Professional Documents
Culture Documents
RM-5271-PR
MAY 1967
PREPARED
FOR;
SANTA
MONICA'
C ... LIFOftNI
....----
MEMORANDUM
RM-5271-PR
MAY 1913'7
This rnlearch is supported by the United States Air Fore .. under Project RA1~D-Con. tract No. F14620.67·C-0045-monitor ..d by the Directorate of Operational R"qllirl'"mt"'nts and Dtovl"lopment Plans. Dl"puty Chil"( ot Staff. R~atch and Development, Hq USAF. Views or conclusions contained in this Mt'"morandum should not be interpreted as rl"prl'Sf'ntinf!; the official opinion or policy of the lTnilpd Statt'S Air Force.
----------------~~----~R~nD~~
iii
PREFACE While Mao Tae Tung, Vo Nguyen Giap, and even Che Guevara are avidly ,read and liberally quoted, the French, who were among the first of the western nations to gain practical experience of modern revolutionary war, are seldom heard from outside of their own count~y. Moreover, after the United States began the rapid expansion of its advisory effort in South Vietnam in 1962, the British experience in Malaya was often cited by Americans in Saigon as a model of how to handle an insurrection, but little if anything was ever said of the French experience in Indochina. This SeemS strange indeed, for in Malaya the Chinese Terrorists were a separate ethnic group, few in numbers, and without the privilege of sanctuary across a friendly border. In contrast, in Indochina the Viet Minh were the same as all other Vietnamese people, and they challenged the French ,with a powerful political and military organization generously supported by the neighboring Chinese Communists. What is of even greater significance is that today the United States is fighting essentially the saIDe enemy that the French first engaged more than two decades ago~ and is doing this over much the same terrain and under the same climatic conditions. Finally, and most important of all, is the fact that the present leadership of North Vietnam iE the very same whose determination and tenacity helped it to prevail over the French. The lessons that the French learned in the course of their prolonged conflict should, therefore, offer something more than simple historical data. The Lessons of the War in Indochina, originally published in three volumes, is an official document issued by the Commander in Chief, French Forces, Indochina, in May 1955. Volume 1 is a Top Secret It document concerned with high-level politico-military issues. able.
was distributed to a very small number of officials and is not availVolumes 2 and 3, originally published under Secret classificaThese two volumes are complementary in that Volume 2 tion, have recently been made available in the United States For Offi.cial Use Only.
iv
lS
concerned
2 is considered
with some prior general knowledge and it was considered explanatory an historical details footnotes summary
of French operations
in Indochina,
and be preceded
by an introduction
described
in the text.
CONTENTS
PREFACE LIST
•.•••..•••.•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••...••••.•••••.
i 1i
OF FIGURES
•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••..••....•
III .. III '" ~ III •••• " • • • .. .. • • .. •
vii
ix
L1 ST OF TABLES .
•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
x 1
TRANSLATOR I S INTRODUCTION
COMMANDER IN CHIEF
S PREFACE
••••••••••••••••••••••••••..•....
25
CASUALTIES
Part
OF THE INDOCHINA
.••...
27
I:
Section Section
Part
Psychological
II:
3:
4: 5:
6:
.9
~......
51
Elements
.••••.••.•.••.•..
•••• •••••.•.
56
63 83 94 110 116
The Control
7: 8:
9;
•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
111 111.........
Fortifications
Part
III:
Section Section
10: 11:
12:
l3;
Ope~ations
Irregular
in Remote Forces
Areas
.•.•••••.••••.•...•.
Operations
Commando
14:
River
173
Section Section
15: 16:
..•••.••••••••••••••••••.•••••.•.• of Units
Levels
193
196
and Maintenance
of
•••••••..•••••••.••••••••••.
vi
Section
Section
The Mobile
Group
.••••.••••.•.•...••..•..•.....
206 216
The Lnf an t r y
Section
Section Section Section
The Airborne
Armored Forces
Troops
....••.••.•••••••..•.••....
244 259
.....................•.••.••••••
Section
Section Section Section
The Engineers
The Transportation
The Signal Air Support Corps
328
..••••..•...•.............•...•...• Forces
332
"
The River
..................................................
.. " .......
Female Personnel
Logistics ......•....••.••..•.••..•••••.••.....
Corps.......................
•....•.•......•.....•....•
Supply
372
381
390
Section Section
Section
Services
Products
Corps
394 406
Section 35:
and Development
LIST
OF FIGURES
1.
2. 3.
.••..•......•.....
60
77 82
,............................ •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
on a post
(schematic)
4.
5.
89
107
6. 7.
Watch t over s , 1948-1950 .•...... ..• ••••••••. •••••..•.. ••.. Watch tower) "engineer type," South Vie t nam ." Tower with a metal observation post triangular military post for 60 men
Diagram
..... III
'I
ll8
120
III
..
8.
9.
:-
121
122 124 127 128
10.
11. 12.
of a blockhouse •••••••••••••..•••.•.•.•••.••••••.
13.
14.
129
"
Model floorplan
II
131
132
'III
..
Double central pillbox and command post with a 1i ving ar ea .........•••..•..•.....•..•...........•..•.• Example of the river convoy (North
135
Vietnam) .••••.••••••.•
176 181
204
20.
21. 22. 23.
24.
Pe~sonnel st~engthsJ
weapons
ix
LIST OF TABLES
1. 2.
Sununary of Ten Operations Can'ied Out in Tonkin ..••.•.... Pillbox Resistance .••••..••••.•.••••.•••••.••••••.•.••••. Artillery in the Indochina War ..••••..•.••••.•.•.•••...•• Army Aviation Units in Each Division of the U. S. Army ... Cargo Movements for 1953 .•••••..••• ,.•.••.••....•.•.•....
103 137
3. 4. 5.
(..
I
V,
('J
•
Roi
\ ..•
-,...
J \)
••
A,
..
0
'0
'C.l
'')
oJ
«. ( }~
•
,/1
,'-
Southeast
Asia
TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION Indochina 1 became an area of direct concern to the United States
more than a quarter of a century ago when it repeatedly served as the focal paint for the acrimonious exhanges that eventually culminated in the,Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. The reasons for this were twofold. First, Indochina was the back This became critical
door to China and, as such, it grew in importance as the coastal areas of China progressively ,fell to the Japanese. when the Japanese reached Canton just three ~eeks before Munich and thereby cut off accesS to the interior of China by western nations, except for the route from the Tonkinese po~t of Haiphong Kunming,2 and by way of the remote and difficult Bu~a
by
rail to The
Road.
second reason is that Indochina was, for the Japanese, the gateway to Southeast ASia, and hence to the rubber, tin, and oil of Malaya and the East Indies. The first Japanese moves toward Indochina were made in early 1939 when troops were landed on Hainan and the Spratly Islands. These actions were accompanied by increased pressures on the French and British concessions in China, and by restrictions on shipping in 3 the South China sea. response to these developments, the French
=0
lIndochina consisted of the colony of Cochinchina and the protectora~es of Annam, Tonkin, Cambodia, and Laos. Annam and Cochinchina now form So~th Vietnam. Tonkin corresponds generally to North Vietnam. ~e meter-gauge 862 km line to Yunnan was completed in 1910. Just before World War II the railroad carried about 3.l..i million passenge~s per year, mostly on short hauls. It also carried over 300,000 tons of freight; this substantially increased when the Chinese government moved to Chungking. 3Andrew Roth) Japan Strikes South, Institute of Pacific Relations, New York, 1941, p. 19. 4 . Of the 27,000 troops in Indochina in 1937) only 10,000 were listed as European.
was relatively
insignificant,
Moreover,
the possi~
disappeared,
Whatever
the Japanese
with
the French was cast aside at the news that France had capitulated. No sooner had the French ceased their resistance Japanese commission although demanded that the railroad to Yunnan of war material than the a control be closed to movements to station
that this would only lead to other demands. 1, 1940, in a note requesting the construction agreements sphere. that would troops across Tonkin, 2
Such demands were made on August of transit Indochina fields in the area, and economic
in fact bind
to the Japanese
informed
the United States of these develop~ents to resist was directly could provide. beginning Thus, of high-grade related steel, States But, the United
to the
had just placed an embargo upon shipments scrap, and aviation gas to Japan posed to go further at the time, any military assistance, and while
July 26, and was not Jiscould not hope for to prolong
the French
their negotiations
demanded.
