CHANGE OF GUARD AT BGSBU UNIVERSITY BALRAJ PURI

Essay : Ambiguity of J&K : The Question of a

Three Positives J&K Must
Kashmiriyat Accession
Focus at

J & K ’ S M O N T H LY M A G A Z I N E ISSN : 0974-5653

Epilogue
N E W S , C U R R E N T A F F A I R S , S O C I A L S C I E N C E S
Jammu, November 1 ,2010 / Vol 4 / Issue 11 | Price Rs. 30 | Postal Regd. No. JK-350/2009 | www.epilogue.in

c t ing L ink
Missing L
in k or C o n n e
i n i s t r a t i o n
n d ian Ad m
s i n I en sive
Muslim Exclusive : A first c s are placed
o m p r e h

Epilogue h o w M uslim e c o u n try

s e a r c h on i n e r y o f th
re i v e mac h
is t r a t
in admin

Three Idiots and Worlds

Arguably 'Toughest' Job

Quick Guide : J&K ECONOMIC PROFILE

A land of varied attractions,
Jammu has a surprise waiting for you at every corner.
Savour the excitement at your own pace

Patntiop
87 Kms from
Katra
Krimchi 55 Kms. from Katra Mansar Lake Shiv Khori 78 Kms from Katra
18 Kms. from Jammu Pathankot NH

Ancient temples | Abodes of Gods & Goddess | Natural Caves

| Forts & Palaces | Charming Meadows | Picturesque Plateau
| Thickly Wooded Forests | Deep River Valleys | Nature’s Beauty
| Heritage | Lakes of Blessings | Exclusive Hill Station - Patnitop IN TOUCH WITH THE DIVINE

For further information, contact or write to: Government of J&K, J&K Tourism Offices at : • Jammu :
Tel : 0191-2548172, Fax : 2548358 • Srinagar : Tel : 0194-2472449, 2452690-91, Fax : 2452361 • New Delhi :
Tel : 011-23714948, Fax : 23714947 • Mumbai : Tel : 022-22189040 • Kolkata : Tel/Fax : 033-22285791 •
Chennai : Tel./Fax : 044-28340958 • Ahmedabad : Tel./Fax : 079-25503551 • Hyderabad : Tel./Fax : 040-
24734806 •Visit us at www.jktourism.org. Email : jkdtourism@yahoo.co.in
1

Epilogue
because there is more to know

www.epilogue.in CONTENT
Editor Contributors to this Issue 3
Zafar Iqbal Choudhary
Eye Witness
Publisher The Question of Accession 4
Balrajj Puri
Yogesh Pandoh

Consulting Editor Exclusive Stories

October 1947 9
D. Suba Chandran Rakesh Ankit
Manu Srivastsa
Current Affairs
Associate Editors Three Idiots and Worlds 13
Irm Amin Baig arguably ‘ toughest’ job
Tsewang Rigzin Zafar Choudhary
Zorawar Singh Jamwal Is Pakistan Re-poistioning itself in
Kashmir ? 16
Volume 4, Issue 11, November 2010
General Manager Islamabad’s Five Likely Strategies
Kartavya Pandoh D Suba Chandran
Pakistan and Militant Groups in
I N FOCUS Kashmir 20
Art Editor
Muslims in Indian Administration Musharraf’s Admission
Keshav Sharma Radha Vinod Raju
25 Missing Link or Connecting Link What really is at state in Kashmir 21
Research Officer Muslims in Indian Administration Zeenat Zeeshan Fazil
Raman Sharma China-India : 23
Towards Inclusion
Dr. Shahid Iqbal Return to Robust Relations ?
Phones & email 26 Muslims : Selections in IAS
Swarn Singh
Office : +91 191 2493136
26 Muslim IAS Officer in Indian States Ladakh
Editorial: +91 94191 80762
Administration: +91 94191 82518 27 Chief Secretaries : Heads of Education in Ladakh 32
Bureaucracy in States .....................
subscriptions : +91 90188 87136 Notes from Leh 34
editor@epilogue.in 28 Muslims in Top Scale
Manisha Sobhrajani
subscription@epilogue.in 28 Muslim : Secretaries to Gol Bank
28 Muslim : In Top Commissions Report
Printed and Published by 29 Literacy Rate and Share in BGSB University 35
Yogesh Pandoh for Epilogue Administration Epilogue Bureau
NewsCraft from Ibadat House, 29 Gender and Empowerment : Muslim
Madrasa Lane, Near Graveyard, Women in IAS Column
Bathindi Top, Jammu, J&K - 180012 30 Muslim Share in another Civil Raja Ranjit Dev’s Inclusive Policies 40
and Printed at : DEE DEE Services : Group ‘A&B’ and IFS and Politico-Economic Developments
Reprographix, 3 Aikta Ashram, New 31 Conclusion and Discussion in Jammu
Prof. Jigar Mohammad
Rehari Jammu (J&K)
Digest
Disputes, if any, subject to jurisdiction Quick Guide : J&K’s Economic Profile 43
of courts and competitive tribunals in
Jammu only.

RNI : JKENG/2007/26070
ISN : 00974-5653
Price : Rs 30

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 2 Epilogue, February 2010

3 CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE

Ankit Rakesh; (Exclusive Series p9)
is a young historian from Bihar. As a
Rhodes Scholar recently he studied
various missing links in the making
of Kashmir conflict. Based on his
first hand study, he is contributing
exclusive series to Epilogue
Chandran, D Suba; (In Focus, p16)
is Deputy Director at Institute of
Peace and Conflict Studies. Author
of many books and an acclaimed
expert on Kashmir and Indo-Pak
relations, he is Consulting Editor of
Epilogue Magazine
Fazil, Zeenat Zeeshan; (Issues, p21)
is a Srinagar based researcher
engaged with Charkha Development
and Communication Network
Iqbal, Dr Shahid; (in Focus, p25) is
an officer of Indian Administrative
Services, Jammu and Kashmir
cadre. Presently he is posted in
Leh.
Mohammed, Prof Jigar; (History,
p40) is professor of History at the
University of Jammu. He is
associated with Epilogue since
inception as Editorial Advisor on
History of Jammu and Kashmir
Puri, Balraj; (Eye Witness, p4) is a
journalist, writer and social
activist based at Jammu. He is
Director of Institute of Jammu and
Kashmir Affairs. Engaged in public
life since 1942, he is recipient of
many national awards, most
notably Padma Bhushan in 2005.
Raju, Radha Vinod; (Current
Affairs, p20) is former Director of
National Investigation Agency of
India. Earlier he served as
Additional Director General of
Jammu and Kashmir Police
reached at
manisha@samarpanfoundation.org
Singh, Swarn; (Current Affairs,
p23) is Professor at Jawahar Lal
Nehru University, New Delhi
Sobhrajani, Manisha; (Features,
P.34) is a Delhi based independent
researcher working on the various
aspects of Kashmir conflict. She
divides her time between Delhi
and Jammu and Kashmir

Readers' requests for getting in touch with the

authors, for feedback, comments and further
discussions on their subjects of interest, are
welcome. Since all authors/contributors are not
interested in taking mails directly, the readers are
requested to send us interview requests at
editor@epilogue.in for passing on to the authors

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2010

Eye witness
Excerpts
The Question of Accession
BALRAJ PURI
T
he circumstances and the man-
ner in which the princely state of
Jammu and Kashmir acceded to
the Indian Union in October 1947 pro-
vide vital clues to our understanding of
the vicissitudes of its later politics and
its emotional, political and constitu-
tional ties with the rest of the country.
The Hindu maharaja of the state, who
had the constitutional authority under
the India Independence Act to decide its
future affiliation when the country was
partitioned into two dominions, was
reluctant to opt for India. It was not any
easier for the large Muslim population
to take such a decision especially as the
partition line was being drawn more or
less along communal lines. The year of
independence had also witnessed a col-
lapse of the citadels of the 'nationalist
Muslims' in the subcontinent.
Jammu and Kashmir was one of
those princely states, which did not join
the Constituent Assembly of India, set
up under the Cabinet Mission Plan that
had commenced functioning since
December 1946. The maharaja of the
state refused to yield despite a warning
by Jawaharlal Nehru, then vice-
president of the interim government,
that such an act by any state would be
considered a hostile act. The unequivo-
cal support of the Muslim League to 'the
sovereign right of the princes' strength-
ened the recalcitrance of the maharaja
in not joining the Constituent Assembly.
On 17 June 1947, the Muslim League
www.epilogue.in
leader, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, declared:
Constitutionally and legally the
Indian States will be independent and
sovereign on the termination of para-
mountcy and they will be free to decide
for themselves to adopt any course they
like; it is open for them to join the
Hindustan Constituent Assembly or the
Pakistan Constituent Assembly or [to]
decide to remain independent.
More specifically, on 11 July 1947,
Jinnah said that 'if Jammu and Kashmir
opted for independence, Pakisran
would welcome and would sign friendly
agreements with her for [the] common
weal of both the peoples. Liaquat A.H.
Khan, the leader of the Muslim League
in the interim government, had
declared that the states were perfectly
free to refuse to have anything, to do
with the Constituent Assembly.
HINDU RAJ VS SECULAR INDIA
The maharaja was in no mood to
join the Indian dominion even when par-
tition became inevitable. He was sup-
ported by loyal Hindu leaders in Jammu
who vociferously argued that a Hindu
State, as Jammu and Kashmir claimed
to be, should not merge. its identity
with a secular India. The working com-
mittee of the All Jammu and Kashmir
Rajya Hindu Sabha (the earliest incarna-
tion of the present Bharatiya Janata"
Party in the state) formally adopted a
resolution in May 1947 reiterating its
faith in the Maharaja and extended its
'support to whatever he was doing or
Vol. 4, Issue 11
4
might do on the issue of accession. In a
press statement issued in May 1947, the
acting president of the All Jammu and
Kashmir Muslim Conference,
Chowdhary Hamidullah Khan, also
urged 'His Highness' to 'declare Kashmir
independent immediately and establish
a separate constituent assembly to
frame the constitution of the State.' He
assured Muslim co-operation and sup-
port to the maharaja as the first consti-
tutional ruler of an independent and
democratic Kashmir. He said, in a press
conference, that 'Should the Pakistan
government invade Kashmir, Muslims of
the state will rise in arms against
Pakistan and if necessity demands, they
will seek Indian help.
All those who raised pro-India
voices, including me, were condemned
by Hindu chauvinists as anti-Hindu and
traitors. The Jammu daily Ranbir,
edited by Mulk Raj Saraf, was banned by
the state government in June 1947 for
demanding accession to India and the
release of Sheikh Abdullah. The All India
Congress Committee had resolved on 15
June 1947 that the Congress could not
admit the right of any state to declare
its independence. During his visit to the
state in July 1947, Lord Mountbatten
had also tried to persuade the maharaja
to accede to either of the two domin-
ions before 15 August 1947. He
instructed the British Resident in the
state to continue to give the same
advice to the maharaja. Quoting
Epilogue, November 2010
5 Eye witness
Mountbatten in his Mission with
Mountbatten, Alan Campbell Johnson
states that, 'the State's ministry, under
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel's direction,
went out of its way to take no action
which could be interpreted as forcing
Kashmir's hand and to give assurance
that accession to Pakistan' would not be
taken amiss by India. Envisaging no trou-
ble if the Maharaja acceded either way,
Mountbatten said that the 'only trouble
that could have been raised was by non-
accession and this was unfortunately
the very course followed by the
Maharaja.
As communal tensions spread
within the Jammu region and the sur-
rounding Punjab, the loyalty of the
Hindus and Muslims began to gravitate
to India and Pakistan respectively. On 19
July 1947, the working committee of
the State Muslim Conference again
drafted a resolution in favour of inde-
pendence for the approval of the
General Council of the party which met
at Srinagar. The Council was sharply
divided between followers of
Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas and Ch.
Hameed Ullah, leaders from Jammu
region, on the one hand, and Mirwaiz
Yusuf Shah of Kashmir on the other.
Eventually they agreed on a modified
resolution which 'respectfully and fer-
vently appealed to the Maharaja
Bahadur to deelare internal autonomy
of the State... and accede to the
Dominion of Pakistan in the matters
relating to defence, communications
and external affairs. However, the
General Council did not challenge the
maharaja's right to take a decision on
accession, and it acknowledged that his
rights should be protected even after
acceding to Pakistan. Jinnah's personal
secretary Khurshid Ahmad, who was in
Kashmir during those crucial days,
assured 'His Highness' that 'Pakistan
www.epilogue.in
would not touch a hair of his head or
take away an iota of his power. The
Hindu Sabha, in a bid to reconcile its loy-
alty to the maharaja with the ground-
swell of pro-India opinion amongst
Hindus modified its stand on the ques-
tion of accession. Pandit Prem Nath
Dogra, who later became the president
of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, moved
what was called a compromise resolu-
tion in the party (between pro-RSS and
non-RSS factions, of which the latter led
by G.D. Mengi was pro-India), on the eve
of Indian independence. It was left to
the maharaja to 'decide the issue of
accession to India at an appropriate
time.'
Jammu and Kashmir was one of
those princely states, which did not
join the Constituent Assembly of
India, set up under the Cabinet
Mission Plan that had commenced
functioning since December 1946.
The maharaja of the state refused to
yield despite a warning by
Jawaharlal Nehru, then vice-
president of the interim government,
that such an act by any state would
be considered a hostile act
On 15 August 1947, the
Government of Pakistan accepted the
offer of the Jammu and Kashmir State
for a standstill agreement. Under this
agreement the central departments of
the State functioning within the Lahore
circle were to be under the jurisdiction
of Pakistan. Accordingly, Pakistani flags
fluttered over the offices if the post and
telegraph department throughout the
state. The Government of India, how-
ever, insisted on prior negotiations with
the J&K government, but the latter did
Vol. 4, Issue 11
Excerpts
not respond to the suggestion. Thus, no
such agreement could be signed.
Prime Minister Nehru prophetically
apprehended that 'Pakistan's strategy is
to infiltrate now and to take some big
action as soon as Kashmir is more or less
isolated because of its coming winter.' In
a letter to Home Minister Sardar Patel,
he expressed the view that the only
course open to the maharaja was to
seek the cooperation of the National
Conference (NC) and accede to India.
This would make it difficult for Pakistan
'to invade it [the state] officially or unof-
ficially without coming into conflict
with the Indian Union. If this advice had
been heeded in time, there would have
been no Kashmir problem today.
Meanwhile, communal tensions
continued to grow in Jammu. There was
serious trouble in the Muslim majority
Poonch estate within the Jammu region.
This began with some local demands
like the rehabilitation of 60,000
demobilised soldiers of the British Army
belonging to the area. As issues got
mixed up, the agitation finally turned
communal. The State Army was used to
crush the local unrest, but 'the tradi-
tional loyalty of a large number of
Muslim troops of the State forces
towards the Maharaja could no longer
be taken for granted under the
changed circumstances. The soldiers
refused to fire on the demonstrators
with whom they had religious and eth-
nic ties. They desired the army and the
agitation took the form of an armed
revolt. The supply of ammunition and
other types of assistance from across
strength to the revolt. It also gathered
support sentiments is Poonch which
had been offended when the area
brought under direct control of the
Jammu Durbar e British courts in 1936.
Until then it had been a separate jagir
under the descendants of Dhian Singh,
Epilogue, November 2010
Eye witness
Excerpts
the brother of Gulab Singh, for about a
century.
By October, communal riots had
spread all over Jammu and Gandhi held
the maharaja responsible for this. The
State Army was also weakened by deser-
tions and shortage of ammunition. It
was also too thinly spread from Gilgit to
Jammu, to overcome the revolt in
Poonch and the adjoining areas, since
the revolt was actively supported by
Pakistan. Regular supplies of foodstuffs,
petrol and cloth from Pakistan were
stopped. The communication system
(under the administrative control of
Pakistan vide the standstill agreement)
did not render proper service. The situ-
ation was rapidly approaching a stage
which would have affirmed Gandhi's
prophecy of October 1946, that if the
maharaja persisted in his policy, the
state might disappear as a unit.
Mountbatten and Nehru had also
forseen a similar situation if the
maharaja did not accede to the Indian
Union in time.
Hence of his dominion was increas-
ingly threatened, :sperate attempts to
mend his fences with Pakistan.
As the very existence of his domin-
ion was increasingly threatened, the
maharaja made desperate attempts to
mend his fences with Pakistan. On 1th
October, his newly-appointed prime min-
ister, Mehar Chand Mahajan, offered to
make an impartial enquiry into
Pakistan's allegations that the Kashmir
State Army had attached Muslim villages
of Poonch. The Pakistan Governor
General welcomed the offer of an
enquiry on 20th October and invited
Mehar Chand Mahajan to Karachi to dis-
cuss the matter.
The new prime minister reiterated
that the Independence Act gave com-
plete authority to the ruler on the issue
www.epilogue.in
of accession. He expressed his ambition
to make Kashmir a Switzerland of the
East, which would be on the 'friendliest
of terms with both the dominions.' He
expected 'as worthy a treatment from
Pakistan as from a good neighbour.' He
ridiculed the suggestion of Indian lead-
ers to form a responsible government in
the state by retorting that there was no
responsible government even in India.
In his view, the maharaja 'was all the
time hoping that Kashmir could retain
an independent status without acceding
to either Dominion. Meanwhile, the
Pakistani government sent Major (later
Colonel) A.S.B. Shah, the-u Joint
Secretary of the Pakistan Ministry of
Foreign Affair to Kashmir, where he met
various officials including Prime
Minister M.C. Mahajan. According to
Mahajan, Shah had brought with him a
blank Instrument of Accession to
Pakistan, which he hoped the maharaja
would fill and sign. On 21 October 1947,
the maharaja appointed Bakshi Tek
Chand, a retired judge of the Punjab
High Court, to frame the constitution of
the state. But, already, Path an tribal
invaders,' sponsored by the Pakistani
Government, were marching to
Srinagar. Thus all seemed set to prove
that it was not an empty boast of Jinnah
when he had reportedly declared that
'Kashmir is in my pocket.'
THE UNIQUENESS OF KASHMIR
One major factor that prevented
this eventuality was the response of the
people and leaders of the Kashmir val-
ley to the question of accession. In
order to understand how and why they
behaved the way they did, it is neces-
sary to understand the peculiarities of
the Kashmiri personality, and the histor-
ical, cultural, political and geographical
inputs that moulded it.
Kashmir valley is one of the three
Vol. 4, Issue 11
6
distinct regions of the state. Its popula-
tion was less than that of Jammu, which
also had a Muslim majority, before 1947.
The Northern Region, consisting of
Ladakh, Skardu, Gilgit and Baltistan,
was many times greater in area than the
Jammu and Kashmir regions combined,
and is also overwhelming Muslim, along-
side a significant Buddhist and tribal
population. Kashmir is mostly inhabited
by pre-Aryan and non-Aryan communi-
ties. Jammu is almost entirely Aryan
while the northern region is inhabited
by the Dardic-Tibetan races. The Line of
Control (LoC) divides the Jammu region
while leaving intact the Kashmiri-
speaking region on the Indian side.
Within the Northern Region, Ladakh is
on the Indian side whereas Gilgit,
Baltistan and Skardu are on the
Pakistani side.
On the eve of the partition, Jammu
was paralysed by communal riots and
the people were largely polarised on
communal lines, pardy as an impact of
communal developments in the neigh-
bouring Punjab. The maharaja, who
belonged to this region, was incapable
of providing leadership to its people.
The Northern Region was too sparsely
populated to be of much political conse-
quence. Thus, it was Kashmir, geograph-
ically compact and culturally homoge-
nous, that stood out politically, with its
people mobilised in mass struggle
against the feudal system with the non-
Kashmiri royal family belonging to
Jammu at the top. Kashmiris-a people
with a unique civilisation and five-
thousandyear-old history-had found a
charismatic leader in Sheikh Abdullah
who led the National Conference, the
banner under-which the Kashmiris were
fighting the monarchy.
Kashmir's history has been one of
gradual accretion of cultural attributes
Epilogue, November 2010
7 Eye witness
over numerous waves of migration. The
valley has been a melting pot of ideas
and cultures. It received every new
creed with discrimination an enriched it
with its own contribution, without
throwing away its earlier acquisitions.
All the people who migrated to Kashmir
from ancient times merged their indi-
vidual identities into one whole. The
proverbial beauty of Kashmir has fur-
ther inspired a sense of collective pride
in the Kashmiri mind about its unique-
ness.
As G.M.D. Sufi observes in his monu-
mental work, Kashir, 'the cult of Budha,
the teachings of vedanta, the mysticism
of Islam have one after another found a
congenial home in Kashmir.'23 Even the
people who came from Arabia, Iran,
Mghanistan and Turkestan more than six
centuries ago were so mixed with
Kashmiri Muslims in culture, civilisa-
tion, and through matrimonial rela-
tions, according to the renowned
Kashmiri scholar and historian,
Mohammad Din Fauq, that 'all non-
Kashmiri traces are completely absent
from their life.
The Kashmiri language is another
basis of the distinct personality of
Kashmir. According to Sir George
Grierson, a pioneering authority on
Indian languages, Kashmiri is not of
Sanskritic but of Dardic origin. The
Encyclopaedia Britannica states that
'Kashmiri is neither Iranian nor Indo-
Aryan.'
Kashmir had a 250-year-Iong his-
tory of indigenous Muslim rule before
Akbar annexed it to the Mughal empire
in 1586. The next four centuries (361
years, to be exact) are regarded by the
Kashmiris as a period of slavery when
they were ruled in turn by the Mughal,
Pathan, Sikh and Dogra kings. The com-
mon thread running through this long
period was of rule by aliens, whether
www.epilogue.in
Muslim or non-Muslim.
Maharaja Hari Singh was both non-
Muslim and non-Kashmiri. The struggle
against his rule culminated in the 'Quit
Kashmir' movement on the eve of Indian
independence, and addressed the reli-
gious, regional and democratic urges of
Kashmiris. The watershed in the history
of Kashmir is, thus, not Islam, as is often
regarded in the rest of the subconti-
nent, but the changeover from a
Kashmiri to a non-Kashmiri rule.
Nehru had established his political
and emotional links with Kashmir a
decade earlier, describing himself as a
son of Kashmir. On the eve of assuming
office as head of the interim govern-
ment of the country, in June 1946, he
rushed to Kashmir to identify himself
with the popular Quit Kashmir move-
ment which Jinnah had condemned as a
movement of 'goondas.' Nehru was forc-
ibly prevented by the police from enter-
ing the state and received some bruises
in the process. He visited Kashmir again
a month later when he donned a law-
yer's robes to defend Abdullah who was
on trial for charges of sedition.
Meanwhile, the All India State's People's
Conference, an ally of the Indian
National Congress in the princely states,
elected Abdullah as its president while
he was still in jail.
Gandhi's visit to Kashmir on 1
August 1947 was another crucial factor
that influenced the Kashmiris. He
described the Amritsar Treaty that gave
the maharaja the legal title to rule
Kashmir as a sale deed that lapsed with
the lapse of paramountcy. In sharp con-
trast to Jinnah's stand, he unequivocally
declared that sovereignty belonged to
the people and not to the ruler. He paid
a unique tribute to the people of the val-
ley by acknowledging that in those days
of communal strife Kashmir was the
only ray of light in the benighted sub-
Vol. 4, Issue 11
Excerpts
continent. The moral appeal of Gandhi
combined with Nehru's emotional
appeal was irresistible-both appealed
to the sentiments of Kashrniri patrio-
tism to neutralise the appeal of Muslim
communalism.
AZADI
On 29 September Abdullah was
released from prison. This delay was
due to the maharaja's insistence on
securing a pledge of loyalty from him. As
a hero of Kashmiri nationalism,
Abdullah side-tracked both the Hindu-
Muslim and the India...Pakistan polaris-
ation that was developing all around
Kashmir by declaring that the issue of
accession was secondary. The primary
issue was freedom and the formation of
a responsible government-for an
enslaved race could not decide its fate.
He acknowledged his ideological affin-
ity with Gandhi and Nehru and recalled
Jinnah's hostility to the struggle of the
Kashmiri people. But as Pakistan had
become a reality, he was willing to nego-
tiate with the governments of both the
countries to find out where Kashmir's
interests would be secure.
Dr Mohammed Din Tasir and Sheikh
Sadiq, the two Pakistani emissaries who
met Abdullah in Srinagar, did not buy his
argument. Abdullah has recorded in his
autobiography, Atash-i-Chinar, that
they insisted on a decision in favour of
Pakistan. Otherwise, they observed,
'other means would have to be used.
The meeting was far from cordial.
Abdullah next sent his colleagues,
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and Ghulam
Mohammad Sadiq, to talk to Pakistani
leaders while he himself proceeded to
Delhi where he stayed as Nehru's guest.
According to Abdullah, Bakshi and Sadiq
could see neither the prime minister nor
the Governor General of Pakistan. But
he regrets that while they were discuss-
ing his probable visit to Pakistan with
Epilogue, November 2010
Eye witness
Excerpts
second-rank leaders of that country like
Nawab Mamdot and Mumtaz Daltana,
‘raiders sponsored by Pakistan were
crushing under their feet the land and
rights of the people of Kashmir.’
The trust that Gandhi and Nehru
expressed in the people and leadership
of Kashmir and their unequivocal sup-
port to the Kashmiri urge for freedom
and their right to self-determination
had baffled the leaders of Pakistan. In
desperation, they decided to settle the
future of Kashmir by the power of the
gun. The 'tribal raiders' that Pakistan
had sent to Kashmir overran the
defences of the Dogra army led by
Brigadier Rajinder Singh, and reached
the outskirts of Srinagar. En route they
committed many atrocities on the peo-
ple, irrespective of their religion. 'At
Muzaffarabad,' according to Mohammad
Aslam Khan Khattak, who was the hon-
orary secretary of the scheme, 'valuable
time was wasted while two chiefs con-
tested who would be Amir of Kashmir
when it had been conquered. 'As a con-
sequence of this needless violence and
loot [in 1947],' M.P. Bhandara observes,
'Operation Gibraltar launched by Ayub
government in 1965, too, was a failure.'
The tribal invasion roused the
anger of a self-respecting Kashmiri com-
munity against the threat that Pakistan
posed to its freedom, identity and hon-
our. This course of events left the
Kashmiri leadership and the maharaja
no option but to turn to India. When the
Governor General refused assistance,
unless the state acceded to India, Mehar
Chand Mahajan flew to Delhi on 26
October. He conveyed to Nehru the
maharaja's willingness to accede to
India. But this message was accompa-
nied by a demand from Maharaja Hari
Singh that 'the army must fly to Srinagar
this evening, otherwise I will go and
negotiate terms with Jinnah.' That the
www.epilogue.in
maharaja had not closed the Pakistan
option despite what it had done to the
state enraged Nehru who, Mahajan
records in his autobiography, gave vent
to his temper and 'told me to get out.'
However, Nehru's attitude softened
after the intervention of Abdullah, who
came in from the adjoining room.
Thereafter, the maharaja signed the
instrument of accession, which the
Governor General accepted on 27
October. The Indian army was rushed to
clear the state of invaders. The
Kashmiris welcomed the army as the
defenders of their 'honour, freedom and
identity.'
The accession of the state of
Jammu and Kashmir to India, supported
by the constitution authority of the
maharaja and, politically and emotion-
ally, by the people of Kashmir, was the
greatest triumph of Indian nationalism
after independence. It was Sheikh
Abdullah who had led Kashmir's acces-
sion to India. But he could not have suc-
ceeded if the Kashmiri mind had not
been what it was. Because of its inher-
ent qualities, it responded to the emo-
tional and ideological appeal of Nehru
and the moral appeal of Gandhi. The
ignorance and distrust shown by the
Pakistani rulers, in sharp contrast to the
empathy of the Indian leaders, pushed
Kashmir to the Indian Union.
Pakistan had no justification for its
policy. Neither the maharaja nor Sheikh
Abdullah had provided any provocation.
Both were eager to negotiate with the
Pakistan government, but had delayed
the decision on accession for their own
reasons. Mehar Chand was prepared to
fly down to negotiate terms with Jinnah
even on the day the maharaja was seek-
ing armed help from India. There are
also indications that both the maharaja
and Abdullah might have settled for
independence had the Pakistan govern-
Vol. 4, Issue 11
8
ment guaranteed it. In fact, in his letter
enclosing the instrument of accession to
the Governor General of India, the
Maharaja wondered 'whether it is not in
the best. interests of both the
Dominions and my State to stay inde-
pendent.'
Durga Das rightly observes in his
i n t r o d u c t i o n t o S a r d a r Pa t e l ' s
Correspondence which he edited, that
the maharaja and Sheikh Abdullah
'shared and worked' in their own way for
a similar objective, namely independ-
ent Kashmir.' If they acceded to India,
he adds, 'it was because by' invading
Kashmir, Pakistan left them no other
choice.' Sheikh Abdullah often told the
present writer during the years of his
alienation from India that had his rela-
tions with the maharaja not been so
strained, both could have jointly
worked for and achieved independent
Kashmir.
The urge for azadi, which moti-
vated the people of Kashmir to resist
the Pakistani invasion and cooperate
with the Indian army, subsumed a wide
range of aspirations. It expressed their
desire for independence, freedom, iden-
tity, autonomy and dignity. 'India has
come to defend our azadi while Pakistan
tried to enslave us' was the refrain of
the Kashmiri leaders as they defended
their decision to accede to India.
The basic urge of the Kashmiris has
not changed much over the years they
have been a part of India. The slogan of
azadi, by the end of the eighties, no lon-
ger meant respect for and emotional
attachment with the Indian nation but
expressed a feeling of alienation. The
militants trained and armed by Pakistan
now assumed the leadership of the
azadi movement.
Excerpted from Puri’s book
“Kashmir : Insurgency and After”
(Orient Longman)
Epilogue, November 2010
9 EXCKYSUVE SERIES
New Research on Kashmir

