Professional Documents
Culture Documents
2008
Session: Being ‘Graeco-Persian’
Maya Vassileva
Introduction
Scholars have long noticed Achaemenid affinities with fifth–fourth century BC finds from Thrace1.
Leaving aside the discussion about the Skudra satrapy (which presumably comprised part of Thracian
territory along the Northern Aegean coast)2, it can be stated that the Persian military campaigns in the
Balkans had an impact on the local elites. Achaemenid presence in the area was probably the original
impetus for the Thracian aristocrats to emulate a similar code of royal status representations. However,
Thracian kings and nobles adapted and creatively interpreted further the Achaemenid “borrowings”. The
present paper deals with Anatolian Achaemenid traits in the Thracian sepulchral monuments, specifically
Thracian stone-built chamber tombs dated to the fifth–third century BC, the richest and largest number of
which can be assigned to the fourth century BC, which was the floruit of the Odrysian Kingdom.
The sepulchral complex in the Ostrousha Mound, near the town of Shipka in Central Bulgaria (fig. 1),
was compared with Anatolian monuments since its discovery3. For example the monolithic chamber erected
on a stereobate resembles the Tomb of Cyrus at Pasargadae (fig. 2) as well as the tomb at Buzbazar4. While
the Tomb of Cyrus displays Ionian affinities, the latter does not show any such peculiarities 5. The so-called
Pyramid Tomb at Sardis, whose style has often been defined as „Graeco-Persian‟, could also be added to
this group of monuments 6. The TaĢ Kule rock-cut monument near Phocaea (fig. 3) has a somewhat strange
outline; it can also be considered within the same set of architectural constructions7. The same is true about
1
VENEDEIKOV and GERASSIMOV 1973.
2
The discussion on the Skudra satrapy is summarised in BORZA 1990, 100, 293 and BRIANT 2002, 905; see also: FOL and HAMMOND
1988, 243–248 and JORDANOV 2003, 43, 46.
3
KITOV and KRASTEVA 1994–1995, 21.
4
BERGHE 1964.
5
RATTÉ 1992; BOARDMAN 2000, 57–60; VALEVA 2005, 14–16.
6
RATTÉ 1992, 160.
7
CAHILL 1988.
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XVII International Congress of Classical Archaeology, Roma 22-26 Sept. 2008
Session: Being ‘Graeco-Persian’
8
KLEISS 1996, 135, 138.
9
KARAGÖZ 2007.
10
CAHILL 1988, figs. 5–6, 9.
11
For the Phrygian rock-cut tombs see HASPELS 1971, 112–138.
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Session: Being ‘Graeco-Persian’
12
KITOV 2005a, 44.
13
KITOV 2008, fig. 26.
14
See e.g. Buildings F and H on the Xanthian acropolis: METZGER 1963. For another possible tomb with relief-carved gables near
Daskyleion, see supra N. 9.
15
HASPELS 1971, 87, figs. 186–191.
16
STOYANOVA 2007, 534, 540–541.
17
CAHILL 1988, 495–498.
18
POLAT 2005.
19
BÜSING-KOLBE 1978, 82–83; 119–122.
20
BOARDMAN 2000, 59–60.
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Session: Being ‘Graeco-Persian’
21
TSETSKHLADZE 1998.
22
ROSE 2007a, 249; 2007b, 72–74.
23
SEVINÇ ET AL 2001.
24
SEVINÇ ET AL 2001, 385–387, fig. 2; ROSE 2007a, 256, fig. 11; 2007b, 75.
25
Another opinion is that the enemy is a Mysian: MA 2008.
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XVII International Congress of Classical Archaeology, Roma 22-26 Sept. 2008
Session: Being ‘Graeco-Persian’
26
SEVINÇ ET AL 2001, 388–395, figs. 4–10; ROSE 2007a, 256–257, fig. 13.
27
MARAZOV 1996, 160–179; 2005, 92–96.
28
KITOV 2001.
29
KITOV 2001, 19–20.
30
SEVINÇ ET AL 2001, 386.
31
POLAT 2001.
32
KITOV 2001, 20–27.
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Session: Being ‘Graeco-Persian’
Fig. 13 – Silver gilt belt from Lovets, central Bulgaria (Die Thraker 2004, 318, fig. 3).