~rench naval forces in the Far East at the outbreak of World War II censisted of the 8000-ton cruiser Lamotte-Picquet, two 2000ton sloops (the Admiral Cha rria and the Dumont dIUrville), two ancient r sloops of 600 tons (the Ma~e and the Tahure), plus a miscellany of auxiliary minesweepers, river gun boats, and service craft. Aircraft throughout Indochina totaled less than 90. ~illiam L. Langer and S. Everett Gleason, The Undeclared Council on Foreign Relations, New York, 1953, p. 9. War,
the use of three airfields in Tonkin, permission to station 6000 troops in the area, and authority to transit no more than 25,000 troops through Tonkin into Yunnan. It was also agreed that the
1
Japanese could evacuate one division from south China through Tonkin.
Meanwhile. in the United States there had been serious doubt over the effectiveness of the July 26 embargo. largely because it affecced only highly specialized items. During the month of August 1940) for
2
example, licenses were granted for the export to Japan of $21 million of petroleum products and 300,000 tons of steel and iron scrap.
by
Thus,
the time that the Japanese began to mOve into Tonkin, the United It should be noted that oil was not The oppon-
States was quite ready to react and extend its embargo to cover all types of iron and steel scrap. included in this extension, although certain members of the United States government were strongly in favor of the measure. ents of the move, which included the British, Dutch. and Australians, based their position on the conviction that if Japan were to be denied United States oil, it would take immedi-ate··actionto seize the East Indies. The merit of this thesis cannot be debated, but when an embargo upon oil was finally decided upon almost a year later, it did coincide with the final deterioration of the United States' relations ~ith the Japanese. Thailand meanwhile looked upon these events as providing the opportunity to regain territories that had been ceded to Indochina by the treaties of 1893 and 1907.3 Accordingly, Thai forces began a series of probing attacks along the Cambodian border andt
by
December,
lIbid., p. 15. The Japanese division to be evacuated did not await the end of the negotiations, but launched an attack on September 23 against the French at the border town of Langson. Losses were heavy on both sides, and the siCuation was only res tored wh.en the Japanese advance was halted on the 25th. 2Ibid., p. 18. 3Lawrence K. Rosinger and Associates, The State of Asia, American Institute of Pacific Relations, New York, 1951, p. 271.
At this time
it became evident that French ground forces could not hold, and to relieve the pressure against them, the French moved their naval units into the Gulf of Thailand to seek out the Thai fleet. The engagement that took place on January 17, 1941, off the Koh Chang Islands was a l decisive defeat for the superior Thai naval forces. This precipitated Japanese intervention in the form of demands for an armistice. which the French were quick to accept. end of the month. Having closed the back door to China by moving forces into Tonkin, the Japanese next turned to the task of exploiting Indochina's position as the gateway to Southeast Asia. 1941. For this purpose, the Japanese government addressed a series of new demands to the French on July 14, The French, pressed by the Germans at home and finding no The agreements reached in late July pervisible means of support elsewhere, came to terms with the Japanese more quickly than before. mitted the Japanese to use eight airfields in south Indochina, the naval facilities at Saigon and Cam Ranh Bay, and to deploy unspecified numbers of troops into the country; set to become a Japanese base. The United States' reaction to this development was conveyed to the Japanese Ambassador in Washington by the Acting Secretary of State, Mr. Sumner Welles, on July 23 in the following words:3 The movement now undertaken by Japan could only be regarded by the United States as having two probable purposes, neither of which purposes this government could ignore: First, the United States could only assume that the occupation of Indochina by Japan constituted notice 1 Paul Auphan and Jacques Mordal, The F~ench Navy in World War II, U.S. Naval Institute, Annapolis, 1959, p. 195.
2
3Ibid., p. 644.
to the United States that the Japanese government intended to pursue a policy of force and conquest, and second, that in the light of these acts on the part of Japan, the United States, with regard to its own safety in the light of its own preparations for self-defense, must 3ssume that the Japanese government was taking the last step before proceeding upon a policy of totalitarian expansion in the South Seas through the seizure of additional territories in that region. Deeds then follo-wed upon words, and on July 26 an executive order freezing all Japanese funds and assets in the United States was announced. This was followed by notification to Japan that the Panama Further, Philippine military Finally, the shipment to Canal would be closed for repairs.
forces were mustered into service with the United States Army. on August 1 the Presideni issued an order ~rohibiting SUitable for use as aviation fuels.
1
Japan of a list of strategic materials to include petroleum products Thus. positions hardened) and although negotiations between the United States and Japan were continued, the course toward Pearl Harbor was set. The opening moves of the war were a series of surprise attacks launched by the Japanese within a few hours of one another over the far reaches of the Pacific world. based in the home islands. The attack against Pearl Harbor was the task of Vice Admiral Naguwo's Pearl Harbor Striking Force, The moves against: Guam and Wake were the Hong General Homma's responsibility of Admiral Inouye's Fourth Fleet~ based at Truk. Kong was the target of locally based Japanese forces.
invasion of the Philippines was a two-pronged operation with the 14th Army striking from Formosan staging areas against northern Luzon, while other elements from Palau landed on Mindanao and Jato. the thai-Malay border by General Yamashita's Finally, Indochina served as the springboard for the amphibious assault astride 25th Army, and for the This overland inVasion of Thailand by the Imperial Guards Division.
- h·e ~nvas~on . t
0f
last was followed shortly by General Iida's 15th Army, whose task was
Burma. 2
lIbid., p. 65l. ~asanobu Tsuji, Singapore, The J~panese Version, St. Martin's Press) New York, 1960.
As a consequence of these events the 30,000 European civilians 1 in Indochina found themselves in the precarious position of living in the midst of a native popu1atiQn that had on several occasions in the past demonstrated its nationalist tendencies, and a Japanese military community that looked upon the area as its own. Moreover, the French in Indochina were soon torn by the same doubts and dissensions over Vichy and Free France as their compatriots in Africa and in Europe. The combination of these factors, aggravated by the distance and isolation of Indochina from the stream of events in Europe and Africa, serves to explain in large part why there did not develop any immediate significant resistance movement in Indochina. For the Japanese, Indochina was a source of supplies and a well situated strategic base. And, since these assets could be exploited This, however, was with little difficulty, it served their purpose to allow the French to retain the outward trappings of authority. completely unsatisfactory to the Free French who, from the time that they had renewed their struggle against the Axis. entertained the hope of an early liberation of Indochina. These hopes began to take
2
form in the fall of 1943 when a decision was made to organize an Expeditionary Corps for operations in the Far East. At the same time French military personnel joined Force 136, an organization that had been created by the British in India for covert and commando type operations in Southeast Asia. In similar fashion, another French group had been established in Kunming in south China, initially to waintain contact with French elements in Indochina; and later to provide the basis for an agent net extending along the northern Indochinese border areas.
3
lCreat Britain, Naval Intelligence Division, Indochina, Geographical Handbook Series, 1942, p. 250. It should be noted that these figures related to all perSOns classed as Europeans regardless of race, color, Or nationality. Zu.S. Army in World War II, Rearming the French, Office of the Chief of Military History, Washington, D.C., 1957, p. 390. 3Jean Sainteny, Histoire d'un Paix Manqute, Amiot-Dumont, Paris, 1953, p. 21.
7
Liaison bet~een these t~o French groups in the Fa~ East was complicated by the fact that in accordance with Allied Command arrangements, Indochina was in the China theater. under Generalissimo strategic responsibility. This, while technically Chiang Kai-Chek, was in fact an area of American There was thus a wide difference in atti-
tude toward the French serving in India under Admiral Mountbatten's sympathetic South East Asia Command, and those forming Mission 5 in Kunming, where the Americans, reflecting Presid@nt Roosevelt1s anticolonial views, and particularly his reluctance to see the French return to Indochina, were cool and reserved.
