Professional Documents
Culture Documents
DOSSIÊ
racial inequality in the United States of America
Aldon Morris*
Vilna Bashi Treitler**
This paper, “The Racial State of the Union,” interrogates the role of race and racism in the United States
of America. The paper grapples with race conceptually as it explores why racial categories and racial ine-
quality exist in the first place. We also examine the current state of race in North America by laying bare
it social, economic and political manifestations. After exploring the magnitude of racial inequality in the
United States, we labor to unravel the mechanisms both structurally and culturally that perpetuate and
sustain racial disparities. Because racist actions and beliefs have always been resisted by social movements,
action, and resistance at the personal level, we assess the nature and outcomes of struggles to overthrow
North American racism. We conclude by assessing the current prospects for racial transformation and the
possibilities for the emergence of racial equality. Thus, in “The Racial State of the Union” we provide an
overarching analysis of the current state of racial dynamics in the United States and the forces determined
to dismantle racism.
Keywords: Race. Racism. Racial regimes. Black movements. United States.
http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/ccrh.v32i85.27828 15
THE RACIAL STATE OF THE UNION: understanding race ...
current state where its economy rivals other (Gould, 1994). There is no biological or gene-
white empires in Western Europe with colo- tic trait that definitively marks an individual
nial histories. as a member of one racial group and no other;
In sum, European colonizers fashioned nor is there any marker that clearly identifies
races of themselves and other humans, crea- all the members of a single racial groups as
ting their own white supremacy as they built distinct from all other racial groups (King, J.,
a racial hierarchy and subjected us all to it 1981). Indeed, more than 100 years of scienti-
(Mills, 1999). White settlers ensured that do- fic evidence has shown that human races (i.e.,
mination, white supremacy and privilege, racial subspecies denoted by phenotype and
phenotype and skin color categorization, and other genetic/biological characteristics) do not
exploitation, all intertwined, however sloppily exist. The belief in the ability to scientifically
or illogically. Thus, certain Northern Europe- categorize humans (i.e., racialism) derives
ans and their descendants retained their place from faith in positivism (the belief that know-
at the top of the racial hierarchy, elaborated ledge comes from scientific methods that can
systems of racial classification and created ra- be accurately, empirically applied to human
cial beliefs along with systems of sanction for behavior). However, positivism is simply a be-
those who failed to comply with racial logics. lief, as is racialism; neither belief system can
How did whites arrange social life so that they render the idea of race and racialism scienti-
would stand as the dominant “race”? What is fically valid.
race anyway? And how do racial categories in- In the United States, we tend to think
corporate nonwhite others, especially as new that we have four racial groups: White, Asian,
peoples emerge through conquest, migration, Hispanic/Latino, and Black. That classifica-
or identity movements? How does a dominant tion scheme means somehow kinky haired
group, creating hierarchies of humans and sys- people are classifiable as White, or as Black;
tems of racial logics that ensures white racial dark skinned people are sometimes Asian and
domination, endure for centuries? If we are to sometimes Black; and each group has people
make sense of the contemporary racial lands- with thick lips and people with thin lips. Ge-
cape in the United States, addressing these netic material fares no better at sorting races
questions are crucial. The sciences (both natu- than our own eyes are, but some natural scien-
ral and social) have made great strides in pro- tists are still searching for a reliable tool for
viding answers to these vexing issues. In this racial sorting and many hope that the sorting
Caderno CRH, Salvador, v. 32, n. 85, p. 15-29, Jan./Abr. 2019
next section, we review the answers. of human genomes will finally get us there.