October 1947

RAKESH ANKIT

An action-packed, perilous month full of dramatic personalities and remarkable events of immediate,
intermediate and long-term significance, October 1947 was a milestone in the modern history of not
one but two and perhaps three nations. Those 31 days achieved nothing but desperation and defeat –
for the raiders; for Pakistan; for the old (Hari Singh) and the new (Sheikh Abdullah) Kashmir(s) and,
not the least, for India.

T o paraphrase Bismarck, the
hinges of history are loosened on
some dates. For Jammu and
Kashmir, October 1947 is such a pivotal
date. It opened with a provisional repub-
lic government being established at
Muzaffarabad by the Muslim Conference
with Mohammad Anwar at its head and
ended with a provisional emergency
administration being established at
Srinagar by India with Sheikh Abdullah
of the National Conference at its head.
In between, it saw the beginnings of a
daring raid and the sad end of a dynasty;
collapse of negotiations between
Srinagar and Karachi and signing of
accession between Srinagar and Delhi.
In the process, it made de facto the de
jure division of the territory of the
state.
The first event of any note in that
fateful month occurred on the 6th when
Sheikh Abdullah was released from
prison in Srinagar and set off to meet
Nehru in Delhi. Simultaneously,
Maharaja Hari Singh removed Messers
Banbury and Powell from their com-
mand of Kashmir Armed and Police
Forces and replaced them by Hindu offi-
cers. These were widely perceived as 'a
clearing of the decks for action as soon
as the Maharaja feels that he can rely on
new road from Pathankot for supplies and
possibly military assistance from India'.i
However, on the 10th, came reports that
the Maharaja is bargaining for better
terms with Pakistan by making it appear
that he contemplates joining India.ii
Three days later, on the 13th,
Norman Cliff – special correspondent
with News Chronicle – confirmed the
worst kept secret since 9 September
that Pakistan had cut off Kashmir's sup-
plies of petrol, sugar, salt and kerosene
as well as stopped trade in timber,
fruits, fur and carpets in spite of the
standstill agreement signed in August as
well as the trade agreement of 1870. He
also mentioned, almost in passing, that
Soviet posts had advanced 20 miles
through what had previously been no
man's land in the areas adjoining Gilgit
in present-day Tajikistan.
In the first fifteen days of October,
then, the proverbial lull before the
storm prevailed in Kashmir. Outwardly
there was a tense calm and quiet apart
from Poonch and Gilgit which were
plainly slipping out of Srinagar's hands.
Meanwhile, Chitral, Swat, Dir and the
Pir of Manki Sharif warned Hari Singh
against accession to India which was
sure to shatter the already thin veneer
of stability and legitimacy of the Dogra
dynasty. The next ten days from the 15th
to the 25th saw a hectic traffic of tele-
grams between Srinagar on one hand
and Karachi and London on the other
with New Delhi conspicuously absent,
hard as it may appear to believe now,
during this round of accusations and
counter-accusations. Srinagar turned
first to distant London with its litany of
complaints against Karachi/Rawalpindi
than the nearby New Delhi.
One can now see what these were –
the last-ditch attempts at negotiations
which were doomed to failure given the
digging of heels by all parties in an atmo-
sphere which was thick with mistrust,
misapprehensions and mistakes. On the
15th, Mehr Chand Mahajan, Hari Singh's
third Prime Minister in three months,
wrote similar letters to Liaquat Ali Khan
and Clement Attlee. It complained
against 'permitting threats [alluded to
above]to invade Kashmir to be made
from Pakistani territory'; 'actively con-
niving at armed incursions into the
Poonch area'; 'arming the border peo-
ples' and, finally, 'permitting the murder
or wounding, in cold blood, of the
majority of a party of 200-odd state sub-

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2010

EXCKYSUVE SERIES
New Research on Kashmir
iii
jects en route from Rawalpindi'. These
specific charges were, of course, in addi-
tion to the continuing requests to
resume trade and lift embargo of essen-
tial items.
Liaquat replied four days later
with charges of his own. He claimed
that Kashmir troops were being infil-
trated by Sikhs and Muslims were being
systematically massacred in Poonch. He
refused to acknowledge the embargo
and asked Mahajan to meet the Joint
Secretary at Rawalpindi to clear the air
in this regard. He also invited Mahajan
to visit Karachi or to send a representa-
tive 'to seek an impartial enquiry'.iv
Attlee replied quickly but lamely. He
merely acknowledged Mahajan's
request for help against Pakistan and
expressed his desire that Srinagar and
Karachi would reach an early settle-
ment. For far too many 'obvious rea-
sons', it was impossible for London to do
anything concrete with Mahajan's
request, as the Commonwealth
Relations Office submitted to the Prime
Minister. v
During the four days which it took
Liaquat to reply to Mahajan's missive,
the latter wrote to Jinnah, as well, on
the 18th, requesting his intervention.
Jinnah took half of Liaquat's time to
repeat Liaquat's reply.vi He invited
Mahajan on the 20th to Karachi to settle
the differences – the same day on which
the first batch of 900 Mahsuds started
for Poonch, Domel and Baramulla.vii On
his part, nurturing his own doubts at the
sincerity of these invitations and his
lack of confidence in the 'impartial
enquiry' Pakistan offered, Mahajan nei-
ther responded to Jinnah or Liaquat nor
went to Karachi or sent someone.
This 'no-response' attitude is ques-
tionable; more so when, later, Mahajan
chose to visit New Delhi instead on the
25th. Indeed, if this prejudicially
affected Pakistan government's atti-
www.epilogue.in
tude towards Srinagar and increased
their doubts of Mahajan's bona fides
then it is perfectly and reasonably
understandable. Mahajan was to get a
warning from a fuming Liaquat on the
22nd, for his troubles, of the 'gravest con-
sequences' if Kashmir acceded to
India.viii On this occasion, Liaquat's tim-
ing – intended or otherwise – was spot on
for the rumbling of what would be
called the 'great tribal raid or invasion
of Kashmir' of 25 October 1947 had
already begun along the Muzaffarabad
border, certainly unknown to Mahajan
Three days later, on the 13th, Norman
Cliff – special correspondent with
News Chronicle – confirmed the
worst kept secret since 9 September
that Pakistan had cut off Kashmir's
supplies of petrol, sugar, salt and ker-
osene as well as stopped trade in tim-
ber, fruits, fur and carpets in spite of
the standstill agreement signed in
August as well as the trade agree-
ment of 1870.
and probably unknown to Liaquat as
well in terms of the specifics. The Times
duly brought the raid to global light on
25 October 1947.
Mahajan made one last attempt to
stir London into action on Kashmir's
behalf. On this occasion it was the
Foreign Office which unambiguously
advised Attlee that they doubted
'whether there is any case for our inter-
vening with the Government of Pakistan
on the lines suggested by the PM of
Kashmir'.ix Hari Singh, now, appealed to
India before leaving Srinagar and on the
Vol. 4, Issue 11
10
26th, Mahajan wrote to Lord
Mountbatten requesting help who
replied the next day setting out the
terms of India's intervention – provi-
sional accession, release of Abdullah,
emergency administration headed by
him and plebiscite once the raiders had
been thrown out.
At last, New Delhi was in the thick
of things. The political and official class
there had first become aware of the hap-
penings in Muzaffarabad on the 24th. Sir
George Cunningham, Governor NWFP,
had sent a letter to General Rob
Lockhart, C-in-C Indian Army, on the 20th
which was read on either the 23rd or the
24th and is worth quoting:
'I am afraid that certain people up
here have been playing with fire. I have
pointed out to them the probable
results of their activities and they have
at last realised, I think, the dangers. But
I am afraid that it may be too late.
Anyhow, we shall know one way or the
other long before you get this'.x
On the morning of the 25th, a meet-
ing had taken place of the military mind
to explore and examine possibilities and
plans of involvement. In the afternoon,
officers from the Army and the Air force
were sent to Srinagar to talk to the State
troops and the infantry started its prep-
arations for any eventuality. On the
morning of the 26th, the officers
returned and reported their impressions
of the about-to-begin battle. By after-
noon, plans were finalised and ready to
be taken to the political masters as by
now it had become clear that India
would intervene following accession.
On the morning of the 27th, first Indian
troops flew to Srinagar.xi So did someone
else except his destination this time, it
was his second trip in two days having
accompanied the officers to Srinagar on
the 25th as well, was Jammu. V. P. Menon
had the instrument of accession in his
Epilogue, November 2010
11
hands and his task was to get the
Maharaja to sign it. Hari Singh and his
entourage were by now in Jammu.
Menon was back in town by early after-
noon having got what he and
Mountbatten wanted. M. M. Batra, the
deputy PM, had signed the instrument
of accession on behalf of Maharaja Hari
Singh.
London was formally informed of
the invasion by its respective High-
Commissioners in New Delhi and Karachi
on the 25th itself. Nehru too sent a first
cable outlining India's position. Attlee
wrote separately to Nehru and Liaquat
the following day in different voices. He
urged Nehru to 'not let your answer to
this appeal [Srinagar's for help] take the
form of armed intervention as it would
result in communal disorder and tempt
Pakistan to intervene leading to war'.xii
He appealed Liaquat to 'do everything
possible to prevent armed intervention
in Kashmir by Muslims or tribesmen seek-
ing to pass through Pakistan adminis-
tered territory' and hoped that 'it will be
possible for you to use your influence
with any such who have already entered
Kashmir to return home'.xiii Next day, the
27th, once informed of the signing of the
instrument of accession and the air-lift
of Indian troops, Attlee asked Nehru to
'inform the Pakistan government of your
military action and troop movements'
and requested Liaquat to 'do what you
can to control the tribesmen'.xiv On the
28th, the Indian Prime Minister took to
pen. He explained, in notes to Attlee
and Liaquat, India's reasons for acces-
sion, its provisional nature and sending
of troops. In reply Attlee refused to 'com-
ment on any action taken by India' and
instead asked both Nehru and Liaquat to
convene a joint conference with Hari
Singh.
On the same day, Field Marshal
Claude Auchinleck prohibited the use of
British forces for operational purposes
www.epilogue.in
in Kashmir by either India or Pakistan.
This came in response to Jinnah's order
to General Gracey, C-in-C Pakistan
army, of the previous day, 27th, to move
regular Pakistan troops into Kashmir as
a response to the Indian air-lift. Gracey
had refused and called the 'Auk' – the
Supreme Commander of both domin-
ions' forces. Auchinleck eventually had
to fly into Lahore on the 28th and explain
his decision to Jinnah in person. On the
28th itself, Mehr Chand Mahajan issued a
statement regarding accession and its
reasons. This first round of explanations
On the same day, Field Marshal
Claude Auchinleck prohibited the use
of British forces for operational pur-
poses in Kashmir by either India or
Pakistan. This came in response to
Jinnah's order to General Gracey, C-
in-C Pakistan army, of the previous
day, 27th, to move regular Pakistan
troops into Kashmir as a response to
the Indian air-lift. Gracey had
refused and called the 'Auk' – the
Supreme Commander of both domin-
ions' forces.
was over on the 29th when Pakistan,
finally, made a comprehensive public
rebuttal. The stage was now set for
Liaquat's famous 'accession achieved by
fraud and violence' speech which so dis-
tressed Nehru. India responded on the
30th by asking Pakistan to seal its borders
with Kashmir. Jinnah publicly refused
the request in a speech the same day
where he raised the cry of 'Islam in dan-
ger'. A 1200 word official communiqué
too was issued from Karachi asserting
that the Pathan raid was the inevitable
result of the provocative actions of the
Governments of Kashmir and India
against the Muslims.
Vol. 4, Issue 11
EXCKYSUVE SERIES
New Research on Kashmir
On 31st, a frantic week of a fraught
month ended. The British, the Indian
and the Pakistani sides prepared their
first appreciations of what had hap-
pened and braced themselves for the
long road ahead – of military and diplo-
matic battles. It would only be fitting to
end this recapitulation of October 1947
by taking a look at the very initial posi-
tions outlined by the contending par-
ties.
First Pakistan:
'There is no doubt that state
troops first attacked Muslims of Poonch
leading to refugee exodus to Pakistan.
Further killings in Jammu lead to “1,
00, 000” refugees from Jammu to West
Punjab'.
'The refusal of Kashmir to send a
representative for an impartial
enquiry and their failure to reply to
Governor-General's invitation to the
PM to come; the deliberate causing of
disturbances in their state by employ-
ment of troops to attack Muslims; the
fact that by 9 AM on the morning of
the day on which Kashmir's accession
was accepted, Indian airborne troops
had landed in Srinagar clearly show
the existence of a plan for accession
against the will of the people possible
only by the occupation of the country
by Indian troops. This plan is clear
from the start'.
'Kashmir's action can not be based
on the action of Pathans who did not
infiltrate into Kashmir, as they are not
reported to have done so, till 22
October and correspondence with the
State ceased on 20 October. All that
could be done short of use of troops
which would have violently disturbed
the frontier was done to prevent their
going to Kashmir'.
'In these circumstances, Pakistan
can not recognise accession achieved by
fraud and violence'. xv
Epilogue, November 2010
EXCKYSUVE SERIES
New Research on Kashmir
Next, India:
'Pakistan was behind the incursion
of tribesmen from NWFP. The plan was
to reach and take over Srinagar by 26
October and announce accession to
Pakistan'.
'From Indian perspective, Kashmir
could not be allowed to be overrun and
tribal control was unacceptable. India
is supported by Sheikh Abdullah and
more than 50% of the Muslims of the
state. There is Russian danger to be had
in the immediate vicinity incase of
chaos'.
'We are anxious for peace and pre-
pared to discuss with Pakistan. No
intervention was made in Kashmir till
the last moment when we were given no
choice and we did inform Pakistan gov-
ernment [so any talk of planned coup is
nonsense]. In fact, well-armed, well-
equipped and well-led raiders were
allowed to pass through Pakistan terri-
tory. They could have been easily
stopped in the Jhelum valley'.
'Raiders must be driven back. We
invite Pakistan to join in this. We shall
then withdraw our troops and conduct
plebiscite. Pakistan will be discussed
with on the modalities of the plebi-
scite. We have informed Pakistan at
every step. They, instead, have not
informed us of anything'.xvi
Finally, the British:
'It is natural for Kashmir to have
acceded to Pakistan given its Muslim
population; its communications which
pass through Pakistan and its reve-
nue/trade/transport/custom depend-
ence on Pakistan via the 1870 agree-
ment'.
'Kashmir's failure to respond to
Pakistan's proposal of 19 and 20 October
suggest that it valued differences with
Pakistan as providing an excuse for
accession to India. As do the attack on
Muslims in Poonch by the State troops'.
www.epilogue.in
'There is no evidence for Pakistan
having organised invasion. Instead they
brought strong political pressure on the
tribes and did not recognise the
Provisional Government of the Muslim
Conference even though India had
openly facilitated Junagadh's
Provisional Government in similar cir-
cumstances'.
'Pakistan was unwise in not physi-
cally stopping tribesmen and doubtless
local authorities showed some conniv-
ance [in particular, Abdul Haq, DC
Rawalpindi and Syed Ikramul Haq, ICS
attached to Ministry of Defence]. But it
must be remembered that we could not
prevent Muslims from joining in
Kashmir disturbances in 1931 with
much more troops. Moreover, Pakistan
is weakened by refuges problem. Then,
Muslim slaughter in Delhi, Jammu, and
East Punjab excited the tribes and gave
them direction. Pakistan government
(like Indian Punjab) had difficulty in
imposing its authority over local offi-
cials'.
'There was no need on the part of
India to accept accession. Troops could
have been send otherwise and it was an
unnecessary and provocative mistake.
There was no prior consultation with
Pakistan on this matter. There was also
needless provocation in the form of
Sikh troops which were sent and this
could have been avoided'.
'All this does seem to suggest that
one object of the Government of India
was to secure Kashmir's accession to
India and Pakistan could be hardly
expected to put any other interpreta-
tion. The task now is to stop fighting
and arrange plebiscite'. xvii
Of course, these were only the first
impressions and each one of the above
were modified in the light of new and
fresh information from the battlefield
and persuasion on the diplomatic front
as October turned into November, then
Vol. 4, Issue 11
12
December and 1947 turned into 1948
and beyond. But for now it could be said
that an action-packed, perilous month
full of dramatic personalities and
remarkable events of immediate, inter-
mediate and long-term significance,
October 1947 was a milestone in the
modern history of not one but two and
perhaps three nations. Those 31 days
achieved nothing but desperation and
defeat – for the raiders; for Pakistan; for
the old (Hari Singh) and the new (Sheikh
Abdullah) Kashmir(s) and, not the least,
for India. In the process, they saw not
just the beginning of the first India-
Pakistan war but the story of the making
of a conflict which endures to this day.
i. 6.10.47, Shone to CRO, T. No. 108, File No.
L/PS/13/1845b, India Office Records (IOR),
London
ii. 10.10.47, P. J. Patrick to Gordon-Walker,
Stephenson & Archibald Carter, File No.
L/PS/13/1845b, IOR
iii. 15.10.47, Mahajan to Attlee and Liaquat,
POL 1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR
iv. 19.10.47, Liaquat to Mahajan, POL
1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR
v. Attlee to Mahajan, POL 1427/47, File No.
L/PS/13/1845b, IOR
vi. 20.10.47, Jinnah to Mahajan, POL
1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR
vii. 8.5.48, Cunningham to Mountbatten, MSS
Eur D670/9, Cunningham Papers, IOR
viii. 22.10.47, Liaquat to Mahajan, POL
1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR
ix. Attlee to Mahajan, POL 1427/47, File No.
L/PS/13/1845b, IOR
x. 20.10.47, Cunningham to Lockhart, MSS
Eur D670/9, Cunningham Papers, IOR
xi. From Delhi to London, POL 1427/47, File
No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR
xii. 26.10.47, Attlee to Nehru, T. No. 303, POL
1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR
xiii. 26.10.47, Attlee to Liaquat, T. No. 302,
POL 1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR
xiv. 27.10.47, Attlee to Nehru, T. No. 1163;
Attlee to Liaquat, T. No. 302, POL 1427/47, File
No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR
xv. POL 1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b, IOR
xvi. 29.10.47, From Delhi to London, T. No.
1116, POL 1427/47, File No. L/PS/13/1845b,
IOR
xvii.31.30.47, POL 1486/47, File No.
L/PS/13/1845b, IOR
Epilogue, November 2010
13 Current Affairs
Dialogue

Three idiots and worlds

arguably 'toughest' job
ZAFAR CHOUDHARY

From Akbar's emissary to Yusuf Shah Chak in 1580, the job of interlocutors has rarely been successful
in Kashmir. Of late any engagement in Kashmir is dubbed as world's most difficult job. In 2010,
Manmohan Singh's three-member team is faced with criticism even before first assessment note is
jotted down in their diaries. Their position is being undermined for non-political backgrounds and
they are being accused of pre-empting options. There is still hope. This rare combination of
journalist-economist-academician has a deep understanding of the sentiments and diversities in
Jammu and Kashmir as they have already spent a good part of their life in studying this troubled part
of world. After an Aamir Khan trendsetter of Bollywood, 'idiot' is these days an attractive definition for
the one who thinks out of box, the one who do things differently and from the heart to get maximum
out of what one is made for. The three interlocutors can create a history with their sustainable
creative engagement with all shades of opinions in Jammu and Kashmir to bring the parties and the
governments to a common ground. This is an 'idiot's' job and the politically correct politicians could
not have done that. Therefore, people must stop crying for a political heavy weight as his wisdom
would have crumbled under his party weight. Let idiots do the job.