33
BORCHHARDT 1968, 206–208; AKURGAL 1961, 172, fig. 119; SEVINÇ ET AL 2001, 398, fig.17.
34
BORCHHARDT and BLEIBTREU 2008, Type Ib, 189, pls. 3 and 9. Cf. Baughan in these Proceedings, N. 31.
35
BOARDMAN 2000, 153.
36
BOARDMAN 2000, 168–174.
37
BOARDMAN 2000, 158, 171, figs 5.38, 5.39, 5.46.
38
KAPTAN 2002, 153–155, DS 94–97, 99; DS188, 189.
39
MARAZOV 1998, no. 105, 59, 175.
40
MARAZOV 1989, 188–189, no. 159.
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Session: Being ‘Graeco-Persian’
41
KITOV 2003, 16, fig. 71.
42
VENEDIKOV and GERASSIMOV 1973, fig. 60.
43
MARAZOV 1996, 160–179.
44
DURAND and SCHNAPP 1989, 61–65.
45
DURAND and SCHNAPP 1989, 65–69.
46
HEIMPEL and TRÜPELMANN 1977.
47
W EST 1999, 373–374.
48
HAWKINs 2006.
49
MARAZOV 1996, 179; 2005.
50
MARAZOV 1996, 161.
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XVII International Congress of Classical Archaeology, Roma 22-26 Sept. 2008
Session: Being ‘Graeco-Persian’
animal was devastating the Mysian lands. In describing the hunt, Herodotus speaks about „picked men‟ (1.
36): obviously, young noble men who would attack the wild boar, helped by dogs. On the one hand, this
hunting episode resembles the initiation of the ephebes, but on the other, it comes close to the trial of the
king-to-be. Adonis being killed by a boar in the Calydonian Boar Hunt furnishes another mythological
example (Theocr. Id. 30, Ovid. Metam. 10.710, Apollod. 3.14.4, Macr. Sat. 1.21.4)51.
Both the Achaemenid Anatolian and the Thracian hunting scenes fall within this tradition of hybrid
hunting scenes which, designed primarily for sepulchral monuments, can be linked with the „Eastern‟ royal
ideological tradition. In the Çan Sarcophagus and in the Alexandrovo Tomb the hunt is given more space
and is thus more important than the battle scene52. This could mean that the hunt was ideologically more
important for the Anatolian and Thracian aristocrats. The sarcophagus and the Thracian tomb painting have
important differences, which relate to their cultural contexts, but they also share important features which link
the Thracian and Western Anatolian spheres.
Conclusion
It was 20 years ago when Machteld Mellink noted: “The syncretism of the Greek, West Anatolian and
Persian art is noticeable from Thrace to inner Lycia”53. Although Anatolian and Achaemenid affinities have
long been recognised in Thracian tombs, specific comparisons more effectively situate the Thracian visual
repertoire. The most compelling examples are to be found in the fourth century BC stone-built Thracian
tombs and vessels made out of precious metals. The monuments discussed above reveal similarities in the
representation of elite status in fourth century BC Thrace and Achaemenid Anatolia.
The Western Anatolian monuments to which the Thracian monuments have been compared were
products of a provincial satrap aristocracy or the local Persianized elite. In the past, they have been called
„Graeco-Persian‟. This term has recently been much criticised and for good reason 54. There are no good
parallels from Persia proper for either Anatolian or Thracian monuments. Both the locals and the Persians
interacted with the East Greeks. Scholars now prefer to use „emulation‟ to denote a process of adopting,
adapting and creation55. This term may be helpful in understanding the creation of Thracian monuments of
Achaemenid inspiration. The models that Thracian aristocracy emulated were „Graeco-Persian‟, Ionian or
„Lydo-Ionian‟ – that is, models from Western Anatolia rather than Persia itself. Proximity and similarities in
the social structure of Thrace and Achaemenid Anatolia must have facilitated this emulation at this Western
Achaemenid interface.
51
VIDAL-NAQUET 1983, 170.
52
SEVINÇ ET AL 2001, 401.
53
MELLINK 1988, 221.
54
ROOT 1991, 22, KAPTAN 2002: 2–4; MILLER 2006.
55
MILLER 2007, 66–67.
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