Knowing that there is no scientifically
valid way to sort humans into races, social
WHAT IS RACE AND HOW DOES scientists are increasingly concluding that race
IT OPERATE IN THE USA? is a social construction. This means that races
are human-made fictions, creations of the hu-
Race is a system of human classification man mind based on factors having no meaning
meant to sort humans into distinct categories independent of those we construct and (some
according to a constellation of physical, cog- of us) agree upon. The most common classi-
nitive, and cultural traits believed to be he- fication schemes employ phenotype: racialists
reditary, distinctive, and largely inescapable (and racists) believe that people with certain
(Bashi Treitler, 2016). But humans logically physical characteristics (hair texture or curl,
cannot be sorted in this way. We have not lived degree/absence of melanin in the skin, color
long enough on the planet to make biologically of the eye’s iris, thick-/thinness of lip) can be
different subspecies that we can call races assigned to a “race.” Social actors decide to
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Aldon Morris, Vilna Bashi Treitler
use phenotypic characteristics to assign peo- bers of a racial militia meant to uphold a strict
ple to races as they declare those sorted to be racial order. These tenets that organize racial
racially alike. Nevertheless, in making racial order – racial categories, hierarchies, common-
assignments among people we must nonsen- sense, and sanction – can be said to make up
sically ignore the overwhelming list of things the US racial paradigm (Bashi Treitler, 2016).
that divide them, including their nation of bir- Generally, people in the US who belie-
th, language, culture, parentage and ancestry. ve in races have largely gravitated away from
(For example, in the USA, we illogically claim the tenets of early biological or natural scien-
the offspring of a “White” person and a “Black” ce notions of race. They, instead, have moved
person must be “Black” because of our adhe- toward the belief that racial designations sig-
rence to a rule of racial hypodescent for anyo- nal group character. This is only progress of
ne with any degree of “blackness” – that is, a sort because North Americans have not mo-
unless they look “white” enough and simply ved away from biological notions altogether.
live their lives as such to avoid detection as a Most North Americans – including scientists
black person.) Racial categories are in constant – are far more deeply invested in racialized
use in the USA, even as they change over time. thinking than we might expect, and biological
In the US, racial identification is asked on pa- essentialism is even more prevalent than is the
per forms in daily life: job applications, heal- idea that race is merely a social construction
th questionnaires, admission applications for (Morning, 2011). As North Americans exami-
schooling, even access to buildings on visitors’ ne ancestry and ethnicity, they determine (in
logs! As mentioned, most in the US would say actions and words) that these concepts, too,
there are around four categories: White, Asian are race-bound (Bashi Treitler, 1996, 2014). We
(and Pacific Islander), Latino/Latina, and Bla- embrace the belief that race has real meaning
ck. What is critical about race (as opposed to (perhaps in producing aptitudes and propensi-
ethnicity or other ways of sorting humans) is ties for attaining economic success, parenting
that racial categories are organized hierarchi- skill, or criminal behavior) that can be applied
cally, with whites in the highest position and to racial groups despite the varied and messy
blacks in the lowest. ways of sorting humans (first through physical
Even as race is proclaimed a “social appearance, blood, and more recently, genes)
construction,” this construction has major into ever changing and nebulous racial cate-
consequences. North Americans have a com- gories (Morning, 2011). To be sure, antiracists
17
THE RACIAL STATE OF THE UNION: understanding race ...
justify them haunt US history and shape our so- than white children die in the first year of life
cioeconomic policy and behaviors to this day. (Firger, 2017). Should African Americans sur-
They inform how we understand each other as vive childhood, they have the fewest years of
ethnic beings, molding our knowledge of who life expectancy (74.6) of all racial groups, whe-
belongs in the nation and who will never be in- re Asian and Latino Americans are expected to
cluded, and fashioning our judgements about live the longest, at 86.5 and 82.8 years respecti-
whether we can blame racial hierarchy or the vely, and whites 78.9 years (Kaiser Foundation,
socially excluded for their plight (Bashi Treitler, 2009).
2014, 2016). Let us briefly examine where this The quality of life one lives between
fallacy of racial thought has left us, two centu- birth and death is severely unequally distri-
ries after Davis’s declaration. buted among the “races.” For example, Bla-
ck and indigenous (“American Indians” and
Alaska Natives) fare far worse than whites on
THE CURRENT STATE OF RACIAL the majority of measures of health, while Lati-
AFFAIRS IN THE USA nos and Asians (particularly certain Asian eth-
nic groups) fare worse on some measures and
North American racial inequalities are better on others. Nonelderly nonwhites are far
evident when human life begins, and remain more likely to be without health insurance co-
throughout the lives of racialized beings in the verage that might promote better health (Arti-
USA. Thus, it makes sense to begin by talking ga et al., 2016). However,
about racial inequalities in birth and death.