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2010

Current Affairs
Dialogue
A
s main outcome of an All Party
Delegation to Kashmir, the
Government of India recently
appointed three non-political
interlocutors to talk to various groups in
Jammu and Kashmir. Names of Dileep
Padganokar, a journalist, MM Ansari, an
economist who recently retired from
the Central Information Commission
and Radha Kumar an academician
earned an immediate ridicule from
parties ranging from Hurriyat to BJP.
Everyone had expected a senior
political head with a clear mandate
from New Delhi. Before they could
catch up with their first target in
Srinagar, the team leader Dileep
Padgaonkar made two statements, at
different occasions, which has put the
whole exercise under sharp criticism.
Dictionary describes interlocutor as
someone who takes government
policies to public and bring public
opinion back to the government. Then,
Dileep Padgaonkar does nothing wrong
in putting Pakistan as an essential party
to resolution of Kashmir issue. Talking
Kashmir with Pakistan has been a legacy
of the Shimla Agreement and Prime
Ministers Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh
have done that well. Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh has defended the right
of interlocutors in expressing their
opinions. That said, the lesser they talk
the better it would be in facilitating
people to talk.
Observers, however, believe that
the statements were tacit and much
required and they were made carefully
to address two particular
constituencies. The Kashmiri
separatists have called for a total
boycott of the interlocutors and in
Jammu two key parties –the BJP and the
Panthers Party –have done exactly the
same. Radha Kumar says 'at least there
is one similarity between Valley and
Jammu'. Separatists say that the
appointment of interlocutors and
meeting with them serves no purpose as
www.epilogue.in
dialogue was required at highest level
and that too after addressing the five
conditions set earlier by Syed Ali Shah
Geelani. Separatists, at this stage,
precisely do not want to engage in a
dialogue which is being held keeping in
mind the stated position of the
Government of India. Dileep
Padgaonkar makes that amply clear
when says, “any solution will have to be
found within the ambit of the
constitution of India”. Therefore, the
separatists accuse them of carrying the
Indian agenda. In Jammu, the
interlocutors are being accused of
toeing separatist line and dragging
Pakistan into an 'internal issue'.
So whose purpose are the
interlocutors actually serving? That is
perhaps the most important question
and answer can be traced from the size
of crowds that gathered at the Guest
Houses in Srinagar and then in Jammu to
have a word with the interlocutors.
Kashmir issue is not entirely all about
Hurriyat or the BJP. The majority is
outside their purview and they want to
talk about their present and future. As
the groups with extreme positions keep
away, the smaller social groups, the
local minorities, the NGOs, the
academicians and a horde of
mainstream political leaders were
among up of 500 persons who met the
interlocutors during their brief time in
Srinagar and then in Jammu. “Had the
team stayed put at one place more than
1000 persons would have met them.
Many people could not get
appointments as the interlocutors
travelled to different places like jails
etc”, says a duty officer from the state
government. Given the size of people
who met them at their own, the present
dialogue exercise seems to have begun
at a successful note. Says a senior
journalist, “in Kashmir, people have
shared sentiments but that does not
mean everyone is bound to go by what
Hurriyat says”. When people start
Vol. 4, Issue 11
14
Chronology of INTERLOCUTORS
1580: Akbar sent an unknown
interlocutor to hold parleys with
Kashmir's ruler Yusuf Shah Chak.
Talks failed. On June 5, 1586 he
invaded Kashmir by force
1947: Lord Mountbatten deputed
Lord Ismay to persuade Maharaja
Hari Singh to sign instrument of
accession. Talks failed. Later, Lord
Mountbatten came himself, got
Prime Minister Ram Chander Kak
arrested and Sheikh Mohammad
Abdullah released
1947: Pakistan Government sent
Major ASB Shah, the Joint
Secretary of Pakistan's Ministry of
Foreign Affairs with a blank
instrument of accession to get the
Maharaja to fill in and sign. This
did not happen.
1953: Nehru sent Maulana Abdul
Kalam Azad to talk to Sheikh
Mohammad Abdullah who had sig-
naled a revolt. Talks failed. Sheikh
was overthrown, arrested and
jailed.
1953: Lal Bahadur Shastri carried
Nehru's mandate to resolve
Hazratbal crisis
1974: G Parthasarthy negotiated
on behalf of Indira Gandhi with
Mirza Afzal Beig, Sheikh
Mohammad Abdullah's deputy.
Talks were successful. Sheikh
Indira Accord was signed.
1986: Prof JD Sethi is reported to
have worked out accord between
Farooq Abdullah and Rajive
Gandhi. The accord brought Farooq
back to power but put Jammu and
Kashmir in a deeper mess.
1990s: George Fernandes and
Rajesh Pilot did the most of talking
on Center's behalf with Kashmiri
groups in early years of militancy
and separatist movement.
Epilogue, November 2010
15 Current Affairs
Dialogue

meeting the interlocutors and express their opinions the Hurriyat might as well be 2000: Vajpayee appointed to a
compelled to come and talk. Geelani may be the only exception. In fact this is what
team of Home Ministry bureau-
Dileep's team has in mind. “This was our first tour and the idea was to have a basic
crats to talk to group of Kashmiri
assessment of moods”, says Radha Kumar. “We did not expect separatists to meet us
militants belonging to a faction of
immediately but I am sure they will talk”. Observers view Dileep's 'Pakistan essential'
remark as tacit statement to attract the Kashmiri separatist sentiment and the Hizb. Appointment of bureaucrats
'Indian constitution' remark to address the Jammu constituency. failed the whole exercise. Militants
The initial term for the team if of one year which makes the job time bound. It is struck in vengeance killing 94 per-
not one like that of KC Pant or NN Vohra which had no limitations. Another best about sons at different places over two
the exercise is that interlocutors have decided to visit the state once every month days.
and submit interim report to the Government of India after every visit. Here are few 2001: Vajpayee Government
quick recommendations the interlocutors might want to consider: appointment Planning
There should be a permanent secretariat in Jammu, Srinagar and Ladakh with
r Commission Deputy Chairman KC
staff to do a comprehensive research job like historical developments, a study Pant as high profile interlocutor to
talk to separatists and others. His
of past promises and proposals, the causes and solutions for regional issues
findings were never made public
etc. while focus at resolving Kashmir issue is must but the issues beyond and he was suddenly replaced by
Kashmir must be taken care of to accommodate the sentiments of traditional NN Vohra in 2003.
exclusion. 2002: BJP leader Arun Jaitly was
The secretariats should maintain a database of different groups, their
r appointed as Center's interlocu-
aspirations and important persons who interlocutors should meet. tors to talk to the National
Conference on autonomy resolu-
Youth is the most important factor in reaching at any solution. Interlocutors
r tion. There were two rounds of
must hold well organized sessions with groups of youths in different parts of meetings between Jaitly and
the state and for this purpose local universities or other institutions can be senior NC leader Ghulam
Mohiuddin Shah. NC lost vote the
taken on board.
same year and autonomy talks
Going to the Press by interlocutors should ideally be cut to bare minimum and
r ended.
instead people should be allowed to do most talking. 2003: Prime Minister Vajpayee
Jobs and development issues should ideally be kept out of the purview of
r appointed NN Vohra as his emis-
present exercise as enough has been done on this by way of Prime Minister's sary to talk to Kashmiri separat-
ists. Interlocutor's office worked at
Working Groups Task Forces etc. However, an action taken report on their
Vigyan Bhawan for five years.
recommendations and pressure for implementation of what has already been Results never made public. Vohra
recommended would be important. is Governor of Jammu and
Kashmir since 2008.
2004: Deputy Prime Minister LK
Advani was named as Prime
Minister Vajpayee's emissary to
talk to separatists. This was first
and last highest level dialogue
between Government of India and
separatists. There were two
rounds of meetings but reaching
DILEEP : RADHA : ANSARI : any conclusion Vajpayee govern-
The Journalist The Academician The Economist ment lost vote the same year.

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2010

Current Affairs 16

Is Pakistan Re-positioning itself in Kashmir?

Islamabad's Five Likely Strategies
D SUBA CHANDRAN

There is a renewed Pakistani interest in the Kashmir issue today, after a lull during 2007-09. There
have been a series of activities, including rallies, meetings, statements etc, signifying a shift in
Pakistan's approach, in terms of re-igniting the Kashmir debate within its body politic. From an Indian
perspective, it is essential to find out and confirm whether there is a new trend inside Pakistan vis-à-
vis J&K. More importantly, it is also imperative to trace the path that Pakistan is likely to pursue in
terms of exploiting the existing situation in Kashmir valley.

From J&K Elections In 2008
To The Kashmir Unrest In
2010 Kashmir Back In
Pakistan's Agenda?
Towards the end of 2008, Pakistan's
interest and influence reached the low-
est in J&K. Four significant reasons
could be identified for this; first, was
the Musharraf factor. Without a doubt,
President Pervez Musharraf pursued a
positive approach towards since the
beginning of the Indo-Pak peace process
in 2004. There was a sudden decline in
terrorist related violence in J&K. More
importantly, Musharraf also advised the
Hurriyat leadership to take into account
the changed regional environment
(meaning the Indo-Pak peace process)
and devise a strategy accordingly. Initial
remarks by now President Asif Ali
Zardari, were also along the same lines,
when he mentioned that the Kashmir
dispute should put on the back burner.
The Hurriyat at this point was crest-
fallen and was thoroughly disappointed
with Pakistan and its leadership.
Second, during 2006-08, Pakistan
itself was witnessing continuous turmoil
within. In fact, it was like Pakistan was
at war with itself. A series of events
made Pakistan to look inwards.
Third, the unfortunate, but lethal
terrorist attack on Mumbai in 2008 not
only reversed the Indo-Pak peace pro-
cess, but resulted in enormous interna-
tional pressure on Pakistan. As a result,
there was an unofficial control over the
activities of the Lashkar-e-Toiba within
Pakistan. Subsequently, the Lashkar led
terrorist attacks in J&K and the rest of
India came down significantly. Except
for a few aberrations, that are too
minor, there were no major terrorist
attacks in India.
Fourth, the aforementioned three
factors resulted in making the elections
for J&K legislative assembly an inclusive
one, and were the most successful. For
the first time in the last two decades,
the elections were held in a peaceful
atmosphere, with no violence. In retro-
spect, the 2008 elections in J&K was the
most positive event in the last two
decades, and the environment during
this phase was the most peaceful,
despite the regional differences.
Because of all these reasons
Pakistan's influence and interest hit the
nadir in J&K during 2008-09. On the
other hand, for India, the positive situa-
tion in J&K hit the highest point, only to
fall once again. And what a disastrous
fall it has been! India, in the last two
years, since the 2008 elections in J&K,
appears to be back at square one.
Nothing, but a hara-kiri. Like the Indian
cricket team at times, which manages
to snatch defeat from the jaws of vic-
tory, New Delhi gave up all its cards, by
simply doing nothing.
The turning point for Pakistan in
J&K came this year, when Kashmiri
youths started their agitation. Neither
the separatist leaders in Kashmir Valley
nor Pakistan designed this youth unrest.
In fact, it caught them by surprise. Since
then, both the separatists and Pakistan
are trying to reposition themselves to
the changed situation within Kashmir
valley. The time is ripe for them; for the
waters are muddled and soaked with
blood, and the Kashmiri youths are
angry. This will suit Pakistan and the
Hurriyat; for they have fodder now, who
could be manipulated and exploited to
suit their narrow political interests.

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2010

17 Current Affairs

J&K: The Change within Pakistan Pakistan's Repositioning In Kashmir:

There has been a sudden change within Pakistan
in the last two months, and there have been a series of Islamabad's Five Likely Strategies
Kashmir related activities within Pakistan. During While it is evident that Pakistan is trying to reposition itself on (and
September-October 2010, there were at least two sig- in) Kashmir, it is imperative for India to find out the likely course of action
nificant meetings/conferences /rallies in Islamabad that Pakistan may pursue vis-à-vis J&K, at the national, regional and
and Lahore. The first one was a rally, almost a jihadi international levels. One could identify the following five strategies that
one, led by one of the Lashkar front - Tehrik Azadi-i- Pakistan may like to pursue.
Kashmir (TAK) in Islamabad. This rally witnessed a Strategy 1: Bring Kashmir back in Pakistan's National Debate
carefully organized caravan – “Azad-i-Kashmir”,
As can be seen from the recent meetings and rallies within Pakistan,
from Mirpur, starting three days earlier, reaching the
a clear effort is being made to bring Kashmir back on their national
venue via Kotli, Bagh and Muzafarabad. The organiz-
debate. The situation in Kashmir Valley and the increased international
ers of this rally also organized a national confer-
attention towards the ongoing violence provides an ideal platform for
ence, in which political parties including the PML-N
Islamabad to reposition itself. As for the beleaguered PPP, especially
and Jamaat-e-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-i- Islam.
Zardari, this may even provide some breathing space by diverting
From Abdur Rehman Makki, the leader of the TAK to
national attention. Unfortunately, J&K has always been a smokescreen
Maulana Sami-ul-Haq, there was a repeated empha-
for the ruling elite – (political and military) - to gain legitimacy and divert
sis on jihad as the only option to resolve Kashmir.
the public mood.
The second meeting/conference, this time in
What will be the likely fallouts of Kashmir issue assuming impor-
Lahore, was organized by the Jamaat-e-Islami, on
tance in Pakistan's national debate? Pakistan's much abused ISI and mili-
Kashmir. The speakers included political leaders,
tant groups, especially the Lashkar-e-Taiba (and perhaps Jaish-e-
and more importantly, editors and other represen-
Mohammad), along with the religious parties, are likely to gain credence
tatives from the media. Some of the participants in
within Pakistan's body politic.
this conference included Qazi Husain Ahmed (for-
One should also keep in mind the happenings in Afghanistan and the
mer JI chief), Majid Nizami (Editor in Chief of the
FATA, and what is likely to happen over the next few years. In the last few
the national daily - The Nation), Mushahid Husain
years, there has been substantial involvement of the local groups, from
(PML-Q Secretary General), Jehanir Badar (PPP's
Punjab in the FATA and especially by the members of Jaish-e- Mohammad,
Secretary General), and Imran Khan. Most impor-
Sipah-e-Sahaba and Lashkar-e- Jhangvi, who, along with the TTP have
tantly, this meeting also included the Jamaat-ut-
been fighting the security forces in the FATA. Crudely termed the
Dawa chief; Hafiz Muhammad Saeed and Muttahidda
“Punjabi Taliban”, these groups have also been occasionally engaged in
Jehad Council Chairman Syed Salahudin.
terrorist attacks in Lahore and Islamabad. Once the war on terrorism in
Besides the above meetings led by the political
Afghanistan and FATA comes to a conclusion (one way or the other, espe-
parties and organization, during the last few
cially after the American exit), these battle hardened Punjabi groups are
months, there is an increased shrill against India in
unlikely to stay in the FATA. Unlike the Central Asian militants and others
Pakistani media on Kashmir. Comparing the violence
belonging to the al Qaeda, the Punjabi groups are likely get back, for
in Kashmir to the intifada in Palestine, one could wit-
their base and families are in Punjab. They will return to Punjab, and
ness numerous editorials and articles in the main-
engage themselves in a sectarian blood bath. In that scenario, Pakistan
stream English and vernacular media, lashing India
will have two options – either to fight them or to divert them into J&K.
and its security forces and accusing them of commit-
Instead of fighting them (due to the lack of domestic consensus and the
ting atrocities against the Kashmiris.
mayhem it will create), Islamabad will find it convenient to divert them
Clearly, there is a renewed effort being made elsewhere, most likely into J&K. Fighting India, after “defeating” the
to bring Kashmir back in the national debate within “evil Americans” may be more attractive to the jihadis. The history will
Pakistan, forcing the government to take action. It repeat itself; it will be almost similar to what happened during the first
was not a surprise then, that the Lahore conference half of the 1990s.
adopted a resolution demanding the government of
Strategy 2: Reach out to the Hurriyat and the Kashmiri Youth
Pakistan “to call an all parties conference for devis-
From now on, there will be an increased effort to repair Pakistan's
ing a national policy that could play a role in ending
image in Kashmir. While there is an increased anti-Indian sentiment
atrocities in Kashmir.”

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2010

Current Affairs
within the Hurriyat and the stone throw-
ing youths, there is not much love for
Pakistan either. Many in Kashmir valley
consider Pakistan as opportunistic, who
is not
genuinely interested in their future. Nor
do the Kashmiri youths want to emulate
Pakistan. Besides, Pakistan's failing sta-
tus in the world is known to all. Pakistan
would like to change the above percep-
tion in Kashmir valley, as a part of its
repositioning strategy. One is likely to
witness an increased interaction
between Pakistan and the Hurriyat lead-
ership one pretext or the other. While
one would witness statements from the
highest levels on the significant contri-
bution of the Hurriyat, organizations
and individuals linked to Pakistan and its
ISI will be asked to organize more politi-
cal events inside and outside Pakistan,
and highlight the Hurriyat's importance
in resolving the Kashmir issue. One is
also likely to witness back channel meet-
ings between Pakistan and the Hurriyat;
the latter will be assured of Pakistan's
support. Musharraf will come under
increased criticisms for his Kashmir pol-
icy, and leaders will highlight the need
for getting back to “Pakistan's princi-
pled stand on Kashmir.” Especially, with
his announcement of his new party and
intention to get back, PML-N is likely to
get more critical about his U-turn in
J&K.
While Pakistan would love to reach out
to the youths, it will not be as easy, as it
could do with the separatist leadership.
Amongst the youths, while a section
amongst them will be waving Pakistani
flags during their protests, it is more out
of their hatred against New Delhi, than
any love for Islamabad. However, what
India needs to be worried about is, the
increased influence of radical ideology,
led by certain underground groups.
While Islam in Kashmir valley has always
been famous for its Sufi nature, there is
www.epilogue.in
an onslaught, especially targeting the
youths. While there is no visible
Pakistan's direct involvement in this
new phenomenon, groups such as the
Lashkar has been engaged in finding a
foothold to propagate their ideology as
well. Increased inflow of financial
transactions on one pretext or the
other, from some of the Gulf countries,
does have an ideological component
attached to it. This phenomenon is not
limited to Kashmir valley alone; the
Muslim majority districts of Jammu
There has been a sudden change
within Pakistan in the last two
months, and there have been a
series of Kashmir related activities
within Pakistan. During September-
October 2010, there were at least
two significant meetings/ confer-
ences/rallies in Islamabad and
Lahore.
region – Rajouri and Poonch, are already
witnessing this. The recent violence in
Mendhar (in Poonch district) over the
alleged burning of the Holy Book, is an
expression of this new trend.
Strategy 3: Revive Militancy in J&K
While the national debate and the
rhetoric within Pakistan led by the radi-
cal groups are likely to gain new
recruits, the government policy is also
likely to change in terms of using the
armed groups – from the restraint that
we see today, to fishing in troubled
waters. If not the PPP government, at
least a section which is running the show
in J&K will be tempted to revive mili-
tancy. Why not? Is Pakistan testing the
waters, by allowing Hafiz Saeed to
appear in public and make statements
Vol. 4, Issue 11
18
on J&K? With the terrorist attacks on
Mumbai in 2008 almost becoming his-
tory, the Lashkar is waiting for a chance
to renew militancy against India. With
the Indo-Pak peace process remains
frozen and unlikely to be revived in the
near future, there is every chance that
militancy will be revived and that it will
start from J&K.
Despite the enhanced counter mili-
tancy grid and the fencing along the
LoC, it is not impossible for the militants
to cross-over into J&K through Mendhar
or Kupwara sectors. Besides, Islamabad
will always retain tight control over the
militant groups; and those who try to
form their own will become irrelevant,
as the JKLF in early 1990s and a section
of the Hizbul Mujahideen did during this
decade. Even Syed Salahuddin is
sidelined, which is being seen in their
performance in Kashmir valley.
Strategy 4: Call for International
Intervention
Fourth, there is likely to be an
increased demand from Pakistan for
international intervention. The recent
speech by Pakistan's foreign minister in
the United Nations was not merely an
emotional rhetoric, but a carefully cali-
brated effort to raise the issue at the
highest level. Shah Mehmood Qureshi,
Pakistan's foreign minister led a diatribe
in New York, with his statements within
the UN and outside it. He has asked the
US to “invest its political capital” in
Kashmir as much as Washington is doing
in the Middle East. During his speech in
the UNGA, Qureshi mentioned: “The
Jammu and Kashmir dispute is about the
exercise of the right to self-
determination by the Kashmiri people
through a free, fair and impartial plebi-
scite under the UN auspices…A peaceful
resolution of Kashmir dispute in accor-
dance with the UN Resolutions and tak-
ing into account the aspirations of the
Kashmiri people would create condu-
Epilogue, November 2010
19 Current Affairs

