonianor Keplerian stage of as-
tronomy.The se'ctibl1s'ofLalandeinwhichNewton's laws are expounded
wen~. classified as
,.
"unintelligible."31
; .
,-,' ',,-
Since, celestial mechanics is applied
" ,-' " """,: '
,26 Watanabe, HaiamaSbigetomi, p. 375.

27Shibukawa Kagesukeillil:JII~1t,"KalJSeirekisho"jti!&~1! (Compendium of the
Kansei calendar; MS), chap. 22.
28 Joseph J. L. de Lalande, Astronomia ofSterrekunde (Amsterdam, 1775), trans, Arnoldus
Bastian Strabbe from the French Astronomie, ed. 2 (Paris,: 1771).
29 He was already familiar with the superiorityofWesJemastronomy through a Dutch
altllanaC hehadobt<iined in 1790.
30 The first eight volumes were preserved by one of Shigetomi'sdescendants, but the
other threevolumes call0:ot be located. .
31 Takahashi, "Rarande rekishokanken," vol. 3.
CONTINUED EFFORTS: AT CALENDAR .RE'FO RM 199
I
I,
, f'
I
I'
I I
;1 I,
I I
, I I'·:
"1; ,:;;, I'·"
I I
I I
I I
I 1
I
I
,1:\ ,p, ,;
I
I I I
I I , I
.~ ...
ipigtFd'2si!Dedvat:iOd6f::Kepl'eesthifd::Iaw'byHiia'iria;Shigetofui'saha16gy hetween
planetary motion and the mechanical laws of a pendUluhi.:indb:ilance;:'The,w~ight
in the balance is x 2, the balancearm length is a, the pendulum length is I, and the radius
of planetary orbit is r.
systerricitically:throug;h 0 ut :the:Y.lsttonomie"such reinarksappearedlrequently

in\Yoshito kl's, ndtes. ,J\.berrationihe,rtrisunderstood:tObe: ~reaLrt1oti()n o£;tHe
fi:xed',stari.\, Nkyetthel~ss,;" he iiehthusiastic:ally~ studied tHee, mathematical
exposition and numerical tables. oRtfifs~,w6rk.i;
r,phe:Western asttfol1omerhe,perhaps 8,dfnired'most \V~rs ;K~pler:;Heprobabl y
wasufrot· acquairited 'with ;Shizuki'Tadao's !;tr~n:slationof:Keill; \' but 'he did
l11.ention'Motoki: R.y6ei'·s·ttanslatfoh'o£ George;Adah:rfsP~ /:.:::: [,'; /
','i:~Hkhan;lcaF probletfis :we're: diffieult,fbfi'¥<bshitdki."and Shiget0111iitO: com;'
:prehendi TO'iekplaih:Keplet's:ithird<1aw,i,theft f tead}gr:::Asada i Goryu·:'sug'"
'gestecba crvd<i:! ana16gy betwebtl ia balance dnd: tHd!solarsysreu1.':in,his ~':,Gbsei
,kYbthifl6'kih6'ft·1i~N~,fIg±~~dj~Refual!kable)la\v?bf:;planetarYl ·distahce+,
MS:ptes,erVed'in tlleSohkeikakrti~1I&M;i;;ibrary}Shig.dtom'i;·elaboratedit.ii1
his own fashion as follows.
-ii:,i.l;:: ,.~. <1.,1~';: r",.!.-: :.: ,:,)'.; .;~iLI:;-,)j~'.l',·':.-::,i:.!; ' ._c .'_C~';;
,J.: Ifweexpress,;t weigh'titfaibalan'ce,j:l's'thci ar~aof a.square;the side ofwhich

j,s,x :CS,~S1igi gllt,e, ~.S)? th.e r~lf1 t~Qn,~h~R '9~t\\lepin-,arlp·l~f:lgr.hl!" ~r cl; 'Yfi gl) t xtis
"j;' ,I
32 Takahashi, "Rarande rekisho kanken," vol. 2.

ax 2 = constant.
A similar relationship holds between length 1 and frequency].l of a pendu-
lum:
1].12 = constant.
In Figure. 25, the radius ofplanetary orbit r seems to correspond to balance-

arm length a, which in turn corresponds to pendulum length I. The velocity
of the planet P is taken to correspond to the frequency of the pendulum
].I. An analogous relationship between rand p thus should hold in the planeta-
ry domain:
rp2 = constant.
-Substituting 2 7r rlT (T=period of revolution) for p in the above equation,

r I T2 = constant
3
is obtained. In this way, we arrive at Kepler's third law.

The argument is, of course, quite mIsleading, but at a time when modern
mechanics was not well understood, this crude analogy between planetary
motion and simple mechanical laws gave an explanation satisfactory to
Shigetomi's contemporaries. 33
The Tenpa Calendar Reform

In the course of time, the Kansei calendar proved unsatisfactory. After the
death of Takahashi Yoshitoki, the task of translating Lalande's Astronomie
was taken over by Hazama Shigetomi, and was finally completed by Shibu-
kawa Kagesuke rt.lEJII:Il#i, a son ofYoshitoki.
Shibukawa Kagesuke was probably the last great figure in the history of
traditional]apanese astronomy, and unquestionably one ofthe most eminent.
He excelled. Shizuki Tadao in his comprehension of Newtonian mechanics.
In his earlier days, he confessedthat he could not understand Tadao's Rekisho
shinsho,34 but he finally completed a comprehensive translation of Lalande's
Astronomie, which was published in 1836 under the title "Shink6 rekisho"
*.JT0M. (Astronomy by the new technique). His fellow official astronomer,
Yamaji Tomotaka 1lI~~*=,. translated Pybo Steenstra's Grondbeginsels der
33 "Suikyrr yogi" :!ffi:eJ(~~ (Essential theory of the pendulum clock; MS, 1805), sum-
marized in Otani Ryokichi *1:)-~tf, Ino Tadataka {fin~}i!rtWc (in Japanese; Tokyo, 1917),
PP·7 1 5-7 16.
34 "Rekigaku bunkenroku" J!f~J[I}f]~ (Glossary of notes on calendrical studies; MS
preserved in the Tokyo Astronomical Observatory), ed. Shibukawa Kagesuke, vol. 1 I, no.
2.
CONTINUED EFFORTS AT CALENDAR REFORM 201
Sterrekunde (Amsterdam, two volumes, 17II and 1722). The Japanese version
was completed in 1837 as "Seireki shinsho" ggM~. (A new treatise on West-
ern astronomy).
On the basis of these two works another calendar revision, the Tenpa ;Rf*,
was completed in 1841 and formally adopted in 1843. Asada G6ryu's variation
concept and other ideas were carefully reviewed, but were not incorporated
in the new calendar. 35
This time an ephemeris in the traditional form was composed on the basis
ofcompletely Western astronomy. Nutation and the concept of the earth as a
spheroid were adopted, but aberration was not yet incorporated. 36 The new
calendrical treatise was completed by Shibukawa Kagesuke and Yamaji
Tomotaka in 1846 and called "Shinp6 rekisho" ~~M. (Calendrical trea-
tise by the new method). Its table of contents is given below to show the
construction ofthis last attempt at a tr~ditional official treatise.
Volume no. Title
I On the apparent motion of the sun
II On the apparent motion of the moon
III On lunar eclipses
VI On solar eclipses
V On the motions of the five planets
VI On the fixed stars
VII On the solstitial observations at Kyoto
VIII On the solstitial observations at Tokyo (Edo)
IX On observations of the sun and moon at various locations
The sequel: section no.
1- 3 Outline of mathematics (calculus)
4- 5 Mathematical principles of solar motion
6- 8 Mathematical principles oflunar motion
9-10 Mathematical principles of eclipses in general
II-12 Mathematica1.principles oflunar eclipses
13-17 Mathematical principles of solar eclipses
18-25 Trigonometric tables
26-30 Outline of the universe
35 See also Shibukawa Kagesuke, "Saishii shocho ko" :t no ¥I!i~~ (On the variation of
tropical-year length), MS.
36 Maeyama Jinro mHLJt~~, "Kansei rekisho oyobi Kansei rekisho zokuroku" Jlll&~ln~.
~Jlll&~IU"~ (Compendium of the Kansei calendar and its sequel), Tenmoll gepp6:;R)(}j ¥Et
(Astronomical monthly), 49 (4), 2 (1956).
The framework was still traditional, and only the last five sections of the
sequel were devoted to the new dynamic approach. Celestial mechanics was
not incorporated, but an account was appended to the treatise.
As time passed and knowledge of Western astronomy accumulated, the

interest ofJapanese astronomers widened from classical calendar-making and
eclipse prediction to a more extensive, abstract interest in the five planets
and even in dynamic astronomy. The Tokugawa regime, however, did not
encourage this trend. In the Office ofAstronomy, which had much of the best
talent and equipment in the country and relatively free access to European
learning, salaried astronomers were bound to their regular duty of calendar
revision. They were primarily technical officials, and only secondarily
scientists. Even Takahashi Yoshitoki avoided an outspoken exposition of the
heliocentric system for fear of causing controversy. Resolution of the helio-
i
centric-geocentric problem was not the concern ofastronomical officials.
Among Hazama Shigetomi's pupils, the shou-shih treatise was still regarded
as most important and thebasic volume for beginners. Only after m'astering
it were students, encouraged to go on to Western astronomy. Ev~n in the
Asada school, which originated as an amateur group, there was no particular
desire to deviate from "official" astronomy. Its members were extremely
conscious of official sanctions; their attitude remained very different from
that of the seventeenth-century scientific societies in the West.
The spirit of free inquiry was shackled by the government. Takahashi
~ageyasu ~11ii3~1*, another son ofYoshitoki and the elder brother of Shibu-
d
kawa Kagesuke, was sentenced to death for showing a small survey map of
Japan and some related books to a foreigner, Franz von Siebold, in return for
some coveted volumes. This i~1Cident must certainly have caused apprehen-
sion among people who studied Western science.
Thus the traditional Chinese approach, exemplified in Hsu Kuang-ch'i's
slogan, "Melh:rhe materials of the West and cast them into the traditional
mold,"was maintained throughout TokugawaJapan, despite the keen interest
in genuine Europeah: astronomy displayed by such men,s Takahashi Yoshi-
toki and Shibukawa Kagesuke.
15 Ideologic Reactions to western
Cosm 0 logic Theories
THE REACTIONS TO WESTERN COSMOLOGIC THEORIES of Buddhists, Neo-r

Confucians, and Neo-Shintoists varied widely, resistance to innovation being
caused by a conflicting world-view and unyielding commitment to Eastern
culture.
The Reaction ofthe Buddhists

The profound rejection of the phenomenal world that is characteristic of
Buddhism was hardly congenial to the development of natural science. In
ancient India, Buddhist monks were advised to refrain from the study of
astronomy.1 Most of the achievements of Indian astronomy resulted from
the efforts of Hindu mathematicians and astronomers. I-hsing -ff was the
only native Chinese Buddhist monk included in the Ch'ou-jen chuan .A~
(1799), the great compilation of the lives ofChinese and Western astronomers
and mathematicians.
In the early history of Japanese astronomy, a group of Buddhists was
active in calendar calculation in competition with the court astronomers
(see Chapter 5). However, the authority upon which they relied, the HSiu-1
yao ching mlli~ (The canon of mansions and planets; 759), was much less
sophisticated than such treatises as the Indian Surya Siddhanta) which was
virtually unknown to the Japanese. There is no evidence that the Japanese
studied the Chiu-chih 1L1#~ calendar, an Indian calendar translated into Chinese
during the T'ang dynasty.
1 S. R. Das, "The Jaina school of astronomy," Indian Historical ~arterly 8,35 (1933).
2°4 RECOGNITION OF WESTERN SUPREMACY
Figure 26. Modern representation of Sumeru cosmology, showing Mount Sumeru

at the center of the world with the sun, moon, and stars revolving around it in con-
centric orbits. Above are shown the depressions, each containing a sea, from the
center of which rose the next of the eight levels of Mount Sumeru.
Generally speaking, Buddhist cosmology and astronomy had a much wider

scope than corresponding Western disciplines, but this breadth was due to .
v~gueness and lack of conviction concerning the existence of underlying
regularity in the phenomenal world. Despite the weakness of Buddhist
IDEOLOGIC REACTIONS 2°5
scientific thought, when Western science became available to Buddhist

thinkers it was attacked zealously. It directly contradicted traditional Indian
cosmology and therefore could not be ignored or treated unemotionally by
Buddhist adherents. To understand the Buddhists' reaction to Western
theories, it is necessary to discuss Indian cosmology briefly.
SUMERU COSMOLOGY
Indian cosmography was unique in that it set at the center of the earth
Mount Sumeru (Japanese Shumisen @"{5illJ), around which the sun, the moon,
and the stars revolved. This idea, which originated in Jaina cosmography
(about the fifth century B.C.) and was taken over by the Buddhists, was
linked to geography. Mount Sumeru was supposed to be situated in the
Himalayas, and India in the southern part ofthe earth. In the daytime the sun
was thought to travel south of the mountain and illuminate India, while at
night it was concealed behind the Himalayas. The other celestial bodies,
moved by a wind which permeated space, rotated around the central moun-
tains in orbits parallel to that ofthe sun (see Figure 26).2 Mount Sumeru had.
. nine levels. Each of the first eight levels consisted ofa crater containing a sea,
from the center of which the next level rose. As in the medieval European
cosmos, a hierarchy ofcreatures dwelt on the various levels ofMount Sumeru.
The details of the Buddhist cosmos were derived a priori from religious
concepts, not observation; various fantastic numbers indicated the bulk of
this imaginary world. Consistency with the visible world w~s not a primary.
concern.
THE IMPACT OF SUMERU COSMOLOGY ON

ACCEPTANCE OF WESTERN IDEAS
Knowledge of Sumeru cosmography was transmitted from India to Japan

in about the eighth century through the Hoshi mandala (a mandala being
a schematic diagram representing the Buddhist universe-see Figure 27)
and by other means. 3 The astronomical implications of Sumeru cosmology.
were never seriously considered in Japan, however, until the Tokugawa
period, when -a general interest in cosmology was stimulated by the introduc-
tion of the Western theory of the sphericity of the earth (see Figure 28).
2 Qno Genmyo 'Nl!f::k:t&, "Bukkyo tenmongaku" 1~~j:::R)(¥ (Buddhist astronomy),

in Gendai BukkYoBU~1~~j: (Contemporary Buddhism), vol. 3 (1926).
3 See Shigeta Sadaichi mEBfE-, "Asuka no Shumisen" jfU'I70)@'{5mW(Sumeru cosmology
during the Asuka era), Shigaku zasshi J!:¥~~ 15, 47 (1904).
Figttre 27; Alloshimfndala from Haryuji¥* I?i:"ff(presurnablyabout th~ eley~n th centufY
A.D.).. The central, figure is the Buddha on, the' su tl1 mit 'o~Mount Sumerll',In the
second inner circle, the upper seven figuresrepiesent th~ seven stars in the con-
stellation Ursa Major; the 10\Ver nine figures. arethe nine luminaries, (the sun, the
moon;'the five planets, and the twoimagi llarypianetsR5hu and Ketu).Thethird
circle represents the twelve houses (indicated by zodiacal signs) andthe outermost
circle, the twenty-eight mansions.
IDEOLOGIC· REACTIONS 2°7
J=l
Figure 28. An astronomical illustration ofSumeru cosmology based on passages from

Abidatsuma kusharon IfriJ m~M{A*~lfU (abhidharmakosa), a Chinese translation of
Indian Buddhist treatises written in approximately A.D. 450. It is a diagram ofthe orbits
of the sun and moon in each of the four seasons, designed to explain the phases of the
moon. The outer circle is the iron ring that bounds the world, and the square at the
center represents Mount Sumeru. This diagram appeared in a printed treatise
entitled Nichigetsu kOdo zu w.age sho B}j rrJi~fl:Jm&p (A Japanese explanation of
the orbits of the sun and the moon illustrated, 1699), by a monk, Yiihan 1film (1270-
1352). The author's (or printer's) main intention was to present the unique views of
Buddhist cosmology, as opposed to the prevailing Chinese hun t'irm theory (see
Chapter 4).
An occasional writer immediately grasped the superiority of Western

concepts. Iguchi Tsunenori ;It J:I 'i%'~, for instance, in his Tenmon 'Zukai
xxlilM (Astronomy illustrated; 1689), included a picture of the Sumeru
cosmos in the opening part of his Volume 1 (see Figure 29) and criticized it
at the end of Volume 4. Tsunenori commented that the Buddhists still
insisted on erroneous ancient ideas, while the Confucians had amended their
concepts to fit the modern theory of the spherical earth.
A few scientists tried to prove the compatibility of Western theories with
their Buddhist heritage. A syncretic diagram to reconcile Sumeru cosmology
with the theory of the spherical earth appeared in 1707 in the Goho shichi ron
~i*~¥ElIDfB, a work by Mori Shoken ~fiijff, a Confucian scholar with Bud-
dhist affiliations. 4
Most Buddhists outwardly opposed Western ideas. By the middle of the
eighteenth century Western science was widely available. Although the
Tychonian system does not seem to have been noticed, Aristotelian cosmology
had reached many readers through printed editions ofthe T'ien-ching huo-wen.
The learned monk Monno )cAl retaliated with a treatise entitled Hi tenkyo
wakumon~fX~~rp~ (Against the T'ien-ching huo-wen), which was published
in 1756. In the same year another ofhis works, Kusen hakkai toron nlll/\$P!WJIDfB
(A discussion of the theory of the nine mountains and eight seas), expounded
Sumeru cosmology.
Monno's arguments against Western theories. Monno was not a practicing
. astronomer and his criticism of the T'ien-ching huo-wen, uf!.like that of Shibu-
kawa Harumi, was not focused on technical problems, but was addressed
only to the Aristotelian model of the universe. His purpose was simply to
defend Buddhist beliefs. His arguments were based on three principles:
(I) The truth of the Mount Sumeru cosmologic schema.
(2) Denial that the universe has cognizable attributes. This "emptiness"
or "void" ofthe universe is called ku g;g, and is a central Buddhist concept.
(3) The presence ofan intrinsic vital force in every moving body, which is
the cause of its motion. This belief is a vestige of animism.
According to Monno's Hi tenkyo wakumon, the universe is a limitless void, no
bounds being even conceivable. The infinity ofthe universe is a consequence of
the emptiness (ku) of the phenomenal world. Attempts to measure the di-
mensions of the universe are therefore ridiculous. If there are nine spheres
4 See Muroga Nobuo ~~{~~ and Vnno Kazutaka mff-Ili, "Nihon ni okonawareta
Bukky6 kei sekaizu ni tsuite (2)" B *~;:'f.fbt1td~#jc*tttJ1!.iH;:' ":l\" "( (The Buddhist
world maps in Japan), Chirigaku shi kenkyii :f:th3J!.~J!:.1iJf~, no. 2, pp. 137 ff(1962).
IDEOLq1tGIC REACTIONS 2°9
Figure 29. One of the popular concepts of the Sumeru cosmos, illustrated in Iguchi
Tsunenori's Tenmonzukai (1689).
210 RECOGNITION OF WESTERN SUPi-EMACY
within the empyrean, he argued, why not an equal number of spheres outside
it?
In this unlimited universe, purely a product of contemplation, the existence
ofan infinitely great number of worlds is quite possible. In Buddhist terms, a
hierarchy of a thousand worlds, each containing its own Mount Sumeru,
form a "medium world," a thousand of which constitute in turn a "great
world." Since th~ sky is a void in which celestial bodies move about freely,
there can be no rigid crystalline orbs. Because the universe is infinitely ex-
tended, it cannot possibly rotate.
According to Western theory, there were both moving spheres (primum
mobile) and static spheres (the empyrean) in the sky. Monno disagreed; he
viewed the sky as one entity, which cannot be in motion and at rest at the
same time. He argued that since the earth is absolutely at rest, the sky-the
counterpart of the earth-must also be at rest.
In contrast, all animated bodies, heavenly bodies and terrestrial animals
alike, move by virtue of their own power. Since every moving body has an
intrinsic vital force, there is no necessity to presuppose the existence of
invisible movers.
Monno denied the sphericity of the earth and the existence of a South
Pole. He argued that if North and South Poles really exist, why not East and
West Poles? What is called the North Poleis actually the Central Pole, located
at the summit of Mount Sumeru. Monno thus indirectly supported the second-
ary kai lien ~j( theory, which was in this respect similar to Sumeru cos-
mology.
He criticized many aspects of Western cosmology and astronomy that rely
on the sphericity of the earth. For instance, he said that lunar eclipses cannot
be caused by the shadow ofthe earth, because the earth is by no means spheri-
cal. Instead he attributed this phenomenon to variiltions in intrinsic lunar
luminosity. This explanation was apparently derived from Indian astronomy.
Monno's arguments were not very constructive. He denounced Western
cosmology, but was unable to replace it with a consistent system. He rightly
doubted some funda~ental elements of Aristotelian 'cosmology, but his
criticism was often absurd and merely indicated his own ignorance of as-
tronomy.
Entsu's defense of tradition. Japanese Buddhism as an intellectual force was
eclipsed early in the Tokugawa period by Confucianism, the state orthodoxy.
The Confucians were not so strongly opposed to the achievements ofWestern
astronomy. By then Western predictive techniques had been proved superior,
IDEOLOGIC REACTIONS 2II
and knowledge of the Copernican system had been disseminated through the
various popular works of Shiba Kokan Pj,~n:.~. Nevertheless, the Buddhists
tried to restore their own intellectual glory by defending Buddhist cosmology.
Among this group of Buddhists the most zealous and influential figure was
Entsu ~~ (1754-1834). His thirty years of labor in defense of Buddhist
astronomy culminated in his masterpiece, the Bukkoku rekishO hen 1*~M~m
(On the astronomy and calendrical theory ofBuddha's country; five volumes,
1810),5 which was followed by a number ofother writings in the same vein.
From the outset, Entsu's single purpose of defending Buddhist doctrine
from the invasion ofWestern scientific ideas was marked. His motivation was
afear that Christianity would undermine Buddhist teaching in Japan. This
liisic attitude was not very different from that of his predecessors such as
Monno, but Entsu's investigations covered an extensive literature, not only
in cosmology, but also in the technical aspects of calendar-making. His
sources ranged from Buddhist sutras in Chinese translation and ancient and
modern Chinese astronomical treatises to Sino-Jesuit works and works on
Western astronomy. Although he was said to have had some background in
Dutch learning, there is no evidence that he was able to read Dutch. He
probably relied on books written by his Japanese contemporaries.
Entsu was not essentially opposed to Western influence in calendrical
science, since this traditional activity did not bear on cosmology. He.argued,
however, that the only worthwhile aspects ofcalendrical science had originated
in India. The Chinese had appropriated the advanced Indian calendar during
the T'ang period, for instance. Even the achievements of Kuo Shou-ching
. were not original, he claimed, but were in accordance with Indian astronomy.6
Citing.a superficial Chinese account in the Ming history, he credited India
with the origins of Arabic astronomy, and thus also of European astronomy,
since the European ephemeris was practically the same as the Arabic. He
further asserted that Jesuit works could not surpass the Chiu-chih Ii 1L~M
("nine upholders" treatise)7, a Chinese version completed in A.D. 718 of an
Indian work on ephemeris-making.
5 A good summary of this work in English is Yoshio Mikami's "A Japanese Buddhist's
view of the European astronomy," Nieuw Archief voor Wiskunde 11, I-I LIn it the name
"Entsu" appears as "Yentsu,"
6 Bukkoku rekisb6 hen 1~~Jff~m (On the astronomy and calendrical theory of Buddha's
country; 1810), vol. I.
7 See also Yabuuchi Kiyoshi, "Indian and Arabian astronomy in China," Silver 'Jubilee
Volume of the Zinbun-Kagaku-Kenkyusyo Kyoto university (Kyoto, 1954), pp. 186-189, and his
"Translation of the Chiu-chih-li," Chugoku chusei kagaku gijutsu shi no kenkyu 9=J~9=Jtitf4~
D'iVlij'!£:O)1jlf~ (Tokyo, 1963). pp. 496 ff.
On cosmologic questions Entsii would yield nothing to the European sys-

tem, his argument being almost identical to that of his predecessor Monno,
but more amplified and emphatic. 8 His principal source was the Ryuse abidonron
:tz:i:!t jlPJ mttID1U (Lokaupasthana Abhidharmasastra, particularly "Nichigetsugyo
bon" S}j f.f~ [Chapter on the solar and lunar courses], which gives calen-
drical values). From beginning to end, he rigidly and literally supported Su-
meru cosmology. Furthermore, he made use of the ancient Chinese flat-earth
(kai t'ien) theory, which also propounded a nonspherical model ofthe universe.
The kai t(ien theory differed from Sumeru cosmology in thatit hadan empirical
basis and was virtually free from anthropomorphic and mythological elements
(see Chapter 4), while Buddhist cosmology was full of religious fantasy and
lacked an observational foundation. However, Entsii rationalized the differ-
ence by explaining that whereas the Chinese were skillful at rational investi-
'gation, the Indian sages had penetrating "spiritual eyes" (tengan ~~),
which were given only to superior beings.
Entsii thought it inconceivable that another planet might be inhabited.
The earth was a counterpart of the sky, with equal status, while the five
planets, the sun, and the moon were merely small bodies scattered over the
sky. He cast doubt on the values for the dimensions and distances ofplanetary
bodies given by Western astronomers on the ground that the different ac-
counts gave varying values. "In the West, there have been various and fluctu-
ating views, but what is the necessity of such frequent change in one's views
on the one ultimately real thing?"9
Entsii's arguments did not always make sense. Although he did use sci-
entific proofs whenever possible to demonstrate the superi<;?rity of Indian as-
tronomy, he was not a practical astronomer. He often appealed to supernat-
ural insight. In order to prove the supremacy of India, he stressed all the
minor resemblances between Indian and other calendrical systems, distorting
history. through one-sided selection and interpretation of data and free use of
conjecture.
He had only scanty knowledge of the history of Western astronomy and
failed to recognize the rapid progress made in the West during the seven-
teenth and eighteenth centuries. The many recent innovations merely caused
him to distrust European astronomy.
Entsii was not rabidly anti-scientific; his object was simply to· defend the
sacred Buddhist cosmology by all available means. Though he found many
8 Bukkoku rekishO hen, vol. 2.
9 Bukkoku rekishO hen, vol. 5.
IDEOLOGIC REACTIONS 2 13
adherents among Bu~dhist monks, his views never achieved orthodoxy.

He attempted to obtain a Buddhist imprimaturfor the publication of the Buk-
koku rekisho hen, but the aged commissioner Sen'yo 1l1J~ would not grant it,
on the grounds that "since Entsu was too involved in astronomy, he confused
the essentials of Buddhism with astronomical science. His opinions might
cause incalculable damage to genuine Buddhism."1o
Other monks also denounced Entsu. It would be dangerous for Buddhism to
commit itself to Sumeru cosmology. Properly speaking, the Sumeru theory
was not of Buddhist origin, but was derived from older Indian ideas. 11
Some, while in basic agreement with Entsu, considered his views too ex-
treme,12 and others reproached his attempt to substitute for Sumeru the
mathematically elaborate kai t'ien theory.13 Ina Tadataka {:fi§~Ji!':JWc, a promi-
nent surveyor, promptly came out with his "Bukkoku rekisha hen sekihi"
{~mM~mf-F:~ (A refutation of the Bukkoku rekisho hen; 1816 or 1817), a
bitter denunciation of Entsu's unscientific and misleading dogma. Most
top-rank astronomers, however, merely disregarded or ridiculed Entsu's
work. 14
Some of Entsu's writings were suppressed in the 1820'S,15 but other ex-
ponents of the same philosophy arose. Even during the Meiji period, when
explosive westernization had nearly eradicated traditional attitudes, a pro-
longed effort to defend Buddhist cosmology was made. The most notable apol-
ogist was Sada Kaiseki ltcE8:1tE. His main work, the Shijitsu toshOgi shosetsu
i1.~~~~IDt (A detailed account of instrument by which the apparent
and real courses ofthe heavenly bodies are explained), appeared in 1880.
The sensation c;lused by these unusually strong Buddhist reactions to
Western science prompted the circulation of a great deal of controversial
literature on astronomy. Thus the Buddhists, by trying to block the advance
of Western ideas in Japan, actually stimulated wide study of these new the-
ories. The result was a heightened public interest in astronomy.
10 K6da Rohan :¥:E8Rf=!=, Kagyuanyobanashi ~L:j::JiE15(~ (A night tale ofKagyuan; Tokyo,
190 7), pp. 67-76.
11 See n. 10.
12 For instance, KanchU ~{rp, Shiji ida ben [9ffif~lPJ~ (The four seasons compared;
1843).
13 An example is found in Kojima T6zan 11'~'Hu, Bukkoku rekisho benma {~m~~¥~n~
(On the absurdity of the Bukkoku rekisho hen; 18 I 8).
14 Mikami Yoshio, Nihon kagaku no tokushitsu: tenmon S *M¥O)~~, xX (The char-
acteristics of Japanese science: astronomy), in raya Shicho no tenkai *f=f,~\mO) J.iOO (The
development of Oriental thought; Tokyo, 1963), pp. 60-63.
15 Miyatake Gaikotsu '8fJrj}1t, Hikkashi ~ffl~~ (History of the suppression ofliterature
in Japan, Tokyo, 191 I), p.69.
The Reaction ofthe Neo-Confucians

The violent opposition of the Buddhists to Western science was not gen-
erally shared by Neo-Confucians. Unlike Entsu and his followers, they were
not committed to any particular model of the physical universe and were not
generally concerned with natural phenomena as such. Their cosmology
focused on metaphysical problems; it was one aspect of the unitary principle
governing both moral and physical worlds. Every Confucian philosopher
felt obliged to comment-on the t'ai-chi :*~ and on the dichotomy of Ii :Ii and
ch'i *'t, but they did not come into severe conflict with the purely physical
aspects of Western cosmolgy.
The Neo-Confucian idea of cosmologic unity was challenged by the An-
cient Learning (kogaku r!f~) school of Ito Jinsai fitftt:1M and Ogiu Sorai
~1::1.§.1*. They accused Neo-Confucians ofindulging in frllitless speculation
concerning heaven, when they should be studying only moral and social
problems. Regarding astronomy as a technique unrelated to Confucian moral
values, they excluded both physics and metaphysics from their world-view.
Influenced by the Ancient Learning school, Neo-Confucians themselves
ceased to defend the idea of cosmic unity in the vigorous manner of Hayashi
Razan #*I1lI and Mukai Gensho /P.Jitj(7t. Thus the Confucian frame-
work of ideas became flexible enough to include Western science with no
serious ideologic difficulty. The acceptance of Western learning was fa-
cilitated by two assumptions: that it was Jhistorically of Chinese origin,
and that as a mere technique it supplemented Eastern values without threat-
ening them.t 6
The belief that current Western scientific theories were originally Chinese
was propounded by some of the more orthodox Neo-Confucians. Azumi
Gonsai *.fl.B!:~17 and Yasui Sokken *itA1Ulif,18 teachers at the Shoheiko
~3f., the official shogunal school and a stronghold of conservatism, were
typical in this respect. Although they were unable to demonstrate any
historical continuity between the two traditions, they tried to defend the
16 Nakayama Shigeru 4t1ll~, "Edo jidai ni okerujusha no kagakukan" tIFi!fiffUc.:tovt
G
ffffl~O)f4¥1! (Confucian views of science during the Tokugawa period), Kagakushi kenkyu
f4¥Jl:1iJf~ no. 72 , 157-168 (1964). See also George H. C. Wong, "China's opposition to
Western science during late Ming and early Ch'ing," Isis 54, 29-49 (1963); and N. Sivin,
"On China's opposition to Western science during late Ming and early Ch'ing," Isis 56,
201-205 (1965).
17 Azumi Gonsai ~fl~~ Nanka yohen ffl;fliJ~iJ, vol. I (circa 1837), in Nihon jurin sosho
S *ffffli*IUI (Source books of]apanese Confucianism), vol. 2 (1927).
18 Yasui Sokken ~1t;JitI,ff, Suiyo manpitsu ~~ii~, in Nihon jurin sosho, vol. 2 (1927).
prestige ofancient learning. Deeply versed in Chinese classics, they quoted an

ambiguous passage from the Shang-shu wei k'ao-ling-yao fSl;U*~mJ!;l (Apocry-
phal treatise on the Shang-shu, investigation of the numinous luminaries;
first century B.C.) to support their contention that the heliocentric theory is
of Chinese origin. The passage reads, "ti che ssu-yu :I-fu~I2YWf" ("earth drifts
around").
This scholarly defense by Japanese Confucians of Chinese culture, though
clearly directed against Western science, was far less fanatic than the Buddhist
reaction. It was also more objective than the contemporary Chinese attitude,
which was limited by ethnocentricity. "It is the vice of the Chinese not to
acknowledge the strong points of other countries and always to insist that
everything wortqwhile comes from China," wrote Ikai Keisho af~?YtFJf
(died 1845).19
Rather than merely apologizing for Western science, certain private schools
ofNeo-Confucians acclaimed it outright. Notable was the Kaitokudo .~~
school in Osaka, which produced Yamagata Banto I-DJt!lliH:J~ and Hoashi
Banri mfE;§tm, famous exponents of Western science. Unencumbered by the
responsibilities of public office, they could develop their interests freely.
The idea that Western learning was a mere technique and as such did not
conflict with Confucian values was perhaps insisted upon more in Japan than in
China. Japan thus felt free to choose between Chinese and Western techniques,
without being inhibited by cultural ties.
The Reaction of the Neo-Shintoists