Racial and ethnic disparities in health care exist
The USA is notoriously poor among the world’s even when insurance status, income, age, and seve-
more economically developed nations in caring rity of conditions are comparable. And because dea-
for its newborns and new mothers, having fal- th rates from cancer, heart disease, and diabetes are
len in rank from 6th to 26th over the last 50 years significantly higher in racial and ethnic minorities
(Matoba; Collins, 2017). Each year, 23,000 in- than in whites, these disparities are unacceptable
(Nelson, 2002, p. 6).
fants in the US die before they reach their first
birthday. This outcome is racially influenced In the USA, races live segregated lives,
because overwhelming numbers of these dea- and all major cities in the US are hyper-segre-
ths are nonwhite. In the nation’s capital, Wa- gated, meaning that racial segregation is gla-
shington DC, the poorest district (Ward 8, whe- ringly evident no matter how it is measured.
Caderno CRH, Salvador, v. 32, n. 85, p. 15-29, Jan./Abr. 2019
18
Aldon Morris, Vilna Bashi Treitler
whereas only 12% of white women and 6% of ment also marks racial disparities: while only
white men have the same fate (Lee et al., 2015). 1 in 18 whites fear job losses within a year, 1 in
Young black men between the ages of 18 and 9 African Americans and 1 in 6 Hispanic Ame-
34 were six times more likely to be impriso- ricans have those fears. Those African Ameri-
ned than their white counterparts (Tsai; Scom- cans who are employed face inequality in wa-
megna, 2012). The disproportionate numbers ges, and poverty marks the group as a whole.
of nonwhites incarcerated and caught in the Right after the Civil Rights Movement, some
clutches of the criminal justice system have gains were made in narrowing the earnings gap,
devastating effects on their communities (Ale- but even now, median earnings for black males
xander, 2010). Having a criminal record makes are 32 percent lower than for white males – in
it exceedingly difficult for ex-inmates of color four decades the earnings gap narrowed only 7
to attain employment (Pager, 2003). The high percent. At the same time, the median earnings
incarceration rate severely limits the marria- gap between white and Hispanic males actually
geable pool for women of color negatively grew from 29 percent to 42 percent, mainly be-
affecting family income and family stability cause anti-immigrant legislation actually incre-
(Wilson, 1987). Moreover, incarceration often ased inequality (Grusky et al., 2017).
leads to political disenfranchisement of black Meanwhile, whites and Asians face
people to such an extent that scholars are be- the lowest rates of poverty in the nation (at
ginning to label it as the reincarnation of a new 11.5% and 11.2% respectively), while bla-
Jim Crow regime of oppression (Alexander, ck, indigenous and Hispanic rates of poverty
2010). It is fair to conclude that racially biased are 24%, 27%, and 21% respectively (Grusky
mass incarceration of people of color in Ame- et al., 2017). These high poverty groups rely
rica exacerbates racial oppression in the con- more upon the country’s social safety net. Ho-
temporary United States to appalling levels. meownership is the North American family’s
Other quality of life measures show si- bank account, storing most of family wealth,
milarly skewed racial disparities. Stanford and activating welfare benefits like mortgage
University’s Center on Poverty and Inequality interest deductions, real estate and property
(CPI)’s 2017 annual report focused on 10 are- tax exclusions, and other homeowner subsi-
as of inequality (employment, poverty, safety dies. Black, Hispanic and indigenous families
net use, housing, education, incarceration, he- are respectively 57%, 51% and 41% less likely
alth, earnings, wealth, and mobility) and con- than white families to own a mortgaged home.
19
THE RACIAL STATE OF THE UNION: understanding race ...