1
Despite all difficulties, a resistance in Indochina did develop, and as the tide of war in the Pacific turned against the Japanese, the French became increasingly defiant. This situation eventually The French losses in became intolerable, and on March 9, 1945, the Japanese struck against the scattered French garrisons in the country. these actions were heavy, but by May some 6000 troops, mostly Europeans, 2 had fought their way out and were regrouped in south China. The Japanese then turned to native political figures to establish the forms of new government. the old name of Vietnam. On March 11, Baa Dai proclaimed the independence of the Empire of Annam, uniting Tonkin and Annam under Ihis was followed, on March 13, by the Admittedly Cambodia and Laos declaration of independence of the King of Cambodia; that of the King of Laos then followed on 20 April. ese in those countries. enjoyed a considerable degree of freedom, since there were few JapanHowever, there was little self-rule in Vietnam, and the weakness of the Baa Dai regime was emphasized by the unwillingness of many nationalists to support it, and by the fact that the Japanese had retained direct control of Cochinchina.
Charles de Gaulle, Salvation, 1944-1946, Simon and Shuster, New York, 1960, p. 191.
~.s.Army
support
explained
by
in Indochina.
In the the
of these groups,
including
uprisings
that had all been put down involved to Indein 1941, they began
consequence,
many of the revolutionaries of Ho Chi Minh as the Vietnam called Viet Minh the confidence docile under Chinese
under
League.
in abbreviated
of Generalissimo group, the spy, sponsorship. Ho was evenguerrilla in
form, was too far to the left to enjoy Kai-Chek, Revolutionary League,
coalition
and the Viet Minh had become and infiltrating 1 the avowed
was undertaken
While Vietnam
purpose
This is affirmed
in handbills would
1945 which
destroy
and that it was for the Viet Minh to destroy the French, who 2 then in difficult straits. In any event, by May 1945 there were in Tonkin under Viet Minh control, and shortly before the of Japan the Viet Minh had organized to set up a new regime. to implement when and Chinese these plans occupation came during forces the month in Saigon the a People's National
Committee
the Japanese
capitulated,
and Hanoi
respective1y.3
On August
25, Emperor
lRosinger,
decree
of abdication
which
transferred
wa s
"our authority
to the Democratic
2 by
Republican
government."
This
followed
on September
of independence of Vietnam
in Hanoi
thus created
authority
Annam, events
In August 1945, the capitulation of the Japanese forces before the Soviet Army and the Allied forces, put an end to the world war. The defeat of the German and Nippon fascists was the beginning of a great weakening of the capitalist system. After the great victory of the Soviet Union, many people's democracies saw the light of day; The socialist system was no longer confined within the f~ontiers of a single country. A new historic era was beginning in the world. In view of these changes, in Viet Nam; the Indochinese Communist Party and the Viet Minh called the whole Vietnamese nation to general insurrection. Everywhere, the people rose in a body. Demonstrations and displays of fo~ce followed each othe~ uninterruptedly. In August, the Revolution broke out, neutralising the bewi1de~ed Nippon troops, overthrowing the pro-J&panese feudal authorities, and installing people's power in Hanoi and throughout the country, in the towns as well as in the countryside, in Bac Bo [No~th Vietnam] as well as in Nam Bo [South Vietnaml. In Hanoi, the capital, in :sicj September 2nd, the provisional gouvernment [sic] was formed around President Ho Chi Minh; it presented itself to the nation, proclaimed the independence of Viet Nam, and called on the nation to unite, to hold itself in readiness to defend the country and to oppose all attempts at imperialist aggreSSion. The Democratic Republic of Viet Nam was born; the first people's democracy in Southeast Asia. At the time of the Japanese 700 military wealth pe~sonnel
in India
the French
to accompany in Indochina
the Commonbelow
fo~ces ordered
to occupation detachment
16th parallel.
An initial
of 150 French
landed with
War, People's
Arm,(, Frederick
A. Praeger,
10
Ghurka
on September
12.
The remainder
. 1
were embarked
two Commonwealth
in SCligon had been tense for some time, and when General Gracey,
broke out between the French and Vietnamese, commander, troops ~hom imposed martial the Japanese law.
had interned a few months before. to regain control of the the French
On September city.
nevertheless General
ceremonies in Tokyo, soon arrived in Saigon to assume command of French 2 forces. On October 15 he flew to Cambodia, arrested the pro-Japanese premier, and cleared the way for a new government that would eventually over the country. 3
22, the initial element of the French Expeditionary Divisian~ began As This was followed in November Leclerc by the 9th Colonial formed them that this once
Corps proper, a combat command from the 2nd Armored in Saigon. Division, and in December by a brigade
these additional
into flying columns which he used to extend French whole of Indochina south of the 16th parallel.
He realized
control was at best tenuous, the French troduce the French presence psychologically, ing him in the north.
reformed
he was anxious
to rein-
the south to pave the way-the far more difficult task await-
if nothing more--for
lThe details that follow are based primarily upon a series of lectures prepa~ed for the Ecole Superieure de Guerre (the French War College) on the Indochina War. 2The British formally relinquished the French in March 1946. 3A similar agreement control of south Indochina 1946. to
11
The return of th~ French in the south was facilitated by the cooperation of the British and the lack of firm control by the newly independent Vietnamese government over competing nationalist elements. The situation in the north was; however, far different. As soon
as
the word of the Japanese surrender reached Kunming, Yet, when he did arrive on August 22, he found
Jean Sainteny, the head of the French Mission there, made every effort to rush to Hanoi. there was little that he could do, for the government of Ho Chi Minh was firmly established in power, and the Chinese were expected to arrive momentarily to exercise their occupation functions. of the French thus became conditional on two counts: The return first, there had
to be an agreement whereby French troops would replace Chinese forces, and second, there had to be SOme form of accord with the Vietnamese government. The advance elements of the approximately 200,000 troops that the
Chinese were to dispatch to.Indochina nOl"th of the 16th parallel to receive the surrender of some 35,000 Japanese arrived in Ha~oi On September 15. There then began a period of systematic looting by the
at mor e
Chinese which, according to French estimates, involved the transfer of goods to China valued than 250 million Indochinese piasters. At this same time there retu~ned from exile certain Vietnamese nationalists, notably the Dong Minh Hoi party, who enjoyed the support of the Chinese military, and who had sufficient strength so that they could not be ignored by Ho Chi Minh. The French undertook negotiations with the Chinese in Chungking and, at the cost of major concessions, reached an agreement on February 28~ 1946, permitting them to move military forces into Indochina north of the 16th parallel. In this the french were probably assisted During this indirectly by the fact chat Chiang Kai-Chek needed his troops for operations against Chinese Communist forces in China. same period there had been a series of conve~sations between the French and Ho Chi Minh, in which it was evident there were compelling reasons for tolerance and compromise on both sides. Eventually this led to a "pre Limfnary agreement" which was signed in Hanoi' on March 6, 1946,
12
whereby
France recognized
Republic within
of Vietnam
as a
"free state of the Indochinese and the Vietnamese in friendly national government
fashion the French army when, in conformance it would relieve the Chinese of the preliminary
agreement,
Franco-Vietnamese
and On the very day it was signed, the first of the 15,000 French and troops that were to be allowed north of the 16th began landing in Haiphong.l The French forces entered Hanoi 18 and soon thereafter there were French and occupied garrisons in Tourane Additionally, the forces that had been Phong 5aly and Sam Neua and Moncay. In major
in Laos, and the China bot"der-area towns of Laichau sum, in a little more than six months strategic restored. In April 1946, a Vietnamese agreement delegation points throughout Indochina.
reached Paris
"the future
of Vietnam
sovereignty.
evident in the course of the prolonged the divergence of views between the firmness of their positions
lAS the French ships moved up the river toward Haiphong, they received heavy fire from the 130th Division of the 53rd Chinese Army. General Wang Hu Ruan, the commander, later explained that while he knew of the February 28 agreement concerning the relief of the Chinese by the French, he had not received implementing instructions. This was but one of many incidents that revealed the independent attitude of several Chinese commanders. It has been suggested that this independence was motivated by their desire to remain in Vietnam as long as possible and continue the accumulation of "tribute." In any event, the last Chinese unit did not leave Vi~tnam until September 1946.
13
impossible.
