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Introduction:
The World Bank on 12th January 2011 made the pronouncement that “Developing
countries face three main short-term risks—tensions in financial markets, large and
volatile capital flows, and a rise in high food prices” (World Bank, 2011) and as the
UNESCAP (2011) plan to meet in Bangkok on the 25-26 of January, 2011, the main
objectives of the consultation will be to analyse constraints for Trade Facilitation for
products in the Asia-Pacific. Following these trends which clearly highlight the risks
facing developing nations and the importance being placed by the international
community on trade facilitation, it will be difficult not to conclude that the situation of
poor countries in the world today is of prime importance even though it is one that
has precluded any other remedy out of poverty but continued trade liberalisation and
This essay evaluates the veracity of this position while drawing on the experience of
third world countries with some special attention given to Thailand. First will be an
argues against the dogmatic position that trade liberalisation is the only way out of
trade, followed by arguments to show that trade liberalisation has not and cannot be
the only way out of poverty. This will then be followed by a conclusion.
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TLCM will be used hereafter to stand for Trade liberalisation and Competitive markets.
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Underlying the whole notion of TLCM is the Economic ideas of Adam Smith and
David Ricardo. Smith saw the collective interest as being best served by the free
exercise of individual self interest, (‘The Invisible Hand’). For Ricardo an important
of labour which can be achieved, “by each country producing those commodities for
which by its situation, its climate and its natural or artificial advantages, it is adapted,
and by their exchanging them for the commodities of other countries, as that they
These ideas of comparative advantage have been the main ideology of the
Washington Consensus who according to Galbraith base their argument on the idea
that “markets are efficient, that states are unnecessary, that poor and the rich have
no conflicting interests, that markets perform at the highest level when left alone…
that privatisation and deregulation and open capital markets promote economic
development, that government should balance budgets and fight inflation and do
If these policies were as simple as they are presented and do produce the results
that they are claimed to be able to produce, the many-layered question that still
remains to be answered is: why is there still so much widespread poverty in the
world and why is the balance of payments of most poor countries always negative
even when they follow deregulations and privatisation policies and open up their
markets to foreign trade. Why is there still growing poverty when as a matter of fact,
today, for the first time, developing countries are said to have made the most
impressive breakthrough into global markets for goods and services other than just
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primary products, (Collier, 2007) The answer to these is simple; while TLCM have
been very crucial to the growth of certain poor economies, available evidence shows
that they have not and will not any time soon be the only way to lead the poor out of
poverty because “the mere fact that free trade agreements between countries
increase the flow of trade between them does not necessarily mean that it will
as a country that is supposedly doing well and is getting out of poverty. Thailand has
organizations including the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), the Asia Pacific
Economic Cooperation (APEC), and the World Trade Organization (WTO). All these
astonishing turn of events, imports in 1997 (just two years after joining the WTO)
exceeded exports by US$5.319 billion but the following year, exports exceeded
imports by US$11.485 billion. Despite the uneven balance of trade, the Thai
economy continued to grow by an average of 6.8 percent in the 1970s, 7.5 percent in
the 1980s, and 8 percent in the early 1990s before the Asian financial crisis. With the
onslaught of the crises, they accepted bailout packages from the IMF although these
were tied to a series of drastic economic reforms. The Thai government immediately
adopted the ‘Sufficiency Economy Philosophy’ which together with the aid received
got the economy back on its feet within a very short space of time and by 2001,
economy, generally pro-investment policies, and strong export industries allowed the
country to balance its budget and repay its debts to the IMF in 2003, four years
ahead of schedule. It is however, a held view that both trade and financial
liberalisation are the catalysts to this and also will be the source of the long-run
economic growth of all the East Asian economies (Dowling and Ray, 2000).
It is the prevailing thought of this discourse that increasing TLCM will lead to
improvements to the lot of the poor. Unfortunately although rapid economic growth
has in general, increased the material wealth of the Thai population, the distribution
average, while the figures for the North and Northeast regions are 48% and 31%
This happens to be just one case in a world in which Collier says has over a billion
people locked at the bottom of the poverty pit. Hence, although “…the growth of
global trade has been good for Asia…don’t count on it to help the bottom billion…
Based on present trends, it seems more likely to lock yet more of the bottom-billion
countries.” (Collier, 2007 p.87) This is likely going to be the case because there is
like “…development as economic growth via the classical free market has been
successful to date and that what is required now are minor reforms to dampen the
through trade should be able to stimulate growth, diffuse new technologies, and
generate investments which should invariably lead to economic growth and facilitate
the move out of poverty. The fact that this is failing to bring about the desired result
may be because many advocates of TLCM easily forget the paradox pointed out by
Lenin that
Monopoly is exactly the opposite of free competition; but we have seen the
latter being transformed into monopoly before our very eyes, creating large-
scale industry and eliminating small industry, replacing large-scale industry by
still larger scale industry, finally leading to such a concentration of production
and capital that monopoly has been and is the result (Lenin, 1939, p.236)
This has clearly been the case with the increasing growth in the number of
detriment of infant industries and agricultural sectors of poor countries. From the
1960s there has been a proliferation of MNCs which grew from 3,500 in 1960 to
60,000 in 1999. The aggregate stock of FDI worldwide increased in tandem from $66
billion in 1960 to over $4,000 billion in 1999, as compared with only $14 billion in
1914. (UNCTAD, 1996, 1999) Little wonder McCormick2 (2002) argues that
“multinationals are a powerful force for good in the world. They spread wealth, work,
technologies that raise living standards and better ways of doing business. That's
why so many developing countries are competing fiercely to attract their investment.”