cial discrimination in contemporary America”. and social intercourse, imposed ignorance, ide-
Moreover, for them, gains by black persons are ological and mental violence, and constant mo-
associated with perceived anti-white biases nitoring – to maintain the slave regime. Ameri-
in a racial zero-sum game. Indeed, whites see can slavery endured for over two centuries be-
nonwhite gains as “reverse racism” and belie- cause as Aptheker (1974, p. 67) argued “Behind
ve it to be a bigger problem than anti-black the owner, and his personal agents, stood an
racism! Black perceptions are quite different elaborate and complex system of military con-
- black people in the US do not perceive a ze- trol […] practically all adult white men were
ro-sum game at play, and they believe that no liable for patrol service”. The system also en-
such losses occur should they make gains in dured because the aristocracy used the white
their struggles for equality. working classes as controlling overseers whom
Which came first, racist action or racial they rewarded with meager incomes and a mo-
thought? That is up for debate. Some argue dest status based on the claim they were bet-
that we would not even have races if humans ter than Nigger slaves (Du Bois, 1935). Thus,
did not insist on inequality between themsel- through the brutal exploitation of slaves, the
ves and those they believe to be racially be- southern white aristocracy amassed enormous
neath them – in other words, some scholars wealth and built an elaborate empire rooted in
suggest that racial inequality causes us to be- cotton, tobacco, and other valuable commodi-
lieve in and see racial differences among hu- ties. European elites also relied on black sla-
mans (Fields; Fields, 2014). If they are right, very in America and elsewhere, to feed their
making “races” equal would go a long way in greedy developing empires. Under slavery,
solving America’s racial problems. It makes black skin and white domination became co-
sense, then, to examine the fight against “ra- mingled, culminating in an enduring feature of
cial disparities [that] are older than the life of an American society that inflicted racial terror
the United States” (Kendi, 2016, p. 2). In this on nonwhites while proclaiming that “We hold
next section, we survey that fight by chroni- these truths to be self-evident: that all men are
cling a history of U.S. anti-racist movements created equal; that they are endowed by their
and their achievements. Creator with certain unalienable rights; that
among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness” (Jefferson, 1776).
RACE REGIMES AND RESISTANCE: African Americans have always engaged
Caderno CRH, Salvador, v. 32, n. 85, p. 15-29, Jan./Abr. 2019
20
Aldon Morris, Vilna Bashi Treitler
because their human cargo fought relentlessly slaves freed themselves in the context of the
for their freedom. U.S. Civil War which was fought between the
Landed slaves rebelled on North Ameri- northern states (“the Union”) that feared domi-
ca soil despite the hostile brutality and inten- nation by the stronger southern slave-fueled
se surveillance that accompanied their slave economy and the southern pro-slavery states
condition. Through protests, slaves raised the (“the Confederacy”). Slaves succeeded in dis-
costs of their racial denigration and the terror rupting the southern economy through massi-
it took to keep them subordinated, rendering ve strikes, joining the war effort and providing
the cruel institution a risky and dangerous crucial support services, and fighting as sol-
business and ultimately ushering in its over- diers willing to shed their blood for freedom.
throw. Black slaves in the US often disrupted Du Bois demonstrated that the Confederacy
the machinery of slavery through individual likely would have won the War were it not for
acts of resistance including self-mutilation, fierce slave insurrections and the damage they
suicide, undetected abortions, poisoning of caused to the south. Throughout seemingly en-
masters, and arson. dless years of bondage, slave protests weake-
As the years of bondage accumulated, ned the peculiar institution, finally leading to
slaves taught themselves to build indigenous its complete collapse. They proved Frederick
organizations, often disguising them beneath Douglass correct: “He who would be free must
various camouflages such as trees in the forest. himself strike the first blow” (Douglass, 1863).
Especially important was the emergence of the But even after manumission, self-deter-
black church, at first largely invisible to the mination proved elusive as the severe racial
uninitiated eye. Over time, the church became constructions of the Jim Crow era replaced sla-
a brick and mortar institution, but even in this very, dashing ex-slaves’ freedom dreams. As
changed form it continued to present different Du Bois argued, the Jim Crow regime was sla-
guises to the master and slave congregants. very under a new name. In the brief period of
Organized collective resistance emerged from post-Civil War Reconstruction (1863 to 1877),
the church and other forms of slave organiza- masses of ex-slaves were left defenseless, with
tion. This resistance manifested through work neither weapons, land, wealth, income nor
slowdowns, an intricate Underground Railro- shelter. After the war, the national government
ad through which slaves escaped to freedom, withdrew those military forces protecting sla-
and organized slave revolts that challenged the ves leaving the defeated southern white aris-
21
THE RACIAL STATE OF THE UNION: understanding race ...