During the eighteenth century, a group of Neo-Shintoists (kokugaku ~~,
literally, "national learning") gradually became influential. Strongly opposed
to the speculations of Buddhists and Confucians, these scholars maintained a
more or less positivistic attitude toward scholarly problems and were gen-
erous and sympathetic to Western learning. 20
In 1790 Motoori Norinaga *g1r~ (1730-1801) wrote a critical essay
denouncing Monno and Sumeru cosmology in favor of the spherical-earth
theory. He pointed out, one by one, the absurdities ofBuddhist cosmology and
concluded that the Buddhists were S0 envious ofthe Western theory that they
took unfair advantage of the Chinese kai t'ien theory to strengthen their po-
19 Ikai Keisho sensei shokan shu ~~~ffl:9C~.K6~. Undated correspondence; reprinted in
Nihon jurin sosho, vol. 3.
20 Muraoka Tsunetsugu 11/li1J~1RJ1iJ, Nihon shisoshi kenkyu EI *}i!1\MlJ!:.1i1f~ (Studies in the
history of Japanese thought; Tokyo, 1930), pp. 297 ff.
2I6 RECOGNITION OF WESTERN SUPREMACY
sltlOn. Unlike the tradition-bound Confucians and Buddhists, he plainly ac-

knowledged the advanced state of modern theory, saying:"The motive for
which Western people study astronomy and geography is not merely to suc-
ceed in scholastic debate or calendrical work. Their science is ofcrucialimpor-
tance for daily use in navigating the oceans; even a small error would result in
a grave accident."21
By the next generation, general knowledge of Western science, including
the Copernican and Newtonian theories, was more widely diffused. At the
same time, because of increasing foreign threats, a nationalistic spirit and a
desire for independent identity were prevalent. Hirata Atsutane fB3~J~L
(I776-I843) and his followers tried to establish a doctrinal basis for this na-
tionalism out ofthe ancient native mythopoeic tradition,22 including elements
of Christianity, Confucianism, and Buddhism. Theyemphasized native con-
tributions to Japanese thought which were ~ncontaminated by Chinese and
Buddhist influences and also attacked current Confucian and Buddhist ideas.
Unlike the Buddhists and Confucians, the Neo-Shintoists did not have a
quasi-scientific tradition that required apology. The ambiguity of their
mythology invited free interpretation. Without historical domination and
foreign authority, they could "create" their own tradition and include
aspects of Western scient,ific thought,
Atsutane and his pupils, Sato Nobuhiro {tc~~7JHj (I769-I850) and
Tsurumine Shigenobu t~~D<;$ (I786---'I859), were all well versed in Dutch
learning and had an unreserved appreciation for modern Western science.
Earlier attempts had been made to amalgamate Neo-Confucian cosmology
with the native creation myths, but Atsutane was bolder and cleverly uti-
lized the most up-to-date Western theories available. The result was a curious
combination of primitive myth and modern scienc~. The process of world
creation, ignored in modern science, was explained by traditional myths:
the creators, a god and goddess, formed the universe frpm primordial chaos
and gradually molded the heliocentric system. 23 Thus Atsutane and his
21 Shamon Monno ga kuren hakkai toron no ben ¥j)r')(1i;liJ~jull/\~pIIDfBO)~ (A confutation
of the monk Monno's argument of the nine mountains and eight seas), reprinted in Zoho
Motoori Norinaga zenrhu :Lifm*Ja-.]Lffi;~~ (Complete works of Motoori Norinaga, revised
edition; Tokyo, 1926), vol. 10, pp. 131-136.
22 Hirata Atsutane 'f83~)~L, Tama no miharhira ;Iij~~;jj: (1812), reprinted in Hirata
Atrutane zenrhu f83~)~L~~ (Complete works of Hirata Atsutane), vol. 2 (Tokyo, 191 I).
23 Sato Nobuhiro {£jHBmJI, Yozo kaiku ron ~~1t1fIDfB (On the creation and formation
of the world; circa 1825), reprinted in Shinchu kogaku rorho ~a~¥:fl:;: (Series in Nippono-
logy, newly edited; Tokyo, 1927), vol. 10; Hirata Atsutane, Tenchuki ::R;fUa (On the crea-
tors; circa 1825), reprinted in Hirata Atrutane zenrhu, vol. 12; and Tsurumille Shigenobu
.~DG$, Ame no miharhira ::RO)liIHt. L G (The sacred heavenly pillar; 1821).
followers refuted Entsu's Sumeru argument and fully took advantage of

Western science in their attempt to systematize primitive mythology into
a consistent cosmology.
16 The Transition to Modern Astronorny
In the course ofthe nineteenth century, Japanese scholars ofDutch learning

became less interested in astronomy and pursued more urgent subje'cts such
as gunnery, but the number of available Western astronomical 'treatises
continued to increase rapidly and routine observations proceeded without
J inte~ruption.
J H~wever, after promulgation of the Tenpa x1!* calendar, the privileges
and even the livelihood of the official astronomers were jeopardized, for
political affairs became tense. The unrest culminated in the overthrow of
the Tokugawa shogunate and the restoration in r 867 ofthe ancient monarchy.
Astronomy under the Meiji Government
TEMPORAR Y REVIVAL OF COURT ASTRONOMY
In r868 certain ancient political institutions were restored by the Meiji

government and the institutions'of the Tokugawa house were categorically
abolished. Even the technical posts occupied by the official shogunate as-
tronomers, who might better have been left to continue their routine ob-
servations, were wiped out. The main office of astronomy at Edo ceased to
exist, and the official astronomers apparently moved to Shizuoka, following
the Tokugawa family.! The descendants ofthe'Hazama family, who operated
a branch office for astronomical observations at Osaka, ceased recording
\ observations in r868. Their job was abolished in 1869, and petitions to
1 The descendants of Shibukawa Harumi moved to Shizuoka, according to "Haimei no

ki" f¥frJz~2 (Records of appointment, MS now in the Tokyo Astronomical Observatory;
1871), a curriculum vitae by Shibukawa Magotar6 ?iliEJllf**~~.
TRANSITION TO MODERN ASTORONOMY 2 19
continue their observations were never approved by the new government. 2

The old Edo observatory at Asakusa was abandoned.
Under restoration policy, the monopoly on calendar-making was returned
in r868 to the Tsuchimikado family. Most ofthe appointees under the control
of this family were from the court school of astronomy. Apparently none
were recruited from the former Office ofAstronomy ofthe To.kugawa govern-
ment.
PREPARATIONS FOR WESTERNIZATION
This restoration policy was short-lived, however. The new government

rapidly embarked o'n a policy of vigorous westernization and modernization.
In 1869 the government made an announcement that the calendrical func-
tion of the state was soon to be transferred from the Tsuchimikado family
to the Institute of Learning (Daigaku *~). On ,March II, 1870 (Meiji year
3, second month, third day), "tenmon rekido" ::=R)(.II~ ("astrology and /'
calendar-making") was placed under the jurisdiction ofthe Institute. Tsuchi- '
mikado Kazumaru ±1fEPr~;fJJ1L was put in charge of this function, which he
exercised in Kyoto.
On the second of September, 1870 (eighth month, seventh day) the main
office ofastronomy was moved to Tokyo and renamed the Bureau ofAstrono-
I
my (Seigakkyoku £~fiU), its official purpose being to replace traditional I
calendar-making with Western astronomy. Tsuchimikado remained in charge \
of the Kyoto branch office. Nine new appointments were made to the Tokyo
bureau., Of these, three were given to court astronomers,3 two to fief astron-
omers, and four to former shogunal factions. 4 These appointments reflect the
efforts of the government to accommodate its former opponents. The head
of this bureau was Uchida Itsumi P-lB3:li1l! (1805-1882), a master of tradi-
tional mathematics and shogunal surveyor who later was mainly responsible
i
for the introduction of the Gregorian calendar. '
The Kyoto branch office soon afterwards was abolished and, on January I
18, 1871 (Meiji year 3, twelfth month, ninth day), Tsuchimikado was form- 1.
ally relieved of his position. Subsequently the office of calendar-making was !

transferred to the Ministry of Education and later to the Ministry of the I
I
2 Watanabe 'Toshio ?gHlflt~, Hazama Shigetomi to sono ikka Fa':m'M C-t:-O)-* (Hazama
'Shigetomi and his family; Kyoto, 1943), pp. 215-216.
3 One employee of the Tsuchimikado family, one official of the Yin-yang Board, and one
Shinto priest.
4 Uchida Itsumi P3 B3 nl! was the only one of these four not previously associated with the
Tokugawa Office of Astronomy. See "Haimei no ki."
Interior. In 1888 its work was assigned to the Tokyo Astrono~ical Ob-
Iservatory.s
As the new government engaged in a policy of rapid westernization, the
Contribution of the Tokugawa astronomers was ignored. In 1872 an imperial
edict ordered abandonment of the traditionallunisolr calendar and adoption
jof the Gregorian solar calendar.
..t.1.doption ofthe Solar Calendar

The solar calendar was first brought to Japan by early Jesuits, who adopted
the Julian, and later the Gregorian, calendar for their religious observances.
The Genna kakaisho 5C5fOjfij'j;¥f:lHI, the Kenkon· bensetsu Jjft;:f;$~'f'm and Nishikawa
Seikyu's £9J11IE1*Wakan unki shinan) kbhen flJ~~m11itJ¥.j~m (Sequel to A guide
to the Chinese and Japanese arts ofunki [Chinese yun-ch'i]; 1726) expounded the
Gregorian calendar. In 1788 Motoki Ry6ei was requested to translate a Dutch
calendar, and in 1794 a group of "Dutch scholars" organized a (solar) New
Year's feast for the first time in Japan. 6
For agricultural use the solar calendar was, of course, more convenient
than the Chinese lunisolar calendar, in which the day, the major indication,
was related only to the phase of the moon and the indication of seasons was
subordinate. Although we do not find radical advocacy of adoption of the
\solar calendar in Japanese farmer's almanacs of the time,7 Honda Toshiaki
?fs:~fUM, in his Seiiki monogatari £§~4m~ (Stories of Western countries;
\1798),8 thoroughly denounced the inclusion oflunar phases and l1'emerologic
notations in the civil calendar. 9
Nevertheless, the Gregorian calendar was not immediately accepted. The
.current Tenpa calendar was close to perfection as a lunisolar cakndar; by the
j time of the Meiji calendar reform of 1872, discrepancies with observed data
5 Hoki bunrui taizen ¥.:km5.t~*~ (Classified government legislation; Tokyo, 1891),
"Seitaimon, seido zakkan, reki" J&mr" 1IJUJlt~fE~, /fif (Section on government, miscel-
laneous institutions, calendar).
6 C. C. Krieger; The infiltration of European civilization in 'Japan during the eighteenth century
(Leiden, 1940), a partial translation of Otsuki Nyoden's *1?JUI:r~ Shinsen yogaku nenpyo ~~
~¥if.~ (A newly edited chronology of Western learning in Japan; Tokyo, 192Q), p. 104.
7 See Sugimoto Isao 1~*~, "Edo jidai no n6jireki ni tSl1ite" rrpffif~O):lllf./fif~;:' '0\' 'L
(On the farmer's almanacs of the Tokugawa period), in Nihon Daigaku Bungakubu kenkyu nenpo
B**¥)(¥15IHiff~if.¥li (Yearbook of the Department of Literature, Nihon University;
Tokyo, March 1958), p.229.
8 In Nihon keizai taiten B*~~*:J1l!., vol. 20, p. 232.
9 N6da Chiiryo ~~E8 ,'i!;,~, Rekigaku shi ron /fif¥~~lfu (A study of the history of calendar-
making; Tokyo, 1948), pp. 248-277 gives a fine account.
TRANSITION TO MODERN ASTORONOMY 221
had not yet ·become appar~nt. By traditional astronomical criteria, there was
no particular need for a reform.
Moreover, other solar calendars were seriously considered. In the T'ien-
ching huo-wen there was a Chinese version of the solar calendar that placed
the date of the New Year at the winter solstice. lO In the late Tokugawa I
period, some scholars such as Nakai Riken $jfDlIif and Yamagata Banta I
I-UJt!lititJ5 propounded their own solar calendars. Both these scholars objected /
to the short February of the Gregorian calendar. Their calendars abandoned I
the lunar index and adopted Risshun ll.ff (Chinese li-ch'un), the point mid-
way between the winter solstice and the vernal equinox, as the New Year.
Each month consisted of thirty or thirty-one days, with a leap year every
four years.
The decisive factor in the adoption of the Gregorian calendar was the \
high value the government placed on westernization. A Japanese astronomer I
proposed a more reasonable solar calendar at the time of the reform,l1 but
the government preferred the Gregorian, despite its obvious shortcomings.
In the new solar calendar all hemerologic notes were omitted. The temporal
hour was abolished and the day was divided into twenty-four equal periods,
as in the West.
The Gregorian calendar went into effect January 1, 1873, but was prop-/
agated only with difficulty. At about this time the most radical reforms of
the Meiji government were effected-for example, establishment of public
education and postal systems in 1872 and the conscription law at the begin-
ning of 1873. A reaction took place. Calendar reform was among the causes
of peasant riots. The farmers were reluctant to give up their accustomed ap-
purtenances, in spite of the fact that they-were the ones who benefited most
from the new calendar.
As a temporary accommodation to critics of the new calendar, lunisolar
dates were included in the official calendar in the form of notations. The
Ministry of Education favored abolition of this practice, since as long as it
was continued the people would not become accustomed to the solar calendar.
The Ministry of the Interior, more realistically, maintained that to eliminate
the notes would be practically impossible and even harmful because of the
10 In China, Shen Kua 1;;1::1'3 of the Sung dynasty had already suggested a solar calendar.
This idea was probably based on an Indian solar calendar introduced during the T'ang dynasty.
See Yabuuchi Kiyoshi l&l*JiW, Chugoku chusei kagaku gijutsu sbi 110 kenk)'u 9='~9='titf4~Htf;jIT~!D
?iJf~ (Researches on medieval science and technology in China; Tokyo, 1963), p. 166.
11 Noda, Rekigaku shi ron, PP.285-291.
confusion it would cause among the ignorant masses. 12 Only in 1910 was
the lunisolar calendar completely abandoned by the government.
Rapid TFesternization
According to John K. Fairbank, 13 Japan and China went through a roughly
similar sequence ofphases in the introduction ofWestern science and technol-
ogy:
(1) Recognition of Western military superiority.'
(2) Recognition of military technology as the basis of this superiority.
(3) Recognition of the need to train native personnel in Western military
technology.
(4) Recognition that military technology is only one part of Western
science and technology, and that in order to develop it the pure science and
general learning of the West must also be imported. 14
Although the Chinese passed through these stages (especially the last
, two) slowly, the Japanese government recognized the four truths almost
simultaneously. During the first decade of the new regime, the government
busied itself in suppressing reactions, introducing new political institutions,
and constructing new technical installations.
The new government adopted a policy of fostering industry, wealth, and
military power, and emphasized the utilitarian importance of science and
technology. In the early part of the Meiji regime, educational policy was
\ strongly marked by practical and vocational science and technology. From
a pragmatic point of view, it can be said that the government promoted
science and technology. But in addition it earnestly wished to revise unequal
treaties with the Western Powers and was eager to improve its appearance,
as well as its resources, as a modern nation. Its intention to establish a Western-
style university as early as possible resulted from this motivation. Various
branches ofpure science occupied a central position among university subjects
at an unexpectedly early stage in the founding of Tokyo University in 1877.
Many foreign teachers were brought in as consultants on westernization
policy. They were well paid, their salaries amounting to as much as one-
third of the budget of the Ministry of Education. The government planned,
12 Hokibunrui taizen, pp. 89-90 and 106-107.

13 John 'K, Fairbank et aI., "The influence of modern science and technology on Japan and
China," Explorations in Entrepreneurial History 7,4 (1954).
14 It should be kept in mind that recognition oftechnology rooted in pure science was not
as well established in the nineteenth century as it is in the twentieth century.
therefore, to replace them with Japanese teachers. From the 1870's, the 1
'government sent many talented young men to Western countries at its own
expense, promising them posts as university professors on their return.
Chinese civil officials held a superior place in the bureaucratic ruling
system, but the leading Class in Japan was composed of samurai who were
far more imp,ressed than were the Chinese by the threat of Western military
strength. They ~uickly recognize~ t.h~ i~p~rtance.of scienti?c techn~IOgy)
to a modern natIOn and took the InItiative m the mtroductIOn of SCIence.
Although the Chinese system of state examinations spawned literary bureau- i
crats with immense humanistic knowledge, specialists were excluded from
the high road to success. On the other hand, in Japan, where careers could
be pursued along many paths, there arose special classes that'recognized the
necessity for importing science and technology. The first such class was made -
up of teachers, technical officials, and military officers who had worked at:
the former Shogunate and clan schools and whose knowledge was useful to
the new government in the work of promoting westernization. The second
was composed of physicians and scholars who knew w~ys of life other than
those ofpolitics' and administration. The boom in westerhization and industri-,
alization that prevailed throughout the country at the beginning of the j
Meiji era accounted in part for many members ofthese groups being attracted I
to the scientific and technological professions. i5 ;
Toward a Modern Science of Astronomy

Certain scientific ent~rprises such as time service and a nationwide' ge-
ographic survey are indispensable functions of a modern state. These tasks
lay beyond the competence of traditional calendar-makers, whose raison
d'efre evaporated at the time of Gregorian calendar reform. Specialists at
college graduate level were still scarce in the first two decades of the Meiji
regime. In order to serve the need for technical specialists, military engineers
of the former Tokugawa government who had been trained by Dutch naval
officers were called to take part in the establishment of basic governmental
functions. In the third decade, university-trained' astronomers came to the
fore in the field of astronomy to replace government engineers and turn this
effort in a more academic direction.
In order to fully meet local needs, astronomy requires a global network of
~5 Shigeru Nakayama, "The role played by universities in scientific and technological

development in Japan," 10urnal of World History 9 (2), 341-343 (1965).
cooperation. Situated far from major observatories in Europe and America,

Japan became of strategic importance to this network, attracting foreign
astronomers on such occasions as eclipses and transits of Venus. These occa-
sions certainly helped to stimulate Japanese astronomical activity.16
The Meiji government turned to the West for guidance in practical scien:"
tific matters such as astronomical determinations oflongitude and latitude
in order to prepare accurate maps. Under the guid~nce ofBritish and American
experts, the Japanese Navy and the Ministry of Technology (Kobusho
I{ffl~) started surveying work in 187!.17 On the occasion of the transit of
Venus in 1874, foreigners were allowed to make observations from Japan.
While cooperating in these efforts, the Japanese naval group learned the
technique oflongitude determination by telegraph.
In 1874 the Navy built an astronomical observatory and later proposed
that it beenlarged. 18 In 1876, at the request of the Ministry of the Interior,
Henri Charveau gave advice on the construction of another astronomical
observatory. Taking the Greenwich observatory as a model, he described its
instruments, personnel, and budget. He itemized the minimum equipment
necessary and suggested the temporary hiring of/~ne experienced Western
astronomer and one Western mathematical assistant,19 These plans materi-
alized in the establishment of the Tokyo Astronomical Observatory in 1888,
which was placed under the control of the Ministry of Education.
College-level instruction in astronomy started in 1877 at Tokyo University,
when Tomas Corwin Mendenhall (1841-1924),20 a professor of physics and
mechanics at Ohio State University, was offered the first professorship of
physics. Between 1878 and 1881 he conducted measurements of the force of
gravity at Tokyo and on the summit of Mount Fuji while giving instruction
16 Nihon kagakugijutsushi taikei, chikyu uchU kagaku hen S *f4¥:f3'iVJ;jj:**, :I{g~~'itff4¥

*iiii (Source-book for the history of modern science and technology in Japan, earth and space
sciences; Tokyo, 1965), pp. 59-61.
17 Fujii Y6ichir6 ~*~-8~, "Meiji shonen ni okeru Hokkaid6 no sankaku sokury6 ni
tsuite" §Jj~fJJ~vc:tovtG~tw~O)::::ftEJmU.:l:vc":)\'\-C (Triangulation of Hokkaid6 in the
early years of the Meiji period), Kagakushi kenkyu f4¥j:1iJf~ (Journal ofthe history ofscience,
Japan), no. 45, 9 (195 8).
18 "Kansh6dai enkaku" 1!~~rJ1p: (The origin of KanshOdai [Observatory]), Kaga.kushi
kenkyu, no. 47, 38 (195 8).
19 Henri Charveau, "Shitendai setsuritsu kengensho" WJ7(~~.lz:~~. (A proposal for
the founding of an astronomical observatory; MS preserved in the Tokyo Astronomical
Observatory, circa 1880), Mr. Tomita 'Mill (trans.).
20 T. C. Mendenhall, "Autobiographical notes" (MS), vol. 4, p. 104. I am grateful to
Thomas Corwin Mendenhall II, president of Smith College, for having allowed me to use
his grandfather's unpublished manuscript.
on astronomical observation to several of his students. 21 He also contributed

to the field of astrophysics, founded an optical laboratory, and measured the
wave length of some of the principal Fraunhofer lines of the solar spectra. 22
In r879 H. M. Paul, ofthe staffofthe Naval Observatory at Washington, D.C.,
was invited to take the first chair ofastronomy. He taught regular astronomy
courses in the university.23 Terao Hisashi ~!f§ii, who was sent to France
between r879 and r883 to study astronomy under Tisserand, replaced Paul
immediately on his return. 24
In r885 the Department of Astronomy at Tokyo University became inde-
pendent ofthe Deparment ofPhysics. Thus, astronomy was established as an
autonomous branch of modern science in a Japanese academic institution.
Astronomers, while stripped of the special privileges of former days, had
found their proper place among the other scholars of natural science.
At the suggestion of H. M. Paul, Kikuchi Dairoku *Jili2:*_ was sent to
attend the International Prime Meridian and Universal Time Congress held at
Washington, D.C., in r884. A Japanese thus participated in the first interna-
tional astronomical exchange.
In summary, the spirit of the new era was one of wholesale acceptance of
Western knowledge. This spirit was manifested in the importation of West-
eners and the use of Western institutions to promote growth in education and
in practical scientific affairs. The rapid and uninterrupted success of this as-
similation indicates that the previous piecemeal acceptance of ideas could
never have accomplished what the institutional revolution did. Channels
provided by the new government facilitated the reception of established
knowledge with remarkable efficiency.
21 Memoirs ofthe science department, Tokyo Daigaku, no. 5, I (1880).

22 Memoirs, no. 8, I (1881).
23 Percival Lowell (1855-i916), founder of the Lowell Observato~y, visited Japan early and
wrote about the country. His serious work in astronomy began after his return to the United
States.
24 Paul gladly returned to America; he had been prevented from making any important
observations by the reluctance of the government to spend much money on research that did
not contribute directly to national wealth and strength. Robert S. Schwantes, "American
influence in the education of Meiji Japan, 1868-1912" (unpublished doctoral thesis; Harvard
University, 1950), p. 50.
17 Summary and Conclusions
IN SPITE OF THE ANTIQ!:!ITY of its. tradition, Japan was a late-comer to

international astronomical activity. Very few Japanese discoveries warrant
inclusion in a general history of astronomy.
\
The geographical setting of Japan was unfavorable to the creation and
development ofastronomical science. Although its latitude called attention to
seasonal variations, its rainy climate made continuous astronomical ob-
servation difficult. Furthermore, steep mountains obstructed the wide per-
spectivenecessary for heliacal observations. Although old records of natural
calamities such as typhoons and earthquakes were abundant, scientific data
\ based on routine observations were difficult to accumulate.
The cultural geography ofJapan was also not conducive to the pursuit of
{ \ast~onomy. Isolated ~n t~e Far ~~st, Japan had no first~and contact with the
, mam currents of SCIentIfic actIvIty before the late mneteenth century. In
contrast to Western science, which was nurtured by various cultures as the
center of scientific activity shifted from Babylonia to Greece, from there to
Alexandria, and later to the Near East, Far Eastern science was developed
entirely in China. Thus Japan had only one source of knbwledge.
The Chinese may justly claim discovery of many germinal ideas of science,
but the absence of dialogue with a culture of equal sophistication prevented
cientific development and even caused disregard' of China's own earlier
jachievements. Since science is a highly intellectual discipline, cultural isola-
tion meant retardation. Japan suffered from this isolation even more than,
China.
Before the introduction of Western learning, sixteenth-century Japan ab-
Isorbed the impact of Jesuit evangelism. However, the Jesuits did not con-
itribute as much to Japanese astronomy as Matteo Ricci and his successors had
SUMMARY AND CONCL USIONS 227
to the astronomy ofChina. They never attempted a systematic introduction)

of Western astronomy, focusing their efforts on hasty evangelism. I
The seclusion policy of the Tokugawa government, which began in the I
first halfofthe seventeenth century, eradicated the earlyJesuit influence. The

timing of the edict of prohibition was unfortunate for subsequent scientific
development, as Ricci's works were just beginning to be published when
they were censored. Christian writings also were banned. Thus Japan con-
tributed to her own intellectual isolation.
Despite its seclusion policy, the Tokugawa feudal regime, by maintaining
internal peace, was able to raise the general level of culture and learning. Gov-
ernment schools were established, where Confucian moral and political phi-
losophy, history and literature, arid the martial arts were taught. Educa-
tional goals were limited, however, for there was no system of formal training
in astronomy comparable to the Chinese and ancient Japanese programs.
Although the status ofastronomy was fairly high, mathematics was generally
regarded as a vulgar art, and Japanese mathematicians tended to be intellectu-
ally divorced from the rest of society. They did not develop physical science
or engineering in any modern sense during the seventeenth and eighteenth
r.,
centuries and were discouraged from geographical surveying and utilizing
the techniques ofnavigational astronomy because of the strategic importance
of those skills to the feudal soci.ety. As most official posts and social positions I.
were hereditary, the cultivation of talent was hindered.

Japan's institutional framework and her internal and external pOlicies'i'
unlike those of seventeenth-century Europe, all were unfavorable to the
advance of astronomy. For the practical needs of society, astronomers needed
only to furnish calendrical information sufficient for agriculture. In this
respect, the social setting of astronomy remained in the premodern stage.
The one institutional practice conducive to the development ofastronomy
was calendar-making. The Chinese lunisolar calendar required revision when-
ever the discrepancy between calculation and observation became noticeable.
For this purpose, the government established the Office of Astronomy, an
institution later adapted for the study and application of Western learning.
The Office of Astronomy commanded the best talent and equipmentiand
had easy access to Western learning, but its salaried astronomers were bound
to their official responsibilities. They 'Yere primarily government specialists
and only secondarily scientists. Although they improved methods of ob-:J
servation and calculation, they could not discard the traditional goals of
calendar-making in favor of the free inquiry of modern astronomy.
Official calendar-makers did not investigate new approaches to their work.