Haiphong on October 3 empty handed, Ho Chi Minh, who had participa~ed in many of the discussions during the previous months, remained in France to make
3
final effort co salvage something from this unhappy The result of this final gesture was
3
"modus vivendi" signed on Sep tembe r 14, 1946, which p resc ribed inte rim measures intended to harmonize relations between the French and Vietnamese pending the resumption of negotiations in January 1947. The situation in Vietnam meanwhile had been deteriorating. and there was little hope that policies of moderation and conciliation could continue to be entertained. During the four months that Ho Chi
COn-
Minh had been away f~om Vietnam, his deputy, Vo Nguyen Giap, had
solidated the power of the Viet Minh in the north, and had largely destroyed the prospects for any adjustment of the basic differences with the French. Indeed there waa ~ven a period when Ho Chi Minh independence By the time that Ho Chi was labeled a traitor to the cause of Vietnamese because of his dealings with the French.
Minh returned to Vietnam aboard a French warship on October 21, the two final acts that were to lead to open warfare were only a few weeks away. The first of these occurred in November when the French Navy seized
a
This touched
off the question of customs arrangements, which was already a sensitive issue between the French and Vietnamese. In the violence that quickly The second followed, the French unde~took operations to clear the city of Haiphong and caused heavy casualties among the civilian population.
act
was
fo~ces against the French in Hanoi during the evening of December 19. Open fighting then broke out throughout much of Indochina and, despite later attempts at negotiations, the rupture between the French and Vietnamese was complete. The Indochina War had begun.
In the months that followed, the French were able to hold their own, and by ~he spring of 1947, reinforced with elements from France and Africa, they held the area frDm Hanoi to HaiphDng, together with
14
an extension centered
on Nam Dinh.
In central Annam,
the approach
to Laos inland from Dong Hs along Route 9. together ~.Jiththe into the upper mountain forces, had moved
At the same time, Ho Chi Minh and his government, major portion of the Viet Minh country of Tonkin near the Chinese border. Following upon an abortive offensive attempt
for a resumption
of negotiations embarked
by
between the French and Vietnamese upon a political the beginning ing the former Emperor
invit~
division of Vietnam
Bao Dai had, upon his abdication the Ho Chi Minh government
as an advisor.
been sent to China, from where he had never returned. time of the French approach, limited following in Vietnam. making any commitments Under the circumstances,
occurred on May 20, 1948; when pro Baa Dai groups were able to organize Central Government until April of Vietnam. 1949, when not return to Vietnam the way had been clea~ed
for him to become Chief of State. The United States supported January 1950 the French government these developments; ratified and when in
Associated
States that cleared away the last legal formalities both the United States to it.
aid to restore
in Indochina.
15
First, the
extension of Communist control over the whole of China in 1949 provided Ho Chi Minh with a secure and readily accessible supporting base immediately to his rear. Then, in early 1950 the government of fioChi Minh was formally recognized by Communist China and the USSR. Finally, in mid-year, the schism between the major opposing factions in Indochina and cheir adherents throughout the world was deepened and widened by the outbreak of the Korean war. In the military domain,' the French had decided to take advantage of the dry season during the latter part of 1947 to seek out and destroy the main Viet Minh forces in the Tonkin highlands. troops. They estimated that the task would take six months and require 20,000 However, because of developments in Madagascar, only 12,000 troops, including four infantry battalions borrowed from Cochinchina, could be assembled for offensive operations in Tonkin, which, moreover, had to be terminated by the end of the year. Operations began on October 8, 1947! with the drop of two parachute battalions on Cao Bang and Bac Kan. This was followed by the sweep The 1a~ger of two task forces advancing parallel to one another. Cao Bang, and as far west as Thai Nguyen.
force of 8000 men moved overland out of Langson along Route 4 to The smaller force of 4000 These operations men moved up the Clear River as far as Tuyen Quang.
were successful in that the Viet Minh were cleared out of the northeast border area and more of the frontier was brought under French control. However, the main Viet Minh forces had been driven off rather destroyed) and the requirement to garrison additional remote border posts aggravaced what was already a preca~ious position for the French. Early in 1948 Cochinchina became increasingly insecure and it was necessary to return the battalions that had been borrowed. At the same time the ground component of the Expeditionary Corps was gradually reduced in strength to the point where, in May, it had dropped from 115,000 to 108,000 men. Despite these ~roblems, the French considered it essential to mak€ every effort to improve the cohesiveness of their dispositions, which at the time included numbers of remote and separated units. In Cdchinchina, this decision led to the establishment of
16
along Route 4, and the initiation support of the ethnic minorities In mid-year, following
ment under Bao Dai, there was a shift in the military politico-military Vietnamese commander while activities for the purpose Corps. General
emphasis
that of seeking battle with the Viet Minh to that of engaging of enhancing Blaizot, solidarity in support of the new government. still required approval
FrancoThe new
of the Expeditionary
had suggested
substantial the
forces, and before leaving had obtained of 12 additional recruitment military of native Indochinese
to Indochina. personnel
formations
had also begun. of these actions during the personnel the months situation began co
As a consequence
firmly linked together, and" could be resupplied This in turn released substantial These same operations controlled
airlift capacity
also served to cut in two the vast Viet Minh from Vinh, on the coast, clear up to
Ha Giang on the Chinese border. As a result of all of these activities, French the positions of the
beginning
the Viet Minh was making their garrisons resupply the situation The monthly
ingly costly fo~ the French become a major operation. was favorable.
to resupply
In Cochinchina,
was progreSSing
satisfactorily
17
six battalions to cover 300 km of coastal fringe. The Viet
Minh had moved well armed elements into the plateau area, and these were harassing the French and were infiltrating into the villages, where they were regaining control over the people. become quite ha~ardous. At this same time, the flow of reinforcements and the recruiting of local perso'nnelhad permitted the buildup of the ground forces to 122,000 men. This was still far less than what was required, but it did nevertheless represent a net gain coming at a propitious moment. General Blaizot had been following developments in China closely since the fall of 1948, and had concluded ~hat Chinese Communist forces could reach the Indochina border by mid-1949. Accordingly, he had urged upon M. Leon Pignon, the High Commissioner, a plan calling for a major military effort in the north to weaken and disorganize the Viet Minh to the maximum extent possible before Chinese assistance could be made available. The High Commissioner was, howeve~, deeply involved in the delicate negotiations that were to return Bao Dai to Vietnam in April 1949, and did not want to risk the possibility of perturbations in the south that might adversely affect the forthcoming ar~angements. In February 1949 he therefore rejected General Blaizot's proposals for large-scale offensive operations in the north in favor of an extension of the pacification, particularly in Cochinchina and Annam. The decision was reversed in March whe~ the government in Paris, alarmed by the Chinese threat, directed the deployment of additional forces to Indochina. In response to this new development, the French command proposed first to gain firm control over the rice-producing area north of the general Hanoi-Haiphong line to deny the res~urces to the Viet Minh. Following upon that, and as further reinforcements These bases were to be used by At the same time became available, advance offensive bases were to be established at Thai Nguyen, Phu Tho, and Yen Bay_ mobile forces tasked with penetrating into the Viet Minh mountain ~edoubt to effect the maximum destruction there. Moreover, Route 9 from Dong Ha On the coast to Savannakhet on the Mekong Rive~ had
18
that these offensive border mobile against area garrisons formations. possible
the several
and consolidated.
recovered
Chinese
incursions
by covering
at
the southern
exits of the highlands. in June 1949 and, as the first reinforceCOntrol was extended to the north of Hanoi increasingly
arrived
from France,
of Bae Ninh, Phu Lang Thuong, Vinh ,Yen, and Phuc it had become to continue to implement the plan, since the
capabilities
to attack and seize Pho Lu; SQme 30 km the Red River enterS China. the French position
only served to further also permitted tions with north Annam. fied their efforts northeast. October
isolate
to reestablish
their overland
At the same time, the Viet Minh had intensithe French line of communications upon the September
that the French had had to turn of the 500 tons of supplies The French had hoped of the burden
the delivery
each month.
their 12 battalions
in the northeast
they would have been able to against Viet Minh to undertake communications
most of 1950, the French were unable of Lang Son were confined
and indeed many of the garrisons to their defensive in the area was
1These moves were directed by General B1aizot shortly final departure from Indochina on September 2, 1949.
before his
19
enjoyed by the Viet Minh, who made full use of the opportunity to accumulate supplies from China and undertake the systematic training of thousands of recruits in base camps organized in China near the border. The situation remained generally inconclusive until SepCember 16, 1950, when the Viet Minh carried by assault the French-held post at Dong Khe on Route 4. Ihis was accompanied by renewed Viet Minh activAs a consequence of these evidences ity in the vicinity of Lao Kay.