classes continued to serve as racial interme- nine decades, was a brutal system of racial do-
diaries earning a wage slightly above that of mination buttressed by law, violence and cus-
blacks. These racial disparities in wages and toms. Because of it, by mid-twentieth century,
a racial premium in privilege proved enough the masses of black people in the United States
to discourage white workers from uniting with were poor, landless, poorly educated and batt-
black workers as a class (Du Bois, 1935). Jim led intimidation produced by violence. Yet,
Crow proved to be a tripartite system of do- just as they did under slavery, blacks in the US
mination (Morris, 1984) as it controlled blacks resisted the Jim Crow regime from the outset.
politically, socially, and economically. During Resistance against the American Jim Crow re-
nine decades of Jim Crow, southern blacks gime began in the late nineteenth century and
had no political rights whites were required to persisted during the twentieth century. Boy-
respect. Black disenfranchisement meant that cotts, legal cases, marches and other forms of
they could neither serve on juries nor elect resistance including the proliferation of pro-
members of the political class. Without politi- test organizations advanced the attack against
cal rights, black people could not protect their racial segregation and racial inequality.
interests. Further, they were politically and so- Evidence from the long history of black
cially restricted by constant threats of terror, protest predating from the inception of bla-
including lynching. ckness onward to and through the modern civil
The social domination blacks expe- rights movement caused Morris (1984) to con-
rienced under Jim Crow was personal and clude that the black community is the home
demeaning. The system called for strict legal of a long-sustained protest tradition. Out of
segregation between blacks and whites. Analy- this tradition, major protest organizations have
zing this personal form of domination, Morris emerged including the Niagara Movement in
(1999, p. 518) concluded: 1905, the National Association for the Advan-
cement of Colored People in 1909, Garvey’s
The Jim Crow system went to great lengths to im-
press on Blacks that they were a subordinate popu-
United Improvement Association in 1914, and
lation by forcing them to live in a separate inferior the March on Washington Movement in 1941.
society […] Blacks had to use separate toilets, attend By mid-century, numerous small-scale victories
separate schools, sit at the back of buses and trains, had chipped away at the foundations of Jim
address whites with respect while being addres- Crow. Nevertheless, for Jim Crow to fall, a large
sed disrespectfully, be sworn in on different bibles
disruptive mass movement would be required.
Caderno CRH, Salvador, v. 32, n. 85, p. 15-29, Jan./Abr. 2019
22
Aldon Morris, Vilna Bashi Treitler
Emmett Till was lynched in Money, Mississi- wrote, “Nonviolent direct action seeks to cre-
ppi. The brutality of the murder, the bravery of ate such a crisis and establish such creative
Till’s mother (who left his casket open so that tension that a community that has constantly
all could see the horrors her son suffered), and refused to negotiate is forced to confront the
acquittals of two white men who were obviou- issue” (King JR., 1963, p. 1).
sly guilty of the racist crime, all galvanized Thus, did the bus boycott change the en-
the black community. But a key turning point tire logic of antiracist struggle, and the success
was on December 1, 1955 the bus boycott was of that action was proven with the overthrow of
launched in Montgomery, Alabama following segregation on busses in Montgomery. Building
the arrest of Rosa Parks for refusing to give up on that victory, major forms of nonviolent di-
her seat on the bus to a white man. The mo- rect action came to include other boycotts, mass
dern civil rights movement had begun. marches, sit-ins, mass arrests, mass demonstra-
By the 1950s, the black community had tions and other techniques deliberatively desig-
undergone considerable urbanization as Afri- ned to disrupt the Jim Crow order. Nonviolent
can Americans left the southern US for nor- direct action shifted the power differential be-
thern cities, and urban institutions, especially tween dominators and the dominated because
the church, were soon far stronger and more of its capacity to simply and effectively disrupt
capable of mobilizing and supporting a mas- social order. Systems of domination endure be-
s-based movement against Jim Crow (Morris, cause they monopolize power for those in high
1984). The Montgomery bus boycott was ba- ranked positions and impose a lack of power on
sed in these black community institutions and the dominated. Social movements are able to ge-
organizations, and soon developed into a mass nerate power to achieve change via disruption; a
movement. Championed by its charismatic community makes a pact to explicitly refuse to
leader Martin Luther King, Jr., the movement allow business as usual. Civil Rights movement
chose the method of nonviolent direct action participants perfected their effective use of non-
as its main tactic to slay Jim Crow. Also new violent direct action across southern cities and
to the movement was its mass mobilization. rural locales throughout the mid-1950s and ‘60s.