cive atmosphere for durable peace and stability in the South Asian
region…Pakistan reaffirms its complete solidarity with the Kashmiri peo-
An Indian Response?
ple, and urges the international community to persuade India to end its All the above five strategies are not
repression in Kashmir.” Qureshi's UNGA speech is likely to provide the mutually exclusive. Pakistan may pursue
basis for Pakistan's subsequent statements on the issue in various plat- some or all of them simultaneously. There
forms and their leaders meetings in different countries. With Obama's may be a political cost and few wild cards.
visit to India only few weeks ahead, this shrill will only increase, espe- India needs to plan ahead for a political, and
cially with regard to US intervention in the issue. While, there is nothing if there is a need, even a military response.
new in the above rhetoric of Pakistan at the international level, what is First of all, blaming Pakistan for every-
likely to be of increased importance from an Indian perspective, is thing that is happening in J&K is not the solu-
whether there is a Sino-Pak convergence on tion. The current unrest in J&K, first and fore-
Kashmir. China has remained a silent spectator over the last decade, most, is New Delhi's own making. After the
and in fact its silence was in India's favour on Indo-Pak issues. Since Kargil wonderful efforts made by the security
conflict, Beijing always insisted Kashmir as a bilateral issue between forces and the excellent response by the civil
India and Pakistan. In fact, China refused to get involved and support society in J&K, New Delhi lost the plot some-
Pakistan's position during the Kargil conflict. time after the 2008 elections. Both New
Delhi and the other stakeholders failed to
However, much has changed in this decade vis-à-vis China's percep-
evolve a positive road map visà- vis J&K.
tions. While on the one hand, China is anxious to build road and rail links
Elections and the positive response by the
via Karakoram, on the other hand, Beijing is also apprehensive of the
civil society in 2008 elections was inter-
Indo-US nuclear deal. The recent tensions in India- China relations should
preted as the return of normalcy to J&K.
be seen in this perspective. Moreover, there has been a heavy Chinese
Complacency set in; the round table confer-
presence in Gilgit-Baltistan; while scholars like Selig Harrison hint a mili-
ences and working group reports became his-
tary component to this Chinese presence, what is well known has been
tory and relegated to the dark chambers of
the investments, especially in infrastructure and energy sectors by
the Home Ministry and the Prime Minister's
Beijing. The US will be forced to involve, especially with an increasing
Office. Why should they be pursued, if nor-
Chinese presence (at least that is what, Selig Harrison's article want to);
malcy has returned to Kashmir?
given their deep entrenchment in the Af-Pak what form will this involve-
ment take? Not easy to predict. Second, there was a total failure to
anticipate what the losers of the 2008 elec-
While there are no visible Sino-Pakistan linkages on J&K detrimental to
tions will plan. From the Hurriyat to the PDP,
India's interests, such a development should not be totally over ruled. What
the 2008 elections was a negative outcome
if? In such a (worst case) scenario, J&K will become a different issue.
for their survival. They have been waiting for
Strategy 5: Bring Kashmir Back in the Bilateral Dialogue
an opportunity; and the youth unrest and fol-
Kashmir is likely to figure high on Pakistan's agenda in Indo-Pak dia-
low up violence provided them an issue on a
logue. If one has to follow the statements made by Qureshi in New York
silver platter. They grabbed it first; and
recently, it is evident that Pakistan would like to make Kashmir, Siachen
Pakistan followed suit.
and water the primary issues. Gone are the days in which the PPP talked
The response to Pakistan should begin
about placing Kashmir on the
from the inside, by wresting control of the
back burner and improving the
lost initiative. The All Party Delegation that
New Delhi's road to Islamabad on Indo-Pak ties. While on the one
visited J&K should be the starting point for
J&K lies in improving its connectivity hand, Pakistan will pressurize
New Delhi to re-engage itself. India should
the international community
with Jammu and Srinagar. Pakistan to force India to give high pri-
build confidence and maintain consistency
vis-à-vis Kashmir. New Delhi's road to
can only fish, if the Kashmiri waters ority to a Kashmir specific dia-
Islamabad on J&K lies in improving its con-
are muddied and unclear. Ensuring logue, on the other hand, it will
nectivity with Jammu and Srinagar. Pakistan
be able to re-establish the lost
transparency and accountability will can only fish, if the Kashmiri waters are mud-
ties with the separatists, by
keep J&K clear. died and unclear. Ensuring transparency and
emphasizing “take Kashmiris
accountability will keep J&K clear. IPCS
into account” rhetoric.

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2010

Current Affairs
Pakistan and Militant Groups in Kashmir:
Musharraf's Admission
RADHA VINOD RAJU
DER SPIEGEL: Why did you form
militant underground groups to
fight India in Kashmir?
MUSHARRAF: They were indeed
formed. The government
turned a blind eye because they
wanted India to discuss Kashmir.
F
or Indian Intelligence Agencies
and the J&K police, this is old
news. We always knew that the
terrorists crossing over into J&K from
across the border were trained, armed,
and infiltrated by the Pakistani forces.
Even the rest of the world is convinced
about this, as is implied in the above
question put to Gen. Musharraf by the
Der Spiegel.
In this connection, an article by
Shireen Mazari, (Director General of the
Institute of Strategic Studies, Pakistan
till May 2008) just before the Vajpayee-
Musharraf summit in Agra in July 2001, is
relevant and significant. Mazari's stew-
ardship of this prestigious Institute
more or less coincided with Musharraf's
tenure. This article was written in the
background of what Mazari claimed
were the new rules of the game at the
global level which 'pushed' India into
accepting Pakistan's continuous call for
a dialogue, and citing developments in
the Middle East and the Balkans.
According to Mazari, the US and its
allies, who have been exerting pres-
sure, were interested only in a 'quick fix'
www.epilogue.in
solution, which inevitably meant allow-
ing the stronger side to retain the
advantage even when it was wrong. This
interpretation can be seen reflected in
the oft repeated Pakistani complaint
against the West that they were ignor-
ing the civilian casualties in Kashmir and
were favouring the militarily stronger
India, and though the interpretation is
of events prior to July 2001, is neverthe-
less relevant even today.
While we draw the attention of the
international community to the
widely acclaimed elections that were
held in J&K in late 2008, in which
there was strong public participa-
tion, our failure to control civilian
killings by the police and paramilitary
forces in the last three months
needs to be looked into.
Mazari further continues thus in
the article: “The most disturbing fact
that is emerging in this new approach to
resolution of conflicts involving people
seeking their right to self-
determination is the manner in which
the US, EU and Russia are closing
ranks…In the Balkans, Russia will now
find more in common with the US and
the EU in its consistent support for the
Serbs. And, of course, the West has cho-
sen to accept Russia's conduct of a pol-
icy of genocide in Chechnya... If these
Vol. 4, Issue 11
20
are the realities, then can any small
power go counter to the trend? Or, spe-
cifically, can Pakistan counter the
Western-Russian support for India? On
the Kashmir issue, it can if the situation
on the ground is sustained. In other
words, the freedom struggle on ground
in IHK cannot fade out because that is
the only pressure on the international
community and India-especially the
Indian military. Dialogue must not be
accompanied by a cessation of the mili-
tary struggle on the ground until sub-
stantive progress has been made.”
The above assertion bears remark-
able resemblance to the current
Pakistani strategy vis-à-vis Kashmir, by
Musharraf's successor, General Parvez
Kayani. Militants will continue to be
trained, armed and infiltrated into
Kashmir from Pakistan in order to bring
pressure on the international commu-
nity by pointing to the threat of a
nuclear war between India and
Pakistan, and on the Indian Government
and military to come to terms, favour-
able to Pakistan. These militants would
be fully under the control of the
Pakistan Army, as was claimed by Lt.
General Aziz in his telephone conversa-
tion with General Musharraf who was in
China, in May 1999, during the Kargil
war. This is why the Pakistan military
refuse to take action against the
Lashkar-e-Taiba and other India centric
outfits. Apart from Kashmir, Mumbai
type attacks in other sensitive centres
in India in the future, cannot be ruled
Epilogue, November 2010
21
out. What indeed is striking is
that now the admission has
come from a former Pakistan
President, who hopes to
come back to power again in
Pakistan!
What the Generals in
Pakistan refuse to see is that
this unfortunate strategy of
using terrorism as an instru-
ment of State policy has now
become an existential threat
to Pakistan itself. In Kashmir,
it has resulted in death and
destruction in unimaginable
terms causing untold suffer-
ing to innocent people.
Musharraf claims that it is
the right of his country to
train militants to put pres-
sure on India to discuss
Kashmir. He forgets India's
right to counter them with
all the force at its command
to preserve its integrity!
While we draw the
attention of the interna-
tional community to the
widely acclaimed elections
that were held in J&K in late
2008, in which there was
strong public participation,
our failure to control civilian
killings by the police and
paramilitary forces in the
last three months needs to
be looked into. During the
last twenty years or more,
these forces have been in an
anti-militancy and counter
insurgency mode, where the
gun was the main weapon,
and not the lathi. Have the
police and paramilitary
forces deployed been suffi-
ciently re-oriented to change
into the law and order mode
to deal with unruly crowds?
www.epilogue.in
Current Affairs
What really is at
stake in Kashmir
ZEENAT ZEESHAN FAZIL
While environmental clearances for mining projects across
the country now hang like a Damocles Sword on companies
that are seen flouting norms, in Kashmir it seems like a free
for all. Limestone quarrying and cement factories are
playing havoc with its fragile environment, robbing the
flourishing saffron and almond cultivation of its potential.
The state government departments need to quickly get their
act together to stem this rot.
K
ashmir has always been fragile, in more ways than one. In the lap of the
Himalayas, its pristine landscape is indeed breathtaking and has drawn
tourists like bees to honey. Known for production of apples, walnuts,
cherries and almonds, it offers an idyllic climate and conditions for horticul-
tural growth. Yet there is a seamier side to all that appears pristine.
Over the last few years, close to 20-25 limestone quarrying mines have
come up in Khrew and Khanmoh range, in an area, which falls within the 10 km
range of Dachigam National Park. This is a complete violation of the Wildlife
Conservation Strategy 2002, which upholds the notifying of land falling within
10 kms of the boundaries of national parks and sanctuaries as eco-fragile zones
under Environment Protection Act. This in turn takes credence from an earlier
Act, the Jammu and Kashmir Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1978, which prohibits
destruction of habitat of wild animals in a national park, sanctuary or conser-
vation reserve.
Yet the quarrying has continued unabated. When in the rest of the coun-
try Environmental clearances from the Ministry has taken up strong positions
on mining activities here in Kashmir, it is a different story In pockets, which
were pristine and productive, the destruction continues unabated. Besides
endangering wildlife, this is the prime area of saffron production, the prized
item that has reached global markets and indeed has come to be identified
with Kashmir.
The poisons spewing out of the cement factories and limestone quarries
are having a drastic impact on the production of saffron and almonds which
the region is famous for and the source of livelihoods for many farmers. By
allowing indiscriminate and mindless construction, the government is in effect
snatching away from the people their means of livelihood. This lack of
Vol. 4, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2010
Current Affairs
accountability and transparency at the
level of governance has been the bane
of the region.
Why is the state government play-
ing ducks and drakes with the Kashmiri
people? Is it only responsible for han-
dling crises in Srinagar or equally for
long-term development of rural pock-
ets of the region, for sustaining liveli-
hoods, protecting the environment
and ensuring that no one takes the law
into their own hands? Sadly this does
not seem to be so. Those whom the
Kashmiri people have entrusted their
welfare to are not really concerned.
The departments, which are involved,
are busy leveling charges against each
other or simply looking away. At times
there is a grudging acknowledgement
of this from insiders. “Yes, it has
caused much damage to our heritage
crop, saffron and the almond produc-
tion too,” Director, Agriculture,
Kashmir, Mian Adbul Majeed, regretting
that incessant mining and quarrying are
continuing unabated.
There is another disturbing trend,
threatening the fragile ecology of
Kashmir; soil extraction. Rues Majeed
“Soil is being extracted randomly from
Pampore, Budgam and other areas to
fill railway tracks and this activity has
caused major damage to the agricul-
tural produce in these areas, ” In north
Kashmir, stone quarries have come up
in forested areas endangering the
green cover. According to sources, a
couple of years back, three stone quar-
ries came up within the mountainous
range on the right side of Trehgam-
Shimnag road in district Kupwara. The
forest is dense with coniferous trees
like Deodhar, Kail and Fir extending
over a sprawling area of eight square
kilometers.
This green cover is now being
threatened by illegal stone extraction
www.epilogue.in
from the area. According to Director
Geology and Mining, Ishtiyaq Ahmad
Ashai, only eight quarries are func-
tional in Shimnag area while a nine oth-
ers are non-operational. The scope of
their powers however stops at correc-
tive action. Says Ashai said, “Our
department has very limited powers.
We can only fine but cannot arrest the
violators”. This means if anyone is
'caught' indulging in illegal extraction,
the department can seize tools and
material. There leaves a disconcert-
There is another disturbing trend,
threatening the fragile ecology of
Kashmir; soil extraction. Rues Majeed
“Soil is being extracted randomly
from Pampore, Budgam and other
areas to fill railway tracks and this
activity has caused major damage to
the agricultural produce in these
areas, ” In north Kashmir, stone quar-
ries have come up in forested areas
endangering the green cover.
ing sense of a vacuum; that no one
here is responsible. With each depart-
ment hiding behind the smoke screen
of 'limited powers' the question is where
does the buck stop?
The pollution caused by these ille-
gal mining is another disturbing
aspect. Some of the officials are can-
did about it. Abdul Majid Mir, a geolo-
gist and a Mineral Officer in Geology
and Mining department says, “The
State Pollution Control Board (SPCB)
doesn't regularly check whether the
owners of quarries and mines are using
their pollution control devises. The
negligence is telling upon the state of
Vol. 4, Issue 11
22
the environment.”
The inevitable face-off between
the bodies responsible for Mining and
for those giving Environmental
Clearances is evident in Kashmir as
well. SPCB authorities allege that in
Geology and Mining Department allows
mining in several cases without seeking
No Objection Certificate (NOC) from
them. Giving an instance, Director
SPCB, Kashmir, Syed Farooq Gilani says
“ They (Geology and Mining) have not
received NOC from us for mining in Uri
sector. Now we have written to the con-
cerned District Magistrate to close it
down. I don't understand how the
Department can give the lease permis-
sion without taking the consent of the
environmental agency, SPCB,”
Concerned over random extraction
of lime-stone and mud particularly from
the forested areas, an environmental-
ist, Dr. Mubashir Jeelani says: “Our ecol-
ogy is going to be disturbed by such
activities and if such things are not
stopped at the earliest, we will invite an
inevitable disaster for ourselves as no
forests will be left for our future gener-
ations or for the wild animals. “Our for-
est resources were already depleting
fast due to illegal felling of trees and
are now bearing the brunt of mass-scale
extraction of stones within the forest
covers,” he laments.
The war of words and ideas not
withstanding, what is at stake is some-
thing which goes beyond the politics,
beyond the implementation of policies,
infact beyond even the present genera-
tion and the situation of conflict in
Kashmir. Resolving this issue is crucial
not only in immediate context but in the
long-term. Kashmir can benefit enor-
mously from the wondrous gift of nature
and Kashmiris can prosper if the envi-
ronment that supports them is pro-
tected and nourished.
Epilogue, November 2010
23
CHINA-INDIA:
Return to Robust Relations?
SWARAN SINGH
T
he week lasting 18-23 October
2010 witnessed three major
events that promise to inject a
positive enthusiasm in China-India
relations.
First, the release of Regional
Economic Outlook 2010 by the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) in
Jakarta underlined how, with their
growth rates of 10.5 and 9.7 per cent
respectively, China and India are clearly
recognized today as the torchbearers of
global economic recovery. The fact that
China and India are located in the
thriving Asia-Pacific makes the Chindia
phenomenon the most robust driver of
what is being described as an impending
transformation in global economy
followed by the transformation in global
political relations.
Some sparks of this gradual but
certain power shift were visible in the
second event of last week – the G20
finance ministers' and central bank
chiefs' meeting in Gyeongju, South
Korea. In spite of media hype over
'currency wars' on which they only
agreed to 'refrain from competitive
devaluations' these financial leaders
managed a breakthrough agreement on
IMF reforms, efforts for which had been
on for several years, if not decades.
From initial reports, Europe has agreed
to give up two of its six seats in the 24-
member board of governors of IMF and
also agreed to surrender five per cent of
www.epilogue.in
its voting rights. In the communiqué
issued at the end of this meeting, it was
agreed to shift a total quota of six per
cent shares to emerging economies and
this will be over and above the amount
that was previously agreed at the
Pittsburg G20 summit of June 2009.
These quotas in IMF shares and seats in
the board of governors will be
transferred to emerging economies like
China and India.
At the end of the Gyeongju
meeting, the IMF Managing Director,
Dominique Stauss-Kahn, said “This
clearly [was] an IMF day in Asia… now
the board represents the reality of the
global economy.” To recall, both China
and India have been raising the issue of
need for reforms in the UN and Bretton
Woods institutions citing this as an issue
of their credibility and efficacy in the
face of the changed ground realities of
the 21st century.
The third event was nearer home.
This was the 50th anniversary
celebrations of New Delhi's premier
strategic institute, the National
Defence College. The participation of
Prof. Shen Dingli, Executive Dean of the
Institute of International Studies, Fudan
University, Shanghai was highlighted in
Indian media as a signal of India lifting
the bar on visits by senior Chinese
defence officials and strategists that
New Delhi had imposed since July when
China had declined to give visa to a
Vol. 4, Issue 11
Current Affairs
senior Indian general.
China's becoming the number two
world economy in September had
already brought a certain focus on
China. Meanwhile, India – now the
fourth-largest economy in purchasing
parity terms – is also growing at a rapid
pace and has begun to receive rapidly
expanding FDI. This sudden deluge has
become a matter of concern in India.
Indeed, World Bank World projections
for 2011 last week believe that India's
growth rates will outpace the Chinese
growth rate as early as 2011 while
Morgan Stanley puts the date at 2013.
The coming weeks will witness a
slew of interactions between their
leaders that perhaps augur well for
China-India relations. Indian Prime
Minister, Manmohan Singh will be
meeting his counterpart Wen Jiabao on
the margins of the Fifth East Asia
Summit in Hanoi late this month, their
first meeting since the controversy
about the denial of visa to Gen. BS
Jaswal had resulted in suspension of
their defence exchanges. India has also
since been concerned about reports on
China's increasing investments and
military presence in infrastructure and
humanitarian relief projects in
Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir.
However, while leaving for his
three-country tour – Japan, Indonesia,
Vietnam – this week, Singh tried to
strike a positive chord as he
Epilogue, November 2010
Current Affairs 24

acknowledged India's conditional
support to China's decision to supply
nuclear reactors to Pakistan. Singh will
be meeting President Hu during the G20
summit from 11-12 November in South
Korea. In between, both Barack Obama
and Nicolas Sarkozy will be visiting New
Delhi. Two important Chinese visitors
are also expected to arrive in New Delhi
sometime during the middle of
November. These are Zhou Yongkang –
China's security czar and the ninth-
ranking member of the CPC's Politburo
GRAHPIX
Standing Committee (PSC) and
President Hu's envoy on sensitive issues
like North Korea and Tibet – and Li
Keqiang – the seventh-ranking member
of the PSC and expected successor to
Premier Wen Jiabao in 2012.
Also, Indian Foreign Minister, SM
Krishna will meet his counterpart Yang
Jeichi on the sidelines of the coming
BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, China) and
trilateral Russia-India-China Foreign
Ministers' meetings in Wuhan mid-
November. Besides, the much-awaited
meeting between their two Special
Representatives on the boundary
question is also expected anytime. And
finally, their bilateral trade that had
fallen from US$52 billion to US$45
billion last year is all set to now cross
US$60 billion for this year.
All these events together are
likely to provide a positive spin to the
complex and volatile Sino-Indian
relationship which has become
increasingly critical beyond just their
bilateral policy prism.

YOU'RE IN GOOD HANDS

DESIGN : eTICKETING :
CYBER CAFÉ : Newspaper, Magazine, Hologram, Job Work, Air Ticket,
Chatting, Searching Wedding Card, Multi-Colour Card, Greeting Card
Booking for eTicketing : Rail Ticket
AIR TICKET
160, Near Anand Satsang Bhawan, Indira Chowk, Shalamar Road, Jammu
RAIL TICKET
Mobile : 94198 91777, email : ksharma91777@gmail.com, graphixk7@gmail.com

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2010

25 IN FOCUS
Muslims in Administration

Missing Link or Connecting Link

Muslims In Indian Administration
Towards Inclusion

DR SHAHID IQBAL

T
he Government system provides a framework for equitable socio economic development and
planned growth of any nation state. Participation of various identities, in equitable proportions, in
the governance may not be a necessary precondition for such a planned growth and development as
well as nation building but equitable outcome is certainly a desired outcome. The Indian administration
provides a unique model for securing national integration on one hand and providing a machinery of
unbiased persons selected through an open competitive examination and allotted to states for carrying out
good governance in unbiased manner and ensuring delivery of services apart from reinforcing
accountability of government towards the masses. This has been achieved through creation of three All
India Services viz Indian Administrative Service (IAS), Indian Police Service (IPS), and Indian Forest Service
(IFS), apart from many central services in Group A & B working in the affairs of states and Union. The IAS
represents the framework of permanent executive in a democratic set up. When Lord Cornwallis created
Indian Civil Service (ICS) in 1893, it was aptly described as steel pillars of the Government. After more than
two centuries the ICS, now IAS, has witnessed a lot of erosion of its powers with separation of executive
and judiciary, decentralisation in government, compartmentalisation and so on. But still it wields the real
power of decision making in executive. Presence of various communities, religious and linguistic identities
in the administration has been an issue of debate since decades. The inclusion of minorities in various
services has always been on agenda of successive governments as it provides a platform for articulation of
specific needs and ideas as well. Muslims, comprising the largest minority with 13.4 % population have only
a 2.96% presence in the IAS which is apparently a cause of concern as it cultivates a sense of
marginalisation in the corridors of power and decision making. But if we analyse the trends, the Muslim
participation has also show a steady pattern of inclusion across the years. Upon analysis of this trend, one
can arrive at lacunas and suggest future measures to be taken to avoid such a feeling of marginalisation in
governance and administration.