They used a standard process which, taking eclipse prediction as an example,
may be summarized as follows:
(I) Collection of past records and augment~tion of data by further ob-
servations.
(2) Colligation of the data to find numerical relationships. ,
(3) Combining of these numerical relationships to predict future eclipses.
(4) Observation ofeclipses to verify the predictions. This step also provid-
ed new data for step (I) in the next cycle of revision.
In this process there was no room for drastic theoretical innovations. If the
astronomers had used a hypothetical model or conceptual scheme, they would
have been able to detect discrepancies between observed phenomena and
theory, and then to correct conceptual error and advance a step further.
Without such a model, however, radical improvement was impossible.
The astronomy of a culture cannot be fairly evaluated merely on the basis
of its theoretical aspects. However, it was mainly because of this lack of
onceptual scheme that both the Shou-shih ~~ calendar, the highest achieve-
ent of traditional Chinese calendar-making, and the 1okyo j:(~ calendar,
Ehe product of the first Japanese calendar reform, did not adopt geometric
devices. The techniques of eclipse prediction were awkward, and the as-
tronomical standard of Ptolemy's Almagest was hardly surpassed.
The early Japanese probably would not have dogmatically. rejected the
Western schematic representation of the course of the heavenly bodies had it
been available to them, and they would have been much impressed by the
geometric devices that were useful in traditional calendar-maki~g. But in
the first half of the Tokugawa period, information concerning Western
astronomy was limited to elucidation of Aristotelian cosmology and a hint
of the notion of epicycles. The numerical values in avaIlable works on Eu-
ropean astronomy were often quite rough and usually unsatisfactory as a
basis for calendrical calculations. Therefore Western astronomy could not
make much impression on professional astronomers in Japan.
Occasionally some aspects of Western astronomy were understood and
appreciated, but still, Japanese intellectuals were unable to accept the
Western approach in its entirety. For example; Mukai Gensh6 rtJ1t$:7t,
the annotator of the. Kenkon bensetsu !jfZ;j:$~~Jt, found Western astronomical
techniques acceptable, but not the Aristotelian four-elements theory because
of its incompatibility with the traditional five-elements doctrine. Being
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 229
preoccupied with moral philosophy, he was displeased by the absence of

socioethical significance even in a purely astronomical work.
In the course of time, a disinterested and positivistic attitude appeared,
exemplified by Nishikawa Joken ggJII~lJJ!. The Chinese concept of "heav-
en," which implied metaphysical as well as physical factors, tended to dis-
integrate and its technical and scientific aspects became more clearly defined.
In the 1730's the ban on Jesuit works was modified and a detailed account
of Tychonian astronomy, presented within the framework of traditIonal
calendar-making, was transmitted to Japan. Presumably the. traditional
Japanese background in mathematics contributed to mastery of this new sys-
tem of astronomy..
From the 1770',s on, the interpreters at Nagasaki took the vanguard in
introducing Western astronomical ideas. When Motoki Ryoei **.f!7k
introduced the heliocentric idea, there were few technical difficulties to
overcome. Newtonian mechanics, however, involved many unfamiliar con-
cepts, since Japanese mathematics had not been applied to problems ofmotion
and did not include a dynamic approach. Shizuki Tadao ~m}it'jl attempted
to reconstruct the Newtonian scheme in terms of Easterrr Naturphilosophie,
but the gulf between the two systems apparently was too great. In spite of
growing interest in artillery at the time, Newtonian mechanics as a basis
for practical enterprise was scarcely understood. Its primary appeal was as
a philosophical doctrine. Although interpreters tried to 1.· ntroduce the corel
of genuine Western science, their efforts did not greatly interest practical
astronomers and calendar-makers. 1
There was some astronomical activity outside official institutions. The
Asada school grew up in Osaka, a prosperous commercial city. The interest J
of the group in astronomy expanded to include not only calendar-making

and eclipse prediction, but also planetary motions, though not celestial
mechanics. At first the members were satisfied with Jesuit treatises, but at~\
about the turn of the eighteenth century they began to look for European
originals and studied a Dutch translation of Lalande's Astronomie. They
formulated the hSiao-ch'ang ~:R method, the only original idea in Japanese}
astronomy, according to which the values of almost all astronomical parame-
ters undergo periodic variations. The purpose of the method, however, was
to save the questionable ancient records. Having no theoretical foundation,
it adopted excessive values and proved to be misleading.
Japan was far from prepared to carry out her own Scientific Revolution.]
The piecemeal infusion of new ideas through interpreters had not changed
23 0 RECOGNITION OF WESTERN SUPREMACY
the old patterns. Nevertheless, when we compare the attitudes of Ch'ing

China and Tokugawa Japan towCl;rd the West, we note a conspicuous differ-
ence. Although the Chinese had access to many Jesuit treatises on Western
./ astronomy in their own language, they were generally indifferent to Western
'learning, whereas Japanese interpreters labored prodigiously to learn about
Western accomplishments. 1 Japan was psychologically prepared to accept
new ideas.
A widely held explanation for the differing intellectual climates of China
and Japan is that the Japanese from ancient times had cultivated a mental
habit of looking outside their borders for cultural stimulation, while the
i Chinese had maintained a stubborn pride and rejected the idea that another
culture could be worth learning from. This may be correct. From the early
,Tokugawa period on, the Japanese compared traditional Chinese ideas with
newly imported Western ideas. As' early as the seventeenth century, they
~oncluded that while Eastern civilization was more advanced in metaphysics,
. Western culture was superior in technical development. They quickly turned
to the West, especially to learn about astronomy, a field in which they them-
>1 selves made no original contribution. They were indeed more alert than the
t', \Chinese in accepting Western culture.
\' Japan had been culturally dominated by China until at least the eighteenth
tcentury, .but it was not politically dominated. The Japanese never lost their
~sense of national identity or their self-confidence. Compared with Chinese
'jpolitical satellites such as Korea and Annam, Japan was in a better position
Ito modernize on its own initiative. The Japanese were free to choose either
Western or Chinese science as they pleased.
The existence inJapan ofa plurality of~nfluential philosophies also provided
a sound basis for appreciating new ideas. There had been Buddhism, Con-
fucianism, and Shintoism; why not another approach?
None of the existing philosophies had contributed to the advancement
of science. The profound otherworldliness of Buddhism was, incompatible
with analysis of the physical world. The Buddhists' imaginative model of
Mount Sumeru, for instance, could never be reconciled with the notion of a
spherical earth.. Although the Buddhist cosmologic outlook enjoyed more
freedom in its infinity and plurality of worlds than the rigidly constructed
Aristotelian system, this freedom was synonymous with anarchistic vagueness
and lack of conviction concerning the existence of underlying regularity in
1 See Wang Ping 3:~ Hai-fang li-suan-hsueh chih shu-ju iffi:1JIff.~ziMliA(The intro-
duction of western astromical and mathematical sciences in China; Taipei, 1966).
SUMMARY AND CONCL USIONS
nature and the possibility of its discovery. Cosmologic discussions had no

rational basis, but were oriented toward defending Buddhist authority.
Professional astronomers were not affected by Buddhist convictions.
Confucian teachings, which permeated the background of the secularj
intellectuals, were primarily socioethically oriented. Japanese confucians.
were not much interested in the shape of the physical world.
The reaction of the Neo-Shintoists to the contributions of Western science
was unique. They fully accepted Western ideas and utilized them for system-
atizing primitive mythology into a consistent cosmology.
Although none of these creeds contributed to the development of science,
neither did they hinder the acceptance of modern scientific techniques, as
did the Church in seventeenth-century Europe. In astronomy, most theories
and observations are verifiable anywhere on the eahh. Celestial bodies are
inescapable realities that cannot be manipulated by preconceived bias.
Analysis oftheir movements requires a high degree ofprecision. Because these
essentials lend themselves readily to objective analysis and comparison'
between Western and traditional, astronomy was one of the first branches of
Western science to be appreciated in Japan.
Under the Meiji government, institutional reform was carried out at the·
cost of discontinuing the old astronomical institutions. Astronomy thereby \
lost the official status it had enjoyed under the old regime, but many un-
fortunate aspects of the former system-seclusion and hereditary positions,
for example-were eliminated. An entirely Western system of scientific
instruction was established. Thus there was very little continuity of subject
matter between the Tokugawa and Meiji periods. The old-style "calendrical
science" was abruptly abandoned. With the wholesale modernization of
scientific institutions came at last a rapid assimilation of Western knowledge
and methods.
Appendices
Bibliography
Index
Appendix 1 . Table ofcontents ofthe Kenkon bensetsu. 1
VOLUME I-NATURE
Book I:
I On the four elements

2 Relationships among the four elements
3 All things consist of four elements
4 Dry, humid, hot, and cold
5 On seasonal change of climate
6 The stratification of the four elements
7 The dimensions of the strata of the four elements
'. 8 Sphericity of the earth
Book 2:
9 The size of the earth

10 The element earth
I I The earth is located at the center of the universe
12 Heavy matter moves toward the center of the universe
13 The immobility of the earth
14 Earthquakes
15 The element water
16 Hot springs
17 Salt in the sea
18 Tides
1 Many of these titles derive from the content of the text, rather than being literal transla-
tions.
APPENDICES
19 Why well water is cold during the summer and warm during the
winter
20 The three regions of the layer of the element air
21 Exhalation
22 Matter that originates in the layer of air
23 Matter in the lower region of air
24 Matter in the middle region of air: thunder, hail, rainbows, and
meteors
VOLUME II-THE HEAVENS
Book 3:
I Nature of the universe
2 Characteristics of the universe
3 Cycles in the universe
4 The movement of the sky and circulation of the planets
5 The number of spheres
6 The order of the spheres
7 Periods of the spheres
8 Diagram of the armillary sphere
9 The equator
10 Retrograde motions of planets
I I Equinoctial. and solstitial meridians
12 The observer's meridian
13 The hemisphere
14 The tropics
15 Terrestrial zones
16 The climate in each zone
Book 4:
17 The solar day
18 The length of day and night
19, The difference of the length of day according to latitude
20 The civil calendar
21 The moon is not luminous
22 The diameters of the sun and moon
23 Solar and lunar eclipses
24 Eccentric orbits of planets
APPENDICES 237
25 Fixed stars and the difference between planets and fixed stars
26 The number and magnitude of stars
27 On the nature of stars (genethliacal astrology)
28 The twelve houses (horoscope)
29 The dimensions of the heavens
Appendix 2 . The elements ofcalendars adopted in japan.
(Values given are those of constants used to calculate the various calendars.)
Length of Length of' Length of Length of Preces-

tropical synodic nodical anomalistic sion
Year year month month month (degrees
, Calendar adopted (days) (days) (days) (days) per year)
Tuan-chia 604? 345.2467 29.53059 27·21219 27.55469
.I-feng 692? .2448 .53060 .21222 ·55454
698?
Ta-yen 764 .2444 ·53059 .21221 .55458 0.0118
Wu-chi 858 .2448 .53060 .21222 .55458 .0107
Hsuan-miJlg 862 .2446 .53060 .21222 ·55454 .0115
(Shou-shih) .24250 ·530593 .21222 .55460 .0148
(Ta-t'ung) .24250 ·530593 .21222 .55460 .0148
(Shih-hsien) .24219 ·530593 .21222 .55460 .0147
']okyo 1685 .2417 ·53059 .21222 .55460 .0148
Horyaku 1755 .2416 ·53059 .21222 .55460 .0148
Kansei 1798 .24235 .530584 .212224 ·55457 .0142
Tenpo 1843 .24 22 3 .53°588 .212217 .55456 .01392
Present value .24220 .530588 .212220 ·55455 .01399
Appendix 3 . Table ofcontents ofthe T'ien-ching hua-wen. 1
[I] The origin of heaven and earth

[2] The firmament
[3] The earth
[4] The ecliptic and equator
[5] The South and North Poles
[6] The meridian
[7] The horizontal circle
[8] The sun
[9] The moon
[10] Solar eclipses
[II] Lunar eclipses
[12] Theory of eclipses
[13] Phases of the moon
[14] Calendrical constants [of the traditional Chinese lunisolar calendar]
[IS] Irregularity of the moon's movement
[16] Eastward motion of the sun and the moon
[17] The sky turns one degree faster than the sun
[18] The movements of the five planets
[19] The lunar orbit
[20] Precession
[21] Naming of various stars
[22] The number of the fixed stars
[23] The positions of the fixed stars
[24] Declination of sunrise and sunset
[25] East~;iid motion of fixed stars
1 Chapters are not nUlubered in the text.
240 APPENDICES
[26] The differences of stellar positions in ancient and modern observa-

tions
[27] Each of the seven luminaries has a sphere
[28] The sphere offixed stars
[29] The primum mobile
[30] The empyrean
[31] The reasons for the movements of heavenly bodies
[32] The distance to each planet
[33] The magnitude of the planets
[34] Telescopic observ~tions of the planets
[35] The Milky Way
[36] Observations of the fixed stars
[37] The zodiac and the twenty-eight lunar mansions
[38] The inequality of the distances between lunar mansions
[39] Errors in assignment of stars to each lunar mansion
[40] Apparent shimmering of the fixed stars
[41] Refraction
[42] Constellations
[43] The lengths of day and night
[44] The length of twilight
[45] The geographical association of each constellation
[46] The year and'the month
[47] The calendar
[48] Mist and haze
[49] Wind, clouds, rain, dew, fog, and frost
[5b] Snow and hail
[51] Snow pellets
[52] Thunder and lightning
[53] Drizzle
[54] Meteors and comets
[55] The rainbow
[56] The halo of the sun and the moon
[57] The double image of the surt and moon
]58] The prediction of wind and rain
[59] Extraordinary happenings in the heavens
[60] Earthquakes
[61] The sea
[62] Salt water
APPENDICES
[63] Hot springs

[64] Tides
[65] Cloud observations
[66] Wildfire
[67] 4-strologic predictions
[68] The four elements and the five elements
[69] Geography
[70] Numbers
[71] Impersonality of the stars
[72] Correspondence between the microcosm and the macrocosm
Appendix 4 . Comparative accuracy ofthe gnomon and the
armillary sphere.
In China and Japan the gnomon, which is the most primitive astronomical
instrument, was used consistently for the determination of solstices, whereas
in the West the armillary sphere was employed for equinoctial observations.
In this appendix the two observational methods are illustrated and their
accuracy compared.
A. Solstitial Observation with the Gnomon

The winter solstice was defined as the day when gnomon shadow at
midday is the longest. However, the daily change of midday shadow length
is slowest at the winter solstice.
The Chinese and Japanese usually employed a gnomon 8 Chinese ft high,
although the size varied slightfy from time to time. For the sake ofsimplicity,
let us assume the gnomon height to be 2 m. In China, most observations
were made at Yang-ch'eng, whose latitude of 34°:6 we shall utilize in our
calculations.
In Diagram I, l=gnomon height, s=midday shadow length of gnomon,
h=sun's altitude, so=latitude of observational site, and o=sun's declina-
tion at time of observation.
Then, h=90o -SO+o. Since the variation ofs depends solely on the variation
of solar declination at any location, L1h=L1o.
Further, s=l cot h,
and L1s=-1 cosec 2 hL1h sin I".
In estimating the magnitude of possible error in use of the gnomon, we
assume that the gnomon is absolutely perpendicular and that the solar decli-
nation at the time of winter-solstice observation is -24°.0.
APPENDICES
Zenith
Diagram 1.
If we assume LIs to be I cm, then Llh, or Llo, is less than 5 minutes of arc.
According to the table of solar declination, a difference of 5 minutes of arc
in solar declination causes 4 or 5 days error in determination of the date of
winter solstice. That is, a I-cm error in the measurement of shadow length
creates 4 to 5 days error in the date ofwinter solstice. .
In the case of summer solstice, 0 is +24 0 .0 and solar al titude h reaches a
maximum. At that time, a I-cm error in shadow length corresponds to a
I7-minutes-of-arc difference in Llh and 8 days'error in the date of summer
solstice. The accuracy in the case of summer solstice thus is less than that of
winter solstice.
B. Equinoctial Observation with the Armillary Sphere

In the West, from antiquity on, the armillary sphere was widely used. Its
simplest form is an equatorial ring, as illustrated in Diagram 2. At the equinox
the sun is situated on the plane of th.e ring and hence the shadow ofan object
A falls exactly on point B. The sun makes a great circle along the ring at the
equinox; therefore, unlike the winter solstice as determined by the gnomon,
the exact moment of the equinox can be measured directly by this method
unless it occurs at night. The accuracy of the instrument is proportional to
the diameter of the ring.
In this technique it is assumed that the equatorial ring does not deviate from
the real equatorial plane. Any error in determining the latitude of the obser-
vational site is a cause of error in calculating the moment of the equinox.
(An error in latitude of 6 minutes of arc results in approximately 6 hours'
error in equinoctial time.) When the sun is low in the sky, refraction also
244 APPENDICES
Sun
/
A
Diagram 2.
causes significant error. This was not recognized by the Greeks, but was
pointed out by J. B. Delambre. 1
At the time of the equinoxes, the daily variation of solar declination is at
a maximum. Suppose that the diameter ofan equatorial ring is .?- m, the same
as the height of the Chinese gnomon. In the equatorial-ring method, an
error of I cm results in 17 to 18 hours difference, while in the case of the
gnomon it results in almost 4 days difference. In actual practice, the error
of measurement will not exceed 3 mm, and therefore precision to within 6
hours can easily be obtained. 2
In a single observation, an equatorial ring undoubtedly gives much better
results than does a gnomon. While the designation of the vernal equinox as
the beginning of the astronomical year was in accord with the exclusive use
ofthe armillary sphere in the West, the Chinese adhered to the winter solstice
and the more primitive gnomon.
There was some development of the use of the armillary sphere in China
also. But once the solstice had acquired ceremonial significance for the
Chinese court, it could not be replaced by the equinoxes merely for con-
venience ofmeasurement; hence the armillary sphere played only a subsidiary
role. It took until the seventeenth century, after the arrival of the Jesuits,
in China and until the late eighteenth century in Japan for the armillary
sphere to replace the gnomon.
1 J. B.Delambre, Histoire de l'astronomie ancienne (Paris, 1817), vol. 2, p. 102.

2 See also D. R. Dicks, "Ancient astronomical instruments," Journal ofthe British Astronom-
ical Association 64, 77-85 (1954).
Appendix 5 . Mathematical derivation ofthe variable term in
tropical~year length, according to the method ofhsiao-ch'ang.
As indicated in Chapter 10, the solar equation of center, Eq. (10.1), is

A=Ao+2e sin M,
where Ais the sun's true longitude, .10 the mean longitude, e the eccentricity
of the solar orbit, and M the mean anomaly (angular distance of the mean
sun from the perigee). Further, Eq. (10.2) states 'that
M=Ao-w(t),
where w is the longitude of the solar perigee and t the number of elapsed
years since a given point in time.
Combining these two equations,
A-Ao=2e sin [Ao-w(t)]. (A. I)
The yearly variation of the difference between the true and mean longitude
of the sun may now be found by differentiating Eq. (A. I) with respect to t:
d dw
citCA-Ao)=-2e cos [Ao-w(t)]dt. (A. 2)
The terms 2e and ~; are both assumed constant. In fact, the latter is
equivalent to angle WE W' in Figure 13 b or angle AEB in Figure 13a (Chapter
10). The term A, the sun's true longitude at the winter solstice, is also constant
at ~7r.
2
Equation (A. 2) above gives the variation in terms of angular measure. To
convert it to a time expression, we divide it by the sun's mean motion M.
APPENDICES
Since e=0.or673, :; =6r".8093 (according to Newcomb), and

M=3S48".r9, then
dw
-2e--
dt
-0.00058. (A. 3)
M
The entire variation term expressed by Eq. (A. 2) therefore becomes
. -0.00058 cos [Ao-W(t)].
The length in days of the Chinese tropical year T is then
T=To-0.000S8 cos [Ao-W(t)], (A. 4)
where To is the length of the tropical year in terms of mean longitude, as-
sumed constant. Differentiating this expression with respect to t,
dT . dw
~=-0.000S8 sm [Ao-W(t)] ~.
As stated, :; is a constant, 6r".8093. Applied in Eq. CA. 3), this term

was converted into degree measure because M also was given in terms of
degrees. In the present case, however, we shall apply radian measure,
dw
&=0.0003 r. Then
ddT
t
= -0.000000r8 sin [Ao-wCt)].
.
CA. 5)
The difference between A and Ao, the tr~e and mean longitudes of the
sun, is slight enough to render the difference in their sines negligible. If the
tropical year is assumed to begin at the winter solstice, the sun's true longitude
at that point, A, will be lrr. Substituting this value for Ao in Eq. (A.4),
2 '
T= To-o.oooS8 cos [; rr-wCt)] .
This is the equivalent of

T= To-o.oooS8 sin wet).
Likewise, substituting lrr

2
for Ao in Eq. (A.S), we see that'
dT .
~=0.000000r8 cos wCt).
Appendix 6 . Comparison ofpremodern observation and modern
calculation ofsolstices and equinoxes.
A. Chinese Records
At the time of each Chinese calendrical reform, it was customary to adopt
a set of astronomical constants, then to calculate the times of solstices and
eclipses in accordance with these constants and thereby demonstrate their
correctness. The "calendrical treatise" of each official dynastic history of
China gives the appropriate calendrical constants, methods of calculation,
and astronomical tables for each period. However, a systematic explanation of
the observational method (li-i 1I~) appears in its entirety only in theShou-
shih li-i ~~II~ (1280).An earlier treatise, the Ta-yen li-i jdrrll~ by 1-
hsing ~fj (eighth century) is no longer extant; all that remains is a brief
summary in the calendrical chapter of the Hsin T'ang shu ~m. (New
standard history of the T'ang period).1 The Shou-shih li-i therefore is the
most valuable source of classical Chinese observational records that we
have.
The Shou-shih li-i lists forty-seven observational records of the winter
solstice up to A.D. 1250, including three between the ninth and sixth cen-
turies B.C. It compares these records with dates calculated in accordance
with the methods of six different calendrical systems (Shou-shih included),
in order to· show the better agreement with observation of the Shou-shih
system. Table AI compares two sets of calculations with the observational
records of the Shou-shih Ii-i.
The observational records unfortunately are given only by date, although
most of them could have been given to the hour, since the interpolation
lOu-yang Hsiu IKV\~~ and Sung Ch'i *jji~, Hsin T'ang shu mJJ!f. (New standard history
of the T'ang period [618-906]; 1061), chap. 27.
Table Al Comparisons offorty-seven dates of winter solstices calculated by two
different methods and from observation.
Julian day of winter solstice according to-

Year Newcomb Shou-shih Observation
B.C. 884 1398904.96 1398901.20 1398900.18'"'-'1.17a
656 1482180.33 1482177.33 1482 177. 18 '"'-'8.17
523 1530757.63 1530755.02 1530755.18'"'-'6.17
A.D. 435 1880295.06 1880294.65 1880294.18'"'-'5.17
436 1880660;28 1880659.89 1880660.18'"'-'1.17
438 1881390.77 1881390.38 1881390.18'"'-'1.17
439 1881756.01 1881755.42 1881755. 18'"'-'6.17
440 1882122.98 1882121.86 1882121.18'"'-'2.17
441 1882456.49 1882456.11 1882455. 18'"'-'6.17
442 1882851.74 1882851.35 1882851.18'"'-'2.17
461 1889791.35 1889790.97 1889791.18'"'-'2.17
565 1927776.62 1927776.35 1927776.18'"'-'7.17
568 19288.72.35. 1928872.08 1928871.18'"'-'2.17
572 1930333·32 1930333.05 1930333.18'"'-'4.17
574 1931062.80 1931062.54 1931062.18'"'-'3.17
577 1932159.53 1932159.27 1932158.18'"'-'9.17
578 193 2 524.78 1932524.51 1932524.18'"'-'5.17
584 1934716.23 1934716.03 1934715.18'"'-'6.17
585 1935080.48 1935080.29 1935080.18'"'-'1.17
586 1935445.72 1935445.52 1935445.18'"'-'6.17
587 1935811.96 1935811.77 1935811.18'"'-'2.17
591 1937272.93 1937272.74 1937272.18'"'-'3.17
594 1938368.67 1938368.47 1938367.18'"'-'8.17
644 1956631.80 1956631.62 195663 I. 18'"'-'2.17
649 195 8457. 01 1958456.84 1958457.18'"'-'8.17
662 1963206.17 1963206.00 1963205.18'"'-'6.17
676 19683 I 8.56 1968318.40 19683 I 8. 18'"'-'9.17
682 1970510.02 1970509.93 1970509.18'"'-'10.17
722 1985119.74 1985119.65 1985 119.18'"'-'20.17
723 1985484.98 1985484.88 19 85484.18'"'-'5.17
724 1985850.22 1985850.13 1985849.18'"'-'50.17
1007 2089213.95 2089213.98 20 892 14.18'"'-'5.17
1050 2104949.40 2104949.41 2104949.18'"'-'50.17
1083 2116972.40 2116972.44 2116972'.18'"'-'3.17
1084 2117337.64 2117337.69 211 7337.18'"'-'8.17
1088 2118798.61 2118798.66 2118798.18'"'-'9.17
1089 2110163.85 2119163.90 2110163.18'"'-'4.17
1090 2110529.10 2119529.15 2119528.18'"'-'9.17
1092 2120259.58 2120259.63 2120259.18'"'-'60.17
1098 2122451.06 2122451.08 2122450.18'"'-'1.17.
1104 2124642.51 2124642.54 2124642.18'"'-'3.17
1191 2156418.63 2156418.65 2156418.18'"'-'9.17
1197 2158610.08 2158610.1 I 2158609.18'"'-'10.17
1203 2160801.55 2160801.56 2160800.18'"'-'1.17
1212 2164088.74 2164088.75 2164088.18'"'-'9.17
1230 2170663. I I 2170663.1 I 2170662.18'"'-'3.17
1250 2177967.96 2177967.96 2177967. 18'"'-'8.17
a Only the date ofthe observation is given. The numbers in this column are the correspond-
ing Julian days (referred to Greenwich) within which the moment of winter solstice fell; for
example, in 884 B.C; it came between Julian days 1398900.18 and 1398901.17.
APPENDICES 249
method had been invented in the fifth century A.D. There is no information
as to the original sources from which the data were gathered, nor about the
sites and methods of observation; hence it is difficult' to evaluate the degree
ofprecision and reliability. Nevertheless, we have good reason to believe that
the Chinese Astronomical Board employed these data as the authorized
standard for judging the success or failure of a proposed calendar. (They
could not have been deliberately selected to justify the validity of any pro-
posed calendar.)
According to the calendrical chapter of the Hsin T'ang shu, the Ta-yen li-i
contained thirty-one cases of observation up to A.D. 724. The Shou-shih table
also contains thirty-one cases up to A.D. 724, plus sixteen later observations.
I-hsing's method ofpresentation, as described in the Hsin T'ang shu, is identical
with that of the Shou-shih Ii-i. The records used by I-hsing were undoubtedly
adopted and employed in the Shou-shih calendar. Shibukawa Harumi's
seventeenth-century Japanese treatise, "lokyo rekigi" if~}ti~, basically
followed the Shou-shih li-i, but several of his cases not listed in the latter are
collected in Table A2.
Table A2 Additional comparisons ofwinter-solstice dates calculated by two different methods

and from observation. These examples are given in Shibukawa Harumi's "1okyo
rekigi" ofthe seventeenth century.
Julian day of winter solstice according to-
Year A.D. Newcomb Shou-shih Observation
607 1943482.81 1943482.57 1943482.18,......,3.17

618 1947134·49 1947134·25 1947134.18,......,5. 17
821 2021278.79 2021278.71 2021278.18,......,9.17
980 2079352·39 2079352·40 207935 2.18,......,3.17
1000 2086657.25 2086657.26 2086657.18,......,8.6
1105 2125 007.75 21 25007.77 2125007.18,......,8.17
1198 2158975.34 2158975.34 2158975.18,......,6.17
The hour of the solstice, as determined by interpolation, was hardly

ever recorded. The earliest such data were based on observations by Tsu
Ch'ung-chih; several other extant records were made by Kuo Shou-ching.
These are listed in Table A3. Also, a number ofJapanese observations were
made at Edo and Kyoto for the lokyo and Horyaku calendar revisions. Tables
A4 and AS respectively give these data.
250 APPENDICES
Table A3. Several additional comparisons ofsolstice dates calculated by two different methods and
from observations recorded to the hour.
Julian day of solstice according to -

Year A.D. Newcomb Shou-shih Observationa
Winter solstice
461 1889791.35 1889790.97 1889791.49
1277 2187829.51 2187829.5 1 (4 pairs) 2187829.50
1278 2188194.75 2188194.755 (5 pairs) 2188194.75
1279 2188559.99 2188559.99 (9 pairs) 218 8559.99
Summer solstice
1278 2188012.18 2188012.13 (4 pairs) 2188012.13
12 79 21 88 377.42 ' 2188377.37 (7 pairs) 2188377.37
a The first observation given was made by Tsu Ch'ung-chih; the others were made by
Kno Shon-ching.
Table A4. Comparisons ofsolstice dates calculated by two different methods and from observations
made for the ']okyo calendar revision by Shibukawa Harumi. Tbe first sixteen observa-
tions were made at Edo, the rest at Kyoto.

Year Observation before and after Interval between
A.D. Newcomb ']OKyO Equ. (10.5) correction observations (days)
Before After
Winter solstice
1673 233 2465.60 2332465.38 233 2465.61 2332465. 61 5
233 2465.40 2332465.40 13
233 2465.45 2332465.46 26
2332465.31 2332465.34 52
1675 233319 6.08 2333195·90 2333 195. 6 1 2333195. 6 1 6
2333196.05 2333196.05 21
1676 2333561.34 2333561.025 2333561. 02 5 8
1677 2333926.58 2333926.34 2333926.36 2333920.36 8
2333926.31 2333926.31 13
1678 2334291.82 2334291.59 2334291.61 2334291.61 6
2334291.61 2334291.61 II
2334291.61 2334291.67 80
2334291.61 233429'1.70 101
2334291.61 2334291.72 II2
1679 2334657.06 233465 6 .83 2334657. II 2334657.13 46"'48
23346 56.86 23346 56.90 63",64
2336482.87 2336482.87 3"'4
2336483. 29 2336483. 29 17
2336483.30 2336483.31 30
2336483.225 2336483.28 54
2336483.21 2336483.25 63
2336483. 12 2336483. 16 67
Continue next page

APPENDICES 25 1
Table A4 (continued).
A.D. Newcomb 'Jokyo Equ. (10.5) correction observa tions (days)
Before After
Winter solstice
1685 2336848.52 2336848.29 2336848.62 2336848.62 23
2336848.57 2336848.59 46""""47
2336848.35 2336848.40 75
233 68 48.33 233 68 48.43
.......,2336848.35 '""-'2336848.45 107""""108
2336848.35 2336848.48 125
2336848.19 2336848.37 145
2336848.265 2336848.47 162
1686 2337213.76, 2337213·535 23372 13. 62 2337213.62 8
2337213.785 2337213·79 30
2337213.81 2337213.83 45""""47
2337213. 6 2 2337213.67 77
2337213.58 2337213.64
'""-'2337213. 6 5 '""-'23372 I 3.71 84.......,85
2337213.67 2337213·75
'""-'2337213.785 '""-'2337213.87 92'""-'95
2337213·47 23372 13.56
'""-'2337213.495 '""-'23372 I 3.59 102'""-'103
2337213·57 2337213·70 122
Summer solstice
1678 2334108.76 2334108.97 2334108.87 2334108.87 14
2334108.99 2334 108 .99 19
2334108.95 2334108.94 26
2334108.95 2334108.94 31
2334108.95 2334108.94 35
1685 2336665.46 2336665.65 2336665.62 23366 6 5.62 3
2336665.5 I 5 233666 5.51 15
2336665.23 2336666 .33 22
2336665.56 23366 66 .55 30
2336665.39 2336666.38
'""-'2336665.40 .......,2336666.39 38'""-'40
2336665.47 23366 66 .46 38'""-'40
2336665.495 2336666 .48 48'""-'49
2336665.62 23366 66 .59
'""-'2336665.65 '""-'2336666.62 56'""-'57
2336665.62 233 6666 .57 76
2336665.46 2336666.35 116
2336665.66 2336666 .52 128'""-'129
1686 2337030·70 2337030.89 2337030.84 2337030.81 58
2337030.80 2337030·79 29
2337030·79 2337030.75 62
2337030.87 2337030.81
'""-'2337030·775 .......,2337030·72 80
'""-'2337030.9 1 '""-'2337030.85
2337030.92 2337030.84
'""-'2337030·93 '""-'2337030.85 97'""-'98
2337030.62 2337030·49 117
252 APPENDICES
Table A5. Comparisons ofsolstice dates calculated by two different methods and from observations
made at Kyoto for the Hiiryaku calendar revision.
Julian day ofsolstice according to-
A.D. Newcomb Hiiryaku Eq. (10.5) correction observations (in days)
Before After
Winter solstice
1752 2361319.78 2361319.42 2361319.41 23613 19.45 64
2361319.41 2361319.47 80
2361319.45 2361319.5 1 80
23613 19.41 2361319.45 64
2361319.41 2361319.47 80
2361319.41 2361319.45 64
2361319.41 23 61 3 19.48 81
23.§ 13 19.39 2361319.45 80
2361319.39 2361319.46 85
1753 2361685.02 2361684.66 2361684. 6 55 2361684.72 75
2361 68 4. 6 55 2361684.7 8 110
2361684.66 2361684.83 131
2361684. 64 2361684.64 13
2361684. 6 4 2361684.82 139
2361 68 4. 6 55 2361684.71 68
2361684.655 2361684.7 1 75
2361684.62 2361684.62 8
2361 68 4. 6 7 2361684.73 75
2361 684.62 2361684.74 110
Summer solstice
1752 2361136.64 2361136.80 2361136.81 2361136.77 62
2361136.80 2361136.76 61
2361136.79 2361136.7 8 28
2361136.80 2361136.70 97
2361136.79 2361136.62 82
2361136.80 2361136.76 62
2361136.775 2361136.73 65
2361136.775 2361136.73 61
2361136.755 2361136.73 37
1753 2361501.88 2361502.04 2361502.04' 2361502.01 51
2361501.97 2361501.92 67
2361502.04 2361501.98, 75
2361502.03 2361502.01 43
2361502.035 2361501.98 67
2361502.05 2361501.97 89
2361502.06 2361502.05 24
2361502.01 2361501.9 6 68
2361502.025 2361501.88 129
2361502.12 2361502.11 25
2361502.06 2361502.02 68
2361502.05 23615 0 1.87 89
1754 2361867.13 2361867.28 23618 6 7.245 2361867.24 24
2361867.29 2361867.27 44
Continue next page

APPENDICES 253
Table AS (continued).
A.D. Newcomb Horyaktt Eq. (10.5) correction observations in days
Before After
2361867.235 2361867.23 61
2361867.29 2361867.28 24
2361867. 245 2361867.21 52
2361867.29 2361867.26 59
2361867.275 2361867. 27 24
2361867;245 2361867.22 44
2361867.265 2361867.22 60,,-,61
2361867. 275 2361867.26 29
2361867.30 2361861.26 61
B. Western Observations
In contrast to the situation in China, the center of astronomical activity
in the west shifted from one place to another and records were only partially
preserved. For purposes of comparison, it suffices to present several cases
from available Greek and Islamic records (Tables A6 and A7 respectively).
Table A6. Comparisons of dates calculated by Newcomb's method with observations by the ancient
Greeks (as recorded in Ptolemy's Almagest).
Julian day according to -
Year Event Newcomb Observation
B.C. 432 Summer solstice 1563813.98 1563812.68
162 Autumnal equinox 1662 521.59 1662522.17
159 Autumnal equinox 1663617.3 I 1663617.68
158 Autumnal equinox 1663982.56 1663983.17
146 Vernal equinox 1668179.26 1668178.67
135 Vernal equinox 1672196.93 1672195.52
128 Vernal equinox 1674753.62 1674753.17
A.D. 139 Autumnal equinox 1772094·27 1772095·70
140 Vernal equinox 1772273·27 17722 73.95
140 Summer solstice 1772367.05 1772368.49
The Greek observations are taken from Ptolemy's celebrated Almagest,2

and the Islamic ones from Ibn Yiinis. 3
2 Almagest, R. C. Taliaferro (trans.) ("Great Books ofthe Western World" [Chicago, 1952]),
vol. 3, pp. 77 ff.
3 Caussin de Percival, "Le livre de la grande Table Hakt~mite, ... par Ebn Iounis... ,"
Notices et extraits des mss. de la bib!. nationale (Paris, 1803-1804), vol. 7. See also Otto Neugebauer,
"Thabit ben Qurra 'On the solar year' and 'On the motion of the eighth sphere,'" Proceedings
ofthe American Philosophical Society 106 (3) (June 1962).
254 APPENDICES
Table A7. Comparisons of dates calculated by Newcomb's method with observations by the ancient
Moslems (as recorded by Ibn Tiinis).
Julian day according to-