What McCormick fails to realise is that the natural tendency for foreign investors in
2
President of the International Chamber of Commerce, at the 2002 World Economic Forum (WEF)
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poor countries has been only to invest in the high profit sectors of the economies,
with the level of interest and profit remittance being extremely high in relation to
capital invested to the value of production by foreign firms, and to the taxes paid.
(Green & Seidman, 1968) Also, the lucrative profits which are made from these
sectors are immediately sent back to metropolitan banks, and/or home offices. This
practice hampers domestic capital formation, and results in a net overflow of capital
from the poor economies to the developed capitalist economies in the form of
repatriated profits and royalties. These forms of investments are incompatible with
The most disturbing aspect of the argument for TLCM is the hypocrisy of the rich
nation, for “…despite progress in the post-war era, advanced-economy trade barriers
remain stubbornly high against clothing, textiles, and agricultural goods, the very
This and other external economic interests make the balanced development of poor
economies extremely difficult. The chronic trade deficits of many African countries in
the recent past can be attributed to this structural imbalance, and the dependence on
exports. This is made worse by the rising prices of imports and the declining prices
Bank and the IMF whose deregulation and privatisation policies implemented in over
90 countries have left the world with a bitter legacy of “…growing poverty in all
regions of the developing world, except China.” (Coates3, 2002) At this period of
3
Director of World Development Movement at World Economic Forum (WEF)2002
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underdeveloped world into the world economy is like a ‘giant price scissors’ that
have led to the growing deficits in the balance of trade faced by poor countries. As a
result of these balance of trade deficits, poor countries have been forced to finance
sources. This has led to their increased dependence on foreign capital and ‘foreign
aid’ from Western governments and donor agencies. These circumstances therefore
To make bad matters worse, the membership of these poor nations in international
trade organisations is not helping matters. The WTO for example fails to take the
allowing the US and the EU to dominate a reform agenda that allows continuing
protectionism in the wealthy world while simultaneously forcing open markets and
imposing new regulatory regimes in Africa Asia and Latin America. (Khor, 2001) This
could be one of the reasons why progress in the world is so farfetched. The fact that
convergence is failing to help the poor countries is largely due to the unwillingness of
International bodies like the IMF, World Bank, the WTO to admit that they are failing.
On the contrary, as their prescribed policies keep failing, they keep defending
(Galbraith, 1999) It is not surprising that there has been this massive call for an end
to the WTO, with 10 good reasons given to support the call. (Albert, 2000)
From the forgoing it becomes clear that while TLCM may help in some cases as it
did minimally in the case of Thailand, the international political economic terrain is
becoming more and more an arena where only the fittest survive. Since most of the
rich nations are still maintaining protective policies, poor nations may benefit from a
certain degree of openness but this will vary from country to country. It is therefore
without an iota of doubt going from the evidence just presented that continued TLCM
will rather result in a widening of the gulf between rich and poor nations unless a
Conclusion:
It has been the objective of this essay to show that continued trade liberalisation and
competitive markets have not and will not be the solution to poverty. It therefore did
this while pointing to some of the negative effects of openness such as the hypocrisy
of rich nations, the biased investment policies of MNCs and the fact that the
international arbiters have been failing and cannot be relied on 4. In the final analysis,
it will be advisable for all poor countries to seek strategies from within as Thailand
did; a philosophy that can weather the bad effects of ruthless competition in the open
world market.
References:
Albert, M. 2000. “A Questions and Answers on the WTO, IMF, World Bank, and
Bangkok post, (26/11/2009) Country's in for it in a very bad way, Available at:
Collier, P. 2007. The Bottom Billion: Why the Poorest Countries are Failing and
Dowling, J.M. & Ray, D. 2000. “The structure and composition of international trade
in Asia: historical trends and future prospects.” Journal of Asian Economics 11(3):
301-318.
Green, R.H & Seidman, A. 1968: Unity or Poverty? The Economics of Pan-
Griswold, D.T. 2000. “The Blessings and Challenges of Globalization” The World and
Khor, M. 2001 ‘Whe World Trade Organisation and the south: implications of the
emerging global economic governance for development’ in Jomo, K.S. & Nagaraj, S.
(ed) 1966. Essential works of Lenin “What Is to Be Done?” and Other Writings,
Economic and Social Development Board, United Nations Country Team in Thailand
Pholphirul, P. 2010. "Does AFTA Create More Trade for Thailand? An Investigation
of Some Key Trade Indicators," Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, Institute
of Asian Studies, GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Hamburg, vol.
Sraffa, P. (ed.) 1962. “On the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation” in Works
World Bank, 2011. Developing Countries Are Driving Global Growth, but Risks
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