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2010

IN FOCUS
Muslim in Administration
Muslims: Selections in IAS
An analysis of IAS selections by the Union Public Service
Commission in past 20 years reveals a static number of Muslims
selected for the coveted service over the years, with peak
numbers a couple of times crossing half a dozen.
Table I: Muslims selected in IAS compared to total selections
From the table above, the number of Muslims selected
for IAS every year ranged from zero to 7 in last 20 batches,
from 1990 to 2009 batch. The highest number was registered
in 1995 and 2009 batches with respectively 7 and 6 Muslims
being appointed in the IAS. In 1992 and 2004 not even a
single Muslim could make it to the elite IAS. Out of 1609
selections in past 20 years since 1990 batch, only 47 Muslims
could become members of the IAS, which includes 9 Muslim
women. Thus, 2.92% is the average selection of Muslims in
IAS in last two decades, compared to 2.96% total serving
Muslim IAS officers in the country – a slight decline to overall
percentage of Muslims in administration.
www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11
26
The 1995 batch recorded the highest ratio of Muslims to
overall number of candidates selected for appointment in IAS,
at 8.9%.
MUSLIM IAS OFFICERS IN INDIAN STATES
The candidates selected by the UPSC for
appointment to IAS are allotted to various cadre states by
the Department of Personnel and Training, under the Prime
Minister's office. Twenty eight states and 7 Union Territories
of the Indian dominion have been formed into 24 cadres for
allocation of All India Services officers. All union territories
and states of Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, NCT Delhi and
Goa have been included in one cadre named AGMUT
(Arunachal-Goa-Mizoram and Union Territories). Likewise
Assam and Meghalaya; and Manipur and Tripura are clubbed
as joint cadres. There are total 4456 IAS officers serving in
all the cadre states as on 01.01.2010, which includes both
direct recruits (RR) and those promoted from the state civil
services (SCS). An analysis of the IAS composition across
cadres reveals that there are 132 Muslim IAS officers out of
the total whopping strength of 4500 odd officers of the
premier service in India. Further, only 81 of them are RR i.e
selected by the UPSC through competitive examination and
the rest 51 have been inducted from the state civil services.
The State of Jammu and Kashmir is the only Muslim
dominated state in country; and has the highest number of
Muslims in IAS serving under affairs of state. Out of 92 IAS
officers in Jammu and Kashmir, 30 are Muslims – 5 RR and 25
SCS. The number in case of J&K is high because it is the only
state where promotion quota for induction in IAS is 50 % of RR
while in other states it stands uniformly at 33%. Apart from
J&K, all the 23 rest cadres send only 102 IAS officers out of
4364 i.e. 2.34 % share in rest of India.
*This is as per actual number of officers serving as on
The State of Jammu and Kashmir is the only Muslim
dominated state in country; and has the highest number
of Muslims in IAS serving under affairs of state. Out of 92
IAS officers in Jammu and Kashmir, 30 are Muslims – 5
RR and 25 SCS. The number in case of J&K is high
because it is the only state where promotion quota for
induction in IAS is 50 % of RR while in other states it
stands uniformly at 33%. Apart from J&K, all the 23 rest
cadres send only 102 IAS officers out of 4364 i.e. 2.34 %
share in rest of India.
Epilogue, November 2010
27
01.06.2010 and not the sanctioned
cadre strength. **Officers inducted
into IAS from amongst the State Service
Officers.
Some of the major Indian states
with huge Muslim population have
almost negligible presence of Muslims in
the IAS. Uttar Pradesh with a population
of more than 17 crores and an IAS cadre
strength 367 officers has only 11
Muslims IAS serving in the state, Madhya
Table 2: State Wise Statistics of Muslim IAS Officers
Compared To Total Strenght Of Ias*
www.epilogue.in
IN FOCUS
Muslim in Administration
Pradesh another mega state has 4
Muslims out of 300, Maharashtra has Some of the major Indian
n
only 2 out of 314, Andhra Pradesh has 8 states with huge Muslim
Muslims out of 289 IAS officers, population have almost
Karnataka stands still better at 12 out of negligible presence of
234 and Kerala having 6 Muslims out of Muslims in the IAS
161 keeps the percentage high in south Uttar Pradesh with a pop-
n
India. It is heartening to observe that 3
ulation of more than 17
Cadres out of 24 do not have even a sin-
crores and an IAS cadre
gle Muslim IAS officer in state, and 13
Cadres do not have any Muslim SCS offi- strength 367 officers has
only 11 Muslims IAS serv-
ing in the state
Madhya Pradesh another
n
mega state has 4
Muslims out of 300,
Maharashtra has only 2
out of 314
Andhra Pradesh has 8
n
Muslims out of 289 IAS
officer
Karnataka stands still
n
better at 12 out of 234
and Kerala having 6
Muslims out of 161
keeps the percentage
high in south India.
cer promoted to IAS- the later reflects
low number of Muslims in state adminis-
trative services.
Chief Secretaries: Heads of
Bureaucracy in States
As on 01.06.2010 there are 40 offi-
cers in the country designated as Chief
Secretaries. There is one Chief
Secretary in state who heads the entire
bureaucracy and is usually the top most
IAS officer of that cadre state having put
in mandatory 30 years of service. But
many states have designated multiple
chief secretaries in charge of major
departments and one chief secretary
heads the whole structure e.g. UP has
designated 5 top officers as Chief
Vol. 4, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2010
IN FOCUS
Muslim in Administration
Secretaries while as Rajasthan has 7,
rest states have one each. The Union
Territories have administrators as
heads. Out of present 40 top officers
heading states, none is a Muslim. But
many Muslims have remained as chief
secretaries before.
Muslims: in Top Pay Scale
The highest pay scale of a bureau-
crat in the country after the 6th Central
Pay Commission has been fixed as Rs
80,000/- plus allowances. Beyond that
only Cabinet Secretary, senior most IAS
officer of country, has the pay scale of
Rs 90,000/ fixed. At present there are
208 officers in the top pay scale of Fixed
Rs 80,000/-, out of which only 4 are
Muslims i.e 1.92 %. This low percentage
is mainly attributed to the prevailing lit-
eracy rate among Muslims in 1970s.
Since fewer candidates appeared for
the examination so number of selec-
tions in corresponding batches
remained comparatively low.
Muslims: Secretaries to
GoI Rank
The Secretary to Government of
India is a Civil Servant, having served
more than 30 years in IAS and
empanelled on seniority basis.
Presently, to become Secretary to
www.epilogue.in
Government of India, one needs to put
in roughly 35 years in service. The
Cabinet Secretary is senior most civil ser-
vant of the country. Cabinet secretary is
appointed from amongst the senior
most IAS officers serving as Secretaries
to Government of India. The commit-
tee of secretaries, having all the
Secretaries to Government of India as
members and the cabinet secretary as
its head, is the most powerful decision
making body of the Indian Government.
The various secretaries head the
departments in ministries and are
directly answerable to the minister. In
fact, these are the key position holders
wielding the real executive power in pol-
icy making and decision making in the
country. The political executive is
Presently there are 78 IAS officers
working as Secretaries to
Government of India, out of which
only one officer heading the Border
Management Department, Ministry of
Home Affairs, is a Muslim.
supreme and through Parliament the
laws and policies are enacted by legisla-
tion which is initiated by these top offi-
cials under direction of political execu-
Vol. 4, Issue 11
28
tive. Presently there are 78 IAS officers
working as Secretaries to Government
of India, out of which only one officer
heading the Border Management
Department, Ministry of Home Affairs, is
a Muslim. Three other Muslim officers,
having the apex scale, are presently eli-
gible for empanelment as Secretary to
Government of India.
Muslims: In Top
Commissions
The three member Election
Commission of India, entrusted with con-
duct of free and fair elections in world's
largest democracy has one Muslim IAS
officer as its member. The National
Commission for Minorities, a powerful 5
member Commission, has 2 Muslim mem-
bers including the Chairman, who has
served as Governor of 5 states. The
Planning Commission, responsible for
pegging the budgets of states and allo-
cating resources, has one Muslim
woman among 8 members. The Union
Public Service Commission, which is the
top most recruiting authority for the
Union of India, has one Muslim member
out of total 9 members and a Chairman.
It is evident that eligible Muslim officers
and eminent personalities have found
due position in country's top most bod-
Epilogue, November 2010
29
Eligible Muslim officers and eminent personalities have
found due position in country's top most bodies and com-
missions having a major say in the decisions of the
Government and responsible for ensuring a fair and just
system across the country - free from any discrimi-
nation.
ies and commissions having a major say in the decisions of the
Government and responsible for ensuring a fair and just sys-
tem across the country - free from any discrimination.
Literacy Rate and Share in Administration:-
Literacy has a major role to play in empowerment of
minorities but at the same time many other factors are respon-
sible for availing the opportunities in a competitive world --
right information and guidance to youth, socio-economic sup-
port, quality education and the like. If we analyse the Muslim
literacy rate in relation to their presence in administration at
national level, the results vary from quite satisfactory to dis-
appointing. Out of total 132 Muslim IAS officers in country, 39
come from states with highest literacy rate among Muslims. As
already mentioned, mere population of a community cannot
be a yardstick or claim for having proportional representation
in administration, since the selection examinations are com-
petitive and level playing for all, but the analysis below has
been done to show that factors other than mere literacy also
play a major role in dismal presence of Muslims in Indian
administration.
Kerala state with 15% Muslim population and 89% Muslim
literacy rate has sent 139 IAS officers to Indian administration,
serving across the country, out of which 13 i.e 9.35% are
Muslims, which is quite impressive compared to all states. Goa
stands first in percentage terms as far as Muslims in IAS are con-
cerned, sending one out of total 2 IAS officers from the state.
While, Delhi and Tripura, together, having sent 244 IAS officers
have not even a single Muslim IAS officer even the Muslim liter-
acy rate is 66.6% and 61% respectively. This is attributed to
reported tendency of Muslims in capital towards other profes-
sions like private sector, media and business where they are
doing excellently well. In states like Kerala and Tamil Nadu
where general literacy rate stands very high, the share of
Muslims in IAS selected also stands at a comparatively better
position. From the table above, where comparison has been
done about high Muslim literacy rate and their share in IAS
selections from state, it is evident that literacy is not the only
measure of ensuring participation in administration. Other fac-
www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11
IN FOCUS
Muslim in Administration
tors like participation in competitive examinations, coaching
and guidance available to minorities, and state support in this
regard are very important factors. Also we find very high share
of Muslims in medicine and engineering, which signifies that a
majority of talent is pooled to these disciplines also, and
hence those competing for administrative positions are com-
paratively less in most of the states.
Gender and Empowerment: Muslim Women
in IAS
At present there are only 9 Muslim women IAS officers
serving in the country, out of the total strength of about 4500
serving officers. In past 20 years the ratio women selected in
IAS through the Civil Services Examination has varied from 15
to 30 %, with more tendency towards higher end over the years
e.g the 2009 batch of IAS comprising of 188 officers which
passed out of LBS National Academy of Administration
Kerala state with 15% Muslim population
n
and 89% Muslim literacy rate has sent
139 IAS officers to Indian administra-
tion, serving across the country, out of
which 13 i.e 9.35% are Muslims, which is
quite impressive compared to all states
Goa stands first in percentage terms as
n
far as Muslims in IAS are concerned,
sending one out of total 2 IAS officers
from the state
While, Delhi and Tripura, together, hav-
n
ing sent 244 IAS officers have not even a
single Muslim IAS officer even the
Muslim literacy rate is 66.6% and 61%
respectively
This is attributed to reported tendency
n
of Muslims in capital towards other pro-
fessions like private sector, media and
business where they are doing excel-
lently well
In states like Kerala and Tamil Nadu
n
where general literacy rate stands very
high, the share of Muslims in IAS
selected also stands at a comparatively
better position.
Epilogue, November 2010
IN FOCUS
Muslim in Administration
it appears that in past couple of years the Muslim women
equalled Muslim men selected in IAS. But over the years
the performance has been disappointing - in 12 out of 20
years no Muslim woman in the country could make it to
IAS; but in 6 years Muslim women and men were selected
in equal numbers.
recently, had a total of 32 women IAS officers, out of which 2
were Muslims The share women in IAS is on the rise year after
year. Upon analysis of Muslim women selected in IAS over these
years it becomes evident that they are not keeping pace with
the trend even though many them who are selected for IAS
have made it to top ranks.
From the table above, showing data of past 20 years, it
appears that in past couple of years the Muslim women
www.epilogue.in
30
equalled Muslim men selected in IAS. But over the years the
performance has been disappointing - in 12 out of 20 years no
Muslim woman in the country could make it to IAS; but in 6
years Muslim women and men were selected in equal numbers.
Further, for years number of Muslim women selected in IAS was
same as Muslim males, one each. But the bottom-line still
remains that Muslim women , till date have not been able to
create a niche in the Indian administration, with not more than
15 Muslim women IAS officers serving in the country, out of
4500 odd strength of Indian Administrative Service. They do
have sizeable presence in medicine, engineering, education
and various technical disciplines but administration still
remain an area where Muslim women are still missing.
Nevertheless, the Muslim women who made to the top posts in
administration are very vocal and articulate, like the women
administrators in majority are. More initiatives are required to
bring women into administration and that will automatically
attract Muslim women as well. The UPSC has taken some
encouraging steps in this regard – like exemption of examina-
tion fee, encouragement message in advertisements/ notifi-
cations and the like.
Muslims Share in other Civil Services:
Group 'A & B' and IFS
In the UPSC conducted annual Civil Services Examination,
based on merit and preference, top 80 to 100 candidates are
allotted to the Indian Administrative Service depending on the
vacancies available as notified by the Central Government.
Among the top positions, few also get the coveted Indian
Foreign Service – however since the preference for Foreign
Service has been on a decline so maximum candidates falling
below the IAS cut off line are slated to join it as their second
option. The other popular second preference for aspirants is
Indian Police Service, but most women prefer Indian Revenue
Service than IPS and other. The UPSC prepares the combined
merit list as per vacancies referred to it and sends in the list of
candidates recommended for appointment to the Department
of Personnel and Training (DoPT) which is the final authority on
allocation of services- depending on vacancies, categories,
preference and merit.
To have a holistic view of presence of Muslims in whole
administrative structure, it is necessary to go through their
percentage and numbers in all the services – selected on the
basis of above mentioned Civil Services Examination at
national level.
Last 10 years data shows that Muslim candidates selected
for all the services –All India Services (IAS/IPS/IFS), Foreign
Service and Central Services; ranged between 3 to 4 %. It
Vol. 4, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2010
31 IN FOCUS
Muslim in Administration

crossed 4% mark only in year 2009 with selection of 32 Muslim
candidates among selection list of 795 – including 6 in IAS. If we
compare the data presented above in Table 1 showing selec-
tion of Muslims in IAS and Table -showing all civil services
together, it can be concluded that share of Muslims in other
central services, every year, is higher than that in the
IAS. For all services taken together the percentage of
Muslims is pulled up because of the reason that more
Muslims find berth in allied services. Since the margin of
marks between ranks is very less in this examination,
there is scope of improvement and bridging the gap to
bring more Muslims into IAS, which will automatically
pave way for more minority candidates into the overall
selection list.
Indian Forest Service, an All India Service entrusted
with protection and management of country's forest wealth
spread over approximately 24% geographical area and
including rich biodiversity is unique in its selection proce-
dure. Known as IFS, the service has a separate all India level
competitive examination open to science graduates only.
The IFS has gained importance and wields more importance
now given the issues of environment and climate change,
stringent Acts and Rules related to Forests, Wildlife and
Environment, the Apex Court Forest Bench and the Court
appointed all powerful Central Empowered Committee
etc. Moreover the Forest administration is more or less
independent of the general administration as far as man-
aging the forest land and wealth is concerned. Number of
candidates selected into IFS in past ten years has ranged
from meagre 22 to 84 per year – not in a fixed range as the
IAS and IPS. Here again, Muslim candidates have not been
able to keep the pace and secure berth in the IFS list. The
following table reflects the state of affairs as regards
selection in IFS is concerned:-

Conclusion and Discussion

As evident from the discussion above, Muslims have not been able to make their presence quite visible at the level of top
administration owing various reasons like preference for medicine and engineering at secondary level, lack of proper coaching
and guidance, socio-economic causes, lack of translation of high literacy into employable education and so on. But at the same
time there are some positive notes also – more number of Muslim women selected in recent years, gender parity in Muslim
selections, increased presence in central services and allied services of the Union, and higher competitiveness. Still the fact
remains that despite such a high literacy among Muslims in a dozen states and successive governments' genuine efforts the Muslims
make only 2.96% of the Indian Administrative Service at present. The Prime Minister's 15-point formula specifically mentions
encouragement of minorities for joining central and state services, and many initiatives in this regard have been taken. Thus, it is
a call upon educated Muslim youth to avail these opportunities provided by the Government and become a part of the
administration at national and state level. Since the recruiting agencies are fare and transparent in selection process, rather
there is special encouragement for minorities, the young educated people must come forward with openness to ideas and face the
competition without any feeling of prejudice, fear or favour. Only then an INCLUSIVE ADMINISTRATION can become a reality in
India.

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2010

Ladakh
Education
Educational in Ladakh
T
he PPP (Public Private Partnership)
became the new mechanism to
deliver educational services, but the
key differences were on responsibility, own-
ership, nature of services and
risk/rewards. In Ladakh, responsibility
and risk / reward were key differential
points. Full retention of responsibility and
risk by the government; and rewards to go
to the non governmental actors. But those
in the position to interpret and lead public
debate can, often with considerable
effectiveness, blame others for failures
and difficulties (with visual aids and semi-
nars). The dilemma suggested by the blur-
ring of responsibilities is that it creates an
ambiguity and uncertainties in the minds
of policy makers and public about who is
responsible and can lead to actors passing
of responsibilities to each others when
(In our most of earlier
reportings on educational
scenario in Ladakh, we
mostly endorsed the policies
and approaches applied by
Operation New Hope or ONH.
This paper is critically
challenging the perceptions
built around ONH. We have
published this while giving
respect to author's right of a
particular view point and to
encourage a healthy debate
on the issue. Feedback is
welcome at
epilogue@epilogue.in)
www.epilogue.in
things go wrong. Worse still is the
enhanced possibility of scapegoating
raised by more complex governance sys-
tems. Blame avoidance and scapegoating
are not new phenomenon but governance
structures do extend the capacity for such
activities. Game playing, subversion,
creaming and opportunism in a range of
forms were observed in both policy state-
ment and outcomes. Though there should
be greater willingness to cope with
uncertainties and open-endedness on the
part of out of the box imitators (locally
they are known as innovators). Because
of this there is thawing of the ideological
frost between the grass root workers and
Non governmental organization.
The rationale offered is that a well edu-
cated labor force and available good infra-
structure which are crucial to the quality
education do not need fringe idiots to
interfere as the syllabus introduced by
them to primary students in mid 1990s are
giving their matriculate examination only
in mid 2000s and there after. The results
have never crossed 32 percent, so lets re
look at policies. Where is the success story
and why all this hue and cry about? The poli-
cies which were implemented were repli-
cation of success stories elsewhere.
Researches have shown that to implement
new policies and changes you should have
backup researches ably supported by sta-
tistical & scientific tools and techniques.
Were our policies followed standard pro-
cedures worldwide? Did ONH (Operation
New Hope) extended to government
schools in mid 1990s followed standard pro-
cedures or are they ably supported with
researches? Let's not boast about appreci-
ations when outputs are abysmal?
Vol. 4, Issue 11
32
Empirical observations of the working
of any organization– “For power to be fully
legitimate …… three conditions are
required: its conformity to established
rules; justifiability of the rules by refer-
ence to shared beliefs; and the express
consent of the subordinates which is the
most significant among them”. World over
the allied concept which frequently makes
its appearance in discourse is that of par-
ticipation. Need of the hour is participa-
tion being treated both as a means and as
an end. Did organizations involved for the
past 20 years conform to above mentioned
rules? Before giving a blank cheque in the
veil of resolution of Councilors to re launch
anybody, I do think that Education needs
educationist not megalomaniacs. ALSJAC's
(All Ladakh Students Joint Action
Committee) effort looked like a stage man-
aged open discussion or was it sabotaged for
individual's benefit? The discussion and
behavior of few motivated audience was
poor reflection of their awareness? The base-
line is that little knowledge is dangerous.
Thorough comprehensive knowledge is what
is required before debating on a subject.
The dilemma created by the emer-
gence of new self governing pressure
groups is that of accountability. Members
of these groups are dissatisfied with the
arrangements agreed by all and yet find
it difficult to express or more particularly
act on. They are driven by self interest
rather than a wider concern with the pub-
lic interest or more particularly those
excluded from the social network.
Convention and seminar were held with-
out having one percent comprehension of
the whole complex network of problems.
The first task involves defining a situa-
Epilogue, November 2010
33
tion, identifying key stakeholders and develop-
ing effective linkages between the relevant
parties. The second is concerned with
influencing and steering relationship in
order to achieve desired outcomes.
Thirdly and finally is what other called
“system management” or call it “Educa-
tional System Management”. For an
effective system there is always a feed-
back loop which is as essential as the sys-
tem itself. Though well one recognizes
the capacity to get things done which
does not rest on the power of govern-
ment to command or use its authority. It
sees government as able to use new tools
and techniques to steer and guide. There
is need for government to give leader-
ship, build partnership, protect and regu-
late its environment and promote oppor-
tunity.
It involves thinking and acting beyond the
individual sub system, avoiding unwanted side
effects and establishing mechanism for
effective coordination. The paradox of
the educational perspective was that
even when government developed an
appropriate operating code governance
failure still occurred. Tensions and diffi-
culties with the institutions of actors, as
well as inadequacies in the organizations
that bridge the gaps between public, pri-
vate and voluntary sectors had lead to
failures.
The largest group and majority of people
are for retrospection, change and are flexible in
their outlook. Awards (given by panel) are
not their yardstick rather personal satis-
faction is what drives them to serve with
sincerity. Take a leaf out of His Holiness
Kushok Bakula Rinpoche's contribution
for Education which is unmatched till
date and people's appreciation is what
we should strive for. Selflessness dedica-
tion is needed and let work speak for
itself instead of forcing our viewpoint
upon others. Let's collectively rectify pol-
icy defects and strive for the universal
application of policy alike for private and
government schools. We should encour-
age competitive environment for both
Government and Private Schools to flour-
ish together to have well educated
www.epilogue.in
human resource pool for societal uplift-
ment and development.
Let facilitators be facilitators not admin-
istrators? Let's apply O&M (Organizational and
Methods) techniques to find out the decline
in rolls of government schools and their
non preference? What should be done to
save the one of the largest employer in
government sector for future suste-
nance? Do we need ONH primary books
which emphasized on localization in the
age of liberalization, globalization and
universalization? I definitely agree to
Manish Sabharwal, Chairman, Teamlease
Services who aptly puts that “Employ-
ment outcomes are 300% higher for
English speakers and we must encourage
multi-lingual instruction because English
is a vocational skill and like Windows, an
operating system for the world of work”.
Further added that India really does have
a unique opportunity as the only country
growing younger in a rapidly ageing
world: 25 % of the world's new workers in
the next five years will be Indian and are
we gearing up for our share in this oppor-
tunity? Some other facts that India needs
some 450 million jobs & largest employer
is Govt of India which employs some 20
million with Organized Private Sector
employing some 10 million but total 30
million is too few for our needs? What
about future security of 360 million or
20% of world's children population
between 0 to 14 years who are Indian? Is
there a need of different set of policies
and syllabus for private schools and gov-
ernment schools? If mother tongue is
essential then let's press for Bodhi to be
included in 8th Schedule of Constitution
of India so that our mother tongue is pre-
served & is also more relevant for socio,
religious & cultural education? What
about valid point raised by Rev. E S
Gergan, Principal, Moravian School,
about separate or allied services for
Education headed by an IAS / KAS
Officer? Why board examination (espe-
cially for 3rd, 5th, & 8th standard) at
Primary, Middle, and High School in J&K
Board level when Centre is going for
Grading System? What about Continuous
Vol. 4, Issue 11
Ladakh
Education
Comprehensive Evaluation (CCE) in real
form? Should we either apply Central
Policies or there should greater devolu-
tion of decision making in Education
Policy to LAHDC (Ladakh Autonomous Hill
Development Council) et cetera?
In order to provide these public services,
we have to necessitate accountability, trans-
parency, clarity of rules governing each poli-
cies and adequate information regarding
the different policy and reason thereof.
But retrospection always had taken a
form of Convention or Seminar and ended
with a Peace Rally in Ladakh? We need
real RETROSPECTION with all the
Stakeholders and with concrete objec-
tives and corrective measures.
If administrative law and order are
bypassed by the legislator's resolution then a
wrong precedent would be set and will
always have future repercussion. Let us
respect law of land and be less gullible.
Rather let's prepare so that new entrants
to our labor force over the next few
decades are not locked out of liveli-
hoods, jobs, skills and education. Then it
will lead to dramatic social and cultural
upheaval which will lead to the discon-
tented population turned to crime, cor-
ruption, greedy private sector, sleepy
bureaucrats, myopic public and goofy pol-
iticians. Why not question legislation like
the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) which
links money to enrolment rather than
learning outcomes & quality? Experts of
Education have tried to acquire quality
through quantity and now we have nei-
ther. Why a Centre Govt scheme always
fails when the exchequer burden falls
heavier on the State, though they have
Federal Structure to blame? Let's not get
too much fixated with SECMOL, ALSJAC &
the various Messiahs of Education? Truth
is 500 million people in the age group
from 20-25 years are job seekers with
very few to offer, thus our Education and
its various schemes are definitely unpre-
pared for the future demographic divi-
dends.
Myopic focus on Education is the great
deception; we should indeed reassess and
proceed with humility and openness.
Epilogue, November 2010
Ladakh
Narative
Notes from Leh
MANISHA SOBHRAJANI
I
was in Chennai when I heard about the
cloudburst and subsequent flashflood
in Leh. It took several phone calls and
many hours before the enormity of the
flood and the damage caused thereby
sunk in. But once that happened, the deci-
sion to carry out relief and rehabilitation
operations was almost immediate.
However, the question was: where to
begin.
We made a quick trip to Leh to
assess the situation, and nothing could
have prepared us for what we were to wit-
ness: kilometers of roads and bridges
washed away; miles of agricultural land
buried under debris; houses and shops
destroyed beyond recognition; and peo-
ple rendered homeless, hungry and aban-
doned to face a severe winter. The ques-
tion 'where to begin' hounded us like
never before. We made a commitment to
build and donate 500 houses, and
returned to Delhi to come back to Leh
two days later, mentally prepared for
what we promised to do.
Initially, the local administration
assured us of all possible help and support
for our work. We also met with several
other NGOs working towards relief and
rehabilitation in the hope that we would
all be able to combine our efforts and pro-
duce better results. However, two
months later, the story is completely dif-
ferent. We struggle to get help from the
local administration. And the various
NGOs which promised to build homes
with us are hardly seen on the ground. We
seem to be fighting a lonely battle, but
are not willing to give up.
It took us three weeks to get started
www.epilogue.in
with the construction work since nothing
was available: no labour, no construction
material, no help, and no one ready to
believe that we were there to stay and
carry out the work we said we would do.
It took every possible connection we had
in the state of Jammu & Kashmir to
arrange all that we needed. We also got a
piece of land allotted to build a 'model
house'. The local administration was
reluctant to give us permission to build
because we wanted to construct pre-
fabricated houses which are earth-
quake-resistant and flood-resistant as
opposed to typical Ladakhi houses
which are largely made of mud bricks.
By the time we persuaded the adminis-
tration that our intentions were good
and we knew what we were doing, a
month had already passed, and there
were more people who discouraged us
than those who encouraged us.
While the construction work was
going on, we made trips to distribute
relief material to the 50-odd villages in
Leh district which were affected by the
flood. As was expected, it was very evi-
dent that relief and rescue operations
had reached only a few villages which
were close to Leh town. We traveled to a
village called Wanla, which is a 5-hour
drive from Leh town, on September 13.
We were told that the road to reach
Wanla had only been cleared of the flood
debris the previous day, September 12,
which was more than a month after the
cloudburst!
Several interesting experiences
have left their mark on our minds during
these two months that we have been
Vol. 4, Issue 11
34
working in Leh. During a traffic jam on
the highway (due to construction of a
road), we overheard a group of Army
jawans interact with a group of police
jawans from the Punjab Police. They
spoke about everything from the sudden
orders to go to Leh to the changing
weather. They even talked of militancy in
Punjab and compared it to that in
Kashmir. Their jolly mood helped to
lighten the heaviness of the traffic jam.
On the construction site, our group
is an interesting mix of Hindus and
Muslims, and a few foreign volunteers.
Without much ado, we have decided that
'English' is our common ground. Each
morning when we meet, we greet each
other with a 'good morning' rather than a
'namaste' or 'salam-ailekum'.
In village Nimmo, where we are
building a house for an old couple, the old
man has taken on the responsibility of
being our father. He makes sure we have
food every afternoon, and whenever any
one of us is going back home to take a
break, we are promptly given a bagful of
the freshest apples or apricots from his
own trees to share with our families.
This continuing experience in Leh
has certainly taught us invaluable lessons
in caring, patience and in overcoming
bureaucratic hurdles which will indeed
be useful for the coming few years as we
plan to carry on with our intervention in
Leh for at least the next 5 years or so. It is
a road less traveled and one that does not
have too many co-travelers. Perhaps that
is what makes our involvement all the
more necessary, and our experiences all
the more worthwhile.
Epilogue, November 2010
35 Report
BGSB University