of Viet Minh offensive strength, the French decided to consolidate their forces in the northwest border area around Lao Kay, and to withdraw all garrisons along Route 4 beyond Langson. around Lao Kay was carried out without difficulty. Bang on October 3! 1950, had a disastrous outcome. aggregating 15,000 men. their equipment. These costly misfortunes, aggravated by a developing Viet Minh encirclement in the Lao Kay area, forced the French to undertake further withdrawals and consolidations of their forces. were completed in November 19Sq, When these movements the French held only the heart of the The consolidation However, the series The Viet Minh sensed
of operations in the northeast that began with the evacuation of Cao the significance of the French moves and quickly assembled a force These were employed with such speed and skill that in ten days the outnumbered French had lost seven battalions and
Tonkin delca, togethe~ with a narrow coastal strip from Haiphong to Moncay, plus the high ground in the northwest between Than Uyea and Nghia La. these events made it abundantly clear that Chinese aid l to the In
Viet Minh had made the French posicion in Indochina highly precarious, and that the main French effort had to be made in the north.
lThe extent of this aid is difficult to ascertain. However, the French report that the following was furnished during the second half of 1952: 20 howitzers, 10S-mm; 2000 machine pistols; 80 heavy machine guns; 100 trucks; 130,000 pairs of shoes; 2 summer uniforms per man; 800,000 liters of gasoline; 10,000 rounds, l05-rnm; 1 million rounds, .50 cal; 300 tons of medical supplies.
20
response to the gravity of the situation, the French consolidated the po~ers of the High Commissioner and Commander in Chief in the person of General de Lattre de Tassigny on December 17, 1950. They also undertook) in agreement with Baa Dai, to organize an independent Vietnamese Army whose immediate function would be to relieve part of the Expeditionary Corps of pacification duties so that the main French forces could be concentrated in the north. At this same time the By the end of 1950, French government dispatched additional forces to Indochina to cOmpensate for the losses that had been sustained. therefore, the strength of the Expeditionary Corps was slightly higher than the 152,000 men with which it had started the year. The dynamic personality of General de Lattre, who personally took command in Hanoi, quickly made itself felt. Viet Minh efforts to exploit their successes of September and October 1950 by new attacks in December and January were checked--the last with unusually high Viet Minh losses. The French pOsitions around the delta were improved In the regrouping and reorganization by the organization of a system of fortified posts similar to the ones that had been built in the south. of the French forces, the organization of mobile groups, and the creation of speCialized commandos for long-range counterguerrilla and intelligence gathering missions were among the more notable innovations. In May 1951 the Viet Minh launched a violent attack against Ninh Binh. action. This was repulsed and marked the last time that the Viet Minh made an effort to penetrate into the Tonkin delta by direct military
still held only the Tonkin delta plus an extension along the coast to In addition, they held the highlands to the west of the delta This isolated area was separated from the in the area above Nghia La.
main French delta position by a Viet Minh line of cOmmunications that linked their northern mountain redoubt with the Than Hoa area along. the coast south of the delta. In November 1951 the French launched The an operation to seize Hoa Binh and sever these communications.
21
violent Viet Minh reaction that eventually involved sOme 40,000 of their troops. In the course of the numerous engagements that ensued, the French were finally forced eo evacuate their forward positions. Nevertheless, when che campaign ended in March 1952, General Salan) the new Commander in Chief,l expressed general satisfa~tion with the operation in that it had cost the Viet Minh 22,000 casualties) as against French losses of 1,588. In October 1952, after having regrouped and rebuilt their forces, the Viet Minh launched a general offensive in the northwest. In the course of two months of violent combat in difficult mountain country the Viet Minh succeeded in confining the French into the two strongholds of Na San and Lai Chau. vigorous Viet Minh attacks. 1,500 dead. These pOSitions were held despite The last of such attacks launched against
Na San during the night of December 1-2, 1952, cost the Viet Minh In January 1953 the Viet Minh resumed their offenSive, The French but shifted the weight of their effort to upper Laos. the Plain of Jars and Luang Prabang.
were forced upon the defensive and weJ;'e only able to hold, bases in By May, when the Viet Minh In October 1953 the General Navarre, paused again, they controlled all of upper Laos. preViously been evacuated by the French in August.
Viet Minh resumed their offensive and threatened Lai Chau; Na San had who had assumed command in Indochina a few months before, considered that it was necessary to divert the Viet Minh from Lai Chau and cover Laos. He accordingly directed that a communication center near the landed at Dien Bien Laos border be occupied for this purpose, and at 10:35 On the morning of November 20, 1953, the first French parachutists Phu. The final act of the Indochina War had begun.
23
Commander
in Chief
Volume 2
2S
Commander Far Ea s t
in Chief
The enemy we fought for the past nine years used, under of self-criticism, a time honored practice of our own a~ed
This collective
brutal
realities
to be able to hear the truth. to be learned from the campaign in Indochina which
of all ranks.
to a variety
of
instructions,
and
the course
of hostilities.
major operations,
summaries,
by the staff of the Commander it has been difficult as to time, place, to correspond the material
the several
they applied.
requirements,
to organize
covers
and politico-military
26
character, operations o
are of COnCern
It con-
tains a summary
of the problems
in the course of
called upon to counter a similar of Europe. o Finally, general the third volume, with character
type of rebellion
distribution
seeks to group all the lessons of a more which have a bearing upon tactical
the contents
and the third may seem at times debatable. with the thousand the other dQals mainly with European-style division, fortunes based on convenience, of war admit only of didactical
and One fo rms of the Viet Minh guerrilla, combat methods. classification. must not lead one to forget
lsi P. Ely
General, French Army Commissioner General of France and Commander in Chief, Indochina
27
CASUALTIES OF THE INDOCHINA WAR
I.
3 Generals 8 Colonels 18 Lieutenant-Colonels 69 Majors 341 Cap tains 1,140 Lieutenants 2,683 6,008 12,019 14,093 2. MISSING French French and 2nd Lieutenants Officers A£rican, and Corps
Non-Commissioned Soldiers
enlisted
of the Expeditionary
1 Lieutenant~Colonel
5 Maj ors
60 Captains 134 Lieutenants and 2nd Lieutenants Officers and Soldiers African, and Corps ranks; North-African, personnel 2,755 Non-Commissioned 5,791 NCO and other Legionnaires 12,830
3.
Indigenous
enlisted
of the Expeditionary
WOUNDED
20,899 24,347
26,924 Indigenous
4. MEDICAL EVACUEES )1,291 5. Officers
PRISONERS
LIBERATED
16,118 Officers
and men
28
II.
AIR FORCE
1.
49 Other ranks
2.
243 Non-Commissioned
52 Other
III. NAVY
Officers
ranks
1.
39 Petty Officers
235 Seamen
Year
1947 (heaviest 1950 1953 1954 (Vietnamese Army only) losses)
Killed
5,345
Wounded
9,790 6,473
2,849 2,590
9,203 6,822
29
FIRST
PART
*****
****
** **
111£ guerrilla objective, objective aspirations for it will support, it will which
war
fail.
is incompacible
it will
fqil as well,
in this
recede or become
31
I.
appear to begin when opposition to established law and order acquires sufficient influence over the population to provoke disturbances. In Indochinat such a period undoubtedlY began about 1925 and It thus lasted Some twenty years and could
waS highlighted by the grave incidents of 1930 in North Annam and in the Tonkin delta area. have lasted longer had not events arising from the war, namely, the elimination of French authority by the Japanese in 1945, given the Viet Minh Party the opportunity to fill the void created. The lessons to be drawn from this period only confirm several
we
If
the incipient insurgency was not suspected, and the rebellion did not follow a traditional pattern--a development that took us by surprise.
SYMPTOMS OF INCIPIENT INSURGENCY
The various reports relating to the prewar situation gave an optimistic view of internal security and placed responsibility the use of force was normal and adequate. "One might wonder if the errors committed in estimating the situation were not due in part to the ultra-conservative training trends, of our administrators who were unable to discern evolutionary the Vietnamese people."l Here is what a man supposedly well experienced in matters related to Indochina wrote in 1932 after the .epression of the Yen-Bai revolt which he blamed on too wide a diffusion of our ideas and on our exc e ssLva Iy liberal policies. 2 "Rather than undermine tradition, for the incidents and disturbances upon lawless individuals against whom
and in part to their standards of living which kept them apart from
I1How
They Think."