Year A.D. Event Newton Observation Site of observation
830 Autumnal equinox 2024476 .79 2024477.23 Damascus
830 Autumnal equinox 2024476.77 2024476.91 Bagdad
831 Vernal equinox 2024655.66 2024655.45 Bagdad
832 Vernal equinox 2025020.90 2025020.70 Bagdad
832 Summer solstice 2025112.83 2025 11 3.37 Bagdad
832 Autumnal equinox 2025206.27 202 5206.37 Damascus
851 Autumnal equinox 2032145.87 2032145.82 Nishapur
C. Modern Calculation
According to Simon Newcomb, whose authority now is generally accepted,
the length of the tropical year may be determined from Eq. (10.7) of Chapter
10:
T=365·24219879-0.0000000614t,
where the epoch is A.D. 1900. Integrating this equation over the years elapsed
since the year of a specified premodern observation gives the time difference
in days; subtracting this difference from the Julian day of the present mean
solstice or equinox gives the Julian day of mean solstice or equinox at the time
of observation.
In order to compare modern calculation and premodern observation, two
major corrections to the calculated values must be incorporated: (I) the
reduction from mean to true solar longitude, and (2) the time difference
caused by the difference in longitude of the sites. Other corrections are
considered too insignificant to include.
While Newcomb's form ula is expressed in terms ofthe mean solar Iongitude,
the solstitial or equinoctial position obtained by observational instruments,
whether gnomon or armillary sphere, is that of the true sun. The time dif-
ference between them is the difference between the longitude of the mean
and true sun divided by the sun's mean motion fl. Again, according to
Newcomb,
w(t)=28I013 'I5."0+6r."8903t.
From this equation and Eqs. (10.1) and (10.2) in Chapter 10, the time
difference, t', is
APPENDICES 255
t'=-I.94 sin M
= -1;94 sin [AO-W(t)].
Although we may use Karl Schoch's Planeten Tafeln fur 1ederman (1927) to
the order of 0.1 day, it may be desirable in this context to calculate to the
second decimal place.
In correcting for the longitudinal difference ofsites, we have had to deduce
the longitude in cases where no precise statement concerning its location is
made. Most Chinese observations are assumed to have been carried out at
Yang-ch'eng. There are a few possible exceptions which would cause a devia-
tion of 0.01 day. We have further assumed that the observations of Meton,
Hipparchus, and Ptolemy were made at Athens, Rhodes, and Alexandria
respectively.
D. Critical Evaluation of Classical Observational Records
It is not at all surprising that a single midday gnomon-shadow-Iength
observation, before the invention of the interpolation method, could cause
3 or 4 days' error. The large deviation of the three ancient Chinese records
from the corresponding modern calculated dates is immediately evident
from Figure 15 of Chapter 10. All of these were dates of coincidence of the
winter solstice and the new moon, significant not only as the beginning of a
Metonic period but also for court ceremonial. It is highly probable that the
ancient Chinese were willing to overlook slight observational disagreements
in order to find such dates of coincidence.
Furthermore, the authenticity of these records is considered very doubtful
by modern critical scholars. The oldest record, given as 883 B.C., was omitted
by Mei Wen--ting m3tW (1633-1721) from his Tung-chih k'ao ~~~ (On
the winter solstice)4 as being utterly untrustworthy. Chiang Yung tI7k
interpreted it as the product of retrospective calculation by later calendar-
makers. s The other two observations, which appeared originally in the Tso
chuan tr.f'. [Tso-ch'iu Ming's tr.Ji:OO enlarged c?mmentary on the Ch'un
ch'iu ~fj( (Spring and autumn annals)] dealing with the period between
722 and 453 B.C., are also probably the results oflater calculation. 6
4 In his Li-suan ch'iian-shu Jfif.~. (Comprehensive collection of works on calendrical

science and mathematics; 1723).
5 "Tung-chih ch'iian-tu" ~~:fl~ (Measurement of winter solstice), in Shu-hsueh .~
(Mathematical astronomy; circa 1750), vol. 4.
6 Wang T'ao 3:~ (1828-1897), Ch'un-ch'iu li-hsueh san-chung *t'\Jfif~:=:~ (Three treatises
on calendrical study during the Ch'un-ch'iu period; Peking, 1959).
APPENDICES
Chinese observations made since the fifth century are fairly close to the
results of modern calculation. Although records of winter-solstice time are
expressed only to the day, most of them, within one day, agree with New-
comb's formula. This seems to indicate the advantage of the interpolation
method over single gnomon observations.
It is well known among historians ofastronomy that the observations listed
in the Almagest are not especially reliable. Figure IS clearly reveals their
inaccuracy. Their deviation from· calculated dates amounts to a whole day
or more. This cannot be attributed to the possible error inherent in the
instrument employed for equinoctial observations, even considering the
influence of refraction (at most, 3 hours of error).
Three values of the tropical-year length determined by Ptolemy from
three pairs of observations (represented by dotted lines on Figure IS) agree
with one another so exactly as to invite suspicion -that the observational
values were manipulated deliberately in order to obtain precise agreement.
In two of these pairs, one of autumnal equinox and the other of summer
solstice, there is a whole day's deviation. This fact has been already noted
by Jean Baptiste Riccioli, Pierre Charles LeMonnier, and Jean Dominique
Cassini, but they attributed the error to a copyist's error in transcribing the
date. It was J. B. Delambre7 who pointed out a deliberate forgery: Ptolemy
uncritically followed Hipparchus and modified his own observations in order
to confirm Hipparchus' value of the tropical-year length at 365.2467 days.
Islamic observations of the ninth century fall within half a day of the
calculated values. This degree of deviation corresponds to the error in-
herent in the use of the armillary sph~re, as discussed in Appendix 4.
7 In his Histoire de l'astronomie ancienne '(Paris, 18 17), vol. 2, chap. 3.

Appendix 7 . Mathematical procedure for obtaining right
ascension and declination ofthe sun.
In Diagram 3, let S be the sun's position on the ecliptic, B the solstitial

point, P the pole, XSB the ecliptic, and XAT the equator.
Diagram 3.
The projections of this figure on the POT and xor planes are as in Dia-
gram 4.
APPENDICES
0,
I
I
~ 01
I
1
I 1Y
I
1
I 1 1
I 10 H I
0' I Y
Gt-----~
Fr..------~
Diagram 4.
In sector OBT above, arc BT is the obliquity of the ecliptic and is known
through observation (23.°559 is the Shou-shih value). By applying the arc-
. sagitta relationship of Eq. (10.12) (see Chapter 10) to sector OBT) IT) IB)
and 10 can be obtained.
If we take instead sector OBS of the previous diagram, BS is given
(: - longitude).
Again, by applying Eq. (10.12), CB) CS) and co are obtained. 9onsequently,
OD is derived by the rule of three. Since CS=OG and OD=GE, OE can be
obtained by the Pythagorean theorem. The segment OA is the radius; thus
OF=AH may be obtained by applying the rule of three once more. At the
sector OAT, by reverse application of Eq. (10.12), arc AT (right ascension)
is finally obtained. Since OE and therefore SE are now known, the reverse of
Eq. (10.12) can be applied ,to the sector OAS to obtain arc SA (the declina-
tion).
Appendix 8 . Mathematical derivation ofthe instantaneous
orbit ofthe moon, with reference to the node and the inclina-
tion to the equator.
In Diagram 5, let BE be the equator, BR the ecliptic, A~the moon's path,

and P the North Pole. The ascending node of the moon from the ecliptic at
any given time is represented as C, withC~being one-quarter {7r/2) of the
moon's orbit.
B cAE
~ko~
Diagram 5.
260 APPENDICE.8
Let e be the obliquity of the ecliptic, I the moon's inclination, and let AB=
c, Pflt=p, and BC=a. Then, in 6ABC, by modern spherical trigonometry,
tan c=sin al( cot I sin e +cos e cos a). (A.I)

In6P~
sin p=sin 0 sin d (A.a)

where PC=d
angle p~=o.
In 6ABC
cos a= -cos e cos I+sin e sin I cos a
where angle BAC=a. (A.b)
In 6AEC
-cos a=sin d sin o. (A.c)
From (A.b), (A.c)
sin d sin a=cos e cos I-sin e sin I cos a. (A.d)
From (A.a.), (A.d)
sin p=cos e cos I-sin e sin I cos a. (A.2)
In both Eqs. (A.I) and (A.2) a is given and E and I are constant. Therefore
c may be obtained by application of Eq. (A.I) and p by application of Eq.
(A.2)
The formula given by the shou-shih calendar for finding c, converted into
modern terms, is as follows for the first quadrant (beginning at the vernal
equinox) :
c=k -
o
(!!--a) J!JL=J!JL
2 7T:/2
a
7T:/2'
(A.3)
where ko is the value of c at a=7T:12, observationally determined. Chinese

astronomers probably assumed that in 6ABC the proportion between arcs
a and c would always remain the same.
In the next quadrant, Eq. (A.3) is symmetrically reversed for the solstitial
'point. The result is the Babylonian-type zigzag linear function shown in
Diagram 6 and compared with the true relation (broken curve) given by
spherical trigonometry, Eq. (A.I).
APPENDICES
a
Diagram 6.
Arc p also was thought to maintain a linear relation with arc a between its
extreme values, when the node is at the equinox and at the solstice (see
Diagram 7). The broken curve again represents the true relation.
1200
1100
p
1200 1400 1600 IS<

a
Diagram 7.
The quasi-spherical-triangle- method of reduction to the equator demon-

strated for the sun in Appendix 7 was applicable only to right spherical
triangles, but it was possible to extend it to cases such as our moon example
262 APPENDICES
by taking, for instance, th~ difference between the two right triangles BCE
and ACE. It is apparent that the Chinese were far from comprehending the
fundamental tenets of spherical trigonometry. This is a most convincing
argument against the claim that the Moslems exerted a powerful influence
on the formation of the Shou-shih calendar.
Appendix 9 . Derivation ofAsada Goryu's formula for
variation of tropical-year length.
G6ryu started his derivation by selecting three values for tropical-year

length at different times:
Year Value
E 2, 720 B.C. T2,365.250469717756
Eo, A.D. 133 To, 365.24162°4385
En A.D. 1787 Tn 365.24234154148
The three figures in the second column are the basic data supporting his
hSiao-ch'ang law. By observation alone G6ryu obviously could not have a-
chieved such a high order of precision in measuring tropical-year length.
His values must have been based partly on calculation, but by a method
now unknown.
Given these data, a contemporary scientist in all likelihood would derive
a curve from them. He would not automatically assume that the smallest
value given was in fact the minimum value. G6ryu, however, did consider
the To value to be minimal. He therefore was required to use entirely different
formulas in dealing with conditions before and after his minimum.
If we assume that the present rate of increase of tropical-year length con-
tinues until half the precession cycle to (beginning from E 2) is completed,
we may extend the To T' line on Diagram 8 to T I.
Let us define kl and k2 as follows:
TI-To=k l ,
T 2 -To=k2 ,
kl +k2=k,
264 APPENDICES
365.2550
.. to
(j)
>. ,,:a Ii t)
C·
t2
~ .2500
.c
~
c:
~
~
C
Q)
.2450 k2
,
>.
cu
'0.. J
0 .2400
~
E2EO E'
Year
Diagram 8. Variation in tropical-year length as depicted by Asada G6ryii.
where k is the difference between the maximum and minimum values of tro-
pical-year length. The mean tropical-year length T m is given by
k
Tm=To+-'
2
For calendrical calculation the Far Eastern astronomers employed, as one

ofthe most fundamental parameters, the accumulated days P since the epoch
(in this case, Eo):
P=Tmt+aA-bB-C,
where t is elapsed. years and. Tmt is thus elapsed days.
Here . A=(t 2+t) [to~(t2+t)]=(t2+t) (tl-t) (A.I)
and B=t(tl-t).
The number of years elapsed between E l and. E 2 is t l , and t 2 is the number
of years between Eo and E 2. C is a constant, equivalent to atl2.
N ow let us define a and b, which also are constants, as follows:
(i-a
a=--
2
and b= (i+a ,
2
where
APPENDICES 265
and (3=~.
2t 2
When we differentiate kwith respect to t, tropical-year length T t in the

year t is obtained:
dp dA dB
Tt=(Jt=Tm+adt -b-crt
= T m+a(t1 - t2 -2t)-b(to-2t)
=T
m
+ {3-a
2
(t - t -2t)- {3+a (t -2t)
12 2 0
=1' +t ({3-a _ (3+a) - t ({3-a

m 1 2 2 2 2
+ (3+a)
2
=Tm-at1 -{3t2 +2at

k +k
1 2
--=--=- -1- 2 a t
2
=TO+2at.
Numerically, this is
Tt=365.24I62044+0.435370 X IO- 6t, (A.2)

which is nothing but the formula of the To T 1 line.
Why, then, did G6ryii introduce such a complicated relationship even
though the {3 term is canceled out in the final formula? The answer must lie
in his apparent intention ofexpressing all phases ofcyclic variation in a single
formula.
Equation (A.2) holds only between Eo and E 1, or in phase EoE r In order
to extend this formula to other phases ofvariation, some slight modifications
are needed. When we deal with phase E 2 Eo, A' is used instead of A and is
defined as follows, reversing t 2 and t 1 in Eq. (A. I) :
A'=(t1 +t) (t 2 -t).
Similarly, when the signs of a and b are adjusted in accordance with the
following table, the tropical-year length of all phases can be calculated from
the basic ~quation (A.I).
266 APPENDICES
EZEo EOE1 E1Eg Eg E4

a: + +
b: + +
A' A A' A
This extended method is indicated by the dotted lines of Diagram 8.
For the synodic month, only the B terms were employed; for the nodical
and anomalistic months, only the A terms. The obliquity of the ecliptic
also was subject to annual variation.
Appendix 10 . Takahashi'Yoshitoki's epicyclic theory of
trepidation
To explain the theory of trepidation, Takahashi Yoshitoki employed an

epicyclic system such as that illustrated in Diagram 9. The deferent, rep-
resenting precessive motion, shows the clockwise rotation of the mean
equatorial pole about the ecliptic pole K, with 'constant angular velocity
(m=oo.009875 per year). In the first and second epicycles, representing
trepidation, DE and PFhave the same radius (a=2°.8478) and rotate in
opposite directions, the first clockwise and the second counter\clockwise.
The angular velocity of the first is m=oo.01875 and that of the second 2m.
The true equatorial pole P is situated on the second epicycle. At the epochal
time, P on the second epicycle coincides with the position of the mean pole
at C.
The position of the true ecliptic pole is also subject to cyclic variation.
The mean ecliptic pole is always at K. Thus the mean obliquity, the distance
between the mean equatorial pole and the mean ecliptic pole, is arc CK, which
is 22°.52234. The true distance between the poles is thereby subject to
cyclic variation. The deferent and epicycle of the ecliptic pole have equal
radii, b=oo.7789. The angular velocity of their rotation is m and 2m, the first
clockwise and the second counterclockwise.' At the epoch, the center of the
epicycle, R, makes an initial angle of deviation SKR=p=29°.32595. The
true ecliptic pole is at S on the extenSion of arc PK, making L SQB..=2cp.
Now, let Diagram 10 represent the positions of Sand P at a time t after
the epoch. C moves to C'. D rotates through angle mt around C' to D". Equa-
torial pole P moves to P' by rotating 2m degrees around D". While K remains
unmoved, 9llikewise moves to §(, R to R', and S to S'. ,
268 APPENDICES
Diagram 9. Epicyclic theory of trepidation evolved by Takahashi Yoshitoki. K is

the ecliptic pole; Cis the mean equatorial pole which, on the second epicycle, coincides
with the true equatorial pole P.
Let us draw a perpendicular from D" on D' C' and let its foot be T. Then,
for spherical triangle D"TC',
sin T sin C'
sin D"C' sin D"T '
1 sin wt
or ---
sma sin D"T .
APPENDICES
Diagram 10. Takahashi's epicyclic theory of trepidation. Representations are as in

Diagram 9, with changes created by the passage of time t after the epoch.
Therefore sin D"Y=sin wt sin 'tt

and arc C' P=2 arc D" Y.
Likewise, for spherical triangle KR'5',
tan KS'=tan KR' cos K.
Since b is small, arcs KS' and KR' are also small. Thus we may state approxi-
mately:
KS' = KR' cos K
and KS' =2b cos (wt+c;o).
Next, considering spherical triangle C' P'5',
tan 5' sin C' = tan C' P'
5'- tan [2 sin- 1(sin a sin wt)]
and
tan - sin [i+2b cos (c;o+wt)]
(where i=CK, mean obliquity). Angle 5' is the deviation from the mean
equatorial pole due to the trepidation effect.
Again, for spherical triangle C'S' P', the variation of the obliquity is given
by the following:
27° APPENDICES
tan C' p' = tan C'S' cos S'.

IfS' is divided by the mean solar motion (more exactly, the true solar motion
near the winter solstice), the deviation of the date of the true winter solstice
from the mean winter solstice, due to the trepidation effect, results (Diagram
11). Differentiation with respect to t gives the difference between the true
and mean tropical-year length. Thus, the variation of the true tropical-year
length in a precession cycle is graphically shown in Diagram 12.
c
cQ)
E
"'C
c
10
c
Q)c;; 5
2~
-:g
~~
Q).-
~:§
27T
~g wt (radians)
~2
~.!:: -10
0;3
::::
o
Diagram 11. The deviation of the date of the true winter solstice from that of the
mean winter solstice due to the trepidation effect.
lJ)
>-
C
"'C
== 365.2500
C'l
c
~
~
c EO
Q)
>-
I
.2450
c
.~
a.
e
I-
Diagram 12. Variation of tropical-year length according to Takahashi's formula.
A comparison of Diagrams 8 and 12 shows a marked dissimilarity. Asada's

variation formula was empirically induced, while Takahashi, whose sole
purpose was to furnish a theoretical basis for his teacher'-s idea, did not
attempt to attain quantitative agreement with it.
Bibliograpby
More than two thousand primary sources concerning the history ofJapanese astron-
omy and calendrical science before 188o have been catalogued by historians. The
bibliography that follows is not exhaustive, but includes only those works most
relevant to the subjects treated herein. Because of the large number of unknown
authors, primary sources are arranged alphabetically by title; secondary and West-
ern sources are alphabetized in the conventional way, by author. Short explanations
of relevance are given in parentheses where required.
1. Primary Sources (Japanese and Chinese sources that appeared before 1880)
Abe Tasuchika ason ki *iffl~*J[ljfllg!g~.

Also known as Tenmon hen'iki ~3t~~g~.
(Records of astrologic portents.)
(In Kaitei shiseki shuran QScIT3!:*i~~, vol. 24; 1902.)
Abidatsuma kusharon [liJJ~JitM~~IDfij.
Abhidharmakosa-sastra (main source of Buddhist cosmology).
Circa 450. Chinese translation during the T'ang period.
(TaishO daizo kyo *lE*"iJl~ [Buddhist tripitaka of the Taish6 period], no. 1558.)
Ame no mihashira ~ (J):fjjJ ~t L G.
The sacred heavenly pillar (Shintoist cosmology).
1821.
Tsurumine Shigenobu ~~ ~ LX; $ .
Azuma kagami .:g.~&t.
Mirror of the East (Japanese chronicle of the Kamakura period).
Circa 1290.
(In Zoku kokushi taikei .~3!:**, vols. 4 and 5; 1902.)
Bankoku futsu reki f-it~tf~~.
(Calendars of various countries contrasted.)
1856 on.
Shibukawa Kagesuke ~) II f({t.
"Banreki" 11M.
Western calendar (a variant of GeJ'lna kOkai sho).
Circa 1650.
272 BIBLIOGRAPHY
MS preserved in Kyoto Daigaku]inbun Kagaku Kenkyiisho.

Ikeda Kaun r& EBtff:ll.
BukkokurekishO benmo ~mm~d~$~.
On the absurdity of the Bukkoku rekishO hen.
1818.
Kojima Tazan IJ'£!JWI1i.
Bukkoku rekishO hen 1~mM~m.
On the astronomy and calendrical theory of Buddha's country (masterpiece in
defense of Buddhist astronomy).
r81O.
Entsii lIIim.
"Bukkoku rekisha hen sekihi" 19lJmM~mf-F:~f.
A refutation of the Bukkoku rekisho hen.
1816 or 1817.
MS preserved in Ina Memorial Museum.
Ina Tadataka {jtfJ~J~it.
Chang-tzu ch'iian-shu 5,IFf1E:lj.
The comprehensive treatise ofMaster Chang * (Tsai tt), with commentary of
Chu Hsi (Shanghai, 1927).
Chu shih *$\ and Tuan Chih-hsi ~~OO (eds.).
Cheng lung Tao tsang IEmttm~.
The Taoist patrology.
1444 or 1447·
Chihi hen ~~fm.
1744·
Miura Seiin ::::rmw~.
(In Nihon jurin sosho S *1$*~1j).
Chikyu zenzu ryakusetsu :l:t!!~1E:IIliI~~.
An outline world atlas (popularization of the Copernican theory).
1793·
Shiba Kakan R'j,~rr~.
(In Shiba Kokan R'j.~rr~, by Nakai So taro '*'**~~~, 1943.)
Chin shu iflj.
History of the Chin dynasty.
635·
Fang Hsuan-ling ,mj(tlfl.
Ch'in-ting ku-chin t'u-shu chi-ch'eng ~J\~t14-IIliIIj~nlt.
Imperial encyclopedia.
1726 .
Ed. Ch'en Meng-Iei 1llI!~,m et al.
Ch'in-ting li-tai chih-kuan piao ~J\~~ft~,§,~.
Authorized tables of government offices of the successive dynasties.
Ch'ing.
Ed. Chi Yun *~P,!?J~ et al.
Chiu-chang suan-shu 1L.;lffJ!\j.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 273
Nine chapters on the mathematical art (oldest mathematical classic in China).

Circa first century A.D.
Chiu-chih Ii 1L~M.
"Nine upholders" treatise (Indian calendar translated into Chinese during the
T'ang period).
Completed 718.
English translation by Yabuuchi Kiyoshi in Chugoku chusei kagaku gijutsu shi tlO
kenkyu.
Ch'i-yao jang-tsai-chueh -i:::~1.J~~.
Formulas for avoiding calamities according to the seven luminaries (astrologic
treatise in Buddhist sutra).
Ninth century.
(Taisho daizo kyo, no. 1308.)
Chakei senmyo rekizan *.W§JjM~.
(Early Japanese annotation of the Hsuan-ming calendar.)
1663.
And5 Yiieki *~:fI~.
Ch'ou-jen chuan ~A"'.
Biographies of Chinese mathematicians and astronomers.
1799·
Ed. Juan Yuan 1?lC5C.
chou pi suan ching mJf1f.~~.
The arithmetical classic of the Chou gnomon (oldest canon of Chinese scientific
cosmology).
Before thiidcentury A.D.
Chugoku byodan $~m~.
Description of China.
15 2 S?
S5setsu *~.
(In Bacha sasho IW*iHI, no. 2 1934.)
Cheung-chen Ii-shu ~jjIJ{M •.
Astronomical treatises of the Cheung-chen era (Jesuit astronomical encyclopedia).
Completed 1634.
Ed. Johann Adam Schall von Bell.
chu-tzu ch'iian-chi *T~~. .
The complete works of Master Chu Hsi (contains cosmologic speculation).
C~H~*a .
Ed. Chu yii *~.
Dejima Rankan nisshi ill ~ MiB s tt·
Journal of Dutch residence in Dejima.
(Japanese translation by Murakami Naojir5 t1J:litJz~~; Tokyo, 1938-1939.)
Emei kansha zusetsu ~g§U~~~Jt.
An illustrated treatise on Western astronomy.
Nagoya, 1826.
Yoshio·Nanki Wftlm•.
274 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Fude no susabi ~ (J) i'" ~ rr.

Writings for amusement's sake (informal essay).
Kan Saian 'f~!-U.
(In Nihon zuihitsu taikei S *~~**, A comprehensive collection of Japa!1 ese
informal essays; Tokyo, 1927.)
"Funanori pirouto" i}~U';:' ? C.
The sailing pilot (a variant of Genna kOkai sho).
1685·
MS preserved in Tohoku University.
Fuso ryakki ~~~g2.
(Japanese chronicle up to I094.)
Koen ~OO.
(In Kokushi taikei ~5!:.**, vol. 6.)
Fiizoku kenbunroku .m- J!~~.
A record of personal observations on miscellaneous customs.
(Qgoted partially in Koji ruien, "Hogibu" i:l*~7ff, :1J:l3ttm, Source book ofancient
matters, volume on technical specialists; Tokyo, 1909.)
"Fu-t'ien Ii-ching" ~xM~.
Fu-t'ien calendar (only its solar table is extant)'
780-7 83.
MS preserved in Tenri Library.
Gakusoku, furoku ~J{U, ~ft~.
Appendix to the Principles oflearning.
172 7.
Ogiu Sorai gj(1:.ffi1*.
(In Nihon jurin sosho)
Genna kokaisho 5C*,J!ffL~ •.
Writings on navigation during the Genna period, also called Genna kOkaiki 5CflJ
J!ffL~g2.
1618.
Ikeda Koun illz EI3:tffil.
(In Nihon kagaku koten zensho S *#~i:l ~~., vol. 12; 1943).
GohO shichi ron ~i*~rEI~JfIi.
(Compromise between Buddhist and Confucian doctrines) ..
170 7.
Mori Shoken **f51~.
(In Nihon shiso toso shiryo S *J~~IMJWi5!:.*4, vol. 2; 1930).
"Gosei kyochi no kiho" 1L£Rg:!fuz ~i*.
Remarkable method for [computing] planetary distance (Kepler's third law).
Circa 1890.
MS preserved in Sonkeikaku #fWcM Library.
Attributed to Asada Goryu WtZEI3/OOJij.lz:.
Gukan shO ~ ~¥y.
Miscellany of personal views of an ignorant fool (essay).
1220.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 275
Jien ~1Il.
(In Kokushi taikei, vol. 14; 1900.)
Gunsho ruiju ~W~f;E.
Encyclopedic anthology.
1779-1819
Modern reprint, 193 I.
Ed. Hanawa Hokiichi tiWi*B-.
"Haimei no ki" niIJz~a.
Records of appointment (curricula vitae of calendrical officials).
18 71.
MS preserved in Tokyo Astronomical Observatory.
Shibukawa Magotaro¥itl£)llfffi*~~ et al.
Han shu ~W.
History of the Former Han dynasty.
Ed. Pan Ku IX11!!!I.
Harumi sensei jikki *~J'C1:.~a.
Veritable records of Shibukawa Harumi.
(Reprinted in Nihon kyoikushi shiryo B *fJcW 5!:.~*4, Source book on the history
of education in Japan; vol. 9, pp. 490-495; Tokyo, 1892.)
Heike monogatari f*4WJ~.·
The tale of the Taira family.
Circa 1220.
(In Kokusho kankokai sosho mWfUfilt:ti:W, 1905-1909.)
Hi tenkyo wakumon ~f~~~rp~.
Against the T'ien-ching huo-wen.
175 6.
Monno xMt
Hoki naiden itltpgfIJ.
(Canon ofJapanese fate calculation.)
Attributed to Abe no Seimei *{.g.fIl!f~.
(In Zoku gumho ruiju .~W~1j£, Sequel to the encyclopedic anthology, vol. 31;
modern reprint, 1923.)
"Honcho tenmon" *!jlJ3~X.
Japanese astronomy.
1720 .
MS preserned in Kyoto University.
Minamoto no Yoshiyasu ~~*.
"Honcho tenmon shi," *!jlJ3~xit.
Collected records ofJapanese astronomy.
1781.
MS preserved in Japan Academy.
Nishimura Tosato lffitt~.m..
Hou Han shu 1&~W.
History of the Later Han dynasty.
Hou Han shu chi chieh 1&~W~M of Wang Hsien-ch'ien :EJ'C~,Wall )'U wen k'u
BIBLIOGRAPHY
;§t:nxMI ed.
450.
Hsi-yang hsin-fa Ii-shu gg¥$~i*m •.
Treatise on calendrical science according to new methods (revised edition of
Cheung-chen Ii-shu).
1645.
Hsin T'ang shu ~ m•.
New standard history of the T'ang period [618-906].
1060.
Ou-yang Hsiu 1lV\~~ and Sung ch'i *Jji~.
IIsing-li ta-ch'iian M:}!lt:k~.
Collected works of philosophers of the Neo-Confucian school.
14 1 5.
Ed. Hu Kuang i!i1.lll et al.
Hsing tsung £*.
The company of the stars.
732·
Chang Kuo ~*.
(In Ch'in-ting ku-chin t'u-shu chi-ch'eng{$(IE~4-Ii'iI.~nlt; 1726, ed. Ch'en Meng-
lei ~~m.)
Hsiu-yao ching mlli~.
The canon of mansions and planets (horoscopic astrology).
759·
Chinese translation by Amoghavajra, Pu K'ung /G~.
(TaishO dai'Zo kyo, no. 1299.)
Huai-nan t'Zu rim T.
Book of the Prince ofHuai-nan.
Circa 120 B.C.
Written by the group of scholars gathered by Liu An ~Ij~ (Prince of Huai-nan).
Huang-ti chin-kuei yii-heng-ching JHif4:II:.:E:1ti~.
The yellow emperor's golden casket canon of the jade balance (Chinese book of
fate calculation).
Prior to the mid-fifteenth century.
Ed. Sun Hsing-yen f*£ffJ.
Hun-i chu ${itt.
Notes on the armillary sphere (exists only in fragments).
II7·
Chang Heng ~1jj.
.
Ikai Keisho sensei shokan shu afimitm9G1:=..~~.
Collection of correspondence ofIkai Keisho.
(In Nihon jurin sosho B *1$**••.)
"Jikken roku suiho" .~~m~
.(Calendrical research.)
1780 .
MS. preserved in Tohoku University
Asada Coryu WREBW!lUli.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 277
l inkiroku :f:~~.
(Collection of notes on the lokyo calendar reform.)
(In linzanshu ~111~, Collected works of [Tani]Jinzan :f:i-~I1I; Tokyo, 1910.)
"Jippureki" .~M.
(Based on the Kansei calendar.)
MS preserved in the Sonkeikaku #fh)(M Library.
Nishimura Tachu gg;f:1:*r4J.
"Jokyo kai" ~:!1M.
The lokyo calendar illustrated.
1761 .
Nishimura Tosato gg;f1~lE.
"Jokyo reki" ~:!1M.
The lokyo calendar.
Circa 1690.
MS preserved in Naikaku bunko.
Shibukawa Harumi ~)II*¥fIj.
"Juji hatsumei" ~ffif~f!I3.
(Mathematical calculations of the Shou-shih calendar.)
1680.
Seki Takakazu ~m:$=~.
"Jujireki kaigi" ~ffifMM~.
(The most detailed commentary'on the Shou-shih calendar.)
6 vols.
Circa 1690.
MS preserved in Tokyo University.
Takebe Katahiro ;@{ffiR5.£,..
l ujirekikyo genkai ~ffifM~~M.
An interpretation of the shou-shih calendar.
17 11.
Kameya Katutake &:f:i-flJft.
lujireki kyo zukai ~ffifM~IIiIM.
. The Shou-shih calendar illustrated.
17°3·
Koizumi Mitsuyasu IJ'\7'R:JTt1*.
l ujushin ron +f±,t\MU.
On the ten spiritual stages, n.d.
(In KobO daishi zenshu 5li**gm~~, collected works of Kukai rI!.~; Tokyo and
Kyoto, 1910.)
"Kaii bendan" t¥:~H~IWf.
A refutation of the theory of anomalies.
17 14.
MS preserved by Nakayama Shigeru.
NishikawaJoken ggJII~ll~.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Kan'i kun 'g fft IDII.