Change of Guard at a University

and New Things J&K Must Do
EPILOGUE BUREAU

The Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University, the first wakf-funded varsity, which came into being in
2004 in the hitherto educationally disadvantaged hilly region of Rajouri recently saw first change of
its leadership. It was a quiet development and rather quiet affair. A day after an order by the Chief
Minister, in his capacity as Chancellor, a teacher and botanist of repute Irshad Ahmed Hamaal called on
then-incumbent Masud Ahmed Chaudhary, both drove to University's camp office at winter capital
and formal handover-takeover papers were signed. Next day Hamaal assumed charge at Rajouri
campus. A brief interaction with students, an introductory meeting with staff and then resumes the
business as usual. He didn't have the need to go around campus as he is as familiar with the University
as anyone else in his team.
This quiet change of guard is though not very exceptional for the Universities but not routine
either given the political nature of appointment of Vice Chancellors and vested interests of the
incumbents to cling to the posts and wait for a disgraceful exit. None of them proved to be one of
those. There are three important things involved in this change of guard which drew our attention in
the larger context of how things happen in Jammu and Kashmir where politics (rather party politics) is
behind every decision, where institutions leaders are appointed mostly on considerations of castes,
religions and regional sentiments and where merit is last element in scheme of things. What if
institutions rot? Who cares? If these three aspects involved in the change of guard at Baba Ghulam
Shah Badshah University are followed at all important institutions that matter, Jammu and Kashmir
can be a model of its kind where progress is everyone's shared goal.

Things Chancellors Must Do notable Gujjars across the country and

All along his career Masud
Chaudhary remained an out of the
ordinary kind of Police officer. More
than one cap on his head made more a
social and political entity out of him
than a stick wielding cop. His deep
engagement with social and
educational upliftment of Gujjar tribe
earned him the name of Sir Syed of
Gujjars. Towards making things happen
for the hapless tribe in Jammu and
Kashmir he went on collaborating with
Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah
University has seen three
Chancellors, bitterly opposed to each
other, in a short span of time. None
of them let the politics or personal
linking and disliking creep in while
dealing with the University. This is
the approach model which people of
Jammu and Kashmir expect at all
levels of decision making.
in process came in close contact with
maverick yet all-powerful Rajesh Pilot.
This association pinned a Congress tag
on his forehead and therefore a persona
non-grata status in the ruling National
Conference circles. Pilot's emotional
association with and growing
engagements in Jammu and Kashmir in
1990s were huge displeasure for Dr
Farooq Abdullah. Result –Masud was
mostly kept away from visible postings
and would be parked to places like
Police Academy. During his exemplary

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2010

Report 36
BGSB University

stint at the Academy, which he literally election to Legislative Assembly in 2002 illustrious grand Abdullah (Sheikh
ran like an academician, Farooq on ticket of Abdullah's party. National Mohammad) and the legislation was
realized the capabilities of the officer Conference lost elections the same year cleared in Assembly during Farooq's
and soon Masud was among his and their arch rival Mufti Mohammad regime. It was, however, Mufti who took
favourites. By this time Pilot had passed Sayeed of Peoples Democratic Party the very keep and personal interest in
away in a road crash and Masud's took over as Chief Minister. There is no getting the University established.
forehead had the title of a National second opinion about that the concept 'Farooq's man' becoming Mufti's choice
Conference man which was further of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah for job which is very close his heart
highlighted by his brother Javed's University was conceived by the –unimaginable. But it happened. At a
time when NC loyalists were being
made to hang on for a while, Mufti
picked up Masud, then Additional
Director General of Police, to take up
the job of Chief Executive and Project
Director of BGSB University, in addition
to his Police responsibilities. Eye
brows were raised. In 2004, soon after
his retirement from Police, Masud was
named as first Vice Chancellor of the
University.
How he brought up the University
at a place where Chief Minister had to
make first landing by helicopter in
absence of any connecting road, is a
different story altogether. Mufti's
successor Ghulam Nabi Azad had a word
of explanation. In November 2005, Azad
replaced Mufti as Chief Minister. In very
first administrative shakeup,
predecessor's loyalists were relegated
to insignificant positions. Masud's first
Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University became operational in 2004. It was indeed two-year term had to expire in
an experiment to have an institution of high learning at a remote and far-flung area. February-March 2007. By that time Azad
had made five trips to the campus and
At this moment when I am quitting after serving for six long years as Vice
said in his November 2, 2006 speech (on
Chancellor, I can say with confidence that it was a great success. this occasion of first anniversary of his
‘We could establish an institute at such a far-flung area where no body would have government) “V-C has done miracles in
believed. The university is operational now and has reputation of a great institute a jungle…if, at any time, he wishes to
coming up in that area.’ join my cabinet, my doors are open for
him”. A two-year extension which he
‘I wish all success to Prof. Irshad Ahmed Hamal, the new Vice Chancellor, who is not
later got was a foregone conclusion.
new to this institute. He has rendered yeoman's service to the institute during his Azad's government fell in 2008.
stint as Dean Academic Affairs.’ Governor NN Vohra, who held charge of
‘I am sure that this university under his able leadership & guidance will make affairs for almost six months, visited the
further progress and will diversify to its fullest potential. ‘ University on its annual day and
remarked that he had not actually
MASUD CHOUDHARY imagined what he saw.
Omar Abdullah took over as