32
it would
be wise
to rely on it and not do anything which might be In this manner, our successors will tD as the future is revealed
contrary
or alien to it ....
rse
of
tD the ideologies
and stand ready tD satisfy not only their material emotional needs. these events,
Colonel N, who had followed On the use of force relating revolts were brought cost dearly! to heel:
commented
incident:
triumphs
INSURGENCY
animated by a racial patriotism replaced and a new set Qf flags"
A
gradually
the "black
and
Paris or trained in China or even Moscow were the mass of the population. of the areaS frDm which through the traditional xenophobia, propaganda recognized
recruited
as the natural
opinion
appeals used to arouse native masses: etc. The Communist techniques of also helped classes. i.e., nationalism and Marxism, was them to qUickly gain the
dualism,
by a dualism
CDlonel X, zone commander in North Vietnam. ASee translator's footnotes at the end of each section.
33
it had secured
It found,
in fact, This
a certain
combination
deg~ee of sympathy
from within
and government.
of sympathy
the phase
and material
1945.
a fact already
or reveal movements,
possessions:
It is in the provinces
itself to be proud,
that the ~evolt has taken the region etc.). It is striking often
on the most acute and intense of Vinn, the mountains to compare battles ~hich occurred
the history of certain The events were Some of the writings in the same vein
the conquest.
from Tonkinese
Mandarins
as Viet Minh pamphlets. The modern tional factors. urban facilitated era was to add its awn contributions of a proletariat (in particular to these tradi19,
the patience
conditions in
to be found
34
for law and order have to intervene and social level than at the police that the task of maintaining law and
;!'
"Effectiveness
As long as the leaders of the revolt must exercise and caution, we must not resort to severe repressive is up to the authorities, therefore,
measures.
"Rebel It
leaders will always try to burn their bridges and become outlaws. to ensure that SOme link with
rally with-
to
insurgen.cy
the Armed
,
us with few positive of the deficiencies concern officers lessons On this in our readiness to "native
The Indochina War provides issue, but it does point up measures. Many officers
SOme
expressed
Corps lacked a group of "area qualified" affairs" officers available A multiplicity officers assisted problems relating
for North Africa. can only be resolved by qualified by civilian officials. These include the conduct of etc., by almost
of problems as necessary
of intelligence,
and training
In Indochina
to people who did not know the area and who neither nor any of the local dialects, liaison with and consequently could the inhabitants.
effective
of South Vietnam.
35
Specialists are indispensible from the very beginning of a preinsurgency pe~iod; for it goes without saying that their recruitment and training cannot be the work of several weeks or even several months. The preparation of the theater of operations is no less necessary. It should include in particular: o General staff studies on command structure, territorial organization, and initial operations. to be undertaken on the basis of two or three simple assumptions. o A complete documentation
on
area folders and transportation maps. o Initial development of facilities as finances permit (lines of communication, naval and air bases, logistics installations, signal communications, etc). The intelligence gathering activities should be organized by the identification of potential agents, the establishment of suitable contacts, and the creation of agent nets in hostile zones. under Marxist control was confirmed.) (In Indochina, the difficulty of introducing agents into a region already Thus, the first steps to establish agent nets must be taken (.ell in advance.
COMMITMENT OF FORCES
When Violence, sabotage, and rioting reach the stage when such acts can no longer be controlled by the police, it becomes necessary to use the Armed Forces. But it would be well to avoid "The but it does not Armed forces, certain mistakes, which Colonel Xl has emphasized as follows: physical presence of armed forces is neces$a~, follow that these must be actively engaged.
To do so precipitately
most often used to protect critical areas and communications (these Zone commander in Tonkin, who had also traveled extensively in IndOChina.
1
36
being ment,
the essential
facilities
required
by
the military,
Onu selected
fixed rule. force
if necessary,
but without
securing likely
quickly Forces
If it appears
are to be actively
it is absolutely
necessary
this eventuality a
on secondary
missions.
Clearing, yield
sweeping,
and related
deceptive
results
not compatible
involved. demonstrate
they irritate
ineffectiveness.
they are
to be undertaken
period
significant limited
prolonged.
This means
nature
must
defined
as the results
are expected
The seriousness
arising
of the forces
be adequate
short massive
demonstrations
of weak
operations. should
In short,
the principle
of forces
be rigorously under
the engagement
of forces
that what
(beyond
action)
opinion.
37
the services
specialized
:40
such
In conclusion,
available to prepare
insurgency
can be
identified, it is essential
to use the remaining time that may be and to set uP. if need
forces becomes
inevitable,
their commitment
must be undertaken
effect
on
will be as important
Translator's
Notes
~"B1ac;:k flags" was a term originally used co designate Chinese pirates who roamed the Tonkin highlands until 1910. It later continued in use as a term to identify oandit groups, 6 The events of December 19, 1946, were more than "urban dist u rbanc es" in that this date marks the beginning of open warfare between French and Viet Minh forces. cFrench forces arriving in Indochina at the end of World War II were organized and equipped as were comparable U,S. units.
38
II.
PSYCHOLOGICAL
Warfare
always involves a conflict between two doctrines when one of the adversaries concepts of world affairs.
two wills.
In addi-
tion, civil war brings another opposition that of differing The multiple weaknesses
into opposition.
There is yet
is inspired by Marxism--
causes which
led to the triumph of the Vit:.t rigidity and over the governmental too well known; there ex i.s ed constitnt
Minh ideology over the social of traditional HOne could not reestablish
tional and social disorder."l,2 There is not one French bitterness soldier, below embarked factors. obliged fighting man who has not expressed For instance, his
that he, as a
WaS
"In 1946, to carry out our duties, we two rows of guards as if we were maleby
the Vietnamese
of the statements
are more bitter and reflect .11£ we were unable it is because we did not to Communism from "The
the 1:0
Captain P;
propaganda,
offer a positive
as an alternative
which would have come a doc t rLne and- a faith." Franco-Vietnamese the traditions, backed everything the old people, desires~ etc.
Colonel N:
that was dying in this country: The Viet Minh used all that etc,"
ideals~ youth,
Commander
x.
The Viet Minh made much of statistics such as these: 58 percent of Vietnamese families do not own an inch of land, 39 percent own less than 5 hectares; 2 percent own from 5 to 20 hectare$~ and 0.34 percent possess more than 50 hectares (translation of document No. 953/FTNV/2 of April 6, 1955).
Lieutenant
Z of the F.T.S.V.
39
However, the
fact remains that "ideology was one of if not the principal weapon in the struggle and could not be ignored, since the support of the people was the issue and our adversary was Communism."l The Expeditionary Corps was unfortunately denied the right to use this ideological weapon axcept in certain domains and then only under severe restrictions. Ihus, this section will simply recount our successes and failures in those areaS where the several Commanders in Chief were able to engage in psychological warfare with considerable reservations. IMPACT ON THE VIEINAMESE PEOPLE In the zones that our units attempted to sanitize or preserve from Viet Minh contamination, as arms. But the troops and the cadres were, with rare exception, rather poor at persuasion and indoctrination. training: First of all, they lacked "Political action is not part: of our training •.•our cadres
. 2
were ill at ease and unhappy over problems concerned with making contacts with the population, of propaganda, etc.1I tiThe majority of the cadres revealed again and again a profound ignorance on the subject: of civic action ...these destroyed what others had worked so hard to build. Take, for example, the Village of 0, on the Bassac. One of our platoon leaders had ,ucceeded by dint of much patience in winning over and resettling 2,OQO inhabitants in what had been au abandoned area, of the people. This village waS the pride of my company. UnfortunatelY, upon our departure, an incompetent took charge and lost the confidence It did not take more than 15 days for D to be entirely abandoned and burned by the very people who had inhabited it, who preferred to return to the Viet Minh zone rather than put up with the
1 2
40
of an unsatisfactory
commander aspects
and of military
personnel
In attempting
ou s officers
saw:
passage
of
a mobile
left without
us
forever
those who had been giving us the Viet Minh.,,2 to a general ignorance
us against
of political
"We often
specialists.,,3
in native
a commander
could expect his troops to have On by the very form of the operations. "that psychological When the Viet for on
noticed,"
writes
Commaride r P (F.T.N.V.),
interconnected. or carried
the population
When we mounted
the
an operation
however.
population
was subjected
violence
provided
and intelligence."