Study on governmental offices.
Kyoto, 1718.
Kaibara Atsunobu ffi{)Jj{f,gfB.
"Kansei rekisho" ~i!&Ma.
Compendium of the Kansei calendar.
Shibukawa Kagesuke iltlEJI/:I"fti.
"Kashokoku reki" ¥~~M.
(Solar calendar.)
1801.
MS preserved in Osaka Prefecture Library.
Nakai Riken $jt:JfJ:ff.
Ken'en zuihitsu Hi/m~~.
(Essay.)
17 14.
Ogiu Sorai ~1:m1*.
(In Zoku Nihon jurin sosho iff S *1W1*ifta Sequel to the Source books ofJapanese
Confucianism, vol. I; 1930.)
Kenkon bensetsu Jiil::J:$~~Jt.
Western cosmography with critical commentaries (first Aristotelian treatise in
Japan).
Circa 1650.
Christovao Ferreira.and Mukai Gensho rP1jt::1(Jr.
(In Bunmei genryii sosho 3t~I(VfEifta Series on the origins of civilization, vol 2;
Tokyo, 1914.)
Kizanroku _111 (F§k.
(Notes during a trip to Nagasaki.)
1778 .
Miura Baien :=:¥mtftj/m.
(In Miura Baien zenshii :=:¥mtftj/m~~, The complete works ofMiura Baien.)
Ko-chih ts'ao ~3&~.
Draft treatise on natural philosophy.
1648.
Hsiung Ming-yii ft~~~.
Koeki shoseki mokuroku taizen .~ali § (F§k*~.
(Complete books catalogue.)
1692 .
(Reprinted in Edo jidai shorin shuppan shoseki mokuroku shiisei rrp~fta1*t±lJ11Z
ali § ~~nx; [Collection ofcatalogues ofprinted books during the Tokugawa
period] vol. I, 1962)
Kondo Seisai zenshii lli:~1E.~~.
Complete works of Kondo Seisai.
Reprint 3 vols., 1906.
Kondo Seisai (Morishige) jlf~1E. (~m).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 279
Konten shingo 1!I[::R~m.
New works on the spherical sky.
1804·
Kawano Tsiirei ?OJfJ~~.
Kopperunyu tenmon zukai ~U sm::R3tliillW.
Copernican astronomy illustrated.
180 5.
Shiba Kokan WJ,~rrri.
(In Shiba Kokan WJ,~rrri, Nakai Sotaro 9='***~~; 1942.)
Kosho kOji tif.ib:~.
(Historiographic notes.)
Kondo Seisai (Morishige) m:~IE~ (~!i).
(In Kondo Seisai zemhu m:~IE~3k~, Complete works of Kondo Seisai; Tokyo,
1906.)
Kofto zodan 1tjf~fE~.
Miscellaneous essays on antiquities.
Arai Hakuseki ~* S 15.
(In Zuihitsu shu shi I§i$:~~, collection ofessays; Tokyo, 1892.)
'<Kowa tsiireki" ~5fO~M.
A comprehensive chronology ofImperial Japan.
17 14.
Nakane Genkei 9='1R5f:;~.
Ku-chin lu-Ii k'ao t14-$M~.
Investigations of old and new calendars.
Circa 1600.
• Hsing Ylin-Iu *Ij~n.
Ku-chin t'u-shu chi-ch'eng, ch'in ting. See Ch'in ting. ..
Kunmo kyuri zukai WII~MJJ.liillW.
Illustrated popular science.
1868.
Fukuzawa Yukichi fflM~~tu15.
(In Fukuzawa zemhu fflM~3k~, The complete works ofFukuzawa, vol. 2; 1925.)
K'un-yu ch'uan-t'u :I:$~3kIiil.
Map of the world.
1760 .
Michel Benoist.
K'un-yu wan-kuo ch'uan-t'u shuo :I:$W~~3kIiilWt.
Comprehensive world atlas.
1602.
Matteo Ricci.
"Kurahashike nikki" ::t~* EI ~G.
Diary of the Kurahashi (a branch of the Tsuchimikado family).
MS preserved in Toyo bunko.
280 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Kusen h~kkai toron :fL1lf/\wllMffifa.

A discussion of the theory of the nine mountains and eight seas (Buddhist cos-
mology).
1756.
Monno )(tt.
Kyokoshi Ji5fj.y.
(Essay.)
1775·
Nishimura Tosato "ffiMm!ll.
Kyiiritsii ~:E.I~.
Illustration 6fWestern science.
Hoashi Banri t/Y'L,.@;§tll.
(In Hoashi Banri 'Zenshii t/Y'L,.@;§tll~~, The complete works of Hoashi Banri;
1926 .)
(In Nihon kagaku koten 'Zensho, vol. I; 1942.)
"Kyiiryoku ron" :>J<1Jffifa.
On attraction.
1748.
MS preserved in Tokyo University Library.
Shizuki Tadao ~m}it\tt.
Liang-i hsuan-Ian t'u mtt:£:~Iiia.
A profound demonstration of the two spheres.
16°3·
Matteo Ricci.
Lila hsi ch'uan Mr!"ffi{t.
On the transmission of astronomy in the West.
Circa 1634.
Johann Adam Schall von Bell ~tr~.
Li-hsiang k'ao-ch'eng (ch'in ting) M~~nIt (~J\JE). .
Compendium ofcalendrical science and astronomy (compiled by imperial order).
1737·
Ed. Mei Ku-ch'eng #ij~nIt and Ho Kuo-tsung W~*.
Li-hsiang k'ao-ch'eng hou-pien M~~nIt~m.
Sequel to the compendium of calendrical science and astronomy.
1742 .
Ed. Ignatius Kogler.
Li Hsu-chung rtting-shu '$W rp$•.
Book offate calculation ofLi Hsu-chung.
Eighth century.
Li Hsu-chung '$Wrp.
Li-hsueh i-wen M~~rI:t5.
Qgeries on calendrical science.
1693.
Mei Wen-ting #ij)(}f».
Ling hsim 11;1;.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 281
The spiritual constitution of the universe.

Circa 120.
Chang Heng ~1fij.
(In shuo Fu IDtf~, chap. 60, ed. T'ao Tsung-i llfiV*fi).
Ling-t'ai i-hsiang chih Ji§fi~$.
On the astronomical instruments in the Imperial observatory.
1674.
Ferdinand Verbiest and other missionaries.
Li-shih a-pi-t'an-Iun llt!tlWJm.~.
Lokasthiti Abhidharma Sastra (philosophical treatise on the preservation of the
world).
India.
Translated into Chinese in 558 by Liang Chen-ti ~Dt~.
Li-suan ch'iian-shu ~.~ •.
Comprehensive collection of works on calendrical science and mathematics.
172 3.
Mei Wen-ting #lJ3tW.
Li-tai chih-kuan piao, ch'in ting. See Ch'in ting. ..
Lii-li yuan-yuan 1$~mMl{.
Origins and sources of harmonics and calendar-making (includes Li-hsiang k'ao-
ch'eng ~~~nlt, shu-Ii ching-yun lt~mg, and Lii-lii cheng-i 1$gJE~).
17 13-173 0 .
Ed. Mei Ku-ch'eng #lJ~nlt and Ho Kuo-tsung fiiJ~*.
Ming-i t'ien-wen shu gJ3~7(3t •.
An astrologic work translated by order ofthe Ming emperor (consists of abundant
data on positional astronomy, and astrologic materials).
13 83.
Hai-ta-erh ~~m.
Ming-shih kao !!J3~ •.
Draft history of the Ming dynasty.
172 3.
Montoku jitsuroku 3t~.~.
Veritable records of Emperor Montoku's reign, 850-858.
879·
Ed. Fujiwara Mototsune gJJR£~.
Mo-teng-ch'ieh ching ~~{bo~.
m
Sardillakarl)avadana siltra (contains astrologic details and a list of hsiu with
the number of stars in each).
Translation ascribed to Chu Lli-yen 0tr1$~ and Chih Ch'ien 3Z:al (circa 225),
but actually must be approximately eighth century.
(Taisho daizo kyo, no. 1300.)
Myotei mondo ~j) j{rR~~'
A dialogue between Myoshil and Yiltei.
1605.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Fucan Fabian.
*tt
(In Nihon koten zenshu B A~., Collected Japanese classics, vol. 2; 1925).
"Nagasaki.senmin den" *i/I%:J'G.§':;{!J..
Biographies of the Nagasaki pioneers.
181 9.
MSpreserved in Naikaktt bunko.
Ro Sosetsu llI:1jr 1m.
"Nagasaki tsuji yuisho gaki" *i/I%w~iijE8~ff;:.
Records of the interpreters at Nagasaki.
MS preserved in the Japan Academy.
"Nanban unki ron"·i¥.im:ilw:.~.
Meteorologic theory of the southern barbarians (variant of the "Kenkon ben-
setsu"). .
Circa 1650.
MS preserved in Kyoto University Library.
Nanka yohen i¥.iifPJ ~m.
,(Essay.)
Circa 1837.
Azumi Gonsai tJXfJ.IJ!*.
(In Nihonjurin sosho vol. 2; 1927;)
Nichigetsu gyOdo zu wage shO B }j fi~5iIflJm&'P.
AJapanese explanation of the orbits of the sun and the moon illustrated (example
of Buddhist astronomy).
1699.
Imai·4-;tt:.
"Nichigetsukaigo sanpo" B}j ,@"~_l*.
Mathematical treatise on eclipses (an illustration of astronomy in the shu ching,
the canonical Chinese Book of Documents).
1642 .
MS preserved in Japan academy.
Imamura Tomoaki 4-;f1~1JjtJ.j.
"Nigi ryakusetsu" =fi~~.
Outline theory of terrestrial and celestial globes (Renaissance Western cos-
mology).
MS in Naikaku bunko.
Kobayashi Yoshinobu IJ'**~~.
(In Hanyu sosho ~1'fHIf:;:, Hanyu collection, no. I; 2 vols., mimeographed;
195 8.)
"Nihon choreki" B **M.
A comprehensive chronology ofJapan.
1677.
MS in Naikaku bunko.
Shibukawa Harumi ~JII*~, also known as Yasui Santetsu tJXft_:m-.
Nihon kiryaku B**B~.
Outline of the annals ofJapan (chronicle up to 1036).
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Date and editor unknown.

(In Kokushi taikei, vol. 5; I900.)
Nihon shoki B*_*B
Chronicle ofJapan (to 697).
Compiled 720.
(In Kokushi taikei, vol. I; I900.)
"Nisshoku ezan" B j!UWJ:t~L
Calculation of solar eclipses illustrated (partial translation of]. Keill, Introductio
ad veram Astronomiam).
I803·
shizuki Tadao itm}it\1l.
"Oranda chikyu 'Zusetsu" flJM~t:I:IBfj<IIiI~.
Dutchmen's illustration of the earth (first appearance of Copernicus in Japanese
sources). ,
I77 .
2
MS preserved in Nagasaki City Museum.
Trans. Motoki Ry6ei **~7k .
. Oranda temetsu :flJM::R~.
Dutch astronomy.
I795·
Shiba K6kan PJ,~t:n~.
(In Shiba kokan, Nakai S6tar6 q:r***~~; I942).
"Rarande rekisho kanken" '7 '7 /'7'M.~J!. '
A private review of Lalande's Astronomic (first translation of Lalande).
II vols.
I803·
MS preserved in the Hazama family collection.
Takahashi Yoshitoki ~~~~.
Razan sensei bumhu ~WJt1:3t~.
Collected prose of Hayashi Razan.
2 vols.
Tokyo, reprinted in I9I8.
"Rekigaku kenbunroku" M~J!IifJ~.
Glossary of notes on calendrical studies.
MS preserved in the Tokyo Astronomical Observatory.
Ed. Shibukawa Kagesuke ~)IIz:t{;(j.
"Rekih6 shinsho" MW~_.
New treatise on calendrical science (treatise on the Horyaku calendar).
1754·
Ed. Abe Yasukuni :tcffl~*~.
"Rekih6 sh6ch6 jutsu" M$m~V!lj.
The hsiao-ch"ang m~ method in calendar-making.
1788.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
MS preserved by Wakabayashi Masaharu ;S:*1Efrl.

Asada Goryii .Iff EEl ~U 11:.
Rekirin mondo shu M*rl=l~~~'
Collection of dialogues on the' calendar.
1414.
Kamo no Arikata ~mtE}J.
(In Gumho ruiju ~.~fJE, Encyclopedic anthology, vol. 28; modern reprint,
18 98.)
"Rekisho shinsho" M~~•.
New treatise on calendrical phenomena (translation ofKeiIl).
3 vols.
Completed 1802.
Shizuki Tadao $jfL~tl.
(In Nihon tetsugaku shiso zemho S *1ff~,~,~~., vol. 9; 1956.)
Ryo no gige -%~m.
(Collection of annotated codes.)
833·
Ryogi shusetsu m.~Wt.
An explanation of collected materials on celestial and terrestrial globes (followed
by a supplement, ... gaiki 7i-~2).
1714.
Nishikawa Joken gg)II~llt%.
(In Nishikawa loken isho, Works of Nishikawa Joken, vols. 15-18; 1899.)
"Saiga no tsugunai" *:fl(;0){jt.
(Copernican advocate.)
18°3·
MS preserved by Tatsuuma Etsuzo 1IR,~'tytYi.
Yamagata Banto l1rJt.tJ~.
"Saishii shocho ko" :::t Nfl W:l*~.
On the variation of tropical-year length.
MS; vols I and 3, preserved in Tokyo Astronomical Observatory; vol. 2 in Shoryo
bu.
Shibukawa Kagesuke rMEJlI ft#i.
Samguk sagi =:oogY:.~2
(History of[Korean] three kingdoms.)
Compiled in II45.
(Modern reprint; ed. Chosen Shigakkai !ji}jffY:.~it, ed. 3, I94r.)
Sandai jitsuroku =: f\;;.~.
Veritable records of the three reigns (858-887).
90r. .
Fujiwara Tokihira jJil*~f.
(In Kokushi taikei, vol. 4; ,1900).
"Seigaku shukan" JF.~.:f.f1ij.
Notes and correspondence on astronomy (collection of correspondences among
BIBLIOGRAPHY
the Asada school).

Ed. Shibukawa Kagesuke ¥it.lEJII :JJtffi.
Seiiki monogatari gg:IWG4m~.
Stories of Western countries.
1798.
Honda Toshiaki *~fUOO.
(In Nihon keizai taiten EI *~~*:!JI!., vol. 20; 1931).
Seijutsu hongen taiyo kyiiri ryokai shimei tenchi nikyii yohOki J:gjl\j*~:;t~~JJI!Tm~lIJU
::R:f;lJ!=fjtffl i* ~B.
The ground of astronomy, newly edited and illustrated, on the use of celestial
and terrestrial globes according to the heliocentric system (complete illustra-
tion of the Copernican theory).
7 vols .
1792- 1793.
Trans. Motoki Ryoei **~7k.
(Volume I reprinted in TenrJ'lon butsuri gakka no shizenkan ::R3t4mJJl!~*O) § ~fi
[Japanese astronomers' and physicists' views of nature], Nihon tetsugaku zemho
EI *rg~~., ed. Saigusa Hiroto =~tf~ vol. 8; Tokyo, 1936).
"Seireki shinsho" ggM~ •.
A new treatise on Western astronomy (Pybo Steenstra's Grondbeginsels der Ster-
rekunde).
1837·
MS preserved in Japan Academy.
Trans. Yamaji Tomotaka l1I~t~~~
Seiyo kibun ggi'$*-BIifj.
Hearsay concerning the West.
17 15.
Arai Hakuseki ~1tB::q.
(In Iwanami bunko ~¥1t3t •.)
"Seki teisho" ~~n· •.
Commentary on the T'ien-wen ta-ch'eng kuan-k'uei chi yao ::R3t*nx:"rQ:i/!!f:~.
1686.
MS preserved in Tenri'Library.
Seki Takakazu ~~~~.
Shamon Monno ga kusen hakkai toron f/O ben ¥j)F~3ttiiJ~nl1ll\w~~JfijO)~YF.
A confutation of the monk Monno's argument of the nine mountains and eight
seas.
Motoori Norinaga *,@'-§'*.
(In Zoho Motoori Norinaga 'Zemhii !ifm'*,@'-§' *~~, Complete works ofMotoori
Norinaga, revised ed., vol. 10; Tokyo, 1926)'
Shang han fun {!*~Jfij.
On febrile diseases (Chinese medical classic).
Circa 200.
Chang Chung-ching 5.1H*:JJt.
286 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Shang-shu wei k'ao-ling-yao fEHt.~mll-i.

Apocryphal treatise on the Shang-shu, investigation of the numinous luminaries.
First century B.C. (?)
(In shuo Fu chap. 5)
Shichiyo usm bmron -t1l-i:t:inJE~~JfB.
A defense of [the theory of] eastward planetary motions.
Nishikawa:Joken g§)"~llJ[.
(In Nishikawa 10km isho g§JIl~oJBI., vol. 14).
Shih chi !£: ~~.
Records of the Grand Astrologer-Historian.
Circa 90 B.C.
Ssu-ma Ch'ien RJ,~~.
Shiji ido ben 12Y~~~~.
The four seasons compared·(Buddhist cosmology).
18 43.
Kanchii ~1~.
Shijitsu toshOgi shosetsu JI..~~iU+~>t.
A detailed account of the instrument by which the apparent and real courses
of the heavenly bodies are explained (Buddhist Sumeru cosmology).
1880.
Sada Kaiseki . 1tE EEl fr :E.
Shiki tenkansho zukai hochii !£:~~7(rg.IIiIWfnli~.
Illustrated commentary on the Shih chi, "t'ien-kuan-shu."
1754·
Nishimura T6sato g§N~ltf..
"Shink6 rekisho" ~0Jfi•.
Astronomy by the new technique (Japanese translation of a Dutch version of
Lalande's Astronomie).
183 6.
Trans. Shibukawa Kagesuke~)1I:f{#i.
"Shinp6 rekisho" ~f.l;:Jfi•.
Calendrical treatise by the new method.
1846.
Shibukawa Kagesuke ~JIl:f{#i and Yamaji Tomotaka 11iJfr!~:$:.
Shinreki ko ~Jfi~.
On the true calendar (on the ancient Japanese calendar).
1782 .
Motoori Norinaga *Ji5W*.
(In Zoho Motoori Norinaga zmshii vol. 6; 1926.)
Shinromenmei ~!if iiiill.
(Dictated diary ofShibukawa Harumi.)
170 4.
Ed. TaniJinzan 1t~I1i.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
(In Misonoya ::::+,1, Thirty scrolls, ed. Shoku Sanjin IJI-UA; reprinted. Tokyo,
1939.)
"Shitendai setsuritsu kengensho" WJ7(iE~.lLij!§•.
A proposal for the founding of an astronomical observatory.
Circa 1880.
Henri Charveau 7 /' 11 • './ -v Iv ~ -.
Trans. Mr. Tomita &'E8.
"Shiyo sanp6" lIQ~~$.
(Calendrical mathematics).
1697.
Seki Takakazu mm:7¥:~IJ.
"Sh6ch6 nitten konsu hy6" WH~: B .tllt*.
(Table of parameters of the variation of tropical-year length).
Shibukawa Kagesuke rMfJII:m-ft.
shodo kanmon ~mi!WJ3t.
Memorials of specialists.
(In Gumho ruijii, vol. 26; 1898.)
Shogaku tenmon shinan W~7(3tmm.
An elementary introduction to astronomy.
1706.
Baba Nobutake 1~~~:lEt.
"Shoke kagy6 ki" ~**~g~.
Reports on the inherited occupations of various families.
1768 .
=
Nij6 Yasumichi 1~*m.
Shoku Nihon koki. B *~g~.
A continuation of the supplementary records ofJapan (833-850).
869. .
(In Kokushi taikei, vol. 3; 1900.) \
shoku Nihongi. B **e..
Official history ofJapan continued (697-791).
797·
Shou-shih Ii ~~M.
The Shou-shih calendrical treatise (in Yuan shih 5G3!:., Standard history of the
Yuan period).
Circa 1280.
Kuo Shou-ching ~B~~.
shu ching .~.
Book of documents.
Ninth-fifth centuries B.C.
288 BIBLIOGRAPHY
shu-hsueh Jc~.
Mathematical astronomy.
Circa 1750.
Chiang Yung IT7k..
Shiihi sankei koku)ikai RfJfif~~m*m.
A]apanese annotated edition of the chou pi suan ching.
1819.
Shinohara Yoshitomi ~@:W&.
Shiihi sankei zukai mJfif~~lJiIm.
Illustrated Chou pi suan ching.
1785·
Kawabe Shin'ichi JII3I{§-.
Shumisengi mei narabini)o wage ~5NW-lfi~1S~pt5flJm.
Illustrations on an instrument to explain Mount Sumeru cosmology, and the
preface and]apanese translation. '
1819.
Entsu ~~.
"Sokuryo higen" mU:l:ff~ § .
Secrets of surveyin g.
1727.
Ed. Watanabe Gunzo 7J.t3ljj[iii.
Somon nyiishiki unki ron'o genkai *rl=l~A;J:\ji*tgi6~~m.
(Gommentaryon the Su-wen )u-shih yun-ch'i fun ao).
3 vols.
16II.
Okamoto Tametake ffi1J *:mflr.
Su-wen )u-shih yun-ch'i fun ao *rl=l~A;J:\ji*tgiQ~.
Ayun-ch'i theory 'based on the Yellow Emperor's inner classic; Chin 4: dynasty.
Liu Wen-shu ;IJm~T.
Siigaku yawa Jc~~~.
A night tale of mathematics.
1761 .
Nishimura Tosato gg;ft~lI!..
(In Nihon keizai sosho· S *~~~.', Bibliotheca ]aponica Oeconomi<E Politiccr,
vol. II; Tokyo, 1915).
Sui-chou ti-tu ho-k'ao ~mJ;LigfJt~::lf.
On tropical year and latitude.
Mei Wen-ting m3tw. ,
(In Mei's Li-suan chiian-shu M~~. 1723.)
Suiyo manpitsu IW~~~.
(Essay.)
Yasui Sokken ~1N~tn.
(In Nihon jurin sosho, vol. 2; 1927).
"Sukuyo gyounroku" mllffHfElJji~.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
(A Japanese horoscope in 1269).

MS preserved in Shiryo hensansho ~flm~m, Tokyo University.
"Sukuy6 sanp6" mlliUf1*.
(Calendrical calculation.)
1697·
Seki Takakazu ~JJ:$:~.
Sukuyo unmei kanroku mlll~ftJllJ~.
A record of fate prognostication based on the mansions and planets (oldest
extant Japanese horoscope, III2).
(In Zokugunsho ruiju, chap. 908, vol. 3la, pp. 429-434; modern reprint ed., 1927.)
Sutei rekisho rekiin ~ jjIJi./fi:l=./fi ij I.
Guide to the Cheung-chen Ii-shu.
1855.
Shibukawa Kagesuke ~) II jf:ffj.
Ta Ch'ing hui-tien shih Ii *mfr!J!!*1ffu.
Collected institutions of the Ch'ing dynasty, supplementary cases.
First ed., 1690.
Ed. Wang An:..huo =E~~ et al.
Ta-chi ching *~~. .
Maha-vaipulya-maha-summipata sutra (includes calendrical animal-cycle
material and Western zodiacal association of planets with hSiu, etc.).
Between 566 and 585.
Trans. Na-lien-t'i-yeh-she 1}IHlf,lVr~~ (Narendrayasas).
Tama no mihashira .§~~;f±.
(Shintoist cosmology.)
1812.
Hirata Atsutane fm~)iL.
(In Hirata Atsutane 'Zenshu f m~)iL~~, Complete works of Hirata Atsutane,
vol. 2; Tokyo, 19II).
T'ang hUi-yao mfr~.
Encyclopedic collection of materials for the history of the T'ang dynasty.
96 1.
Wang P'u =Eif.
T'ang liu tien mA:!14.
The six institutional classifications of the T'ang dynasty.
73 8.
Ed. Yuan Hsien :ffirox: et al.
"Tenchi nikyu y6h6" .3(:ttB=fj(ffl 1*.
The use of celestial and terrestrial globes.
1774·
MS preserved in Nagasaki City Museum.
Motoki Ry6ei **~7k.
Tenchi ridan .3(:ttBIJI!.~.
(Copernican cosmology.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY
shiba Kokan J§].~rr~.

(In Shiba Kokan, Nakai Sotaro; 1942).
Tencho mukyu reki x1iiJj~~M.
A perpetual chronology of the imperial court.
18 37.
Hirata Atsutane f E8 ~ J~l.
(In Hirata Atsutane zenshu, vol. II; I9II).
Tenchuki Xf-t§E.
On the creators (Shintoist cosmology).
Circa 1825.
Hirata Atsutane fE8~J~l.
(In Hirata Atsutane zenshu, vol. 2; 191 I).
"Tengaku shiyo" X~1~~.
Essentials of astronomy.
1776.
Nishimura Tosato g!H1~l!.
Tengaku shogaku mondo x¥w~rJw~:.
Qgeries concerning elementary astronomy.
1730.
Nishikawa Seikyu g§) I[ IE ft.
Tenkyo wakumon chukai X~:g\(;rl=l~~M.
T'ien-ching huo-wen annotated.
1750.
Nishimura Tosato g§;f1~l!.
Tenmon giron x)(~IDfB.
Discussions of the principles of astronomy.
1712 .
NishikawaJoken g§JII~QJ!.
(In Nishikawa 10ken isho, vol. 2; 1899).
"Tenmon kanki" x)(ifliJ.
Astronomical collection.
1782 .
shizuki Tadao ~$JL~t1t
Lost in 1945.
"Tenmon kanyo ron" x)(M~IDfB.
Simplified elements of astronomy.
18°7·
*
Aida Anmei 1t E8 M.
"Tenmon keito" x)(:£jtrfE.
'Treasury of astrology (collection of astrologic observation).
1698.
Shibukawa Harumi 7££)" lM$.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
"Tenmon kayo den" ](X~fflf~.

(Diplomas of calendar-making issued by the Tsuchimikado, 1753-1780.)
MSpreserved in Tohoku University.
Toita Yasusuke pfJji'fdt.
Temnon zokudan ](X m-~.
Popular lectures on astronomy.
1789.
Nishimura Tosato ggN~JI!..
Tet/mon ,:?ukai ](XllfW.
Astronomy illustrated.
5 vols.
Osaka, 1689.
*'
Iguchi Tsunenori I::J #ftI.
(In Nihon tetsugaku zemho, vol. 8; 1936).
Tenmon zukai hakki ](XllfW~~f.iI[.
Illustrated astronomy.
2 vols.
1693 (vol. I) and 1739 (vol. 2).
Nakane Genkei q:tf.&5G:*:.
Tenmon zusetsu ](XII~Jt.
Illustrated description of astronomy.
1782 .
MotooriNorinaga *,@W~.
(In Zoho Motoori Norinaga zemha, revised ed., vol. 10; Tokyo, 1926).
"Tenmongata daidaiki" ](XJ]f\, k ~C.
Biographies ofTokugawa official astronomers.
MS preserved by Yamaji family.
T'ien-ching huo-wen ](~WGrl=l"
Qgeries on the classics of heaven.
Circa 1675 (first Japanese ed. 1730 by Nishikawa Seikyii).
Yu I 1hf~.
T'ien-hsueh ch'u han ](~fJJiE5i.
The first collection on learning of the heavens ("Ricci Corpus").
1629.
Preserved in Jinbun kagaku kenkyiisho, Kyoto University.
T'ien-wen lueh ](M~.
An outline of celestial phenomena.
161 5.
Yang Ma-no (Emmanuel Diaz) ~},~Mi.
T'ien-wen ta-ch'eng kuan-k'uei chi-yao ](X*nX:~mi/!ij:~.
Essentials of astronony.
16 53.
Ed. Huang Ting ~W.
T'ien-wen yao-lu ](X~~.
Record of the most important astronomical matters.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
664·
Li Feng *1.1 (Prince ofT'ang).
Tokugawa jikki ~}[[_*B.
Annals of the Tokugawa government.
1849.
Ed. Narushima Motonao P.X:li!h ~m:.
(In Shintei 'Zoho kokushi taikei mI~J!:**, Source book on Japanese history, vols.
38-47; 192 9-.)
Tso chuan tr.1$..
Tso-ch'iu Ming's tradition of interpretation of the Ch'un ch'iu (Spring and au-
tumn annals).
Attributed to Tso-ch'iu Ming tr.1t~W3.
"Tsuchimikado kafu" ±1MJr~*~.
Genealogy of the Tsuchimikado family.
1876.
Preserved in Shiry6 hensansho, University of Tokyo.
Tsuchimikado Haruyoshi ±1M1r~IIff~.
Tsui chikyu setsu ryaku ~~fj(Wt~.
(Anti-spherical-earth argument.)
18p2.
Sada Kaiseki ftc EEl 1f-:E.
T'ung tien ~:!11!.
Compendium of source material on institutional history.
Circa 812.
Tu Yuf±{t.
Tung-chih k'ao ~~~.
On the winter solstice.
172 3.
Mei Wen-ting ~xW.
, (In Li-suan ch'iian-shu).
Wakan unki shinan) kOhen ~~};I*tmi¥H~>m.
Sequel to A gUide to the Chinese and 1apanese art ofunki (Chinese yun-ch'i).
1726 .
Nishikawa Seikyu ggJ/lIEf*.
Wu-hsing ta-i:n.ff*_. .
Fundamental principles of the five elements.
Circa 600.
Hsiao Chi JI~.
ramaji Kunju sensei sawa J1I~;gW),[;~~ffi5.
Table talks of Master Yamaji Kunju.
Fujita Sadasuke • EEl P:Jt.
(In Reki'Zanshiryo mf1n~t;jSt,'Source book on calendrical science and mathematics,
vol. I, ed. Kodama Akito .YG::EW3A; 1933.)
ro'Zo kaiku ron ~'iHl!HI:'WffifU.
On the creation and formation of the world.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 293
Circa I825.
Sat6 Nobuhiro {£jH~mM.
(In Shinchu kogaku sOrho ~a~ ~ ••,
Series in Nipponology, newly edited, vol.
IO; Tokyo, 1927.)
Til hai 3S.~.
Ocean ofjade (encyclopedia).
I267, first printing I35I.
Wang Ying-lin ::E1l!U~.
Tume no shiro ~Z~.
(Includes Copernican astronomy.)
I820.
Yamagata Bant6 W,./Jt!llfitJ~.
(In Nihon keizai sosho, vol. 25; I9I6).
"Z6shii sh6ch6h6",:li~~:l5tl*.
Hsiao-ch'ang method, revised and augmented.
I798.
Takahashi Yoshitoki ~~~mf.
II. Japanese and Chinese Secondary Sources
Araki Toshima m*~.~.
Nihon rekigaku shi gaisetsu B *1f~~;ffi~.
Outline of the history of calendar-making in Japan (Kyoto, I943).
Arima Seiho fir.~ nX;lf.j.
"Seigaku to Rangaku" g§~ C lIi~.
Western learning and Dutch learning, Rangaku Shiryo Kenkyukai kenkyu hokoku
lIi ~~fl1iJf~~1iJf~¥fi ~ (Reports of the Society of Dutch sources in Japan),
no. 30 (May I7, I958).
Arisaka Takamichi fir:!i[I~~jM.
"Edo jidai ni okeru b6enky6 seisak'u ni tsuite-:-tokuni Kaizuka no Iwahashi Zenbei
o megutte" rr..Pmf~~c:tovtQ ~lHI~!lM:ll'~C '0"''"(, %' ~cffi{~ 0) ~~W~
fnfi~ 6b \" "? '"(.
On telescope-making during the Tokugawa period, especially Iwahashi Zenbei
ofKaizuka, Hisutoria 1:::;A. r !J7, no. 5 (I952).
- - "Kanseiki ni okeru Asadaryii tengakuka 11:0 katsud6 0 megutte" 1li!&;ltIj~c:to
vtQ~m~~~*O)m~~6b~"?,"(.
On the activities of the astronomers of the Asada school during the Kansei era,
Hisutoria, no. II, 7I-96, no. I2, 92-II3, no. I3, II3-I28 (I955).
Ayuzawa Shintar6 f.f!~~~:t:~~. .
"Kinsei Nihon ni okeru chikyii chid6setsu no tenkai" ~i!t B *~c:tovt Q :L1I?f::J<
:L1!?~~0) J.i:~.
Development of the theories of the earth's sphericity and rotation in Tokugawa
Japan, Nihon rekishi B *~~, no. 7 I , 33-35 (I954).
- - Nihon bunka shi jo ni okeru Ri Mato no sekai chizu B*3t1r.§!:.J: ~c:to vt Q fUl/~.
O)i!tW:L1l?Ii!il·
294 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Matteo Ricci's world map and the cultural history ofJapan, ed. 2 (Tokyo, 1944).
Bunmei genryu sosho )(~vmmE~a.
Series on the origins of civilization, 3 vols. (Tokyo, 1914.)
Kokusho Kanko Kai mafUr.r•.
Chang Chin-chien 5l4:~.
Chung-kuo wen-kuan chih-tu shih 9=tm)('§'1!JUltR::.
History of the civil-service system in China (Taipei, 1955).
Ch'en Meng-chia ~~*.
"Wu-hsing chih ch'i-yuan" 1ir.rZ~vm.
The origin ofthe five-elements theory, Yen-ching hsueh-pao ~Ji(~* (Yenching
Journal of Chinese Studies) 11 (1938).
Ch'ien Pao-tsung ~.}~t
"Choupi suan ching k'ao" nrJ1f1f.~~.
A study of the Chou pi suan ching, in K'o-hsueh f4~ (Science) 14 (19 2 9).
- - Chung-kuo suan-hsueh shih 9=tm.~R::.
A history of Chinese mathematics (Peking, 1932).
- - "shou-shih Ii-fa lueh-iun" ~~Jlr!~~.
Outiine of the Shou-shih calendar, T'ien-wen hsueh-pao 7()(~¥1l4 (2) (1956).
Chien-yang hsien chih @~W*$.
Gazeteer of Chien-yang hsien.
Chu Wen-hsin *)(~.
Li-fa t'ung-chih Jlr!W$.
History of Chinese calendrical science (Shanghai, 1934).
Danshaku Yamakawa sensei den 513fiIllJll1G1:=.f'.
Biography of Baron Yamakawa (Tokyo, 1935).
Ebizawa Arimichi ~:?5~~m.
Nanban gakuto no kenkyu mm~if1CO)1Yf~.
A study of the tradition of Western learning [in Japan] (Tokyo, 1958).
Endo Toshisada ~iJifUJi.
"Shibukawa Harumi den" ~JII*~f'.
Biography of Shibukawa Harumi (1906), MS in the Library of Congress.
- - Zoshu Nihon sugaku shi :Ii~ B *~~R::.
-The history ofJapanese mathematics, augmented and revised (Tokyo, 1960).
Fujii Yoichiro iJi*~- ~~. ,
"Meiji shonen ni okeru Hokkaido no sankaku sokuryo ni tsuite" ~ra~:::tp~(:.
:J:ovt Q ~t~mO) ::::jEjtJlrr:l:~(:. --?\t \ L.
Triangulation ofHokkaido in the early years of the Meiji period, Kagakushi kenkyu
f4~R::1Yf~ no. 45,45-49 (195 8).
Fujiwara Matsusaburo iJiJJj{:t0=:~~.
"Keru zensho no Oranda yakuhon ni tsuite" 7" - Jv~.o)~IJM~*~(:. --?\t \ L.
Dutch translation ofKeill's work, Kagakushi kenkyu, no.], lOa-WI (1943).
- - Me~ji zen Nihon sugakushi ~~iW B *~~R::.
History ofJapanese mathematics before the Meiji era, vols. 1-5 (Tokyo, 1954-
1960).
- - Nihon sugakushi yo B *~~R::~.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 295
A concise history ofJapanese mathematics (Tokyo, 1952).