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11 Epilogue, November 2010

37
Focus is at
consolidation
IRSHAD A HAMAL
C hange, is the essence of a life.
BGSB University, which started
its maiden academic session in
2005, has grown leaps and bounds
in a short span of five years under
the stewardship of its founder Vice
Chancellor Mr Masud Chaudhary.
Innovative growth, strategic
planning, state-of-art
infrastructure, heterogeneous cross
cultural environment and world-
class facilities are what have made
this University a Centre of
Excellence in higher Education. In
times to come, knowledge economy
is going to govern all aspects of life.
It shall be our endeavor to ensure
that the University reaches new
strides in academic excellence and
achieves pinnacles of success in the
years to come.
The College of Engineering &
Technology which is a flagship
College of the University has been
strengthened. Slowly and gradually,
we have overcome the constraints
of infrastructure and human
resource. Our priority shall be to
ensure that the first batch of B.
Tech. which shall pass-out this year
gets suitable placements.
We shall also be augmenting
infrastructure and shall be adding
more teaching programmes in the
Centre for Biodiversity Studies,
which has achieved National and
International fame in a short span
of time. We have now made
operational the Mahatma Gandhi
Chair for Environment & Ecology
fully funded by Ministry of
www.epilogue.in
Environment & Forests, GOI.
Consequently, budding local talent
shall now get an opportunity to
avail world class facilities and
National exposure in the University
Campus in the foothills of the Pir-
Panjal.
Our first batch of students of
masters' programme of Information
Technology have achieved 100%
placement. This is truly a reflection
of the quality of products being
trained by the young university.
We have received an
overwhelming response from
aspirants of the newly introduced
BA (Hon's) Arabic programme. We
shall be introducing short-term
part-time certificate and diploma
programmes in Arabic and computer
skills, especially for women, for
local populace to fill the vacuum
that exists.
The University has pioneered
in establishment of the first
Centrally funded Polytechnic in the
State in collaboration with State
Vol. 4, Issue 11
Report
BGSB University
Government. This was a long
cherished dream of the people
of this region. It is indeed a
moment of pride for us that out of
the 18 Polytechnics sanctioned by
the GOI for our State, the only
Polytechnic to be made operational
this year is the one which has been
established by BGSB University.
We are also taking up projects
with different agencies of State
Govt. & Government of India for
augmenting infrastructural and
research facilities in the
University. A new Hostel block
has come up in the Campus this
year and we shall make efforts to
enhance residential facilities for
students and staff shortly.
Our focus in the coming year
shall be to put all our resources
together to consolidate all that has
been established over the last few
years. We look forward to
make a quantum jump to
achieve new strides in
academic excellence.
Epilogue, November 2010
Report
BGSB University
youngest Chief Minister and, of course,
youngest Chancellor of the University in
January 2009. He took some time to
settle down and understand how things
were moving. Next month people
perceived close to his predecessors
Mufti and Azad were eased out from the
key responsibilities they held. That was
also the time when Masud's second
extended term was about to expire.
Along with his greetings, the Vice
Chancellor wrote to the new Chancellor
that since he is already sitting over his
extension and therefore way is paved
for the successor. Possibility of a Central
University was also in talks then. Masud
again offered to step down with a
request that BGSB University may be
considered for Central University status
and his continuation should not come in
way of the UGC norms. That, however,
did not happen and Omar preferred to
continue with the arrangement.
Masud had to go in any case as his
second extended term had already
ended. It was for the Chancellor to
decide when. Omar Abdullah's many
decisions have come in for sharp focus
but this one reflects the arrival of an
astute and composed leader. He did not
fire Masud in early 2009 when expiry of
his term could have made kill of per-
ceived Mufti loyalist a normal death. He
visited University a couple of times and
complimented the administration for
doing the nearly impossible. Meanwhile
the Chief Minister continued to have a
sharp eye on who could be best replace-
ment. The interests of the University
clearly reigned large on Chancellor's
mind who, for all reasons, was looking
for best replacement and not just
replacement. There were political pres-
sures, palace intrigues and ruthless
media campaigns. Chancellor did not
yield to any lobby. For an imminent
change with essential continuity, no
choice could have been better than
www.epilogue.in
Irshad Hamaal.
Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah
University has seen three Chancellors,
bitterly opposed to each other, in a
short span of time. None of them let the
politics or personal linking and disliking
creep in while dealing with the
University. This is the approach model
which people of Jammu and Kashmir
expect at all levels of decision making.
Things Peoples Must Do
Government of India sanctioned a
Central University and an IIM for Jammu
and Kashmir in 2009 which saw Kashmir
and Jammu province pitted against each
Masud had to go in any case as his
second extended term had already
ended. It was for the Chancellor to
decide when. Omar Abdullah's many
decisions have come in for sharp
focus but this one reflects the
arrival of an astute and composed
leader. He did not fire Masud in early
2009 when expiry of his term could
have made kill of perceived Mufti loy-
alist a normal death.
other –where to establish the campuses.
Since the campuses could not have been
mounted atop Banihal pass, the
Government, as a special case, decided
to grant two Central Universities at cost
of the IIM. The CU of Kashmir started
working in 2009 but the CU of Jammu is
almost lost in another caste and regional
sensitivity. Some groups in Jammu want a
local 'Dogra Vice Chancellor' and not a
Kashmiri Pandit as reports suggested that
HRD Ministry considered name of Prof
Amitabh Mattoo. While Mattoo's name
still raises selective Dogra tempers,
rumours of HRD considering name of
Masud Chaudhary for CU have led to
another round agitation. Meanwhile, two
Vol. 4, Issue 11
38
academic sessions lost in row, the
Central University of Jammu is nowhere
in sight. With Jammu caught in petty
and misconceived identity politics, sev-
eral Ladakhi groups are demanding
establishment of Central University in
Ladakh.
Jammu and Kashmir is comprised
of a society bitterly divided along caste
and regional lines. People want sym-
bolic representatives and merit is rarely
talked about. Divides are further too
deep and too bitter in Jammu province.
Go to places like Rajouri and Poonch the
divides are seen further sharpened
along caste lines where Gujjars and
Paharis fight it day out and day in. elec-
tions are fought along caste lines and
therefore the governments make
appointments to key positions keeping
in mind vote banks. Masud Chaudhary is
not just a Gujjar but a leader, in his own
right, who has built reckonable institu-
tions and given community an identity
and sense of pride. His brainchild, the
Gujjar Cultural Center, which was inau-
gurated by Sonia Gandhi earlier this
year, matches Mayawati's aggressive
identity plank. For six years which he
spent at BGSB University campus there
was not a single incident of Paharis or
any other community gunning for him.
His many approaches for welfare of
Gujjars were countered by the competi-
tive groups but work at the campus got
hails across the board –a reflection of
political maturity and progressive
approach of the people of Rajouri and
Poonch. When Masud's first and then sec-
ond term ended, there was no demand
for a Pahari Vice Chancellor. Community
did not make noises for a Pahari after a
Gujjar which has often been a norm in
the region. Hamaal is a person of
Kashmir accent coming from Kishtwar.
His appointment has been widely wel-
comed in the region. Rest of Jammu
region needs to learn a lesson.
Epilogue, November 2010
39
A reflection of political maturity and
progressive approach of the people
of Rajouri and Poonch. When Masud's
first and then second term ended,
there was no demand for a Pahari
Vice Chancellor. Community did not
make noises for a Pahari after a
Gujjar which has often been a norm
in the region. Hamaal is a person of
Kashmir accent coming from
Kishtwar. His appointment has been
widely welcomed in the region. Rest
of Jammu region needs to learn a
lesson.
Things Vice Chancellors Must
Do
Big men have small egos. Even
those who have not read Ram
Jethmalani's book know this fairly well.
So what do mostly people do to estab-
lish their immediate writ when they
move into big offices? They talk bit low
about the predecessors, remove their
photographs and mementos from the
offices walls, glean with bit of arro-
gance at their files, make some immedi-
ate changes on the system to show that
they are different and people must fall
in line. How different is Irshad Hamaal
will be known in time but has shown that
he is not the one discussed in
Jethmalani's book. That Masud's photo-
graphs and mementos with his name
inscribed still adore the walls of new
Vice Chancellor is reflection of the
grace he brings to office. While talking
to the students and teachers he begins
with a line of appreciation for his prede-
cessor's works. Soon after taking the
appointment orders, he called on Masud
at his Jammu residence and both drove
together at their camp office for hand-
over-takeover of charge. Staff at the
www.epilogue.in
University is feeling a sense of continu-
ity in the working atmosphere even
after change. “I could not have done
what Mr Chaudhary did”, he tells
Epilogue. That I served the University
under Masud Chaudhary for one year at
very inception puts me in an advantage
of familiarity with the persons and the
system which I need to use for further
consolidation”, he says. He says enough
has been done in terms of infrastructure
and academics and therefore the time
of for consolidation before any new
expansion is thought of. So how is he
going to make the University more use-
ful for the locals? “My doors at shut at
jobs and locals should look at the cam-
pus as an avenue of that kind. Rather I
am going to launch some short term eve-
ning courses out of the campus to
enhance local skills for jobs else-
where”. Any immediate changes he
wants to do? “No. Things are in order
and I need to focus at consolidation.
Vol. 4, Issue 11
Report
BGSB University
May main priority would to being in
senior faculty so that we are eligible for
UGC funding”.
How different is Irshad Hamaal will
be known in time but has shown that
he is not the one discussed in
Jethmalani's book. That Masud's pho-
tographs and mementos with his
name inscribed still adore the walls
of new Vice Chancellor is reflection
of the grace he brings to office.
While talking to the students and
teachers he begins with a line of
appreciation for his predecessor's
works. Soon after taking the appoint-
ment orders, he called on Masud at
his Jammu residence and both drove
together at their camp office for
handover-takeover of charge.
Epilogue, November 2010
COLUMN
History
Raja Ranjit Dev's Inclusive Policies
and Politco-economic developments
in Jammu
PROF. JIGAR MOHAMMAD
J
ammu was well connected with
the Punjab, Kashmir, Delhi and
other parts of north India from
ancient period onwards. It was a sharer
of the Harappan Culture, the first
historical civilization of the Indian sub-
Continent. The history of ancient
Jammu is not very much highlighted
because of the non-availability of both
the literary and archaeological sources.
But some important aspects of the
history of Jammu hill states are traced
from the 15th century onwards. It is a
well established historical fact that first
time the nomenclature Jammu has been
used by the Mangol invader Timur Lung
in his autobiography entitled Malfuzat-
i-Timuri. It was written by Timur during
the early 15th century A.D. It is known
that Timur invaded India from Punjab to
Delhi in 1398 and we back to his native
country Samarqand via Jammu.
However, When Mughal rule was
established in the north India by
Zahiruddin Muhammad Babur during the
early 16th century, the historical
sources of the Mughal empire
recognized Jammu as one of the
powerful states of the Punjab hills. Abul
Fazl's Ain-i-Akbari depicts Jammu a
state ruled by the Manhas Rajputs.
The genealogical history of Jammu
shows that it was the Dev Rajput
dynasty which made Jammu as one of
the most active and leading states of
the hills. Though the Rajput ruler of
Jammu state accepted the sovereignty
to the Mughal emperor Jalaluddin
www.epilogue.in
Muhammed Akbar (1556-1605), the
political autonomy of the Jammu state
was well maintained. It is important to
mention that during the ancient and
medieval periods the modern Jammu
region or Jammu hills had no political
uniformity or unity. There were several
independent or autonomous political
entities. The first important work on the
Jammu hill states is produced by J.
Hutchison and J. Ph. Vogel entitled
History of the Panjab Hill States in Two
Volumes. They put the Jammu hill
states in the line of the Punjab hill
states. It seems that Jammu hills states
were linked to the Punjab through land
and river routes both and in terms of
socio-political life they were associated
with the Punjab. Therefore, Hutchison
and Vogel deal with the history of the
Jammu hills associating with the
Punjab. For Hutchison and Vogel, the
major states of Jammu hills were
Jammu, Mankot, Jasrota, Lakhanpur,
Samba, Bhau, Bhoti,Chenehni,
Bandralta, Basohli, Bhadrawah, Bhadu,
Kashtwar, Rajouri, Punch, Bhimbhar
and Khari-Khariyali.
Before the formation of the Jammu
and Kashmir state in 1846 by Maharaja
Gulab Singh the Jammu hill states either
functioned as the independent or
autonomous political units. The Persian
and other sources of the Mughal empire
show that the Rajput kings of Jammu
hill states had accepted the Mughal
sovereignty and enjoyed political
autonomy. These Rajput rulers were
Vol. 4, Issue 11
40
very liberal and practiced the concept
of political alliance with the Mughals
and other neighbouring states. The
Mughal emperors were very much
confident of the support of the Rajput
kings of Jammu for the maintenance of
the law and order in the hills. The
Mughal emperor Nuruddin Muhammad
Jahangir trusted Raja Sangram of
Jammu state very much and treated him
most favoured king of the hills. The
Mughal emperor general honoured the
Raja with mansas and gift of an
elephant. Similarly, Jahangir was also
very much impressed from the socio-
political grandeur of the Raja of
Kishtwar. According to Jahangir, “He
(Kunwar Singh, the Raja of Kishtwar) is
not wanting in dignity. His dress is after
the Indian fashion, and he knows both
the Hindi and Kashmiri languages.
Contrary to other Zamindars (Rajas) of
these regions, he looked like the
inhabitant of a town.” (Tuzuk-i-
Jahangiri, Volume II, English Tr. Pp. 139-
40). Similarly, the Rajput kings of Rajour
such as Sarmast Khan (1580-1600) and
Raja Tajudding (1600-46) assisted the
Mughal emperors such as Akbar,
Jahangir and Shahjahan very sincerely.
Consequently, the Mughal kings
respected the Political autonomy of the
Rajas of Jammu hills and treated them
as the partners of the Mughal empire in
India.
However, the Mughal empire faced
huge political and economic crisis
during the 18th century after the death
Epilogue, November 2010
41
of the Mughal emperor Mohiuddin
Muhammad Aurangzeb Alamgir (1658-
1707) in 1707.
The foreign invaders Nadir Shah of
Iran and Ahmad Shah of Afghanistan in
1739 and 1748 respectively crippled the
political stability of the north India.
Moreover, because of mismanaged and
exploitation of the peasantry by the
Jagirdars (government officers)
agricultural productions of the north
India declined on large scale. According
to Professor Irfan Habib, the most
expert historian of the Economic history
of India, finds the occurrence of the
'Agrarian Crisis' the main cause of the
decline of the Mughal empire. (The
Agrarian System of Mughal India, 1556-
1707, pp. 364-405). But it was the
Jammu king Raja Ranjit Dev (1733-82)
who kept Jammu hills far from the
foreign invasions and impact of the
economic crisis of the other parts of the
north India.
Raja Ranjit Dev of Jammu not only
maintained the political stability in the
Jammu hills through his military power,
but more importantly he also made
Jammu hills as the centres of the
economic development. During the
18th century George Forster, an English
traveler, visited Jammu. He was very
much impressed by the social justice of
Raja Ranjit Dev. He also found Raja
Ranjit Dev a great tolerant and visionary
ruler. Appreciating liberal policies and
sense of entrepreneurship of Raja
Ranjit Dev, George Forster writes,
“Runzeid Deve (Ranjit Dev)…who
deservedly acquired the character of a
just and wise ruler, largely contributed
to the wealth and importance of Jumbo
(Jammu). Perceiving the benefits which
would arise from the residence of the
Mahometan (Mohammedan) merchants,
he held to them many encouragement,
and observed towards them a
disinterested and honourable conduct.
www.epilogue.in
Negative virtues only are expected from
an Asiatic despot, and under such a
sanction his subjects might deem
themselves fortunate; but the chief of
Jumbo went farther than the
forbearance of injuries; he avowedly
protected and indulged his people,
particularly the Mahometans
(Muslims)”.
Raja Ranjit Dev respected the
sentiments of the Muslims very much
and appreciated their contribution to
the economic development of the
Jammu hills. He not only provided
opportunities to the Muslims in the
Before the formation of the Jammu
and Kashmir state in 1846 by
Maharaja Gulab Singh the Jammu hill
states either functioned as the
independent or autonomous political
units. The Persian and other sources
of the Mughal empire show that the
Rajput kings of Jammu hill states had
accepted the Mughal sovereignty and
enjoyed political autonomy.
commercial activities of Jammu, but
the Raja ensured that the Muslims had
live with dignity and sense of pride.
George Forster records the religious
toleration of the Raja in these
words:”..he (the Raja) allotted a
certain quarter of the town (to the
Muslims), which was thence
denominated Moghulpour; and that no
reserve might appear in his treatment
of them, a mosque was erected in the
new colony; a liberality of disposition
the core conspicuous, and conferring
the greater honour on his memory, as it
is the only instance of the like toleration
in this part of India.” Raja Ranjit Dev
also ensured religious freedom to the
Vol. 4, Issue 11
COLUMN
History
Muslims and never allowed fanatic
elements to disturb the practices of the
Muslims. According to George Forster,
“He (the Raja) was so desirous also of
acquiring their (Muslims) confidence
and esteem, that when he has been
riding through their quarter during the
time of prayer (of the Muslims), he
never failed to stop his horse until the
priest (theologian) had concluded his
ritual exclamations. The Hindoos once
complain to this Chief (Ranjit Dev), that
the public wells of this town defiled by
the vessels of the Mahometans, and
desired that they might be restricted to
the water of the river, but he (the Raja)
abruptly dismissed the complaint,
saying , that water was a pure element,
designed for the general use of
mankind, and could not be polluted the
touch of any class of people.” (George
Forster, Journey From Bengal to
England, Vol. I, pp. 246-47).
Respecting his own subjects and
others Raja Ranjit Dev intensified the
economic activities the Jammu hills.
George Forster noticed huge
commercial activities and participation
of the persons of the multiple
background in these making Jammu an
attraction for people in terms of earning
benefits. According to him, “An
administration of munificent and
judicious, at the same time it enforced
the respect of his (Ranjit Dev) subjects,
made Jambo, a place extensive
commercial resort, where all
description of men experienced, in
their persons and property, a full
security.” The Raja also strengthened
the trading ties between Jammu and
Kashmir. Consequently the people of
both Jammu and Kashmir were
benefited and sense of regional
cooperation became the dominant
trend of the economic development in
these two regions.
The initiatives of Raja Ranjit Dev
Epilogue, November 2010
COLUMN
History
for strengthening the commercial
relations between Jammu and Kashmir
regions find special mention in the
travel account of George Forster.
According to him, “The articles of
merchandize constituting the trade of
Jumbo, and Kashmir, are transported by
men usually Kashmirians, whose
burthens(burdens0 are heavy, two of
them making the load of a strong mule,
and the hire a fixed at the rate of four
rupees for each carrier. The shawls,
when exported from Kashmire, are
packed in an oblong bale, containing a
certain weight or quantity, which in the
language of the country is termed a
biddery, the outward covering of which
is a buffalo or ox's hide, strongly sewed
to amount, with little variation, to a
value long since ascertained, they are
seldom opened until conveyed to the
destined market. A Kashmirian porter
carries a load as a soldier does his knap-
sack, and when dispatched to rest, he
places under it a stick in the form of a
crutch which supports the load and
assists him also in walking. Two cause
are assigned for employing men only in
this service: an agreement, it is said
arising from a mutual jealousy, has been
made between the chiefs bordering on
either side of the river Chinnaun
(Chinab), that no fixed bridge shall be
constructed, or any boat stationed on
that stream. The other cause ascribed,
which seems to be more forcible, is the
stupendous height and steepness of the
intervening mountains, which renders
the passages dangerous, if not wholly
impracticable, to other horse or mule.”
Raja Ranjit Dev welcomed
merchants and experts in administrative
affairs from Punjab on large scale. Since
Punjab was facing political instability
because of the invasion of Ahmad Shah
Abdali, the Punjabis found Jammu a
very suitable region for their actions in
terms of trade and commerce and
www.epilogue.in
joining political institutions. According
to Ganeshdas Badehra, the author of
the Rajdarshani, written in Persian
language, “…On account of the fame of
the justice and equity, high morality
and virtues of Raja Ranjit Dev
merchants and respectable persons
from all round came to the Chakla of
Jammu and settled there; wealthy
people came in so large number that
heaps of uncovered ashrafis were seen
in shops but no body dared to look at
them with coveted eyes, and women
During the 18th century George
Forster, an English traveler, visited
Jammu. He was very much
impressed by the social justice of
Raja Ranjit Dev. He also found Raja
Ranjit Dev a great tolerant and
visionary ruler.
bedecked in ornaments traveled alone
on deserted roads and through jungles
without any fear. Every body lived his
days in peace and pleasure. It is saind
that about ten thousand shops were
strewn in the bazar of Jammu spreading
from the Dhaunhali to the site below
Gumat. A number of famous Punjabi
Khatris like Lala Pindi Das, Jawala Nath,
Bal Hira Nand, Koru Shah, Jog Das,
Shahzada Mal, Kunj Lal Manh, Milkhi
Shah, and father of Bahar Sigh Badhera,
and others, who were men of lakhs lived
in Jammu. What to speak of the Dogra
merchants, Brahmans and Mahajans,
whose description is beyond the scope of
this brief account.” (Rajdarshani, Eng.
Tr. By S.D.S. Charak, Annotated by Anita
K. Bilawaria, pp. 162-63)
Vol. 4, Issue 11
42
When political stability realized by
the merchants in terms of acceleration
of the commercial activities in Jammu it
also attracted the attention of the
political aspirants of Punajb and other
areas to come to Jammu and express
their expertise. Ganeshdas Badehra
who wrote his Rajdarshani during
Maharaja Gulab Singh (1846-57) period
records the arrival of the persons of
noble background in a very interesting
manner. According to him, “…the nobles
of Punjab, such as Rai Megh Raj,
families of Raja Kaura Mal bahadur, Rai
Kabuli Mal, the subahdar of Lahore, and
several others, had taken refuge in this
very 'Darul-Aaman' (Abode of Peace). On
one occasion the veiled inmate of
modesty, the paragon of chastity,
Begam Malika Zamani, the queen of
Emperor Muhammad Shah of Delhi,
enhanced the splendour of Jammu by
her visit and laid foundations of lovely
gardens on the bank of the river Tawi
and elegant mansions on the Dhaunthali
height and lived there for some time.”
Raja Ranjit Dev's enlightened
vision and policy of inclusion attracted
large number of artists and musician
and intensified the processes of the
cultural development. It is very
important to mention that Jammu hills
started to get huge publicity in terms
centres of economic developments and
confluence of various identities. Thus
Raja Ranjit Dev established that
existence of multiple identities in
Jammu was instrumental for socio-
economic progress. The head of state
was to be very much concerned with
inclusiveness. And policy of inclusion
was source of the arrival of the experts
in various arts and crafts leading to the
peace and prosperity in the region. He
also set an example of religious
toleration and flourishment of Jammu
with the contribution of the persons of
diverse opinions.
Epilogue, November 2010
43
Quick Guide
J&K’S ECONOMIC PROFILE
GROWTH PROFILE
n
The State Economy was expected to grow at 6.87% during
2009-10 as compared to the growth rate of 6.12% in 2008-
09 (preliminary estimates). This growth rate is noteworthy
considering the fall in growth momentum during the year
2008-09 because of the global economic slowdown and
repeated rounds of disturbances of law and order that
affected the state during the year.
n
The target growth rates set for the state's economy at the
beginning of the Eleventh FYP were 7% for 2007-08 and
7.5% for the year 2008-09. The growth rate for the state is
increasing surely but slowly over the years and still lags
behind the national level growth rate.
n
The Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) at factor cost
works out for J&K to be Rs 26153.37 crores (Preliminary
estimates), indicative of a growth of 6.87% in 2009-10 as
compared to the growth of 6.12% in 2008-09 (Preliminary
estimates).
n
At the beginning of 11 th Five year Plan, the growth rate
for the current financial year 2009-10 for the state was
targeted at 8%. However, the growth performance
recorded during the first two financial years of 11 th FYP
indicates that the stiff target of 8% for 2009-10 appears
difficult to be achieved.
n
The Per Capita Income for the state during 2008-09 at
constant prices works out to be Rs 21561/- only as against
the Per Capita Income of Rs 28937/- at all India level for
the same period.
n
The Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) at constant
prices is worked out to be Rs 26153.37 crores and Per
www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11
Digest
Capita Income for the state during 2009-10(Advance
Estimates) at constant prices works out to be Rs 22730/- only.
n
The Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) at current prices
is worked out to be Rs
n
38297.58(advance estimates) crores indicating a growth
rate of 10.03% and Per Capita Income for the state during
2009-10 (Advance Estimates) at current prices works out
to be Rs 33285/- only indicating growth rate of 8.54%.
n
The agriculture sector is likely to register a growth rate of
1.74%. The industrial sector which is likely to grow by
11.84% has helped to maintain the growth momentum, in
the state economy. The overall growth is mainly driven by
the growth in the sectors of construction, trade & hotels,
transport and communication and other services. The
'services' sector is the major contributory sector of the
state economy and is expected to grow by 6.64% .
n
District Jammu, Kathua and Udhampur are among the top
three ranked districts in terms of Gross Per Capita Income
of Rs. 31705/-, Rs. 29203/- and Rs. 26541/- respectively
whileas Kargil is the lowest ranked district with Rs.
17428/- preceded by Kupwara and Poonch districts with
Gross Per Capita Income of Rs. 17722/- and Rs.
20163/respectively at Current Prices of 2005-06.
n
Contribution of primary, secondary and tertiary sectors to
the GSDP for 2009-10 (Preliminary stimates) has been
24.62%, 29.58% and 45.80% respectively. Whileas at all
India level, the contribution of these sectors to GDP was
19.78%, 24.49% and 55.73% respectively as per figures of
200708 (Quick estimates).
Epilogue, November 2010
Digest
DEVELOPMENT PERFORMANCE
n
Plan size of Rs 25833.98 crore agreed for 11 th FYP period
is 78.16% higher than plan size of Rs 14500.00 crore of 10th
FYP. Energy with Rs. 8196.95 crore is the priority sector for
development followed by Social Services sector with an
outlay of Rs. 6501.40 crore and General Economic Services
and Transport with outlays of Rs 2740.98 crore and Rs
2660.81 crore respectively.
n
Annual plan for 2009-10 was approved at Rs 5500.00 crore.
Besides an amount of Rs. 1200.00 crore approved as outlay
under PMRP, both aggregating to Rs. 6700.00
n
crore, against which the tentative expenditure (ending
January, 2010) was Rs 2882.90 crore (52.40%). The
expenditure under PMRP (ending November, 2009) was Rs
473.32 crore (39.44%).
FINANCE
n
Budget estimates of the state for 2008-09 stood at Rs
17054.00 crore which is 6. 96% more than 2007-08 figures.
Estimated disbursements for the year 200809 were placed
at Rs 12048. 00 crore under non-plan budget and Rs
5006.00 crore under plan budget.
n
The State Government resorted to an overdraft (00) of Rs
2290.25 crore from J&K Bank as ways and means (WAM)
facility to meet temporary mismatches in liquidity during
2008-09 (31 st March, 2009) as compared to Rs 2055.22
crores during 2007-08.
BANKING
n
In view of their role in the economic environment the
spread in the bank networking is a continuous process. The
number of bank branches has increased from 816 as on
March 2001 to 968 as on September 2009 posting a growth
of 18.63% during this reference period .
n
Banking system of J&K constitutes 1.19% of total 81090
bank branches of the country as on September, 2009.
Banks located in rural area accounted for 54.96% of total
968 bank branches in J&K .
n
On an average one bank is available per 104.74 sq km and
13000 people as compared to 39.05 sq km and 14000
people at all India level.
n
Aggregate deposits of all scheduled commercial banks
increased from Rs. 25148 crore in March 2008 to Rs. 29355
crore in March 2009 reflecting growth rate of 16.73%, this
www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11
44
n
The overall increase in the plan allocation during 2009-10
is 21.53% more than previous year. The increase in
allocation of Annual Plan is 22.22% and 18.46% under
PMRP.
n
The Per Capita Plan expenditure during 2007-08 and 2008-
09 works out to be Rs. 3613/- and Rs. 3816/- respectively
as compared to the Per Capita plan expenditure of Rs.
3254/- at national level for 2007-08 (RE).
n
Allocation under BAOP for 2009-10 was fixed by Gol at Rs
100.00 crore, in addition to the unspent balance of Rs
31.10 crore during 2008-09 aggregating a total availability
of Rs 131.10 crore, against this an expenditure of
approximately Rs 60.40 crore was registered till January,
2010.
n
With the successful introduction of the V A T in the state,
the tax revenue has increased by 42.25% from Rs. 1799.00
crore in 200607 to Rs 2559.00 crore as per actuals for 2007-
08. For the year 2008-09, the tax revenue of Rs. 2683.00
crore has been recorded indicating 4.85% increase over
2007-08 actuals.
n
57.27%, 29.11%, 13.38% and 0.05% disbursements were
meant for revenue account, capital account, interest
payments and loan disbursements respectively during
2008-09.
growth in the aggregate deposits in India was 21.94%.
During the same period growth in gross bank credit was
12.38% in J&K and 19.33% in the country.
n
As on September 2009 aggregate deposits of the
Scheduled Commercial banks were recorded at Rs. 29853
crore and gross bank credit was Rs. 14686 crore. The Other
Scheduled Commercial banks as a bank group held the
maximum share of both deposits and advances,
accounting for 61.50% and 74.88% respectively.
n