In times preceding the Montgomery action, When massive disruptions forced the federal go-
antiracist struggles tended to be initiated by vernment to pass the 1964 Civil Rights Bill ban-
individuals or litigated by a few litigants and ning all forms of racial segregation, a great victory
lawyers in the courts. The bus boycott devia- against Jim Crow was finally achieved. Additio-
23
THE RACIAL STATE OF THE UNION: understanding race ...
But freedom is not enough. You do not wipe away nalization given its infusion throughout North
the scars of centuries by saying: Now you are free American institutions including the media,
to go where you want, and do as you desire, and
labor market, schools and universities, and
choose the leaders you please. You do not take a
person who, for years, has been hobbled by chains
beauty pageants, that each promoted white su-
and liberate him, bring him up to the starting line premacists visions of how the USA should op-
of a race and then say, ‘you are free to compete with erate. But a new movement – The Black Power
all the others’, and still justly believe that you have Movement – arose in the late 1960s and early
been completely fair. Thus, it is not enough just to 1970s to eradicate the black inferiority thesis
open the gates of opportunity. All our citizens must
and to seek power rather than mere racial inte-
have the ability to walk through those gates (John-
son, 1965).
gration. The Black Power movement advocat-
ed a new way of looking at blackness: “Black
In a single decade, the civil rights mo- is Beautiful.” To be sure, this theme was prev-
vement had overthrown formal Jim Crow and alent in scholarship of earlier black scholars
opened the possibility that the implementa- including Du Bois, Jessie Fauset, and historian
tion of tangible measures would be required Carter G. Woodson. It was also a central trope
to equalize the quality of life among the races. in the art and literature of the Harlem Renais-
Indeed, the fall of Jim Crow surely signaled sance movement of the 1920s. Similarly, the
prospects of new possibilities, including the Garvey Movement of the 1920s contributed to
election of Barack Obama as America’s first this empowering perspective by championing
black president four decades. black pride. The Black Power movement pop-
As is clear from the preceding section ularized this view among the masses by fight-
describing gaping differences between the ing for Black Studies, especially in college and
lives of nonwhites and whites, the USA still universities that explored noble heritages of
suffers from important dimensions of racism Black folk throughout the Diaspora.
that remain untouched despite movement suc- The Black Power movement advocated
cesses. Europeans and Euro-descended whites for community control of the police and eco-
had successfully branded Africans Americans nomic empowerment as part of their strug-
an inferior race when they began racial slavery gle to gain real power and bring it into black
in North America, and the brand has endured. communities. In this, and in other ways, the
This label proved useful in justifying centuries Black Power movement differed from preced-
of oppression against black men and women in ing movements. Specifically, in significant
Caderno CRH, Salvador, v. 32, n. 85, p. 15-29, Jan./Abr. 2019
a land claiming to uphold democracy and fre- contrast to the nonviolent civil rights move-
edom as ideals (Morris, 2015). Indeed, racial ment, the Black Power movement insisted on
domination prevailed, as did the profligation the right of self-defense. During this period,
of an ideology of black inferiority. Confronting a number of urban rebellions (negatively la-
this issue, Martin Luther King commented, beled by whites as “riots”) erupted, usually in
“Black people have been kept in oppression response to police brutality against unarmed
and deprivation by a poisonous fog of lies […] victims. The assassination of movement lead-
The twisted logic ran, if the black man was in- ers including Malcolm X, King, and much of
ferior he was not oppressed – his place in so- the leadership of the Black Panther Party also
ciety was appropriate to his meager talent and served to galvanize black protest. Further, The
intellect” (King JR., 1968, p. 1). Black Power movement revealed the startling
A pernicious outcome of the black in- magnitude of racial disparities in the north:
feriority thesis was the internalization of this formal Jim Crow may not have afflicted it,
lie by many black people in the USA. It was but de facto racial segregation and oppression
difficult, indeed, for blacks to escape its inter- were widespread in northern cities. Like the
24
Aldon Morris, Vilna Bashi Treitler
southern nonviolent movement, the Black present in the wider public discourse only in
Power movement extracted concessions from more surreptitious forms.