In the regions under Viet Minh control, where forays, We almost always had to pay for military
we
sometimes by
made
advantages
lCaptain
41
return of the Franco-Vietnamese forces observed a benevolent neutrality toward us and even gave us some tokens of loya Lty , later found themselves abanaoned to Viet Minh reprisals. attempt to rally the population. Considering how unfavorable the conditions were, it is easy to explain the mediocrity of the results obtained. The utilization of modern propaganda methods had not; however, been totally neglected. From 1946 to 1952, a "propaganda section" was included in the staff of the Commander in Chief and in those of the territo"ial commanders. This staff section prOVided both instructional guidance and materiel support to the zone and sector intelligence officers. In 1953 a "Bureau of Psychological Warfare" waS added to the staff of the Commander in Chief. increasing funds. Courses for training propagandists were organized. All types of This organization received ever Therefore, a raid Dr a foray into a noncontrolled ZOne should never be associated with any
p~inted matter, bulletins, and posters were distribut@d; exhibition rooms were set up; mobile units were equipped with sound mnplifi~rs; millions of pamphlets were air-droppedl and airplanes equipped with loudspeakers were used frequently. This belated effort was~ however~ handicapped by the scarcity of competent personnel. For "modern ideological wars reqUire personnel Aside from questions of trained in political action and propaganda.
doctrine, there is a technique with which the greatest possible number of officers must be acquainted, and in which a certain number 2 should specialize. II
lThirty-one million in the month of January 1951 alone, Commander 5, commander of s/sector F.T.S.V.
42
UIPACT ON ENEMY TROOPS \Vhile direct propaganda hold of the political on Viet Minh troops re su l t e-' or deserters because
c;
were handled
in several ways.
Those who did not period, transto recruit to our troops. effort, lif~
after a probationary
ferred to labor units coolies who willingly became devoted Without an intentional
and extraordinarily
psychological auxiliary
a kind of unarmed
in the esprit de corps of their units. "In my battalion,11 says Captain absorbed of loyalty partisans.IIB In regard to P.I.M. who had to undergo Psychological Action from 1952 onwards. majority In the camps where a detention period, the (underground searches, X (F.T.S.V.), "we rapidly evidence
our IP.I.M.' and there were many who gave positive for example)
impact the
operated,
of prisoners, government,
to be receptive
to indoctrination Army,
the prospects
and capable
of receiving
technical
These personnel, designated under the general name of P.I.M. (Interned Military Prisoners), fell into different categories according to their origins (regular, guerrilla, political cadre) and their degree of contamination. 2 For example, 2,000 P.I.M. were treated thus in Camp X; in the Tonkin in 1952-1954, 900 served in the Vietnamese Army, where they served with honor; 1,100 were able to be released.
43
These two completely different kinds of results illustrate that political reeducation is possible. prisoners into the same camp. In addition, they condemn a penal system that throws together, without distinction, all An effort to assure a ~egree of comfort to the captives and, of course, the suppression of all brutality, is essential for the creation of an atmosphere conducive to rehabilitation. VIET MINH INFLUENCE ON OUR TROOPS With the exception of indigenous units recruited from ethnic minorities which were always hostile to the Viet Minh because of racial differences, the Vietnamese Army. The Dich Van movement (literally, to approach the enemy) was carefully nurtured by the Viet Minh National Defense Ministry. Abundant documentation proving this fell into our hands. the enemy found a favorable ground for its propaganda among nacive personnel in our units and, of course, in
With regard to the Vietnamese nationals, the fallowing arguments were used: sideration. liThe Vietnamese soldier is not an enemy; he is a Istrayl_Simultaneou$ly~ pressure--in truth, blackmail--was used at the most, a. rebel.'t If he rallies he will be treated with conagainst his family. The proximity of our forces to those of the enemy in the two deltas and in the coastal zone. togethe~ with the responsiveness the popUlation to the Viet Minh -(either because of fear Or Simply because of a "Wait and see" attitude), all contributed to the effectiveness of the Dich Van program. These conditions were the basic cause of the loss of most posts where the garrison included natives. We should also note that all Vietnamese units included a Dich Van cell either active Or dormant. Insofar as the troops of the French Union were concerned, the Viet Minh commanders acted through the intermediary of the French Communist party; they also employed leaflets and even, on occasion, af
44
women.
There is nO question
propaganda
coming
With regard to other elements of the Expeditionary well suited to the circumstances. preters
of the post under attack. On the whole, Viet Minh prisoner appeals this propaganda failed, for conditions in the
camps were too well known for our men to believe 2 signed by old comrades who had fallen into enemy hands. indoctrination·which had only superficial the explanation the enemy tried to inculcate results; there was too great situation made by knew of it. freed propaganda,
The Communist into our prisoners a disparity between the political which were occasionally
of the world
the captives
themselves
There also was too great a gap between the daily lot of our men. influenced individuals of repatriates
to respond
to Marxist
were usually
quick to return
The failure of Viet Minh preaching to base all attempts gradual increase of indoctrination liberties. in personal
again confirms
on good treatment
DECEPTION OPERATIONS
Since the t.ime that the Anglo-Saxons tion operations"
1
1940-1945,
the habit
The number of French defectors in eight years of war did not exceed a few dozen and in most cases the defection was provoked by a Vietnamese woman. On the other hand, many of these deserters later t.ried to escape, The number of African, Legionnaire, and North African deserters reached Several hundred in eight years of war, but the great majority of those won over later tried to escape.
2
45
to define as "psychological war" activities which, since the siege of Troy and the struggle between Horace and the Curiaces, have been called Ruses of War. In effect, a deceptive action "whose goal is to win from the enemy a psychological victory by leading it to a false interpretation of our intentions and in this way lessening the possibilities of a counterthrust,',l is always a fake<iaction, whose execution is more or less elaborate. But modern propaganda methods have singularly FrOm this point of view, but enhanced che ability to expand upon false movements, false orders) and false communications activities. orchestration of a ruse. Or~nization of a nece~tion Operation only from this pOint, can one link psychological warfare to the noisy
"permanent general st;aff fo~ deeeptionltwho, informed at the right time of the long-range intentions of the commander, would be able to suggest to him the appropriate stratagems. This group could then "with maximum effectiveness and within the required time limit, initiate the action of the sp@cialized elements involved."l Once the decision has been reached to simulate a plan, it becomes necessary that "the deception be conducted by an operational staff whi~h is separace from the one concerned lo7ith tactical operations."·
1
In the preparation of a deception operation it will be necessary to recall that the object is essentially "an abstract element; the 1 intelligence and morale of the adversaryjU thus there is che obligation to seek solutions related to the characteristics of the enemy and o£ the populacion, and to our relations with the latter. It will be necessary "to calculate with preciSion the time required for the false information to reach the enemy commander and produce Study of the general staff of the Commander in Chief on operations of deception.
1
46
If
Like in a b ridge game, the adve rsa ry mus t or by the manner of clearing certain
'long suits! to press him or to hide from him for as long as possible the decisive card, so that when he does see the light it is too late This done, One could concurrently propaganda, whispered propaganda,
use:
"Spoken
propaganda,
written
the spectacular
visit of important people, e t c ....,,1 saying that a deception "must remain secret until
It goes without
the end of its 'play' and fool both friendly as well as enemy forces ." "Its goal is only achieved when everyone From the time the action unde rs tand it." 1 The rules which have just been stated were not completely during the campaign, successes, was preceded but their empirical the evacuation application For example, of Na Sam on August which upheld is initiated, play the game, even if the scenario is taken in by the game. and all echelons must everyone
by a campaign
Operations
were examples
of the opportunities
offered by modern
PELICAN, of Thanh-aoa;
in October
a threat on the coasts about SO kilometers incident of the deployment 320 while
while Operation
in the interior.
resulted in complete
immobilizing
were
GERMAINE had as its goal the "persuading as well as Viet Minh public
47
We embellished certain facts; the arrival of a battalion of paratroopers in the Tonkin was related to an announcement concerning of two mobile units; the arrival in the imminent teconstitution
Saigon of the cruisers Gloire and Montcalm was spoken of ~s the lead element "of a large squadron including other vessels and embarked
land forces, that would' disembark in the Haiphong
region."