The highest growth in deposits than credits as on March
2009, reflected decline in the credit deposit ratio from
48.08% as on March 2008 to 46.29% as on March 2009. COR
for India ending March 2008 was 74.16% and 72.58% ending
March 2009. As on September 2009, 49.19% COR for J&K
and 70.26% COR was observed for the country.
Epilogue, November 2010
45
n
61.77% credit deposit ratio of banks located in
urban/metropolitan areas {September, 2009) only was
above the RBI norm of 60%. All the bank groups (on the
whole) recorded COR below 60%, it is much lower in case
of State Bank of India and its Associates i.e. only 24.98%.
n
With 21.69% and 31.43% share in bank branches and
aggregate deposits, Jammu district has the lead followed
by Srinagar district with 15.50% share in bank branches
and 26.85% share in deposits. The remaining 20 districts
are left with 62.81 % bank branches and 41.75% deposits as
on September 2009 .
SECTORAL ACHIEVEMENTS
n
Jammu and Kashmir economy continues to be
predominantly agrarian although the contribution of
agriculture and its allied sectors towards GSDP has
decreased from 51.05% in 1980-81 to 31 % in 1999-00 and
to 27°10 in 2007 -08. Contribution of agriculture and its
allied activities in 2008-09 (Preliminary estimates)
towards GSOP is estimated to be 25.81 %.
n
30.57% of the reporting area constituted the net area
sown of the state during 2008-09. 42.48% and 41.45% of
the net area sown and gross area sown respectively was
irrigated during 2008-09.
n
As per 41", advance estimates, foodgrains production in
the state during 2008-09 is projected at 17171 thousand
quintals.
n
Average yield has increased to 16.83 quintals per hectare
during 2008-09 against the previous year's figure of 16.58
quintals.
n
Total cropped area during 2008-09 is estimated at 1137.88
thousand hectares.
n
Production of saffron for 2008-09 has been provisionally
reported as 56.13 quintals as against 91.31 quintals for
2007-08. Area under saffron cultivation has decreased by
25°" in 2008 when compared with 1998 area figures under
the crop.
n
Seed Replacement Rate in Jammu and Kashmir continues
to be less than 10% as compared to more than 25% in the
country. Besides natural factors, low ratio of seed
replacement rate, yield stagnation, lack of adequate
irrigation and small size of land holding is considered as a
significant cause.; ~ low growth in agriculture and allied
Sectors,
n
Fruit production of state for 2008-09 was 16.91 lakh
tonnes posting an increase of 3,35°0 over 2007-08 fruit
production.
www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11
Digest
n
As on September 2009, 68.73% bank advances were
received by Srinagar (46.44%) and Jammu (22.29%)
districts leaving thereby only 31.27% advances to be
shared by the rem8ining 20 districts.
n
Credit Arosit ratio (September 2009) of 85.16% was highest
in Srinagar followed by Shopian district with 71.49%.
Kishtwar district recorded lowest COR of 14.92% followed
by district Kargil with COR of 14,98%.
n
During 2009-10 (ending November. 2009) 6.10 lakh tonnes
of fruit were exported outside the state of which 98.36%
was of fresh fruits. Foreign exchange earning on export of
dry fruit for 200H-09 were Rs 142.24 crare.
n
Establishment of Tulip Garden first of its kind, spread over
an area of 35 hectares of land, traving distinction of being
Asia's largest Tulip garden at Siraj Bagh Srinagar is the
landmark achievement in the floriculture segment.
n
Mutton and Wool production during 2009-10 (ending
November, 2009) stands at 216.74 lac kgs and 53.78 lac kgs
respectively. Whileas it was 275.02 lac Kgs and 69.13 lac
kgs during 2008-09.
n
Milk processing capacity of Milk plant Cheshmashahi and
Satwari is 25000 liters per plant per day.
n
19.95% of the geographical area on this side of the control
line is under forest comprising (Jammu region 45.89%,
Kashmir region 50.97% and Ladakh region 0.06%). This
ratio for the country is 24.47%. However, the prescribed
ratio of forest area for the Hill states is 67%.
n
The state has four National Parks, 14 Sanctuaries and 35
Conservation Reserves covering an area of 15912 Sq Kms.
n
Fish production of the state reached to 192.70 thousand
quintals during 2008-09 . Under Prime Minister's package.
481 fishing units have been completed ending March. 2009
with most of them harvesting the crop. Against the target
of 51.50 lakh du ring 200910, 19.50 lakh have been
achieved ending November. 2009 .
n
Under Centrally Sponsored Schemes for welfare of
fishermen, 205 beneficiaries were covered under
insurance scheme (CSS) involving an amount of Rs 65.00
lakhs as on 31-03-2009. Besides, 1481 beneficiaries were
covered under construction of low cost housing scheme.
Against the target of 500 houses in 2009-10, sanction for,
10 houses has been obtained from Gal.
Epilogue, November 2010
Digest
n
An Aquarium cum awareness centre at Baghi Sahu was
established at a cost of Rs 1000 crores and its 1st phase
was thrown open to the public in July. 2007. During 2009-
10, Rs 34.43 lac has been realized as revenue by way of
entry fee till ending November, 2009.
n
Under Fisheries sector an amount of Rs 189.717 lakhs was
realized as revenue by the state during 2009-10 (ending
November, 2009).
n
The Co-operative Banks have a network of 210 Bank
Branches with 1531 employees as on 31-03-2009.
n
The deposits of the Central Co-operative Banks as on 31-
03-2009 were RS.1556.15 crare with loan outstanding
amounting to Rs.711.06 crore.
n
In Poultry development, 470 cooperatives have been
registered with membership of 11500, out of which 150
cooperatives have started their business with rearing
capacity of 17.15 lac birds per annum.
n
There were 23908 functional SSI units in the State
providing employment to around one lakh persons ending
March 2009 as against 22937units ending March 2008.
n
1163 units in Large, Medium and SSI sectors have so far
been set up in various industrial complexes managed by
J&K SIDCO.
n
As per the Fifth Economic Census-2005, there were 324908
establishments in the state as against 41826989
establishments in the country.
n
The number of workers in the establishments was 751532
as compared to 100904121 workers in the country during
2005.
n
While establishments grew at the rate of 6.03% (Jammu
and Kashmir) and 4.69% (India) per annum during 1998-
2005, the corresponding rate of growth in the employment
was 6.82% (Jammu and Kashmir) and 2.78% (India).
n
SICOP has so far (ending November, 2009) developed 9
Industrial Estates spread over an area of 4617 kanals of
land.
n
Sericulture activities are carried out in 2300 villages of the
8tate. 22000 families are reportedly engaged in
sericulture activities.
n
The influx of tourists to J&K state has increased from
7718175 in 2008 to 8650255 (ending November, 2009)
registering an increase of 12.08% over the previous year.
n
51255 foreign tourists have visited the state comprising of
20809 (Kashmir valley) and 30446 (Ladakh region) till
November, 2009.
www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11
46
n
For integrated and focused development of places of
tourist attraction across the state, 19 High Powered
tourism development authorities have been created.
n
44 projects have been taken up under the central
assistance at a cost of Rs 97.20
n
crore for development / promotion of leisure, heritage,
pilgrim and adventure tourism against which the
expenditure was of the order of Rs 39.17 crore during
2008-09 .
n
A total of 24614 S81 units are functioning in the State
providing employment opportunities t0103650 persons
ending Nov. 2009 .
n
Directorate of Industries and Commerce which is nodal
agency at State Level for implementation of Central and
State Packages of incentives to industrial units has
provided various incentives amounting to RS.63.34 crore
to 2591 industrial units from 2003-04 to 2009-10 (ending
Nov. 2009).
n
The J&K State is the home of 18 different minerals,
amongst available mineral resources; lime stone, coal
gypsum and lignite are in abundance in the State. The
revenue realized by the Directorate of Geology and Mining
in the form of royalties is Rs. 1966.72 lacs during the
current year (ending November 2009). About 350 tube
wells for drinking water and irrigation purposes have been
constructed upto November, 2009.
n
About 22000 rural families in 2300 villages are presently
associated with silk worm.
n
1287 numbers of units in large, medium and 881 sectors
have so far been set up in various industrial complexes
managed by J&K SIDCO in State. The total investment
mobilization in all these units is to the tune of
approximately Rs. 4304.00 crore and total employment
generated is 533353 persons.
n
The total turnover of the 81COP were valuing Rs. 294.00
crore ending Nov. 2009 and is expected to achieve Rs.
525.00 crore during the financial year 2009-10.
n
Financial status of the Jammu & Kashmir Industries Ltd.
reveals that it is running in loss.
n
JK Cement Ltd. has earned huge profits and registered a
profit of Rs. 356.00 lacs during the year 2008-09. The
company has liquidated loan of all financial institutions
and is now debt free. The JKCL paid out of its resources Rs.
1243.05 lacs as salary to migrants during the period 1990-
91 to Oct.2009.
Epilogue, November 2010
47
HUMAN DEVELOPMENTS
n
Estimated Birth Rate of 19.0 per milli (per thousand).
Death Rate of 5.9 per milli and Infant Mortality Rate of 51
per thousand live births was recorded in J&K for 2007
against the all India figures of 23.5, 7.5 and 57
respectively.
n
I The Sex ratio in the state as per Census 2001 stood at 892
females per 1000 males. However. the results of the sex
ratio survey conducted by the Directorate of Economics &
Statistics in 2007 have shown 925 females per thousand
males. These figures are almost similar with the figures of
923 females per thousand males revealed by 60th round of
NSSO Survey conducted during (January to June 2004).
n
At present there are 4804 number of Health Institutions
ending March, 2009. recording (lbout 40 times Increase
since 1951.
n
Ending December. 2009 average population covered per
Health Institution is 2604. Bed Strength per lakh of
population is 105 and population per Doctor has been
worked out to be 2086 persons for J&K State.
n
I Under NRHM during 2009-10 (ending November. 2009) 96
PHCs have been functional for 24 X 7 services. 44 Child
Health Centres (CHCs) have been upgraded as First
Referral Units (FRUs) and 125 Ambulances were procured
to improve referral transport system in the state.
n
There are 14820 (13516 Government and 1304 Private)
Primary Schools, 8300 (6264 Government and 2036
Private) Middle Schools. 1901 (1156 Government and 745
Private) High Schools and 786 (597 Government and 189
Private) Higher Secondary Schools functioning in the
State. Besides 2 Sainik Schools. 36 Kendriya Vidyalayas
and 14 Jawahar Nawodalayas are in the Government
sector.
n
The number of 'out of school children' stands at 0.40 lakh
as on March, 2009.The Dropout Rate at Primary level and
Upper Primary Level is 1.13% and 2.94°,,) respectively.
n
Professional courses such as SCA, SBA, BIT and MCA have
been started in 15 colleges of the state during 10lh Plan.
n
18 New Degree Colleges have been setup (14 Colleges
under PMRP Phase-I, 4 under the assistance of Ministry of
HRD. Out of 14 New Degree Colleges, 10 have been
completed and four are under progress.
n
18 Degree Colleges (10 under PMRP Phase-II ,and 8 Under
State Plan) have also been made functional and
construction of these college buildings is expected to start
during 2009-10.
www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11
Digest
n
Two Central Universities under the aegis of Ministry of Human
Resource Development, Gal stand sanctioned for J&K state.
n
As per Census 2001, there were 55.52% persons (66.60%
males and 43.00% females) literate in J&K.
n
The Literacy Rate in the state for the year 2009 has been
estimated at 67.89 percent (74.96 percent males and
59.71 percent females) by the Directorate of Economics &
Statistics. thereby showing a growth of 12,37 percentage
points over the figures of Census 2001 .
n
The highest Estimated literacy Rate for the year 2009 in
the State has been recorded in district Jammu with the
indicator standing at 86.59 percent. District Samba stood
at rank 2nd with Estimated Literacy Rate of 84.77 percent.
District Srinagar stood at rank 3rd with Estimated Literacy
Rate of 77.14 percent.
n
The lowest literacy rate for the year 2009 was exhibited by
district Kupwara (50.90) preceded by district Budgam (53.00%).
n
The J&K government attaches paramount importance to
the development of housing infrastructure to achieve the
objective of the "National Housing Policy" for providing
"shelter to all".
n
Under lAY I RHS housing schemes implemented in rural
areas. 19010 houses were constructed upgraded during
2008-09. During the year 2009-10, as on September 2009,
out of a target of 28023 houses taken up. for
construction/upgradation, 7858 houses were completed.
n
Under the central project Basic Service for Urban Poor
(BUSP) launched under the flagship programme JNNURM,
5 projects have been sanctioned for construction of 6677
housing units with allied infrastructure for slum dwellers
at a sanctioned cost of Rs . 162.39 crere. Central share of
Rs. 33.64 crore was received and Rs. 4.01 crere has been
spent on this account.
n
Under Integrated Housing and Slum Development
Programme (IHSDP), another main component of JNNURM
has been implemented by taking up housing and slum
upgradation programme in non-BSUP cities. 5176 dwelling
units shall come up at a sanctioned cost of Rs. 85.00 crore.
For 25 projects taken under this programme, central
assistance of Rs. 29.91 crore has been received and Rs.
9.11 crore have been spent till November 2009.
n
Conservation and Management Plan for Dal Lake was
sanctioned at a cost of Rs. 298.76 crore. Upto September
2009, expenditure incurred was Rs. 139.55 crore on this
account.
Epilogue, November 2010
Digest
n
The urban population of J&K state has observed a
tremendous increase of 98.4% against the national
average of 64.2% during the last two decades.
n
For providing free boarding, lodging and health care to the
destitutes, 12 Nari Nikatens are presently functional in
the state, with an intake capacity of 400 inmates.
n
For Welfare and Development of Backward Classes and
other Weaker Sections, 1460 cases were sponsored to
Banks, out of which 206 units were established with
financial supplementation of Rs. 19.38 lakh as subsidy and
RS.53.85 lakh as loan disbursement during 2009-10
(ending December, 2009).
n
For disabled (physically handicapped persons) monthly
pension has been enhanced from Rs. 300/- per month to
Rs. 400/- per month from January 01, 2009.
n
National Programme for education of girls at elementary
education (NPEGEL) aimed to enhance education of girls
by providing need based incentives like stationery, books,
uniforms etc to the girl student. 287 girls Middle schools
have been developed under NPEGEL in the State.
n
Kishori Shakti Yojna (KSY) aims at addressing the needs of
self development, nutrition and health status, literacy,
numerical skills and vocational skills of adolescent girls in
the age group of 11-18 years.
n
To reduce gender disparities in education access and to
promote women empowerment, 9 women ITls and 12
Women Wings in the existing ITls have been established
under Prime Ministers Reconstructions Programme (PMRP).
n
Prematric scholarship by State Government is provided to
girls to enhance their level of literacy and to reduce the
burden on the parents to sustained education.
n
Support to training and employment programme (STEP)
has been launched to provide updated skills and new
knowledge to poor women in 10 traditional sectors viz
Agriculture, Animal Husbandry, Dairying, Fisheries,
Handlooms, Handicrafts, Khadi and Village industries,
Sericulture, Social Forestry and Waste land Development
through mobilizing into cohesive groups.
n
To facilitate employment of women and to support the
working women away from their homes/towns who come
in the cities and towns for undergoing short term training
courses, Working Women Hostels with day care centres
and creches have been set up in the State, catering to
social needs of the destitute. In J&K State, 5 hostels for
working women have been sanctioned. Out of these, two
have been completed, one in Jammu and other in Kashmir.
The work on other 3, is in progress .
www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11
48
n
At present there are 141 ICDS projects with 25483
Sanctioned Anganwadi Centres against which 23029
centres are presently functional for providing services to
approximately 7.93 lakh beneficiaries comprising of 5.30
lakh children and 1.32 lakhs pregnant and lactating
mothers and 1.30 lacs adolescent girls.
n
For young Urban educated unemployed women, the state
will provide help to establish integrated communication
'kiosks' or specialized marketing cells for promotion of
local handicrafts or organic food and organically
processed kiosks or such like activities. This will be
exclusively for young women in the urban areas under a
special package for promotion of self employment.
n
Government has been implementing various programmes
which support women to take up new ventures and start
self employment through State Women Development
Corporation, Social Welfare Department and Rural
Development Deptt.
n
Females in the age group of 15 to 35 years are imparted
trainings in various crafts through Social Welfare Training
Centre run by the Social! Welfare Department so that they
can become self dependent and can become able to earn
their livelihood. At present, there are 150 Social Welfare
Centres engaged in imparting training to the women folk.
Apart from these, there are four ladies vocational
trainings centres In the State - one each at Jammu,
Srinagar, Kargil and Leh. In these centres, besides
imparting advanced trainings in various crafts, training in
stenography is also Imparted.
nA separate and independent Directorate of Tribal Affairs
has been established In September 2008.
n
Various types of Pre-matric scholarships for different
reserved categories of students were integrated,
rationalized and enhanced w.e.f 1-1-2009.
n
rer day Diet charges for inmates of various hostels being
run by the Social Welfare Department like Nari Niketans,
Bal Ashrams. G&B Hostels, Hostels for the Pahari Speaking
Students were enhanced from As. 25/- per day per inmate
to Rs. 50/ per day per inmate w.e.f. 1-1-2009.
n
Two special buses with barrier free faoilities for
facilitating the travel of physically challenged persons one
each for Jammu and Srinagar cities in the first instance
have been sanctioned at an estimated cost of As. 15
lacs/bus.
n
SRD 294 of 2005 regarding Jammu and Kashmir
Reservation Rules stands modified vide SRO 144 of 2008
dated 28-5-2008, wherein reservation in promotion for SC
Epilogue, November 2010
49
and ST has been increased from 4% to 8% and 5% to 10%
respectively. This has resulted in addressing the long
pending demand of these communities.
n
One ST Hostel in the premises of Women's college MA Aoad
Srinagar with an intake capacity of 100 in-mates stands
completed and handed over 10 Education Department.
n
As on September 2009, 8770 habitations were fUlly
covered under safe drinking water supply, _ 2930
habitations were partially covered and 315 rural
habitations were uncovered, out of 12015 total
habitations, based on 2005 survey.
n
Erstwhile Accelerated Urban Water Supply Programme
(AUWSP) and Integrated Development for Medium and
Small Towns (IDMST) water supply schemes have been
subsumed in Urban Infrastructure Development Scheme
for Small and Medium Towns (UIDSSMD launched under
Jawahar Lal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission
(JNNUAM). 23 water supply projects costing As. 317.89
crore were sanctioned under UIDSSMT. An amount of Rs.
156.42 crore including central assistance of Rs. 143.33
INFRASTRUCTURE DEVELOPMENT
n
Out of the estimated hydro power potential of 20,000 MWs
in the State, 16480 MWs have been identified of which
only approximately 14 percent Le. 2318 MWs have been
exploited safar.
n
In the year 2009-10, the State is likely to add
137.50MWs which will make an aggregate of 2456.20
MWs or 14.90 percent of identified potential and by
the end of 1'1 th Five Year Plan about 5733.61 MWs will
be added which will accumulate total harnessed
potential to 8189.81 MWs or 50.46 percent of
identified potential.
n
With the commissioning of 450 MW Phase-I of Baglihar
Hydroelectric Power Project in December 2008. the
installed capacity of the State sector power projects has
reached 758.70 MWs.
n
With the completion of four more power projects of
Pahalgam (Unit III), Machil, Sanjak and Baderwah (Unit
III), 3.61 MWs will be added to the power generation
potential during 2009-10.
n
The Installed capacity of Central sector power projects
from three commissioned projects is 1680 MWs
(estimated, by the end of 2009-10). The demand of Power
in J&K state, as per the 16th Power Survey conducted by
Ministry of Energy, Gal is around 2120 MWs.
www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11
Digest
crore was received and Rs. 79.54 crore were spent ending
September 2009 under this central project.
n
Water supply scheme for Sopore town costing Rs. 33.00
crore and water supply scheme for Udhampur town
costing Rs. 28.82 crare were sanctioned under central
project "UIDSSMT". Additional central assistance of Rs.
15.09 crore and Rs. 13.40
n
crore received respectively for water supply schemes
Sopore and Udhampur towns.
n
Water supply projects Tangnar and Sukhnag are being
executed under the central project Development of Urban
Infrastructure and Govemance (DUIG) at a cost of Rs.
148.37 crores and 121.00 crores respectively. For these
water supply projects, budgetary support of Rs. 58.38
crore has been received from Government of India.
n
All the 22 districts have been covered under Total
Sanitation Campaign. As on October 2009, 131727
individual household latrines 11288 school toilets, 495
community sanitary complexes and 955 anganwari toilets
were constructed.
n
Aggregate Technical and Commercial (A T&C) losses in
power are very high in the state and have been put around
63.94% (E).
n
The revenue realization of Rs 457.99 crore (ending
December, 2009) under Power Sector during 2009-10.
n
JAKEDA under Rural Electrification Scheme has electrified
50 unelectrified villages during 2008-09 by providing 8297
Solar Home Lights.
n
2500 Solar Home Lights have been also distributed under
general category under Solar Photovoltaic Programme of
MNRE, Gol. Besides, 8000 Solar Lanterns were also distributed
in the unelectrified villages/hamlets of the state.
n
Against the total road length of 18809 kms maintained by
State R&B Department, 9560kms are black topped, 4832
kms metalled, 1315 kms shingled, 3000 kms fair weather
and 102 kms jeepable.
n
Four lanning of Jammu- Srinagar national highway has
been approved by the Central government. The work on
the historical Mughal Road as an alternate road to the
present Sri nagar- Jammu highway is under execution at
an approved cost of Rs 639.85 crore, the completion of
which is expected during the year 2011.
n
2735 habitations are yet to be connected with roads as
against the total number of 9933 habitations.
Epilogue, November 2010
Digest
n
Ending March, 2009, 119 bridges under PMRP have been
completed. Besides, 90 bridges are presently at different
stages of progress.
n
The number of registered vehicles in March 2009 stood at
668427 as compared to 299104 number of registered
vehicles in March 2000. The number of vehicles available
per lakh of population in the state stood at 5342 (March
2009) as against the figure of 6739 at all India level of
March 2004.
n
33 km Railway section of MazhamaBaramulla has been
inaugurated on Feb. 14th, 2009 for normal train traffic as
against the previous service which was available for
LOC TRADE
n
Since the start of the LoC trade from 21.10.2008 to
31.12.2009, forty three items in total have been exported
through Chakan-da-Bagh-Poonch route valuing RS.5269
crore. Agriculture I Horticulture Products valuing Rs.
50.10 crore, Dry Fruits of Rs. 0.36 crore, Herbs amounting
to Rs. 1.38 crore and Miscellaneous items for Rs. 0.82
crore were the most prominent items.
n
During the period 21-10-2008 to 31-012010, imports worth
Rs. 93.82 crore. (Pakistani currency) were traded through
the same route .The most important items were
Agriculture/Horticulture products (Rs 76.33 crore), Dry
Fruits (Rs. 13.73 crore) and Herbs (Rs. 2.43 crore) and
POVERTY AND UN-EMPLOYMENT
n
The total BPL estimated population ratio of J&K State has
arrived at 21.63% (24.21 lakh persons) constituting 26.14%
(22.00 lakh persons) for rural areas and 7.96% (2.21 lakh
persons) for urban areas as per the survey conducted in
2008 by the Directorate of Economics and Statistics.
Poverty ratio at all India level for the year 2004-05 was
found to be 27.50% with 28.30% in Rural and 25.70% in
Urban areas as per NSSO Survey.
n
On the basis of BPL Head Count Ratio, the seven poorest
districts in the State are Reasi, Ramban, Kisthwar, Poonch,
Kupwara, Kargil, and Bandipora which have more than 30
percent estimated BPL Population ranging between 31.09
percent to 37.93 percent.
n
The BPL Survey conducted by the Directorate of
Economics & Statistics in 2008 reveal that the highest
percentage of Urban poverty is in district Kulgam with
15.83% followed by district Pulwama with 14% and district
Ganderbal with 13.87%.
www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11
50
Anantnag-Mazhama section. The rail link from Anantnag to
Qazigund has also been completed and made operational.
Similarly the work on the rail link from Qazigund to
Banihal is going at a full swing and is expected to be
commissioned by May 2012.
n
Out of the three domestic Airports of the State, Srinagar
Airport has been upgraded as International Airport and
inaugurated on 14th of February 2009.
n
The subscriber base of the mobile service providers -
Bharat Sanchar Nigam Limited (BSNL), Bharti Televentures
(Airtel), Dishnet Wireless (Aircel) - and Vodafone Eraser
was 4347781 ending December 2009 in the state.
Miscellaneous items [Rs 1.32 crore].
n
Since inception of the LoC trade on 21.10.2008 up to
31.12.2009, twenty nine items in total have been
exported through Salamabad Uri route valuing Rs. 52.7218
crore. Fresh fruits and vegetables, dry fruits, Rajmash,
mixed spices, Shawls and Stoles, Paper Machie and Kangdi
were the most prominent goods.
n
During the period 21-10-2008 to 31-012010, imports worth
Rs. 64.6719 crore. (Pakistani currency) were traded
through the same route. The most important items were
fresh fruits and vegetables, Maize, Dates Fresh, Honey,
Jaya Namaz, and Shawls / Scarfs / Dupata.
n
The Social-group distribution of BPL Population indicates
the dispersion of 42.05 percent in case of Scheduled
Tribes, 38.07 percent in case of Other Backward Classes
(including Paharis), 22.77 percent in case of Scheduled
Caste while as others categories show only 16.85 percent
of population under Below Poverty Line when compared
with the respective population of a particular category.
This shows that highest incidence of poverty is among
Scheduled Tribe population followed by OBC Category
inclusive of Pahari speaking population.
n
The Government has ordered for re-verification of BPL
lists maintained by the various departments in the state.
The Deputy Commissioners and Tehsildars have been
appointed as Nodal authorities for carrying out the re-
verification within their respective jurisdictions The
report has to be submitted to the State Planning &
Development Department within three months from the
date of the issue of the order i.e 25-06-2009.
Epilogue, November 2010
51
n
Unemployment rate in respect of J&K State, has been
worked out to be 5.2% (5.4% for males and 3.5% for
females) which is on higher side when compared to All
India figures of 3.1 percent (3.1 % for males and 3.0% for
females) as per Usual Principal Status as per the findings of
62nd round of NSS (July 2005-June 2006) Report.
n
The number of registered illiterate unemployed youths
has increased to 4033 in 2009 from 3141 during 2008,
thereby showing an increasing of 28.39 percent in the
state. The number of educated unemployed has increased
to 376520 in 2009 from 80529 during 2008. This sharp
Increase has been attributed to the latest data provided
by district employment exchanges after registering
almost every unemployed youth who voluntarily came to
register their names this time before announcement of
Employment Policy by the Govt of J&K.
n
Sher-i- Kashmir Employment and Welfare Programme
(SKEWPY) for the youth was launched on 5th December
2009. The state government has announced that the
implementation of the historic Employment Policy in the
state will start from April 2010. The policy needs Rs 300 to
PRICE / INFLATION
n
General Index of Industrial Workers in Srinagar City
increased by 8.17% during 2008-09 compared to 6.39%
during 200708. Inflation rate of 8.93% (2008-09) and 5.03%
(2007-08) on this series has been posted at All India level.
n
General Index of Agricultural Labourers recorded 8.49%
increase during 2008-09 in J&K compared to 9.59% rate of
increase in the country.
n
General Index of Rural Labourers inflated by 7.86% in J&K
and 10.84% in India during 2008-09.
n
Although Wholesale Price Index (WPI) is the popular
measure of headline inflation in the country, however,
Consumer Price Index are also used to tract inflation. The
sections for which CPls are computed are Industrial
Workers (CPI - IW), Agricultural labourers (CPI - Al), Rural
labourers (CPI -Rl) and Urban Non Manual Employees (CPI UNME .
n
During the year 2008-09 General Index of Industrial
FOOD MANAGEMENT
n
For distribution of the essential commodities efficiently
the Consumer Affairs & Public Distribution Department
has a network of 6200 authorised sale centres and fair
price shops. On an average one sale centre/fair price shop
is available per 2018 people .
n
Targeted Public Distribution System (TPDS) is an important
constituent of poverty alleviation programme as it is
www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 11
Digest
400 crore annually for stipend to be provided under
package. The Policy document depicts that the state
government shall provide 5 lac employment opportunities
for the youth including one lac government jobs to
unemployed educated youth in a phased manner in coming
five years. The policy also has a place for loans on easy
instalments for unemployed youth to generate their own
units, besides providing financial support in the shape of
monthly Voluntary Service Allowance (VSA) to all the
unemployed educated youth of the State.
n
To overcome the problem of constantly increasing
population of educated unemployed youth, (reason being
lack of adequate private sector) the state government
sanctioned the setting up of "J&K Sate Overseas
Employment Corporation" with an authorized share
capital of Rs 100 lakh to facilitate educated and skilled
youth to seek employment within and outside the country.
n
Under National Rural Employment Guarantee Act
(NAREGA), 61.18 lac persondays were generated and 5.79
lakh (cumulative) job cards have been issued till ending
November, 2009.
Workers in Srinagar city increased by 8.73% against 9.02%
at all India when compared to 2007-08 Index. During April
to September 2009 regarding Sri nagar centre and April to
August 2009 in case of all India CPI - IW (General Index),
recorded inflation rate of 7.46% in Srinagar city and 9.15%
at all India when compared to the corresponding periods
of previous year .
n
CPI - Al dunng 2008-09 increased by 10.05% in J&K and
10.02% at all India over 2007-08 and during the penod April
to August 2009 CPI - Al increased by 12.74% In J&K and
11.44% at all India when compared to the corresponding
period of previous year.
n
Regarding Consumer Price Index for Rural labourers the
rate of inflation for the year 2008-09 was 7.33°/0
compared to 6.23% for 2007-08 and 10.02% at all India for
2008-09.
focused towards poor. Under TPDS, there are 19.56 lakh
ration card holders, (12.23 lakh APl, 4.80 lakh BPl and 2.56
lakh AA V). They are provided 35 kg food grains per month on
the subsidized prices prescribed for each scheme .
n
Import of food grains during the year 200809 were 784.4
thousand metric tonnes and off take figures were 656.6
thousand mel tonnes.
Epilogue, November 2010
 PATNITOP

SANASAR

PATNITOP HILL RESORT

AN ECO-FRIENDY TOURIST DESTINATION

Help Us to Preserve the

Environment & Ecology of the area Patnitop Development Authority
Kud, District Udhampur (J&K)
Use of Polythene is banned in PATNITOP Tele-fax: 01992-288146, 288129