--,- "Rekizan zensho oyobi Kika genpon no torai" M.~:;::&Lf~fiiJJJR*O)v.t?lc
Importation ofLf-suan Ch'iian-shu and Euclid's Elements, Bunka 3t1r. 6 (12), II49-
II60 (1939). .
Hara Heiz6 JJR3f=:.
"Tokugawa bakufu no Eikoku ryugakusei" ~JII;ffH(fO)~mfB~1:.
Students sent to England by the Tokugawa government, Rekishi chiri ~.§t::I1Bl-J.
(History and geography) 79 (5), 21-50 (1942).
Hashimoto Masukichi 1\t*:li~.
"Shoky6 no kenkyu" :;:~0)1iJf~.
Researches on the book of documents, Toyo gakuho*n~¥1i 2, 283-316 (1912);
3,331-394 (19 13); 4, 49-76,3 12-3 69 (19 14).
--"Shoky6(Gy6ten) no shichusei ni tsuite" :;:~~~O)[9*,JiHcZtL.
Or the four stars culminating at dusk at the equinoxes and solstices, recorded in
I the Yao Tien chapter of the book of documents, Toyo gakuho 17 (3),303-385
(1928 ).
- - Shina kodai rekiho shi kenkyu 3Z:mif~M~.§t:1iJf~.
Study on calendrical sciences in ancient China, 590 pp. with IS pp. summary
in German (1943), Toyo bunko sOrho *n3t$ft:;:, no. 29.
Hazama bunko zosho mokuroku ~FI393t$jji:;: § ~"
Catalogue of the Hazama collection.
Mimeographed.
Hirayama· Akira 3f IlJ ~.
Sendaihan ni okeru wazan to tenmon 1Li1iEfi~ctovt ~ f1J. C "7(3t.
Traditional mathematics and astronomy in Sendai fief(Sendai, 1961).
Hirayama Kiyotsugu 3fllJfJffik.
"Nihon ni okonawaretaru jikokuh6" B *~cto':: tJ:bn f.:.. Q ~~U~.
The time system in Japan, Tenmon geppo J(3tJj ¥Ii (Astronomical Monthly) 5,
121-124 arid 135-139 (1913).
- - "shishiza ryusei no kokiroku" ~mJiT~VfE£O)if~G~.
Historical records of the Leonids, Tenmon geppo 5, 61-64 (1912).
- - "Shoky6 no nisshoku":;:~O) Bit.
On the eclipses recorded in the book of documents, Tenmon geppo21, 3-7,23-26
(1928 ).
Hirose Hideo JJ:**t1t
"Horyaku kaireki go no henreki mondai no suii to Kansei kaireki 0 meguru mon-
daiten" 1i:M~M~0) mM rl=l9m 0) :tiH~ C Jli&~M~ 2lb <" ~ rI=l9mm~·
Circumstances of calendar-making since the Horyaku reform and problems on the
Kamei reform, Rangaku shiryokenkyukai kenkyu hokoku, no. 157 (1964).
- - - "Horyaku no kaireki ni tsuite" 1i:MO)~M~C"":)\, \ L.
On the Horyaku calendar reform, Rangaku shiryo kenkyukai kenkyu hokoku, no. 127
(19 63).
- - and MaeyamaJinr61WllJt~~.
"Honp6 rankei tenmongaku ni tsuite" **BlJiij*J(3t~~c"":)\, \ L.
Dutch elements in Japanese astronomy, Rangaku shiryo kenkyukai kenkyu hokoku,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
no. 39 (1955).
- - - "Kyu Nagasaki tengakuha no gakut6 seiritsu ni tsuite" .~IiffiJ~~~O)~ifrfE
fflt.lz: ~c. v:::> " 'L .
On the formation ofthe old Nagasaki school ofastronomy, Rangaku shiryo kenkyukai
kenkyu hOkoku, no. 184 (1966).
Hoki bunrui taizen i*m7t~*:§t.
Classified government legislation (Tokyo, 1891).
Hon Sup-yi ~.I;I,~.
Chosun kwahaksa IjfJl~ff4~~.
A history of Korean science (Seoul, 1949).
Iijima Tadao hNJhJig1(.
Shina kodai shiron 3Z:mit~~ffifU.
A study of the history of ancient China.
See especially chap. 20, "Tenmon rekih6 no shokush6" ~3cMi*O)~~, Offices
of astronomy and calendar-making (Tokyo, 1925).
- - Shina kodaishi to tenmongaku 3Z:mit~~ c!:: ~3c~.
The history of ancient China (Tokyo, 1925).
- - Tenmon rekihO to on'yo gogyo setsu ~3cMi* c!:: ~~1irr$t.
Astronomy, calendrical science, and the yin-yang and five-elements principles
(Tokyo, 1939). .
Imai !taru 4-*~.
"Clavius to 'Kenkon bensetsu'" ~ :;; r'/ -1 ?:A c!:: Ijfl;:f:$M$t.
Clavius and the Kenkon bensetsu, Nihon tenmon kenkyukai hObun S *~3c1Vf~ ir¥li3c
(Memoirs of the Japan Astronomical Study Association), no. 4,181-188 (1957)'
- - - "Genna kokaisho no sakub6" 5G~M;~.O)gt)j~.
Indexes of the moon's phases as they appear i~ the Genna kokaisho, Nihon tenmon
kenkyukai hObun, no. 2, lo7-II4 (1955).
- - - "Genna kokaisho no tenmongaku" 5G~M;~.0)~3c~.
Astronomy in the Genna kOkaisho, Tenkansho ~1r. (Mr. Imai's private journal),
no. 15 (1955).
- - "Jujireki kenkyu" ~~M1Vf~.
A study of the shou-shih calendar, Tenkansho, nos. 3,4, and 6.
- - - " 'Kenkon bensetsu' zakki" Ijfl;:f:$M$t~~D.
Miscellaneous notes on the "Kenkon bensetsu," Tenkansho ·22, 14-16 (mimeo-
graphed; 1957).
- - - "Kirishitan no juitten shidai" !t03Z:f}O)+-~[g*.
The eleven heavens and four elements of the Christian coverts in Japan, Nihon
tenmon kenkyukai hObun, no. 3, 129-132 (Dec. 1956).
- - - "Narach6 zengo no rekijutsu" ~.&JMgu:f&O)M1Jf\j.
Calendars around the Nara period, Kagakushi kenkyu, no. 40, 36-40 (1956).
Imoto Susumu **:ii.
"Hoki naiden kin'u gyokuto shu seiritsu no kenkyu" 1~JII*J~~.~.:E*.nx:.lz:0)
1Vf~.
A study on the formation of the Hoki naiden, Kagakushi kenkyu, no. 13,41-44 (1950),
- - - "Kokusan b6enky6 seisaku no senku" ~~~I'H~~9}.HF0) J'G~~.
'BIBLIOGRAPHY 297
A pioneer of telescope-making in Japan, Tenkai J(!ff., no. I42, 57-6I (I933).
- ' - "Meiji jidai tenmongaku kankei bunken mokuroku" 00 ffllfiff\:J(x~~~f*
xmk 13~.
A bibliography concerning astronomy during the Meiji era, Kagakushi kenkyii,
no. I2, 45-47 (I949).
- - and Hasegawa Ichiro ~:t:l-)I[ - ~~.
"Chugoku, Chosen oyobi Nihon no ryuseiu kokiroku" 9='m, lliAf!\f:&Lf S *O)VfE
JiffitlgG~.
Ancient records of Chinese, Korean, and Japanese meteor showers, Kagakushi
kenkyii, no. 37, 7-I 5 (I956).
Ishikawa Ken 15)1[~.
Kinsei no gakko ~1it0)~;f3(.
Schools in modern Japan (Tokyo, I957).
Itazawa Takeo fi~jttl.
"Edo jidai ni okeru chikyu chidosetsu no tenkai to sono hando" t[p lfiff\: ~C.;fo vt
Q :lfufj(:L'l!HtJim 0) ~ 1m C .:t 0) N.th·
The development of the heliocentric theory and the reaction to it during the
Tokugawa period, Shigaku zasshi 5!:~~fE~ 52 (I), I-30 (I94 I ).
- - - Rangaku no hattatsu M~O)~~.
Development of Dutch learning (Tokyo, I933), in Iwanami Kiha, Nihon rekishi
:E¥Bl~~ S *~5!:, vol. 7·
- - "Rangaku to jugaku tono kosho oyobi bakufu no tai rangaku seisaku" M~
c 1W~ c O)3C~:&Lf.mO)JtM~J&~.
The relationship between Dutch learning and Confucian learning, and the policy
of the Tokugawa government on Dutch learning, Kinsei Nihon no jugaku
,~t!t S *0)1W~, pp. 639-672 (Tokyo, I939).
Ito Tasaburo {jt*~=:~~.
"Kinsho no kenkyu" ~.0)1iJF~.
A study of banned books, Rekishi chiri 68,313-346,435-470 (I936).
Kaji Tetsutei tJll:lfu1ff5E.
"Taien rekiko" *fff~~.
On the Ta-yen *fff calendar, Mikkyo bunka ~1J(x1l::, no. 33, I-II, no. 34, I-I2
(I955); no. 35, I-I8 (I956). '
Kanda Shigeru Iii$EBEt.
"'Nigi ryakusetsu' ni tsuite" =~~~l'C."':)\" \ "'(.
On the "Nigi ryakusetsu," Toa tenmongaku shi shobO *B:2J(X~5!:/J\¥a (Brief
notices on the history of astronomy in East Asia), no. 37 (Yugawara, I945),
cyanotype.
- - Nihon tenmon kisbO shiryo S *J(x~~5!:*-l
Japanese astronomical and meteorologic records, I60 pp. (Okaya, I947).
- - Nihon tenmon shiryo S *J(x5!:;jB!-.
Japanese astronomical records (Tokyo, I935).
- - Nihon tenmon shiryo soran S *J(x5!:;jB!-*'&1~.
A view ofJapanese astronomical records, 232 PP' (Tokyo, I943).
- - Nihon tenmongakushi sbObO S *J(X~5!:/J\¥a.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Brief reports on the history of Far Eastern astronomy, nos. I-roO (Sept. 1944 to
Dec. 1951), cyanotype.
- - "Shibukawa ke ni kansuru shiry6" ~}/[%nc~JJ-t" Q ~*4.
Sources on the Shibukawa family, Kagakushi kenkyu, no. I, 93-IIO (1941).
- - - "Tenmon kansoku shi" 3(XIUJ!U~. .
Bistory of astronomical observation, in Meiji zen Nihon tenmongaku shi (Tokyo,
(1960).
- - - "Tenmongata daidaiki ni tsuite" 3(XjJ·tt.l(> ~c~c'0"\ -C.
On the Tenmongata daidaiki, Rangaku shiryo kenkyukai kenkyu hokoku, no 4 (1955).
_.- "Tenp6 nenkan Kunitomo shi sakusei no hanshab6enky6 to taiy6kokuten no
kansoku" 3(1*if.rl3,~p:.a:;f'F~O)BZM~IH!~ c!:: *~~J~O)IUJ!U.
Reflector made by Kunitomo during the Tenpo era and his sunspot observation,
Tenmon geppo 25 (1932).
- - Wasan rekigaku shi nota *'.MJJ~ /- r.
Note on traditional mathematics and calendar-making, nos. I-roO (Yugawara,
I960-I962),cyanotype.
Kan6 K6kichi ~!J:1jrE.
"Shizuki Tadao no seikisetsu" ~mJit'\tlO)Jgj~\:IDt.
A theory of stellar fluid by Shizuki Tadao, Toyo gakugei zasshi *nJJ.~ff~,
no. 165 (1895).
"Kansh6dai enkaku" IL~<iEfd1j!i.
The origin of Kansh6dai [Observatory], Kagakushi kenkyu, no. 47, 38 (1958).
Kawakami Seishi }/[J:IE~.
K~jima Tozan sensei den IJ\£'JIHD7'G~1li.
A biography of Master Kojima T6zan, Ryukoku shidan ~~1§- ~~ 28 (1941).
Kimura Taiken *;f:1*Jt.
Abidatsuma ron no kenkyu [rriJf'Ejt.IDfBO)1Vf~.
A study on tpe Abhidharmasastra (Tokyo, 1922).
Kobayashi Nobuyuki IJ\;fti~rr.
Chugoku jOdai on'yo gogyo shiso no kenkyu r:p~J:tt~~1irr}G'\~O)1Vf~.
A study o(yin-yang and five-elements thought in ancient China (Tokyo, 1956).
Kobayashi Zenhachi IJ\;ft~I\.
Nihon shuppan bunka shi S *t:e~x1~~.
A history of publishing in Japan (Tokyo, 1938).
K6da Rohan :¥:EBai=!=.
Kagyuan yobanashi !lrILt-}ltB~~.
A night tale of Kagyiian (Tokyo, 1907).
K6da Shigetomo :¥:EBffltP:.
Nichio kotsu shi S ~3tW~.
A history ofintercourse between Japan and Europe (Tokyo, 1942).
Koide Ch~juro sensei den IJ\ t:e~+~~7'G~1li.
Biography of Master Koide Ch6jiir6 (Tokushima, 1917).
Koji ruien i1.~lm.
Source book of ancient matters; "Hogibu" jJ;fsZtm, Volume on technical special-
ists (Tokyo, 1909).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 299
Kondo Seisai 'Zenshu lli:~IE~~~.
Complete works of Kondo Seisai (Tokyo, 1906).
Kuwaki Ayao ~:*:}j~t'l.
Reimeiki no Nihon kagaku ~~mO) B *f4~.
Japanese science at the dawn (Tokyo, 1947).
Li Yen $fI.. _ _
Chung-kuo-shu-hsueh ta-kang q:rml)(~*iWd.
Outline ofChinese mathematics, 2 vols. (Shanghai, 1933; Peking, 1958).
- - Chung-kuo suan-hsueh shih q:rm.~3!::.
History of Chinese mathematics, ed. 2 (Shanghai, 1937).
- - Chung suan-shih lun-t'sung q:r.3!::~ •.
Serial discussions on the history of Chinese mathematics, 5 vols. (Peking, 1954-
1955).
Maeyama Jimo iWl1It~~.
"Kansei rekisho oyobi Kansei rekisho zokuroku" .!&mf• .&lf.!&mf.i1f~.
"Compendium of the Kansei calendar and its sequel," Tenmon geppo 49, 1-4 (1956).
- - "Takahashi Yoshitoki" r.1b~~ffi!f.
Tenmon geppo 53,39-43 (1960).
Maruyama Masao 1Ll1If1I.~.
Nihon seiji shiso shi kenkyu B *!&~}i!!,~3!::~~.
A study of the history of political thought in Japan (Tokyo, 1952).
MeUi 'Zen Nihon tenmongaku shi ~~iW B*Xx~3!::.
A history ofJapanese astronomy before the Meiji era (Tokyo, 1960).
Mikami Yoshio =: l:~::k.
*
- - "Chujin denron" .A~~ .
Bunkashi jo yori mitaru Nihon no sugaku X 1~3!::l: J: 1) ~ t.: ~. S 0) I)(~.
Japanese mathematics from the viewpoint of cultural history (Tokyo, 1947).
A study of the Ch'ou-jen chuan, Toyo gakuho 16 (2), 185-222, and 16 (3), 287--,333
(192 7).
- - - "Shina sugaku no tokushoku" 30JI)I)(~0)~~.
Characteristics of Chinese mathematics, Toyo gakuho 15 (4),431-484 (1926).
- - "Nihon boenkyo shi" B *~m!~3!::.
History of the telescope in Japan, Nihon sokuryo jutsu shi no kenkyu, ed. 2 (Tokyo,
1948):
- - Nihon kagaku no tokushitsu: tenmon B *f4~0)~~, xX.
The characteristics ofJapanese science: astronomy, in 1'oyo shicho :m:7$,'G',flji,ij Ori-
ental thought (Tokyo, 1936).
- - Nihon sokuryojutsu shi no kenkyu B*mujtVl\j3!::O)~~.
Studies in the history of land-surveying in Japan, ed. 2 (Tokyo, 1948).
- - "Shina shiso, kagaku, sugaku" 3z:m,'G',~, f4~, I)(~.
Chinese thought, science, mathematics, in Toyo shicho (Tokyo, 1934).
- - "Wakan sugaku no hikaku oyobi kankei" 5flJ~I)(~O)./:tilBt.&lf~m{,*.
Comparison and relationship between Chinese and Japanese mathematics,
ChilO shidan q:r:k:3!::jJ! (April 1923).
Mikawa Osamu ~VIT*P3.
300 BIBLIOGRAPHY
"Heian jidai ni okeru on'yo do shisono kenkyu" f:t(!f.fft ~c:to vt Q ~IWHi}i!.~

~O)ij}f~.
Research on yin-yang thought during the Heian period, ShichO ~?l10 (2),274-
289 (194 1).
Miyatake Gaikotsu '§' fly?1- 'It.
Hikkashi ~jfr~~.
History of the suppression of literature in Japan, revised and augmented ed.
(Tokyo, 19II).
Momo Hiroyuki tJ~mrr.
10dai gakusei no kenkyu J:ft~lIJUO)ij}f~.
A study of the educational system in ancient Japan (Tokyo, 1949).
- - "Futenreki ni tsuite" ~:RM~C "'? \" \ L .
On the Fu-t'ien Ii, Kagakushi kenkyu f4~~ij}f~ no. 71, II8-II9 (1964).
Morita Ryusen ~1E~~f,&.
Mikkyo senseiho WfJ: r5 £ r!.
Astrology in Tantric Buddhism, 2 vols. (Koyasan, 1941).
Muraoka Tsunetsugu Mffi1J:J1:!!.ifflPJ.
Nihon shisoshi kenkyu EJ *}!'J1~~ij}f~. ,
Studies in the history ofJapanese thought (Tokyo, 1930).
- - Zoku Nihon shisoshi ket/kyu af EJ *,~~~ij}f~.
Studies in the history ofJapanese thought, sequel.(Tokyo, 1939).
Muroga Nobuo ~~ffl":::R and Unno Kazutaka w!f-l!i.
"Nihon ni okonawareta Bukkyo kei sekaizu ni tsuite" EJ *~cfih;fLt-:{~fJ:*
tit W611 ~c "'? \" \ L .
The Buddhist world maps in Japan, Chirigaku shikenkyu:Lm~~~ij}f~, no. 1,67-
141 (1957); n(). 2,137-229 (1962).
Naito Tatsuo 1*JJ1j~~t1t
c.
"Kukai to Shichiyo reki" '?P.W -tIlfiM.
Kiikai and the "Weekly calendar,'" Nihon rekishi 75, 8-II (1954)'
Nakai Sotaro 4t***~~.
Shiba Kokan I§j,~rr~ (Tokyo, 1942).
Nakamura Hikaru 4tMJr:;.
Edo jidai no kagaku seisaku rrp!f.fftO)f4~il&:~.
Policy toward science in the Tokugawa period (Tokyo, 1942).
Nakamura Kiyozo 4tMJfft:=:.
"Edo bakufu no kinsho seisal<u" rrp.mO)~ilil&:~.
The Tokugawa government's policy of prohibiting the importation of foreign
books, Shirin ~** 11, 192-206,419-428,554-562 (1926).
Nakamura Seiji 4tMm=.
Tanakadat~ Aikitsu sensei IE 4tfg~;ji7t1:..
Mr. Tanakadate Aikitsu (Tokyo, 1943).
Nakayama Shigeru 4t11la;:
"Edo jidai ni okeru jusha n.o kagakukan" rrp!f.fft ~c:to vt ~ 11ffl~ 0) f4~•.
Confucian views of science during the Tokugawa period, Kagakushi kenkyu, no.
72, 157-168 (19 64).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 3°1
- - "Futenreki no tenmongakushi teki ichi" ~7(1i0) 7(3t~!£I¥J{ftii:.
The significance of the Fu-t'ien Ii in the history of astronomy, Kagakushi kenkyu,
no. 71, 120-122 (1964).
- - "Motoki Ryoei no tenmonsho honyaku ni tsuite" **.B!7k0) 7(3t.lTI~~Hc
v::>'It\"L.
On Motoki Ryoei's translations on astronomy, Rangaku shiryo kenkyukai kenkyu
hOkoku, no. 66 (1960).
- - "Motoki Ryoei yaku 'Oranda chikyu setsu' ni tsuite" **.B!7k~ rlWJJj~tjfu
fj(wtJ ~c v::> 'It \"L •
On the 'Oranda ~hikyu setsu' translated by Motoki Ryoei, Rangaku,shiryokenkyukai
kenkyu hOkoku, no. 112 (1962) and no. 162 (1964).
-'- - Semei jutsu J5 £ f,l'1]'.
Astrology (Tokyo, 1964).
- - "Sensei jutsu, wa teJ,1mongaku no hattatsu ni koken shitaka" J5 £ f,\(J ~:t7(3t~
O)~~~c:AiW( L t.::.iJ~.
Did astrology contribute to' the development of astronomy? Tenmon geppo 53
(5),96-100 (19 60).
- - "shocho ho no kenkyu (I) (2)" m:l5ti'!O)1Yf~ (I), (2).
Variation of tropical-year length in Far Eastern astronomy and its observational
basis, Kagakushi kenkyu, no. 66,68-84 (1963); no. 67, 128-130 (1963).
- - "Shocho ho no kenkyu (3)" m:l5ti'!O)1Yf~ (3).
Cyclic variation ofastronomial parameters in 18th century Japan. Kagakushi kenkyu,
no. 69, 8-17 (1964).
- - "Toyo ni KagakuKakumei waokorietaka" *U~cf4~1p:1ffJ~:tmt. 9 ~t.::.iJ~.
The possibility of a Scientific Revolution in the history of the Far East, Kagaku
Kakumei f4~1p:1ffJ, pp. 167-171 (Tokyo, 1961).
Nihon jurin sosho S *1flU*••.
Collection of Confucian writings in Japan (Tokyo, 1927-1929)
Nihon kagaku koten 'Zemho S *f4~""ti :!14~ •.
Comprehensive collection of classical works on Japanese science (Tokyo, 1942-
1948).
Saigusa Hiroto =:~V§:~ (ed.).
Nihon kagaku gijutsu shi taikei, no. \ 14, chikyu uchu kagaku hen S *f4~3iVllj !£**,
~I4~, jfufj(~mf4~Rj.
Source-books for the history of modern science and technology in Japan, Earth
and space sciences (Tokyo, 1965).
History of science society ofJapan (ed.).
Nihon tetsugaku shiso 'Zensho S *ti~J~,~~~.
Source book in Japanese philosophy and thought, 20 vols. (Tokyo, 1955-1957).
Saigusa Hiroto =:~V§:~ and Shimizu Ikutaro m7j(~:::t~~ (eds.).
Nihon tetsugaku 'Zet/sho S *ti~~ •.
Source book in Japanese philosophy, 12 vols. (Tokyo, 1936-;-1937).
Nishiuchi Masaru ggpg~.
Shibukawa Harumi no kenkyu WE)II~~O)1Yf~.
A study ofShibukawa Harumi (Tokyo, 1940).
3°2 BIBLIOGRAPHY
- - - Tani 1inzan no gaku ~~HD O)~.

A study of Tani Jinzan (Tokyo, 1945).
Noda Chiiryo n~ EEl Ii',~.
Rekigaku shi ron M~ )!:~lf8.
A study of the history of calendar-making (Tokyo, 1948).
- - shUhi sankei no kenkyu.mJ1t1j'.;~cr~O)1iJf~.
An enquiry concerning the Chou pi suan ching, Academy ofOriental Culture, Kyoto
Institute Monograph Series, no. 3 (Kyoto, 1933).
- - Taya tenmongaku shi ronsa *n::R)(~)!:~lf8~.
Serial discussions on the history of astronomy in the Far East (Tokyo, 1944).
- - "Wagakuni ni okeru Toyo tenmongakukenkyii" 1X~v;::'~V1~*n::R)(~
1iJf~.
Research on Far Eastern astronomy in Japan, Kagakushi kenkyu, no. 4, 2-11 (1943).
- - and Yabuuchi Kiyoshi ~P3m.
Kansho ritsurekishi no kenkyu 'HI~M~O)1iJf~.
A study on the "Lli-li chih" of the Han shu (Kyoto, 1947).
NumataJiro rBEEI{X~~.
Bakumatsu yagaku shi ~*n~)!:.
History of Western Learning during the late Tokugawa period (Tokyo, 1950).
Ogawa Kiyohiko IJ\JIIm~. .
"Nihon shjJki no rekijitsu ni tsuite" S *.~c 0) MS v;::. 0 \" C.
On the calendrical indexes of the Nihon shoki, printed in Tenkansho 2 (mimeo-
graphed; 1946). .
- - - "Senmyo reki koyo jidai ni okeru suisan to rekijitsu" 11 ~ Mrr Jtl ~~ v;::.
:tuV1Qtt.<!:MS.
Calendrical calculation during the hsuan-ming calendar period, Tenmon geppa 35,
79-83 and 93-100 (1942).
- - - "Shina seiza kanken" 3'Oj:l~£.m1rj!.
On the traditional Chinese constellations, Tenmon geppa 11, 105-108 and 123-
129 (1933); 27, 14 1- 147, 168- 172, 185-19°,2°7-210, and 221-226 (1934).
Ogura Kinnosuke IJ\~SllZWJ.
Nihon no sugaku S *O):f)(~.
Japanese mathematics (Tokyo, 1940).
- - Sugakushi kenkyu :f)(~)!:1iJf~. .
Researches in the history of mathematics, 2 vols. (Tokyo, 1935 and 1948).
Ogura Shinkichi IJ\~{$E.
"Wagakuni kodai no nichigetsushoku kiroku" 1X~t1~0) S}j ~~c~.
Ancient eclipses recorded in Japan, Temnon geppa 9, 13-18, 25-29, 39-4 2, 52-44,
and 62-64 (1916).
Ohata Shoichi :ktlBlE-.
"Tenpyo jidai noon'yo shiso" ::Rf~~O)~~,1~,~.
Tin-yang thought during the Tenpyo period, Nihon rekishi, no. 121 (1958).
Ojima Sekiyii ~~~~.
"Honpo tenmon rekido no enkaku" **~::R)(MmO)tdJ!l!i..
A history of astronomy and calendar-making in Japan, Kako ruisan :tiftl~rt~
BIBLIOGRAPHY
(Antiquarian repository) 7, 10 (1903).

Okamoto Yoshitomo /NiJ*.BH~o.
Nih01'l ni okeru Yasokai no gakko seido S *~ctovt Q Jfr5iRfrO)~t.5t*U~.
(Japanese trans. of Schilling, Das Schulwesen der lesuiten, 1551-1614 [Munster,
1931]) (Tokyo, 1943).
Ono Genmyo IJ\!l!fj(tJ>. '
"Bukkyo tenmongaku" 1~tj:7(3t~.
Buddhist astronomy, in Gendai Bukkyo m~1~tj:, Contemporary Buddhism,
4 (24) 26-35, (25) 26-46, (27) 37-58, (28) 54-65, (29)44-57, (30) 56-80, (32)
44-63, (33) 120-144 (192 5).
Osaki Shoji *i/I% 1£ tjz.
"Bansho shirabesho kyuzo tenmon rekigaku sho mokuroku" if.~Ffi.~7(3t
~~.§~.
Catalogue of the books on astronomy and calendar-making formerly preserved
in Bansho ,rhirabesho, Rangaku shiryo kenkyukai kenkyu hOkoku, no. 4 (1955).
- - - "Kirishitan no koyomi" B:£fJO)~.
Christian calendar, Shigaku z.asshi 49 (12), 5°4-1519 (1938).
- - "Nihon Yasokai no kaireki" S *Jf~iRfrO)QJ(~.
Calendar reform by the Society ofJesus in Japan, Rekishi chiri 70 (4), I-10 (1937).
- - "RekishO shimho tenmei kyuyakubon no hakken" ~~fJT.7(gJ3.~*O)~JiI..
The discovery of manuscript translations preliminary to the Rekisho shimho, Kaga-
kushi kenkyu no. 4-5, 101-II3 (1943)'
Otani'Ryokichi *:B-?GB.
Ino Tadataka 1j!-§~,~:tMc (Tokyo, 1917).
- - "Kyubaku jidai no tenmongata no etsureki .1]1~~O)7(3t:1JO)mJ~ (Bio-
graphies of temnongata during the Tokugawa period), Tenm01'l geppo 5, 1-4,
13-4, 26-29 (19 12).
Otsuki Nyoden *m~Om.
Shimenyogaku net/pyo fJT.~~fF.~.
A newly edited chronology of Western learning in Japan (Tokyo, 1926).
Oya Shin'ichi **~~. .
" 'Kenkon bensetsu' no ichi ihon" 1jft;t$m~Jto)~~*.
A variant copy of the Ket/kon bensetsu, Kagakushi ket/kyu, no. 14, 35-39 (1950)'
- - - "Mikami Yoshio sensei chosaku ronbun shu" =:J:~*)t;1:~{lpwu3t•.
Bibliography of Mikami Yoshio's works, Kagakushi kenkyu, no. 18, 9-II (1951);
no. 22, 45-47 (195 2).
Saigusa Hiroto =:~t'lif.
"Kako niseiki Nihon ni atta Newton ni tsuite" ~*=t!t*c S *~ct6 "? t.::. =- .:t. -
" :/ ~c "J '" \ -C .
Appreciation of Newton in Japan in the past two centuries, Yokohama Daigaku
romo f1i!i~*~IDfB~ (Yokohama University collectanea) 10 (1),3°3-363 (1958).
- - - Nihon no shiso bunka S *0)}~\~3t11::.
The thought and culture ofJapan (Tokyo, 1937).
Saito Tsutomu jJffliliJ.
OchOjidai no on'yo do ±ljl)j~~O)~~m.
3°4 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Yin-yang art during the Ocho era (Tokyo, 1915).