the government although they were more diffi- Concentrated poverty in black inner-ci-
cult to trace directly to the movement. ty neighborhoods resembling internal colonies
In twenty-first century America, slav- remains a troubling and persistent problem.
ery and legal Jim Crow oppression are strictly In these settings, black and brown residents
prohibited by law. In fact, overt racial discrim- experience high unemployment, inferior scho-
ination is largely considered politically incor- ols, high levels of crime, intense violence and
rect, even in the current era where right wing extremely high levels of incarceration. In these
bigotry is given greater license because of the respects, poor inner cities in the USA resemb-
approvals both tacit and explicit given to rac- le favelas in South America and other locales
ists by the 45th President of the United States. across the globe where the poor are concen-
Most whites in the US believe racism is a relic trated. The daunting problem is that there are
of an unfortunate past and think that to be la- no obvious solutions in sight that could rea-
beled a “white racist” is an unspeakably and dily transform these wretched inner cities of
inaccurate and horrible identification. Even in color in America. From the point of view of the
the kinder, gentler, racial environment of the powerful, these slums are “out of sight” and
Obama years we saw blacks continue to lag far “out of mind”, requiring no attention or infu-
behind whites in securing good chances for a sion of transformative resources. Yes, black
high quality of life. Stated differently, institu- middle and upper classes fare better in con-
tionalized racial inequality is prevalent in the temporary America enjoying stable occupa-
US, and perhaps it is even obvious – yet in the tions and superior resources. Yet even these
US it is not easy to speak about racism open- relatively well-off people of color experien-
ly. Racial inequality, animus, and violence is ce racism on a daily basis and lag far behind
widespread, but talking about it is not tolerat- their white counterparts especially regarding
ed. It seems intolerable to a vocal proportion of wealth because they are unable to transmit re-
the polity for someone to kneel in silence while sources across generations giving the lack of
the national anthem is being played before inheritances generated by the legacy of slavery
sporting events to bring attention to the gov- and Jim Crow.
ernment’s own silence about the too-frequent Today, violent encounters with police
murders of unarmed black people at the hands stemming from racial profiling occur during
25
THE RACIAL STATE OF THE UNION: understanding race ...
tween social control agents and people of co- The verdict is out on whether these new
lor. Further, they lead to mass arrests, injuries movements are likely to succeed. They face
and even deaths. High profile killings of you- daunting challenges including whether they
ng black men, and increasingly black women, will be able to sustain themselves given their
have become barometers through which to loose organizational structures and informal
measure the racial climate (Crenshaw, 1989). decision-making practices. The racial situation
Irrespective of evidence, rare are the convic- in the US strains even faculty and activists of
tions for police officers who maim or kill black color who strain to educate about race and ra-
and brown people. Each acquittal causes ou- cism in predominately white higher education
trage because they reveal the unfairness and institutions in the US – they face greater rates
race biases inherent in the criminal justice sys- of burnout and “racial battle fatigue” because
tem and society writ large (Van Cleve, 2016). of the high-stake nature of the work and their
New social movements including Dream sense of urgency about the state of racial in-
Defenders, Black Lives Matter and #SayHerNa- justice (Gorski, 2018). Perhaps the greatest
me were organized to confront the modern regi- challenge facing contemporary activists both
me of American racism by naming victims and inside and outside of the academy is the ex-
perpetrators, sharing the news of anti-black vio- tent to which anti-racist movements, largely
lence and racial inequality, and educating the organized through social media, can develop
public so we all take notice. These movements across the black community and among allied
were developed to respond to highly visible and accomplice communities the solidarity
murders of young black people at the hands and trust necessary to propel high-risk acti-
of the police who were set free by the courts vism. It is left to each generation of activists
despite what appeared to be ample evidence to face new demands and challenges that must
that should have led to convictions. The mur- be addressed sufficiently enough to generate
ders of Trayvon Martin, Michael Brown, Sandra social change. Only time will tell us whether
Bland and dozens of other young black people this new generation of young black activists
directly led to the formation of these new move- and their supporters will topple yet another
ments. These differ substantially from previous regime of American racism. If the past is pro-
movements during slavery and Jim Crow. In the logue, American racism will continue to face
current movements, women’s leadership is cen- vigorous resistance with each victory leading
tral, a characteristic not usually found in past to a more perfect union.