Sawada Goichi ~ Ea:g.~.
Nihon sugakushi kowa S *If(~~m~.
Lectures on the history ofJapanese mathematics (Tokyo, 1928).
Shigeta Sadaichi :m: EB ~~.
"Asuka no Shumisan" ~,~O)~~ml1r.
Sumeru cosmology during the Asuka era, Shigaku 'Zasshi 15 (1904).
Shimamura Fukutaro £H1ffli*a~.
"Gendai Nihon kagaku gijutsu shi nenpyo-tenmongaku" m~ S *f4~:I3'l&
~~~-*3t~.
Chronology ofthe history ofscience and technology in modernJapan-astronomy,
Kagakushi kenkyu, no. 16,40-44 (1950); no. 17,29-44 (195 1).
Shinjo Shinzo m~m •.
Koyomi to tenmon ;:, .t ~ C *3t.
The calendar and astronomy, ed. 3 (Kyoto, 1930).
- - - Toyo tenmongaku shi kenkyu *i$*3t~~1iJf~.
Researches in the history of astronomy in the Far East (To~yo, 1928).
Shinmura Izuru mMlli.
Nanban kOki wHIJJ(~a.
Retrospect of the Westerners (Tokyo, 1925).
Sugimoto Isao 1~*~'
"Edo jidai no nojireki ni tsuite" rrF'~~O).*Mvc.'0" \--C.
On the farmer's almanacs of the Tokugawa period, in Nihon Daigaku Bungakubu
kenkyu nenpo S **~3t~tm1iJf~~¥a (Yearbook of the Department of Liter-
ature, Nihon University), pp. 229-255 (1958).
- - "Keiken kagaku no bokko to minshti" ~~f4~0)~~ C ~~.
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· Index
Abe (Tsuchimikado) family, 22, 23 107; Harumi's views on, 105-107; Joken
Abe no Seimei, 21-22, 63, 114 and separation of speculative, empirical
Abe no Yasuchika, 49 cosmology, 107-114 (see also Nishikawa
Abe Yasukuni, 70n Joken)
A bidatsuma kusharon, 207 Aristotle, 55n, 102; material and formal
Adams, George, the elder, 199; treatise causes, 41; four-elements theory, 228
translated by Ry6ei, 177-178 Armillary sphere, 124, 135; in hun t'ien
Agnosticism, cosmologic, 157, 158 theory, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40; method of
Agriculture, and calendrical science, I 19, equinoctial observation with, 243-244
227 Asada G6ryii, 193; background, 189; and
Air, cosmological view of, 93, 94 Kepler's third law, 189-190, 199; and
Al-BaWini,177 tropical-year length, 190-191, 192-193,
Alexandria, 226 formula derived, 263-266; recommends
Alfonso, King, 95 Yoshitoki and Shigetomi, 194; interest
Algebra, in astronomy, 74 in planets, 195; makes telescope, 196;
Almanacs: Christian popular, 116-117; "Gosei kyochi no kihO," 199
farmer's, 220 Asada school, 229; calendrical influence,
Alphonsine astronomers, 191n 188-193; and origins of G6ryii's law,
Amoghavajra, 60 189- I 9 I; and cyclic variation of astro-
Anaximenes, 184 nomical parameters, 191-193; and revival
Ancient Learning school, 214 of trepidation, 193
Animism, 208 Asakusa, observatory abandoned, 219
Annam,230 Astrolabe, 118, 167
Anomalistic month, year, 192 Astrology: Chinese, 3; Korean, 9; Japanese,
Anomalistic motions, GenshO explains, 10, 75, effect of Buddhism on, 75-76; in
96-97. See also under Moon; Sun Later Han dynasty, 14, 15; state control
Aphelion, 177 of, 15, 16; arid Yin-yang Board, IT; Office
Arabic astronomy, see Astronomy, Arabic of Grand Astrologer, 18; status of, in
Arai Hakuseki, quoted, 109 Japan vs. China, 20; importance over
Aristotelian cosmology, 3, 43, 210, 228, calendar-making, 21-22; and occult
230; impact on Japan, 87-115; and early sciences, 44-64; court, 44-54 (see also
Jesuit influence, 87-88; in Kenkon bensetsu, Court astrology); Babylonian, 46, 47;
88-98 (see also Kenkon bensetsu); and fate calculation, 54-63 (see also Fate
"Nigi Ryakusetsu," 98-100 (see also calculation); genethliacal, 56, 59-60,
Kobayashi Yoshinobu, "Nigi Ryaku- 75; Ptolemaic, 57, 75; horoscopic, 58,
setsu"); and T'ien-ching huo-wen, 100-104; 60-62; 98, 112; Sogdian, 58; Indian, 59,
and popular cosmological treatises, 104- 60-62; Hellenistic, 62; zodiacal, 62, 206;
316 INDEX
portent, 75, 105n, 113, 114, 150, 179, ground, 153- I 55, cultural background,
197; in Kenkon bensetsu, 90; Gensho's view 155-156, philosophical background, 156-
of, 98; and medicine, 98, I 13 158, status of mathematics, 158-161;
Astronomy: cou'rt, Buddhist monks vs., 71, recognition of Western supremacy, mid-
73; planetary, 150; critique ofFar Eastern, 18th to late 19th century, 163-231;
15 I - 152; as keiki, 179; in RekishO sbinso, emergence of "Dutch learning," 165-
181. 168; and Copernican theory, 172-179,
ARABIC, 95n, 96n, 135, 137,211; during 186-187 (see also Copernican theory); and
Yuan dynasty, 118-119. Newtonian theory, 180-187 (see also
CHINESE: historica:l accounts of, 2-3; Newtonian theory); reactions to Western
impact on Japan, 6th to early 16th theories, 203-217, of Buddhists, 203-213,
century, 5-76; historical background, of Neo-Confucians, 214-217; transition
7-1 I; institutional framework oflearning, to modern, 218-225; summarized, 226-
12-23; concept of "heaven," 14, 229; 231.
astronomical, mathematkal institutions, WESTERN: and 17th-century Scientific
14-17, compared with Japanese, 17-20, Revolution, I, 2, 3, 67; early impact on
decline of, 20-23; early cosmology, Japan, late 16th to early 18th century,
24-43 (see also under Cosmology); kai 77-161; supremacy recognized, mid-
t'ien theory, 24-35 (see also Kai t'ien 18th to late 19th century, 163-231;
theory); hun t'ien theory, 35-39 (see also India as source of, 2 I I.
Hun t'ien theory); other cosmologic See also Astrology; Calendar, calendar-
theories, 39-40; Sung Neo-Confucian, making; Cosmology
40-43; cosmology transmitted to Japan, Atlas van Zeevaert en Koopbandel door de gebeele
43; astrology and occult sciences, 44-64 Weereldt, 174
(see also Astrology); court astrology, Ayuzawa Shintaro, 84n
44-54 (see also Court astrology); fate Azumi Gonsai, defense of Chinese culture,
calculation, 54-63 (see also Fate calcula- 214-215
tion); calendrical science, introduction
of, 65-73; frequency of calendar reform, Baba Nobutake, Sbogaku tenmon sbinan, 105,
65-67; nature of calendar, 67-69; purpose 171n
of calendar, 69-73 (see also Calendar, Babylonia, Babylonian, 44, 58, 64, 67, 151,
calendar-making) and Buddhist in- 226; astrology, 46, 47; concept of ge-
fluence, 74-76; effect on first Japanese Qgraphical association, 53
calendar reform, 118- I 19; and Copernican Barometric instruments, 197
theory, 170-172; and Newtonian theory, Baxter, Glen W., vi
180; formal training for, 227. Beer, A., 26n
INDIAN, 40, 73n, 88, 91-92, 203, 205, Benoist, Michel, K'un-yu cb'iian-t'u, 174
210, 21 I. Bielenstein, Hans, 46n
JAPANESE: physical, cultural obstacles Blaeu, Johan, 175
to development, I, 226; political and Blaeu, Willem Janszoon, 179; Tweevoudigb
diplomatic backdrop to, 1-2; historical Onderwiis van de bemelsbe en aardscbe Globen,
accounts of, 2; impact of Chinese astron- Ryoei's translation of, 175-176
omy, 6th to 16th century, 5-76; analysis Board of Astronomy (Chinese), 16
of Chinese, Buddhist influences, 74-76; Book of Changes,· see I-cbing
impact of West, late 16th to early 18th Bradley, James, 178
century, 77-161; Jesuit influence, 79-82 Brahe, Tycho, 95, 137, 171, 175, 176, 177,
(see also Jesuits); and seclusion policy, 191, 193, 195. See also Tychonian system
82-86; and policies on books, from Buddhism, Buddhists, 44, 62, 63; monks
West, 82-83, in Chinese, 83-85; impact maintain contact with China, 10, 75;
of Aristotelian cosmology on, 87- I 15 Tantric, 23, 58; concept of infinity of
(see also Aristotelian cosmology); calendar space, 40, 208-210; and portent astrology,
reforms, first native, 116-152, later, to 46; and exorcism, 53; introduce Indian
Western solar calendar, 188-202 (see also astrology, 59; and fate calculation, 59-
Calendar, calendar-making); in Toku- 62; Shingon sect, 63; vs. court astrono-
gawa period, 153-161, institutional back- mers, 71, 73; influence analyzed, 74-76;
INDEX
effect on Japanese astrology, calendar- T'ai-ch'u; Tenpo; T'ien-ching huo-wen;

making, 75-76; under shogunate, 79; T'ung-t'ien; Uigur; Wu-chi; ruan-chia;
cosmology, 91-92, 230-23 I, defects ruan-chia I-feng
argued, 215-216; antipathy to Western Cassini, 177, 189
cosmology, 187, 203-213; and Sumeru Cause, fundamental, in RekishO shinso, 184-
cosmology, 205-2 I3; eclipsed by Con- 185
fucianism as intellectual force, 2 I0-2 I I Celestial globe, 123
Bureau of Astronomy (Japanese), 219 Celestial mechanics, 49, 191; in Lalande's
Bureau of Divination (Chinese), 19 Astronomie, 198-199; in "Shinp6 rekisho,"
Butterfield, Herbert, quoted, I 202
Central Pole concept, 210
Cabral, Francisco, quoted, 82 Centrifugal force, 182, 184
Calculus: and enri theory, I59n; differential, Ch'an-wei concept, 56 .
integral, 184 Chang Chung-ching, Shang han lun,· I 13
Calendar, calendar-making, 10, 40, 54, 105, Chang Heng, Hun-i chu, quoted, 35, 37
167, 216; dearth of material on Chinese, Chao Wei-pang, 56n
3; in Later Han dynasty, 14; mathematics Cheng Hsuan: sky measurements, 38-39;
of, 16; and yin-yang principle, 17, 55; and earth theory, 88
Office of the Grand Astrologer, 18; Chao Chun-ch'ing, 24
status, in Japan vs. China, 20: importance Charveau, Henri, 224
compared with astrology's, 21-22; Chatley, Herbert, 33, 34, 35
elements applied to human affairs, 57; Ch'i,41-42, 106, 107, 112, 183, 186; intervals,
frequency of reform, 65-67; introduction 68, 69; six, defined, I13; and Ii, dichotomy
of Chinese, 65-73; nature of Chinese, 67; of, 214
purpose of Chinese, 69; Japan adopts "Ch'i pien," 165
Chinese, 69-73; rural, 73; effect of Bud- Ch'i-yao jang-tsai-chueh, 62
dhism on, 75-76; GenshO's view of, 97; Ch'ien Pao-tsung,29n
and keiki, 114; reform, first native, 116- Chih Ch'ien, 58
152; early influences, 116-119; Jesuit Chin dynasty (A.D. 265-420), 33, 47, 48,
contributions, 116-117 (see also Jesuits); 52n
navigation influence, 117-118; Chinese Chin dynasty (A.D. II 15-1234), 112, 113
influence on Japanese reform, I 18-119; Chin shu, 37, 39; quoted, 33, 35-36
early Japanese efforts at reform, 119- China: missionaries in, 79-80, 8I; books
123; Harumi's contributions, 119-121 censored in Japan, 85; South, 101; effects
(see also Shibukawa Harumi); instrumenta- of cultural isolation, 226; attitude toward
tion, 122-123; and lack of conceptual new ideas, 230. See also Astronomy,
schemes in Eastern astronomy, 151-152; Chinese
reform, continued efforts at, 188-202; Ch'ing period, 39, 68, 230; astrology in, 15
Asada school, 188-193 (see also Asada Ching-ch'u calendar, 50-5 In
G6ryii; Asada school); and origins of Chiromancy, and yin-yang practice, 23
G6ryii's Law, 189-191; and cyclic varia- Chiu-chang suan-shu, 72; quoted, 16
tionof astronomical parameters, 191- Chiu-chih calendar, 73n, 203
193; and revival of trepidation, 193; and Chiu-chih Ii, 2 I I
interest in planetary theory, 195-196; Chiu-ch'ung t'ien, 96
observations and instruments, 196-198; Chou gnomon, 24
Lalande's Astronomie and mechanistic Chou i (I-ching), 63, 183, 184; past and
view, 198-200; Indian, 21 I, 212; duties present use of, 58-59
assigned to Interior Ministry, 219-220; Ch'ou-jen chuan, 203
standard process, 228; elements of, 238. Chou pi suan ching, 24, 28, 3I, 33, 35, 43, 72
See also under individual headings: Ching- Chou pi theory, see Kai t'ien theory
ch'u; Chiu-chih; Fu-t'ien; Gregorian; Ho- Christianity: persecuted, 100, 117; sup-
ryaku; Hsuan-ming; I-feng; '}okyo; Julian; pressed, I 10. See also Dominicans; Francis-
Kansei; Korean (Silla); Li-hsiang k'ao- cans; Jesuits; Roman Catholic Church
ch'eng; Lunisolar; Shih-hsien; Shou-shih; Chu Hsi, 96, 105; quoted, 41; calendrical
Solar; ssu-fen; Ta-('ung; Ta-yeh; Ta-yen; attitude, 42-43; earth theory, 88
31 8 INDEX
Chu Lti-yen, 58 first transmitted to Japan, 43; Chou pi

Ch'ueh Meng? 39 school, 72; in Six Dynasties period, 74;
Chugoku byOdan, 87 Aristotelian, impact in Japan, 87-115
Cheung-chen era, 166 (see also Aristotelian cosmology); Gensho's
Cheung-chen Ii-shu, 103-104, 114, 122, 189, views on Western, 9 I, Indian, 91-92,
190-191; imported into Japan, 166; and Chinese and Japanese, 92; Confucian,
Tychonian system, 171; and trepidation, 92; of Shintoism, 92; and yin-yang theory,
193 92-94, 104; of Shibukawa Harumi, 105-
Clavius, Christopher, 84, 95, 117, 171n, 107; Joken and speculative vs. empirical,
19'1; In sphaeram Ioannis de Sacro Bosco, 107-114 (see also Nishikawa Joken);
commentarius, 89-90 study of meiri, keiki heavens, 107-109;
Clepsydra, 123 .yun ch'i theory, I II-I 14; of Kogaku
Clocks: water, 10, 18, 37; weight-driven, school, 157-158; geocentric, 172; Mile-
123; pendulum, 196 sian, 184; reaction to Western theories,
Clouds, as portents,48 203-217, of Buddhists, 203-213, of Neo-
Cohen, 1. Bernard, v Confucians, 214-2 I 5; of Neo-Shintoists,
Collegio Romano, 117 215. See also under headings Aristotelian;
Comets, 181; as portents, 48, 50, 52-53; Buddhist; Sumeru
periodicity, 49, 52, 54; and court astro- Court astrology: Chinese, 44-47; Japanese,
logy, 52: movements observed, 197 47-49; subjective, objective elements,
Condensation, and rarefaction, principles 49-53; and eclipses, 50-5~; and comets,
of, 183, 184 52; and planetary motions, 53; emerging
Confucianism, 16, 89, 91, 101, 227, 230; criticism of, 53-54; temporary revival
and mathematics, 15; and portent judi- of, 218-219
cial astrology, 60; and cosmology, 92, Court Astronomy School, I i 3
156-158, 185, 23 I; kogaku school, 108; Crab Nebul~, 63
schools in Tokugawa period, 153-154; Cyclic varia tion of astronomical parameters,
intolerance of theoretical investigation, 191-193
159-160; and earth sphericity, 208;
eclipses Buddhism as intellectual force, Daigaku, 219
210-21 I. See also Neo-Conf]Jcianism Day, and night, length of, 97, 110, 141-142
Conjunction: planetary, 45, 53; lunar, 71 De Cae/o, 89
Constellations, 48, 150 De la Hire, 177
Copernican theory, 3, 94, 98, 171, 178,21 I, De Saussure, 2
216; reception in China, 170-172; intro- De Ursis, Sabatino, 84
duced in Japan, 172-173; and translations Deism, 181
ofRyoei, 173-179 (see also Motoki Ryoei); Delambre, J. B., 90
Blaeu's exposition, 175-176; Adam's Descartes, Rene, 179
treatise on, 177-178; incompatibility with Diaz, Emmanuel, 84; T'ien-wen lueh, 101,
traditional Chinese notion, 182; diffu- 102n, 165n
sion of, 186-187; Kokan popularizes, Divination: in T'ang ~ynasty, 19; in Japan
187. See also Heliocentric theory vs. China, 20
Copernicus, Nicholas, 43, 90, 95, 176, 179; Dominicans, 8 I
De revolutionibus, 79; first mention in Dubs, Homer H., quoted, 50n
Japanese work, 174; in Cheung-chen Ii-shu, Dutch, 91; trading policies, 83; geo-
191 graphical knowledge, 109-110; traders as
"Corpuscle," no Chinese equivalent for, source of astronomical instruments, 122-
184 123, 197; scholars organIze New Year's
Cosmic-egg notion, in hun t'ien theory, 35, feast, 220; naval officers as teachers, 223
36 Dutch language, 83, 198,21 I
Cosmology: Chinese, 3, 93, early, 24-43; "Dutch learning" (study of works in Dutch
kai t'ien theory, 24-35 (see also Kai t'ien language), 190,21 I, 216; and importation
theory); hun t'ien theory, 35-43 (see also of Sino-Western treatises, 165-167; en-
Hun t'ien theory); hsuan yeh theory, 35, couraged under Yoshimune, 167; and
39-41; Neo-Confucian, 40-43, 96, 184; investigation of Western science, 168
INDEX
Earth: parallelism of sky and, 25, 26; flat, Euclid, Elements, 72; Ricci-Hsu translation,
26-3 I passim, 212 (see also Kai t'ien 84
theory); curvature, in secondary kai Euclidean mathematics, 90
t'ien theory, 31-35; in Neo-Confucian Eudoxian spheres, 107
cosmology, 41-42; identified with yin,
42, 182; sphericity, 87-88, 90, 94, 105, Fairbank, John K., 222
205, 208, denied, 39, 210, adopted, 201; Fate calculation, 44, 150; doctrinal develop-
circumference, 94; rotation, 94; seasons, ment in China, 54-57; Western influences,
104; diameter, I I I 57-58; and yin-yang art in Japan, 58-63;
Earthquakes, 45, 226; as portents, 48, 49 and importation of Chinese ideas, 58-59;
Ebizawa Arimichi, 116n; Nanban gakuto no Buddhist influence on, 59-62; indigenous
kenkyu, 80n elements, 63; Japanese method of, 75
Eccentric cycles, 100, 102, 190, 191 Ferreira, Christovao (Sawano Chuan):
Eclipse meter, 197 translates Kenkon bensetsu, 89-90; main
Eclipses, 67, 70n, 96, 97, 196, 224; as purpose in treatise, 98; link with Yoshi-
portents, 48, 50-52; and court astrology, nobu,99
50-52; annular, 96; Gensha's view of, Feudalism, Japanese, 79,80
97; and Hsuan-ming calendar, 120. Fire, as fundamental element, 94, 187
SOLAR, 44, 45,81, 181,201, periodicity, "Force," no Chinese equivalent for, 184
50-5 I, 53-54, as portents, 50-52. Former Han dynasty, 45, 47, 48, 49, 53, 55,
LUNAR, 94, 117, 135,201, periodicity, 56
50-5 I; as portents, 50-52, and moment Fortune-telling, and yin-yang practice, 23.
of syzygies, 139-140, and refraction, See also Fate calculation
178; and Indian astronomy, 210. France, 225
PREDICTION, 71n, 73, 105, 178; Franciscans, 8 I
technical aspects of, 123, 143-15°; and Fu-hsi,8
'}okyo, Shou-shih calendars, 143-15°; and Fu-t'ien calendar, 62
longitude, 149; and lack of schema, 151; Fucan Fabian, Myotei mondo, 88
standard process, 228 Fukien province, 101
Ecliptic, I 10 Fundamental cause, 184-185
Edkins, Joseph, 18o
Edo (Tokyo), 85; observatory, 120, 218- Galaxy, 100
219; solstitial observations at, 201 Galileo, I, 179
Elements, theory of five (Chinese) vs. four Generatione et corruptione, De, 89
(Aristotelian), 92-94, 98, 104, 112-113, Genna kOkaisho, 117,220
228 Genna period, I 17
Ellipse, theory of, 194 Genpei seisuiki, 5 I
Elliptic orbits, 177, 195 Gensha, see Mukai Gensha
Empyrean, 88, 102,210 Gensha, Empress, quoted, 48-49
Enri theory, 159n Geocentric theory, 172, 174, 176, 179
Entsu, 2 I 4; defense of tradition, 210-2 13 ; Geography, 173; role in Wes'tern astronomy,
on Western influence, 21 I; Bukkoku 109-110
rekishO hen, 2 I I, 213; nature of his argu- Geomancy, and yin-yang practice, 23
ments, 212"':'213; refuted, 217 Geometry, in astronomy, 74
Ephemeris, 53,72, 178,201,21 I Ginzel, son
Epicycles, 102, 107, 191, 228; in "Nigi Gnomon, 25, 26, 29, 38, 71, 72, 123, 124,
ryakusetsu," 99-100 192, 196; use in primary kai t'ien theory,
"Equation of center," 96 27-28, 35; method of solstitial observa-
Equator, earth's, I 10; reduction from tion, 126-127,242-243; giant, 131;
ecliptic to, 137-139 elaborate, 197
Equinoxes, 25; precession of, 94-95; and Gomez, Pedro, "De sphaera," 99
shou-shih calendar, 147-149; armillary- Gonsalvez, Manoel, 117
sphere method of observing, 243-244; Garyu's Law, origins of, 189-191. See also
premodern observation, modern calcula- Asada Garyu
tion compared, 247-256 Grand Astrologer, office of, 86; in T'ang
320 INDEX
period, 13; in Later Han dynasty, 14; Hoki, 118

officials assigned to, 18-19 Hoki naiden, 63
Gravity: universal, 184; and fundamental Holland, see Dutch
cause, 184-185 Honan province, 39
Greece, ancieht, 12,44, 53, 67, 226. See also Honda Toshiaki, Seiiki monogatari, 220
Hellenism . Horoscopic astrology, 58,60-62,98, 112
Greenwich Observatory, as model, 224 Horyaku calendar, 122, 123,' 126, 195;
Gregorian calendar, 65, 67, 69, 97, 116n, reliance on Chinese instruments, 196; el-
126; adopted, 220-222 ements of, 238 .
Gregory, David, 18o Horyilji, 206
Guia do pecador, 88 Hospi mandala, 205, 206
Gukan sho, 53 Hou Han shu 14
Gunnery, 218 Hsi, 55
Hsiao-ch'ang (ShOcho) law, 190, 191, 193,
Han dynasty, 35, 56, 65, 74, 133. See also 229; explained, 245-246
Former Han dynasty; Later Han dynasty Hsin chuan yin-yan shU, 58
Han shu, quoted, 45 Hsing ch'i heaven, 107-109
Han-yang t'ien-wen yao-chi, 47 Hsiu-yao ching, 60, 62, 203
Hartner, Willy, vi Hsiung Ming-yti, Ko-chih ts'ao, 101
Harumi, see Shibukawa Harumi Hsu Kuang-ch'i, 84; slogan;T7I-172, 202
Harvard-Yenching Institute, vi Hsuanyeh theory, 35, 39-40 ,"
Hayashi Kichizaemon, 90, 99 Hsuan-ming calendar, I I; defects, 71, 119;
Hayashi Razan, 88, 156, 214; school of elements, 238
Confucianism, 153 Hsuan-ming Ii, I 18
Hayashi Tsuruichi, 99 Huai-nan tzu, 28, 52n, 59; quoted, 41
Hazama family, job abolished, 218-219 Huang-chi calendar, 150
Hazama Heizaburo, vi Huang-ti chin-kuei yii-heng-ching, 58, 59
Hazama Shigetomi, 202; role in making Hun t'ien theory, 87, 113, 207; and sky
Kansei calendar, 194; invents, improves sphericity, 35-37; and extent of universe,
instruments, 196; explains Kepler's third 37-39; and lack of earth-sphericity
law, 199-200 concept, 39; favored by Neo-Confucians,
Heliocentric theory, 90n, 94, 98, 170, 171, 41
172, 176, 189,202; linguistic barriers to, Huyghens, theories of, 182
173; and "Oranda chikyu zusetsu," 174; Hyakkoku kan, replaces clepsydra, 123
causes oflate introduction in Japan, 179; Hydrography, 84
and relativity, 181-182; use of myth and
science to explain, 216-217. See also I-ching (Book of Changes), 58-59, 63, 183,
Copernican theory 184
Hellenism, and astrology, 59, 62 I-feng calendar: adopted by Japanese, 69,
Hellman, Doris, vi 70; elements of, 238
Hemerology, 57, 58, 62, 154, 156; observ- I-hsing, 69, 203
ances, 101; treatises (hokiJ, 118; and "I-wen chih," quoted, 55
yin-yang art, 12on; notations, 220 Ichijo, Emperor, 52
Hepburn system, v Iguchi Tsunenori, Tenmon zukai, 104-105,
Heraclitus, logos concept, 107 208,209
Higuchi Gon'emon, 99 Ikai Keisho, quoted, 215
Himalayas, 205 Ikeda Koun, Genna kOkaisho, 117
Hindus, and cosmic-egg notion, 35n Imai Itaru, 117; conjecture on Kenkon
Hipparchus, 94, 176, 177 bensetsu, 89-90
Hirata Atsutane, 70n; Tencho mukyureki, 8; Imamura Tomoaki, "Nichigetsu kaigo
nationalistic science of, 216-217 sanpo," 118
Hirose Hideo, vi Imoto Susumu, vi, 63n
Ho,55 India, Indian, 88, 205; cosmology, 40, 91-
Ho Ping-yti, 26n 92; calendrical influence, 73n, 21 I;
Hoashi Banri, 187,215 learning, 91-92; credited with origin of
INDEX 321
Arabic astronomy, 21 I. See a/so Astronomy, satellites, 196; deferents, 102, 103, 104
Indian
Ino Tadataka: latitude measurements, 197; Kai t'ien (Chou pi) theory, 37, 40, 72, II 3,
"Bukkoku rekishohen sekihi," 213 2 I 2, 213; and available theoretical and
Institute for Learning, 219 empirical knowledge, 24-26; primary,
International Prime Meridian and Universal 26-3 I ; secondary, 31-35; scientific nature
Time Congress, 225 of, 35; similarity to Sumeru cosmology,
Interpolation, and solstitial time, 124-127 210; in Buddhist cosmology, 215-216
Iran, 58 "Kaii bendan," quoted, 54
Irie Shiikei, quoted, 157 Kaitokudo school, 158; influence 215
Islam, Islamic, 73n; Golden Age of Science, Kamakura period, I 13
12, 13; cosmic theories, 40 Kamo (Kotokui) family, 22
Itazawa Takeo, 175n Kamo no Arikata, 43
Ito Jinsai, 108; cosmology of, 157; and Kamo no Mitsuyoshi, 2 I, 22
Ancient Learning school, 214 Kamo no Yasunori, 2 I, 22
Kan te, 47n
Japan: effect of modernization, 1-2; as Kanda Shigeru, vi, 44, 52
meeting-place of Chinese, Western in- Kansei calendar, 194-195, 197; proved un-
fluences, 2; seclusion policy, 82-85, 85- satisfactory, 200; elements of, 238
86, 227, effect on Western books, 82-83, Kant, Immanuel, planetary hypothesis,
on books in Chinese,83; attitude toward 185, 186
new ideas, 230; climate, cultural geog- Keiki (hsing ch'i) concept, 107-109, 113, 115;
raphy, 226. See a/so Astronomy, Japanese and traditional calendrical science, 114;
Jesuits, 99, 114, 122; influence in Japan, . as astronomy (vs. astrology), 179
I I, 79-86, on cosmology, 87-88; activi- Keill, John, Introductiones ad veram Physicam
ties, 80-82; and seclusion policy, 82, 85- et veram Astronomiam, translated, 180-186
86,227; and Western books, 82-83; and J!enkon bensetsu, 102, 109, 114, 220, 228;
Chinese works, 83-85; treatises of, 90n, original text, 88-90; GenshO's commen-
169, 172, 189, 191, 198,21 1,229; support tary, 89, 90-98 (see a/so Mukai GenshO);
Tychonian system, 102-104; arrival in compared with "Nigi ryakusetsu," 99-
China, 110; early contributions to cal- 100; table of contents, 235-237
endar reform, I 16- I 17; and Copernican Kennedy, E. S., vi
theory, 170; bring solar calendar, 220 Kepler, Johannes, 176, 177, 179, 19 8 ;
Jito, Empress, 69 planetary theory, 196 /
Joken, see Nishikawa Joken Kepler's laws, 181, 189, 190; third, and
']okyo calendar, 119-122, 140, 166, 190,228; balance analogy, 199-200
adopted, 120; technical aspects, 123-151; Ketu (imaginary planet), 61, 206
and movement of the sun, 123-139; and Kibi no Makibi, 70
interpolation method, 124-127; and varia- Kikuchi Dairoku, 225
tion in tropical-year length, 127-129; Kiley, Cornelius, vi
and observation basis for :variation term, Ko Hung, quoted, 37
129-131; and accuracy of observation, Ko-tok Wang Po-son, 9
131-133; and solar equation of center, Kobayashi Nobuyuki, 55
133-137; and reduction from ecliptic to Kobayashi Yoshinobu, 173; "Nigi ryaku-
equator, 137-139; and moon move- setsil," 98-100, 107, quoted, 100; bio-
ment, 139-140; and determination of graphical note, 99; on epicycles, 99-100;
length of day and night, 141-142; and on trepidation, telescope, Western nota-
composition of lunisolar calendar, 142- tion, 100
143; and eclipse prediction, 143-150; Kogaku schqol, cosmology of, 157-158
lack of concern over planetary motions, Kogler, Igna'tius, 174
150-151; critique of, 151-152; elements KoihO school, I 13
of, 238 Kokan, see Shiba Kokan
Juan Yuan, Ch'ou-jen chuan, 16 Kondo Seisai (Morishige), 165n; quoted, 83
Julian calendar, 13 1,220 . Korea, Korean, 20, 45n, 230; astronomical
Jupiter: astrologic correspondences, 48n; contributions, 8, 9, 10; conjectured in-
322 INDEX
fluence in T'ang period, 20 Loyola, Ignatius, 80

Korean (Silla) calendar, 73 Lu Gwei-djen, 26n
Kotokui (Kamo) family, 22 "Lu-Ii chih": of the Han history, 53, 72; of
Kozawa Masakata, 70 the Chin history, 72
Kil concept, 208 Lu-li yuan-yuan, I89n
Kuan Lu, 56 Lulofs, Johan (translator), Inleidinge tot de
Ku-chin chan) 106 waare Natuur- en Sterrekunde, 18o
Ku-chinchu, 50n Lunar eclipses, see Eclipses, lunar
Kunitomo Tobei, 197 Lunisolar calendar, I In, 97, 117,227; com-
Kurushima Yoshihiro, quoted, 160 position of, 142-143; finally abandoned,
Kuo Shou-ching, 69, 84, 114, 121, 123, 126, 222
135, 192, 196, 21 I; Shou-shih Ii, 118;
solstitial observations, 131-133 Macao, 117
Kwal-Iuk, 9 Maeno Ranka, 184n
Kyoto, 79, 121, 122; solstitial observations Maeyama Jinro, vi
at, 201; bureau branch, 219 Map-making, 197
Mars, 196; astrologic correspondences,
Lalande, Joseph J. L. de, Astronomie ("ShinkO 48n; deferents of, 102, 103, 104
rekisho"), I69, I90, 196, 229; and genesis Martin, Benjamin, The philosophical grammar,
of a mechanistic view, 198-200; transla- 178
tion completed, 200 Maspero, 2
Lao-tzu, quotes, 183 Master of Mathematics, in T'ang period, 15 '
Laplace, Simon: planetary hypothesis, 185- Mathematicians, traditional (wasanka), I 18
186; study of astronomical parameters, Mathematics, 84; in Later Han dynasty,
192 14; in Sui and T'ang periods, 15-16; of
Later Han period, 56; state monopoly on kai t'ien theory, 25-26; in Tokugawa
astronomy, 14-15 period, 154, 158-161; as "status" subject,
Latin language, 89, 90 156; and yin-yang principle, 158; as
Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm, Baron von, recreation, 159n
159n, 180 "Matter," no Chinese equivalent for, 184