Caderno CRH, Salvador, v. 32, n. 85, p. 15-29, Jan./Abr. 2019
26
Aldon Morris, Vilna Bashi Treitler
tion arguing that it promotes “reverse discri- and deconstructed racism, and will continue
mination.” The irony is that affirmative action to do so. Their lived experiences tell the truth
has disproportionately benefited white Ame- about racial inequalities, and they organize to
ricans, especially white women (Crenshaw, discover the resources, energy, and knowled-
2006). But, as we have shown, it is nonwhites ge needed to successfully resist and dismantle
who suffer from the racial dynamics that per- oppression. With resources, organization and
meate American core institutions-economy, insight, collective antiracist action is possible.
polity, family, criminal justice system, culture The historic black freedom struggle succes-
and social interactions-producing huge social sfully overthrew slavery and Jim Crow. In so
inequalities and human suffering. doing, it has inspired worldwide movements
In the USA, racial disparities in income, for people seeking to realize their freedom dre-
wealth, neighborhoods, education, poverty, in- ams. The black struggle continues to challenge
carceration, health and life expectancy are gla- people in America to fight for freedom in one
ring. As we examined the data, it compelled us of the nation’s darkest periods. Let us hope that
to conclude that the reality of unequal races, Dr. King (“Our God is marching on” march 25,
rooted in racial enslavement, still permeates 1965) was right: “The arc of the moral universe
North American society. Even still, many con- is long, but it bends towards justice”.
temporary whites, especially those in elite po-
sitions, vehemently deny racism exists in mo-
Received for publication on August, 27th, 2018
dern America because, in their view, the society Accepted on November, 13th, 2018
has become colorblind just like Martin Luther
King desired. People of color on the other hand,
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Aldon Morris, Vilna Bashi Treitler
Este artigo investiga o papel da raça e do racismo Notre article évaluera le rôle de la race et du racisme
nos Estados Unidos da América. Ele trata de raça en Amérique. Le document aborde conceptuellement
como conceito, explorando, primordialmente, o la race en explorant pourquoi les catégories raciales
motivo da existência de categorias raciais e da et l’inégalité raciale existent en premier lieu. Le
desigualdade racial. Também, nele, examinamos a document passe à l’examen de l’état actuel de la
atual situação da raça nos Estados Unidos ao expor race en Amérique en mettant à nu les manifestations
suas manifestações sociais, econômicas e políticas. sociales, économiques et politiques. Étant donné
Após explorar a magnitude da desigualdade racial l’ampleur de l’inégalité raciale aux États-Unis, le
nos Estados Unidos, trabalhamos para desvendar document cherche à démêler les mécanismes à
os mecanismos que perpetuam e sustentam, tanto la fois structurels et culturels qui perpétuent et
estrutural quanto culturalmente, as disparidades maintiennent les disparités raciales. Parce que le
raciais. Em razão de ações e crenças racistas terem mouvement raciste a toujours été combattu en
sempre sofrido resistências por parte dos movimentos Amérique par des mouvements sociaux, des actions
sociais, atos coletivos, e resistência individual, nós de collecte et de résistance au niveau personnel,
analisamos a natureza e os resultados dos esforços da le journal évaluera la nature et les résultats des
luta contra o racismo norte-americano. Concluímos luttes pour renverser le racisme américain. Ainsi,
com uma análise das perspectivas atuais relativas l’article fournira une analyse de l’état actuel de la
à transformação racial e das possibilidades para a dynamique raciale aux États-Unis ainsi que des
emergência da igualdade racial. Assim, neste artigo, forces déterminées à démanteler le racisme.
trazemos uma análise abrangente da situação atual
das dinâmicas raciais nos Estados Unidos e das
forças determinadas a combater o racismo.
Palavras-chave: Raça. Racismo. Regimes raciais. Mots-clés: Race. Racisme. Régimen racial. Movement
Movimentos negros. Desigualdade. nègre. Inegalité.
29