Lens-grinding, mastered by Japanese, 197 Medicine, Eastern, and yun ch'i theory,
Li concept, 4 I-42, 107 111-113
Li-ch'i principle, 91, 92, 93, 95, 112,214 Mei Wen-ting, Li-suan ch'uan-shu, 166, 184;
Li Chih-tsao, 84 theoretical basis for hsiao-ch'ang in, 192
Li-ch'un, as New Year, 221 Meiji government, 8;/westernization under,
Li-hsiang k'ao-ch'eng calendar", 174, 182, 189; 213, 219-220, 222-223, 231; abolishes
elements used in Kansei calendar, 194- Tokugawa institutions, 2 I8-2 I9, 2 I3;
195 astronomy under, 218-220; calendar re-
Li Shan-Ian, 18o form (1872), 220; educational, postal
Li-suan ch'uan-shu) 166 reforms, 221; turns to West for scientific
Liang-i hsuan-Ian) 109, I I I guidance, 224-225 '
Lieh-tzu, 182 Meiji zen Nih01i tenmongaku shi, 2
Lightning, as portent, 49 Meiri (ming Ii) concept, 107-109, 113; and
Ling-t'ai i-hsiang chih, 166 traditional metaphysics, 114; as portent
Lilius, 69 astrology, 179
Liu-chang, 72 Mendenhall, Thomas Corwin, vi; at Tokyo
Uu Ch'o, 68 University, 224-225
Liu Hui, 37n Mendenhall, Thomas Corwin II, 224
Liu Wen-shu, theory ofyun ch'i, 112 Mercury, 45, 196; astrologic correspond-
Lokaupasthana A bhidharmasastra) 2 I 2 ences, 48n; deferents, 102
Longitude: first accounted for in eclipse Meridians, 97, 110
prediction, 149; determination by tel- Metaphysics, and meiri, 114
egraph, 224 Meteor observations, 197
Lowell, Percival, visits Japan, 225n Meteor showers, 44, 45
Lowell Observatory, 225n Meteorites, as portents, 48
INDEX 323
Meteorologic medicine, I 13 of four elements, 94; on earth's shape,

Meteorologic phenomena, as portents, 48- measurement, rotation, 94; on trepida-
49 tion, 94~95; on structure of heavens, 95;
Meteorologica, 89 on planetary revolution, 96; on anomalis-
Meteorology, 18, I 13 tic motion, 96-97; on dimensions of
Meteors, as portents, 49 heavenly bodies, 97; on height of heavens,
Mikami Yoshio, 89n, lOon; Nibon kagaku no 97; on eclipses, lengths of day, night,
tokushitsu: tenmon, 2 97; on Gregorian vs. lunisolar calendar,
Milesian cosmology, 184 97; on astrology, 98; antagonism to
Milky Way, 100 Aristotelian astronomy, 110; influence
Minamoto clan, 5 I of, 156; rejects four-elements theory,
Ming concept, 56 228-229
Ming dynasty, 48, 110
Ming history, 2 I I Nagasaki, 82, 83, 85,99, 101, 107, 109, 112,
Ming Ii, see Meiri concept 117, 168, 169, 175; Dutch visits to, 167;
Ministry of Education, 219, 221, 222, 224 interpreters, 173, 229; school of astrono-
Ministry of the Interior, 221, 224; calendar- mers, 179
making assigned to, 2 I 9-220 "Nagasaki senmin den," 99
Ministry of Technology, 224 Naikaku bunko, 30
Miura Seiin, quoted, 158 Nakane Genkei, 166; "Kawa tsiireki," 7-8;
Mo-teng-cb'ieh ching, 58 Tenmon-zukai hakki, 171n
Monna, 2 I I ; Hi tenkyo wakumon, 208 ; Nakayama, Shigeru, son; 'Japanese studies
Kusen hakkai toron, 208; arguments against in the bistory ofscience, 2n
Western theories, 208-210; denounced, Naksatra, 58, 62
215-216 . Nan Kung-yueh, 39
Moon, 18, 61, 62, 97, 106; and hun t'ien Nanbu, Saju, 101
theory, 36; and hsuan yeh theory, 40; N ara period, 154
yang nature, of, 42; halos, a"s portents, Naturphilosophie, 186, 229; Chinese, 182-183,
48; anomalistic motions, 68, 69, 96; new, 184
determination of, 70n; conjunctions, and Naval Observatory, U.S., 225
winter solstices, 71 ; phases, 8 I; diameter, Navigation, 216, 227; Western prowess at,
I I I; equation of center, 140; parallax, 109-110; influence on early Tokugawa
144; movement, 201, measurement of, astronomy, 117-118; Adams' treatise on,
123, 139-141; mathematical derivation of 177
instantaneous orbit, 259-262. See also Navy, Japanese, builds observatory, 224
Eclipses, lunar Needham, Joseph, v, 3, 26n; Science and
Mori Shaken, GoM shichi ron, 208 civilisation in China, 2
Motoki Ryaei, 168, 180, 182, 186, 187, 199, Neo-Confucianism, Neo-Confucianists, 92,
220; translations of, 173~179; (trans.) 105, 106, 107, 182, 184; cosmology, 40-
"Oranda chikyu zusetsu," 174; (trans.) 43, 96, 150, 186, overwhelming influence
"Tenchi nikyu yoM," 175-176; (trans.) of, 156-157; under shogunate, 79; vs.
Gronden der Sterrenkunde 0• 0' 177; (trans.) Kogaku school, 108; theory of pathology,
Philosophische Onderwijzer, 178; (trans.) II 2- I 13; and Japanese medicine, 113;
Beginselen der Natuurkunde, 178; on "Dutch Hayashi Razan's doctrine, 153; reaction
learning," 179; introduces heliocentri- to Western science, 214-215
cism, 229 Neo-Shintoism, Neo-Shintoists, 23 I; reac-
Motoori Norinaga: Shinreki kii, 8; quoted, tion to Western science, 215-217
195,216; defends spherical-earth theory, Netherlands, see Dutch
215-216 Neugebauer, Otto, vi, 64
Mount Fuji, gravity measurements on, 224 Neugebauer, P. V., son
Mount Sumeru, see Sumeru cosmology New Year: solar, 220; at Risshun, 221; at
Mukai Gensha, 214; commentary on the winter solstice, 22 I
Kenkon bensetsu, 90-98; on Western learn- Newcomb, Simon: solar equation of center,
ing, 91; on Indian learning, 91-92; on 127, 129,131, 136, 137; formula for
Chinese, Japanese learning, 92; on depths tropical-year length, 192-193
INDEX
Newton, Isaac, I, I59n, 177, 179, 189 "Oranda chikyii zusetsu," 174
Newtonian theory, 3, 178, 179, 180, 186- Osaka, 104, 158,215,218,229; merchants'
187, 198, 200, 216, 229; and Tadao's wealth, 189
"Rekisho shinso," 180-186 Oscillation, north-south, 95, 96
"Nichigetsu kaigo sanpo," I 18 Otani Ryokichi, 190
Night, and day, length of, 97, 110, 141-142 Otomo no Suguri Takatoshi, 9
"Nigi ryakusetsu," 102, I 14; described, Oya Shin'ichi, vi
98-100; compared with Kenkon bensetsu,
99-100 Paekche,9
Nihon shoki, 7,9, quoted, 69 Parallax: moon's, 144; east-west difference,
Nishi Kichibei, 89 145-146; constant term, 146-147;
Nishikawa Joken, II 4, lIS, 173, 229; north-south difference, 145; effects of,
quoted, 107, 109-110, I I I; Tenmon giron, 178
107; and speculative vs. empirical Parallelogram of forces, I84n
cosmology, 107-114; study of meiri, Paul, H. M., 225
keiki heavens, 107-109, 179; Ryogi shiiset~u, Perigee, solar, 192
108; evaluation of Western astronomy, Perihelion, I 77
109-110; skeptical, positivistic attitude, Periodicity: of celestial, meteorologic phe-
IIO-II I; andyun-ch'i theory, I II-II4 nomena, 49-50; of eclipses, 50-51: of
Nishikawa Seikyu, 114, 167; quoted, 108- comets, 52; planetary, 57
109, I I I, I IS; role as tenmongata, 122; Persians, and cosmic-egg notion, 35n
Wakan unki shinan, 220 Perturbation theory, 192
Nishimura Tosato, lIS, 154; quoted, 54; Philippines, 90, 117
classification of astronomical subjects, Physics, in RekishO shinso, 182-184
,113-114; denounces mathematicians' Physiognomy, and yin-yang practice, 23
attitude, 160-161 P'ing shuo, 68
Noda Churyo, 26, 31, 33, 70n; Rekigaku shi Planetary motions, 99-100, 102, 20 I; as
ron, 2 portents, 50, 53; and court astrology, 53;
Nodical month, 192 periodic, and calendrical science, 67;
North Pole, 25, 28, 29, 33, 39; as Central retrogressive, 96, 106, 107; Yu Ion, 102-
Pole, 210 103; eastward vs.westward, 105-106,
Northern dynasty, 13 I I I; anomalistic, ISO; lack of concern
Northern Wei dynasty, 67 over, 150-151, 195
Novae, 181 Planets, 61, 62, 178; in hsuanyeh theory, 40;
Nutation, 201 astrologic theories about, 48; conjunc-
tion, 45, 53; and five-elements principle,
Obara Satoru, 99 55-56; periodicity, 57; ephemerides,
Occultation: planetary, 53; observed by 62; and system of spheres, 96n; radii of
modern methods, 197 spheres, 110; calculus of finite difference
Octants, 197 for each, IS I; traditional non-geometric
Office of Astronomy, 194,227; Translation theory of, 151; inclinations, 178; composi-
Bureau, 169; hobbled by calendar duties, tion, 182; elliptic drbits, I84n; revolu-
202; fate of, in Meiji regime, 219 tion, 185, direction of, 96; rotation, 185;
Office of Mathematics: in T'ang period, 13; differing hypotheses on origin of, 185,
described, 15-16 186; interest in theory of, 195-196;
Ogawa Kiyohiko, 8 imaginary, 206
Ogiu Sorai, 108; cosmology of, 157-158; Portent astrology, 75, 105n, 113, 114, ISO,
quoted, 159-160; and Ancient Learning , 197; as senkO, 114; as meiri, 179
school, 214 Portugal, Portuguese, 91, 95; Jesuits from;
Ohio State University, 224, 79, 82; mercantile· activities, 87; geo-
Okamoto Yoshitomo, 80n graphical knowledge, 109-110; naviga-
Ono no Imoko, 10 tional techniques, 117
On'yo do tradition, 43, 63 Portuguese language, 90
Oppolzer, T. von, son; Canon der Finsternisse, Positivism, 110-114 passim, 229
52 Prajna, as "idea of God's design," 181
INDEX
Precession, 94-95, 100, 102, 104, 181; Yu San-se pu-tsan, 47

Ion, 194; variable, 190;' cycle, and Stirdulakar,!tivtidana sutra, 58
tropical-year length, 192, and trepidation Sato Nobuhiro, 216
cycle, 193 Saturn, 178, 196; astrologic correspond-
Price, Derek, vi ences, 48n; deferents, 102, 103, 104
Primum mobile, 102, 210 Sawano Chiian, see Ferreira, Christovao
Ptolemaic astrology, 57, 75 Sayili Aydin, vi
Ptolemaic system, 43, 68, 94, 96n, 107, 114, Schall von Bell, Johann Adam, 80, 166, 171
15 1,171,178 Schilling, D., Das Schulwesen der 1esttiten,
Ptolemy, 102, 126, 140, 176, 177; Tetrabiblos, 80n
61; Almagest, 72, 152, 191,228; and solar Schlegel, 2
equation of center, 136, 137 Schwartz, Benjamin 1., v
Pulleyblank, E. G., 26n Scientific Revolution, European, 1,2,3, 167
Pythagoras, 179 Scintillation, 48
Pythagorean theorem, general, 38, 138 Seclusion policy, 82; effects of, 85-86
Seikyii, see Nishikawa Seikyii .
Quadratic equations, 135n "Seireki shinsho," 201
Quadrant, 118, 197, 198 Seiri, 179
Seki Takakazu, I 19, 139, 159n
Riihu (imaginary planet), 61, 206 Senko, 179; and portent astrology, 114
Rainbows, 114 Sen'yo, 213
Rarefaction, and condensation, principles Sextant, and comet observations, 197-198
of, 183, 184 Shang-shu wei k'ao-ling-yao; quoted, 215
Reformation, I Shen Kua, 139, 141; suggests solar calendar,
Refraction, 197; table, 178 221n
Reischauer, Edwin 0., vi Shiba Kokan, 178; popularizes Copernican
Rekirin mondo shu, 43 theory, 187, 21 I
Relativity, in RekishO shinso, 181-182 Shibukawa Harumi (Yasui Santetsu), 70n,
Renaissance, I, 187 114, 135, 137, 139, 140, 143,208; "Nihon
Renard, Louis, Atlas de la navigation et du choreki," 7, 8; cosmologic views, 105-
commerce qui se fait dans toutes les parties du 107; quoted, 106, 12 I; and 1okyo calendar,
monde, 174 119-122; introduces astronomical instru-
Rho, Jacob, 166 ments, 123; uses gnomen, 126-127; and
Ricci, Matteo, 80, 81, 83, 86, 87, 90, 95, variation term, 127; representation of
110, 117, 172,226,227; universe theory, solar equation of center, 138; and eclipse
96n; Liang-i hsuan-Ian t'u, 104-105 prediction, 143-15°; and longitude,
"Ricci corpus," 86; banned, 83-84; "Ch'i 149; appointed tenmongata, 154-155;
pien" freed from ban, 165 interest in planets, 195; descendants to
Riccioli, Giovanni Battista, 177; Almagestum Shizuoka, 2 I 8
novum, 102-103 Shibukawa Kagesuke: completes Lalande
Rigaku, 113-114, 115 . translation, 200; "Shinpo rekis~o," 201-
Risshun, as New Year, 221 202
Rockefeller Foundation, vi Shih chi, 47,48, 50
Roman Catholic Church, 102. See also Shih-hsien calendar, 68, 121, 143; basis for,
Dominicans; Franciscans; Jesuits 166; elements of, 238
Ruggerius, Michael, 8 I Shih Shen, 47n
Ryoei, see Motoki Ryoei Shingon sect, 63
Ryuse abidonron, 212 Shinjo Shinzo, 55
"Shinko rekisho," 200. See Lalande, Joseph
Sachs, A. J., vi J. L. de, Astronomie
Sacro Bosco, 90, 95 Shinmura Izuru, 87
Sada Kaiseki, Shijitsu toshOgi shOsetsu, 213 Shinohara Yoshitomi, 33, 34
Saito, 52 Shintoism, Shintoists, 63, 70, 90, 91, 105,
Samurai, 59,79; hereditary offices, 153; and 230; cosmology, 92. See also Neo-Shin-
westernization, 223 toism, Neo-Shintoists
INDEX
Shizuki Tadao, 168, 187, 190, 200, 229; Jesuits bring, 220
"Rekisho shinso," I 80-186; on astron- Solar distance, mean, 177
omy, 181; on relativity, 181-182; on Solar eclipses, see Eclipses, solar
physics, 182-184; on fundamental cause, Solar equation of center, 133-139, 151; and
184-185, on solar system origin, 185-186; 1okyo, Shou-shih calcndars, 133-137; Haru-
quality of his work, 187 mi's representation of, 138
Shizuoka, as refuge for Tokugawa functiona- Solar perigee, 190
ries, 218 Solar system, origin, 185-186
Shocho law, see Hsiao-ch'ang law Solsticcs, 192; winter, and lunar conjunc-
Shogaku tenmon shinan, 105 tions, 71; observation, with gnomon,
Shogunate, 85, 119; established, 79 242-243; premodern observation, modern
Shoheiko school, 2 I 4 calculation compared, 247-256
3hou-shih calendar, 69, 84-85, 120, 121, 122, Solstitial sun-shadows, 196
135, 137, 138, 139, 190, 192, 197, 202, Solstitial time, determination by interpola-
228 ; reception in Japan, 119; technical tion method, 124-127
aspects, 123-151; and movement of sun, South Pole, existence denied, 210
123-139; and interpolation method, Southern dynasty, 13
124-127; and variation in tropical-year Spain, Spanish, 9 I; missionaries, 79, 82;
length, 127-129; and observation basis mercantil~ activities, 87
for variation term, 129-131; and accuracy Spinola, Carlo, I 17
of observation, 131-133; and solar equa- Ssu-fen calendar, 131
tion of center, 133-137; and reduction Stahlman, W. D., vi
from ecliptic to equator, 137-139; and Stars, 18, 44; in hsuan yeh theory, 40; dis-
moon movement, 139-140; and deter- placement, 48; magnitude, 49; heliacal
mination of length of day and night, risings and settings, 135; composition,
141-142; and composition of lunisolar 182
calendar, 142-143; and eclipse predic- Steenstra, Pybo, Grondbeginsels der Sterrekunde,
tion, 143-150, formula, 144; defects 200-201
regarding equinoxes, 147-149; lack of Stellar magnitude, 48
concern over planetary motions, 150- Stem-branch ordinal cycle, 56-57
151; critique of, 151-152; maintains Suan-kuan, see Office of Mathematics
traditional planetary theory, 151; ele- Sui dynasty, 10, 13, 39, 74, 150; status of
ments of, 238 mathematics in, 15
Shuo-fang, 35 Sukuyo do school, 60, 73, 98
Sidereal year, 192 Sukuyo unmei kanroku, 62
Siebold, Franz von, 202 Sumeru cosmology, 92, 204, 205-217 pas-
Silla, 20 sim, 230; effect on acceptance of Western
Silla calendar, 73 ideas, 205-2 I 3; and Monno's argument
Sivin, Nathan, vi, 172n against Western theories, 208-210; En-
Six Dynasties peri~d, 40; cosmology in, 74 tsu's defense of tradition, 210-2 I 3;
Sky: as cover, 24 (see Kai t'ien theory); origin of, 2 I 3; deno)lnced, 2 I 5-2 I 6
circular, 25; parallelism of earth and, 25, Sun, 18,61,62,97, 102, 103, 104,201; and
26; curvature, in secondary kait'ien theory, primary kai t'ien theory, 26-3 I passim;
31-35; sphericity, in hun t'ien thcory, and hun t'ien theory, 36; and sky measure-
35-37; measurement, and extent of uni- ment, 38, 39; in hsuanyeh theory, 40; yang
verse, 37-39; in Nco-Confucian cos- nature of, 42; halos, as portents, A8;
mology, 41-42; material, 67; Wcstern anomalistic actions, 68, 69, 96, 135 ;
conception of, 91; in Buddhist cosmology, diameter, I I I; declination, values of,
91-92; in .yin-.yang concept, 93, 182; as 117,125,126; true motion in ecliptic plane
object of worship, 157; Chinese concep- about earth, 128; pcrigee, 135, 137; apo-
tion of, 170n; at rest, 210 gee, 137; reduction of ecliptic coordinate
Smokcd glass, use of, 197 to equatorial coordinate, 139; procedure
Sogdian astrology, 58 for obtaining right ascension and decli-
"Sokuryo higen," quoted, 118 nation, 257-258. See also Solar headings;
Solar calendar, 117; adopted, 220-222; Eclipses, solar
INDEX
Sunspot observations, 197 Teppaki, 79n

Sung' period, 73, 112, 113, 192, 221n; Terao Hisashi, 225
cosmology in, 40-43 Terrentius, Jean, 103
Supernovae, 45 Theon of Alexandria, 95n
Surveying, geographical, II8, 227; study, Thermometric instruments, 197
discouraged by feudal government, 159; Thompson, G. 1., 26n
by Navy and Technology Ministry, 224 Thorndike, Lynn, vi
Silrya Siddhanta, 203 Three Kingdoms period, 56
Sutras, and horoscopes, 58 Thunder, as portent, 48
Synodic month, 192; and Chinese lunisolar T'ien concept 14; implications of, 107-108
calendar, 67, 68; and Hsuan-ming calendar, T'ien-ching huo-wen calendar, 85, 100-104,
120; length of, 139 107, 109, II 4, II 5, 121, 133, 135, 149,
Syzygies: moment of, 139; prediction of, 157, 172, 174, 179, 208, 221; becomes
142-143 popular, 167; table of contents, 239-241
Szczesniak, B., quoted, 170 T'ien-hsueh ch'u han, 84
"T'ien-kuan shu," of the shib cbi, 47-4 8 ;
Ta-t'ung calendar, Io20, 121; elements of, 238 quoted, 45; on eclipses, 50
Ta-yeh calendar, 150 T'ien-wen, 14n
Ta-yen calendar, 69; Japanese adopt, 70; "T'ien-wen chih": of the Shih chi, 45; of the
elements of, 238 Chin history, 47; of the Former Han
Tadao, see Shizuki Tadao history, 47, 48
T'ai-chi, 214 T'ien-wen ta-ch'eng kuan-k'uei chi-yao, 139, 142
T'ai-ch'u calendar, 66 T'ien yuan ti fang concept, 25
Taiha civil code, 10, 17 Time: difference between Chinese,Japanese,
TaihO rya, 17 144; determination, as sole use for
Taira clan, 5 I astronomy, 158
Takahashi Kageyasu, 202 Timekeeping, 14; and Yin-yang Board, 18;
Takahashi Yoshitoki: quoted, 190; "Zashil and Office ofthe Grand Astrologer, 18- 19;
shOchO hO," 193; role in making Kansei status inJapan vs. China, 20. See also Clocks
calendar, 194; interest in planetary Ting shuo, 68
theory, 195-196; "Rarande rekisho kan- Ting-t'ien lun, 72
ken," 198-200; avoids heliocentric con- Tisserand, 225
troversy, 202; epicyclic theory oftrepida- Tokugawa family, 218
tion, 267-270 Tokugawa Ieyasu, 79
Takebe Katahiro, 119 Tokugawa period, 3, 8, 23, 42, 53, 58, 79-
T'ang dynasty, 10, 13, ~9, 40, 51, 57, 58, 8o, 86, 92n, 101, 107, 188,205,221,223,
67, 69, 71, 74, 203, 21 I, 221n; astrology 230; seclusion policy, 82-85, 85-86, 227;
in, 15; status of mathematics 15; Office censorship in, 83-85; and Neo-Confucian-
of Grand Astrologer, 18-20; divination ism, II 3; and calendar reform, 120;
in, 19; decline of astronomical institu- permanent astronomical posts in, 120-
tions, 20-23 121; institutional background, 153-155;
T'ang liu tien, quoted, 15 cultural background, 155-156; philoso-
Tantric Buddhism, 23, 58 phical background, 156-158; status of
Taoism, 63, 182; and fate calculation, 57 mathematics in, 158-161; scholarship in,
Telescope: early Japanese use of, 100, 123; 165; growth of merchant class, 189;
from Dutch, 197 regime discourages advances in astron-
Tenkansho, I 17n omy, 202; shogunate overthrown, 218
Tenmon,9 n Tokyo, gravity force at, 224. See also Edo
Tenmon giron, 174 Tokyo Astronomical Observatory: as-
Tenmon kanki, 190 sumes calendar-making functions, 220;
Tenmon zukai, 104-105 esta blished, 224
Tenmongata, 122; nature of office, 135 Tokyo University: founded, 222; first
Tenpa calendar, 200-202, 218, 220; elements instruction in astronomy, 224-225;
of, 238 Department of Astronomy formed, 225
Tenri Library, 73n TonkO, 9n
INDEX
Transit, 197, 198 or, 129-131

Trepidation, 94-95, IOO, I02, I04, 19 1; Venus, 45, 96n, 102, 196; astrologic! cor-
sphere,90n, I7In; in Genshp's view, 94- respondences, 48n; deferents, I02; ret-
95; Alphonsine, 193; revival of, 193-202; rograde motion, 106; heliacal risings
Yoshitoki's epicyclic theory of, 267- and settings, 135; transits, 224
270 Verbiest, Ferdinand, 166
Trigonometry, 180, 201; functions, 117, Vesalius, De humani corporis fabrica, 79
122; spherical, 138, 144; in Western Viribus Centralibus, De, 184
epicyclic scheme, 152 Void (sunya, kii) concept, 91-92, 106
Tropical year, length of, 67, 68, 71, 126,
129-13 I, 191; discrepancy in 17th cen- Wade-Giles romanization, v
tury, 119-120; and Western vs. Chinese Wan yu wen k'u, 50n
beginning of year, 124; variation, in Wang Ch'ung, quoted, 37
1okyo, Shou-shih calendars, 127-129; Wang Fan, 37
variation during different calendar re- Wang Ling, vi
forms, 130; and hsiao-ch'ang law, 190- Wang Mang, 56n
191, 245-246; Mei Wen-ting's explana- Wang Ying-Iin, 73n
tion of, 192; Garyii's formula for, 192- Warring States period, 55, 56
193,263-266 Wasanka, I 18
Ts'ai Yung, 3I; quoted, 35 Washington, D. C., 225
Tso-chuan, 52n Watanabe Toshio, Koyomi, 2
Tsu Ch'ung-chih, I24n, I35n Water, cosmological view of, 94
Tsuchimikado, Emperor, 53 Western astronomy, see Astronomy, Western
Tsuchimikado Arinaga, 22n , Western notation, 36o-degree angle, 100,
Tsuchimikado (Abe) family, 22, 23, 154; I02, 117
calendar-making monopoly returned to, Westernization, under Meiji government,
219 213,219-220,231, phases, 222-223
Tsuchimikado Kazumaru, 2 I9 Whewell, William, An elementary treatise on
Tsurumine Shigenobu, 216 mechanics, 180
Tu notation, 100, I02 Wind, 114; as portent, 48
Tu-li-yii~ssu ching, 62 Winkler, Anfangsgriinde der Physik, 178
T'ung-t'ien calendar, 192 Winter solstice, 192; and lunar conjunc-
Tychonian system, 178, 189, 208, 229; tions, 71; as New Year date, 221
seen in T'ien-ching huo-wen, I02-I04; Wong, George H. c., I72n
Chinese preference for, 171; epicyclic Wu, Emperor, 65
representation, 194. See also Brahe, Tycho Wu-chi calendar, 70; elements of, 238
Typhoons, 226 Wu-hsing ta-i, 58, 59, 63
Uchida Itsumi, 219 Xavier, St. Francis: arrives in Japan, 80;

Uigur calendar, 73n quoted, 8I; expounds earth sphericity,
United States: astronomy, I: experts guide 87; brings clock to Japan, 123
surveying work, 224
Universe: dimensions, in kai t'ien theory, Yabuuchi Kiyoshi, v, SIn
32; extent, in 'hun t'ien theory, 37-39; as Yako no Fumihito no Oya (ancester of the
void, 208; two-fold, 150; nine-layer, 95- Fumihito) Tamafuru, 9
106, I IO; nine-sphere, I04; ten-sphere, Yamagata Banta, 178, 187,215
I02; eleven-sphere, I IO, I7In; twelve- Yamaji Tomotaka: as translator, 200-201;
sphere, I02n "Shinpa rekisho," 201-202
University of Leiden, 180 Yamashiro no Omi Hinamitate, 9
Uranus, first observation of, 197 Tang, 42; dragon as symbol of, 37; and sky,
Ursa Major, 206 182
Yang-ch'eng, 25, 38; Royal Observatory,
Valignano, Alexan'der, 82 50n
Variable stars, magnitude, 49 Yang Hsiung, 31, 36
Variation term, 127; observational basis Yasui Santetsu, see Shibukawa Harumi
INDEX,
Yasui Sokken, defense of Chinese culture, Yoshinobu, see Kobayashi Yoshinobu

214-215 Yoshitoki, see Takahashi Yoshitoki
Yin, 42; and earth, 182 Yii Hsi, 94
Yin dynasty, 56 Yu I: T'ien-cbing buo-wen, 100-104, 105;
Yin-yang art, 21-23, 25, 64, 91, 92, 104, 112; background, scope of knowledge, 101;
and comets, 52; principle, and astrology, cosmologic scheme, 102; on planetary
54-55; and fate calculation, 58-63; and motions, 102-104; on precession, four-
cosmology, 92-94, 104; and sky, 93; and elements theory, 104
hemerology, 12on; and mathematics, 158 Yuan dynasty, 40, 69, 84, IlO, Il3; cal-
Yin-yang Board, 20; staff organization, 17- endrical science in, I 18- I 19
18; hereditary makeup, 21-22; require- Yuan-cbia calendar: adopted by Japanese,
,ments for astrology students, 47-49 69,70; elements of, 238
Yoro ryo, 17 Yuan-cbia, I-feng calendar, 70
Yoshimune (Tokugawa), 123; relaxes cen- Yun, defined, Il2-Il3
sorship, 85-86, 165; sponsors calendar Yun-cb'i theory, I I I-I 13
reform, 122; death, 122; consults astrono- Yiihan, Nicbigetsu, kodo 'Zu wage sbO, 207
mers, mathematiCians, 166; encourages
"Dutch learning," 167 Zodiacal astrology, 62, 206

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A History oj'lapanese Astronomy .

HARVARD- YENCHING INSTITUTE

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS· 19 6 9

A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY is best completed in one's last days, as the

PART I. THE EARLY-IMPACT OF CHINESE ASTRONOMY:

4 Early Chinese Cosmology 24

PART II. THE EARLY IMPACT OF THE TFEST: FROM THE

II Institutional Features and Background Attitudes in the Tokugawa

PART III. THE PERIOD OF RECOGNITION OFlWESTERN .

12 The Emergence of "Dutch Learning" 165

13 Introduction ofthe Copernican and Newtonian Theories 17°

I. Comparison ofJapanese and Chinese astronomical institutions in the

1. Illustration of the correspondence hypothesis of I ts'un to rooD Ii. 27

17. Solar equation ofcenter as represented by Ptolemy, Newcomb, and the

BMG Bunmei genryu sosho

IT IS CLEAR TO THE MIND of the mid-twentieth century that the modern

1 Herbert Butterfield, The origins ofmodern science (London, 1951), p. 163.

reasonable, therefore, to consider Japanese political and diplomatic history,

The early impact of

from the sixth century

to the early sixteenth

1 An English translation is available: William George Aston (trans.), Nihongi, chro~ic/er

plicitly that the ancient Japanese possessed a unique calendrical system.

A Paekche priest named Kwal-liik fitJJ arrived and presented as

was hereditary,15 an inevitable development in view of the replacement of

15 Mikami Yoshio =:J::~~, Nihon kagaku no tokushitsu: tenmon S *f4~0)%'~, =:R.x

EARLY CHINESE EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS, for their time, were far

I of institutionalization. One example of this stimulating freedom of debate

1 Aydin Sayili, "Higher education in medieval Islam," Annales de l'universite d'Ankara

Bureaucratic cont'rol of learning in China restricted not only the influx of

(420-580), it was still quite possible to achieve a high-ranking position by

3 Chang Chin-chien iJ.&~~, Chung-kuo wen-kuan chih-tu shih 9=t~X'f~r1liljll3!:. (History of

tChinese astronomy was originally adopted by the Japanese as a formal aspect

Chinese Astronomical and Mathematical Institutions

No systematic method of training experts in astronomy is explicitly indi-

Comparison of Chinese and Japanese Astronomical Institutions

·A. Administrative officials

(4) Timekeeping (rokoku ~~U)20

20 "Riikoku" literally means "water clock."

Two hundred eighty bell clerks.

Table 1, which compares the Chinese and Japanese staff organizations,

distinction corresponds to the difference in scale between the -mighty empire

The Decline ofAstrono,mical Institutions

cessation ofofficial missions to China made continental culture less accessible

the position of Court Astrologer to him, it would definitely have been

30 Fu'Zoku kenbun roku JI.~ J! Iifj~ (A record of personal observations on miscellaneous

.CHINESE INTEREST IN COSMOLOGY antedated Japanese interest by many

The Kai T'ien Theory

(a) Preconceived notions.

THE PRIMARY KAIT'IEN THEORY

As the principles listed above were considered at this time to be axiomatic

(e) Then, from observation, a projedion of the sun's midday solstitial

~1~-----135,000 Ii -----S-S-,~~I+~---103,000 Ii ------+t~ I

THE SECONDARY KAI T'IEN THEORY

Figure 5. Dimensions of the universe as conceived by the kai

Figure 6. Earth and sky according to Shinohara Yoshitomi's interpretation. They

more acceptable model, through modification of the older model, to incor-

The Hun T'ien Theory

SPHERICITY OF THE SKY

The bronze instruments [armillary spheres] used by the imperial as-

EXTENT OF THE UNIVERSE

Cheng took a shadow measurement at Yang-ch'eng on the occasion of the

LACK OF A CONCEPT OF THE SPHERICITY OF THE EARTH