A battalion
leader captured at Diem Bien Phu reported that "accc rdLng to the declarations of the spokesman for the Viet Minh commander in the
officers'
prison camp~ the latter had really believed in a substantial In the beginning of July seemed to worry him g rear Iy ."
Translator's Notes The Colonial Army did not have "area specialized officers" because it-s personnel formed the major ga rr t son forces for all overseas posseSSions except North Africa, and hence were rotated from one world area to another. a"Partisans" correspond to the Civilian Irregular Defense Groups (CIDG) sponsored by U.S. Army Special Forces. They did not, however, have any specific geographical ot' organizational aft"inities.
A
49
SECOND PART
******
****
**
**
'IMateriel
inferiority
in front
of the
of the people.
must be a great ocean in which itself ... "What is the real bulwark?
peop le ..."
II; is the
51
19, 1946, vast areas of Tonkin and became, nonetheless systems literally. even though succeeded provinces in slowly
its sustenance
from a rudimentary
The boundaries
ing the eight war years, however, Viet Minh we revealed zone where,
In the Tonkin,
of the belt in the delta,
demarcation
the fortified
Thus we went
Operation
ATLANTE in 1954 to
of Annam. in Viet Minh ter-
the reconquest
of the coast
or by penetration
into enemy
its forces.
The real and continuous to control, namely, the coast where lands. there was goal
struggle
took place
and certain
of the central
a high population
fertile
years found
The "war wi t h-
varied
It changed of arms--
continued
in each night
the exterior
to
in 1953.
Operation
LORRAINE
MOUETTE and
finally
at Hoa-Binh
52
the interior, while a thousand infiltrations agents, or of more or less important Viets in communication and certain provincial then returned with those outside.
political
units came to the heart of the deltas, and The magnidetermined the exchanges naturally
tude of these human and materiel intensity of the battles. In South Vietnam support from far away.
By contrast,
for the rebels was poor and had to come in North Vietnam the operations
by the presence
in the of maln
interior of the delta were always influ~nced force Viet Minh units in the vicinity of sources of supply in China starting
and by the relative pro~imity in 1950, had to ward off intervenwith our conduct related elsewhere to the are more
Our forees in North Vietnam constantly of the ground war in the Tonkin. reestablishment
tions by main force units, and this fact interfered Thus, the lessons of order which might be applicable
the problems
involves
comes a policy of control of axes of communication. sanitization of various regions through a policy
Progressive
and disanuament
of the rebels through a policy of pacification. were essentially the task of the
II
terri torial troops, and above all of the so-called They will be the subject of three separate
fixed" units.
sections.
53
The mobile forces only accounted for a fraction of the operations aimed at gaining area control. and best armed bands. But this was the most difficult fraction; for they had been given the task of destroying the most active Nevertheless, the search and destroy operations The of mobile forces were similar to those of territorial units. engage a atronger enemy. mobile units engaged in.
only difference waS in the size of the units and their ability to It thus seemed desirable to examine in a Finally, because of the important part separate section the type of operations which both territorial or played by fortifications during the campaign this subject has been covered under its own heading.
Translator's Notes AAt the end of World War II, British forces were to receive the surrender of the Japanese in Indochina below the 16th parallel, while the Chinese were to receive the surrender of the Japanese to the north. The initial element of General Gracey's forces, a Ghurka b,igade with 150 French military personnel attached, landed at Tan Son Nhut air base on September 12. This was followed by other elements that included 550 additional French within the few weeks that followed. Eventually, the first contigent of the Expeditionary Corps, an element of the 2nd Armored Division under Colonel Massu, arrived in Saigon on October 22, 1945. this was followed by the 9th Colonial Infantry Division in November; by a brigade from Madagascar in December, and by elements of the 3rd Colonial Infantry Division beginning in 1946. The Expeditionary Corps continued to grow in the course of time and by 1950 there were 150,000 French Army Forces in Indochina, together with 12,000 Navy and 5,000 Air Force personnel. In addition, some 200,000 natives had been recruited into auxiliary formations. Finally, in January 1954 the Expeditionary Corps and the Armed Forces of the Associated States had reached a total o~ 497,450 officers and men distributed as follows;
54
Translator's
Notes (cont1d) FRENCH EXPEDITIONARY CORPS Other Enlis ted 25 ,312 15,836 34,366 18; 918 Totals
Categories French Legionnaires North Africans Africans Female personnel Native regulars Native auxiliaries Totals Notes:
a
NCO'S 21,877
52,623
18,710 36,720 19;731 2,460a 53, 705
2,388
2,307 795
87b 289
2,457 4,OlSc
3,561
49,603 47 ,922
191,957
51,772
235,721
6,364
includes 380 nurses. 63 interpreters
37,400
bincludes
c
with
integrated
officer
ranks.
NCO ranks.
NCO's
Other Enlisted
Totals
882
46
3,457
260 9
4,599
57
207,311 49,762
261,729
From a statutory conSideration, the military forces in Indochina at the end of the ~ar thus included the French Expeditionary Corps and the Armed Forces of "Vietnam, Laos; and Cambodia. The Expeditionary Corps included metropolitan and colonial formations made up of French, Algerians; Moroccans, Senegalese, and Legionnaires. The French units, with the exception of the airborne, included substantial numbers of Vietnamese, Laotians, and Cambodians who had been locally recruited. There were also partisan and commando units with French Gadres: the personnel of those belonging to the Army were generally natives, while those in the Navy were primarily French. Finally, the French also exercised operational control over the several so called "sect forces"
",
...
55
Translator'S Notes (eont'd) in accordance with separate agreements made with the commanders of these formations. The.se "sect forces" included the Cao Da L, the Binh Xuyen, the Hoa Hao, and the Christian militias. Once the creation of separate indigenous armed forces was undertaken, the pOlicy pursued was to transfer territorial responsibility to these as soon as practical. The long-term objective WaS to eventually relieve the E~peditionary Corps of the pacification mission and use it only for offensive operations.
56
It also must be pointed out that as both sides increased their capabilities and the Viet Minh undertook major operations, we in turn had to create Operatiortal Commands of ever increasing magnitude. The juxtaposition or superimposition of these Operational Commands on the existing Territorial Commands was not al~ays conducive to the orderly conduct of the pacification. INTELLIGENCE Xt was often affirmed that one of the essential causes of our failures was the inadequacy of our intelligence. Yet hardly a day passed that the Commander in Chief and his many subordinates could not read, on the maps prepared by their intelligence sections, the complete order of battle of the Viet Minh units, with an accuracy which was often greater than_ and rarely less than, 80 percent. Nevertheless, battalion commanders, detachment c~.nders, brutal surprises. and
even the commanders of mobile groups were often victims of the moat Every day vehicles Were blown up by road mines, patrol. either found nothing Or fell into ambushes, and when units
._
.:
,~.'
57
penetrated into a village, they lacked the information that would have allowed them to sc~een the people and identify the nonunifol~ed rebels. It is clear that a distinction must be made here b@~een the
precise, d~@p intelligence which was always available for the High Command, and the immediate and local intelligence that.was almost never obtained by subord.inate units. Thus it was written: "It was the Commander in Chief who kept the 'battalion commander informed while the latter was never able to reciprocate." The infonn.tion sources available to the intelligence sections were normal, and the war in Indochina brought out no specific lessons; intelligence techniques and methods were adequate. On the other hand •• t the lower echelons, particularly at the subsector level. the failure of intelligence was d~e to several reasons; foremost among these was the lack of interest displayed by certain commanders in the gathering of information. Too often in the lower echelons the importance of the intelligence officer's function was overlooked. Frequently replaced, often assigned irrelevant duties. he tended to become a cog in the whole administrative wheel. It could be stated: "A good intelligence officer is worth a whole battalion; howl!!ver, no commander in fact ever deprived. himself of a battalion in order to have a competent intelligence officer."l PersQnn@l Charged with gathering intelligence. especially aerial photographs. often lacked the means for doing so. nnable to obtain photo coverage of his area. in lufficient quantity. One CQuld equally deplore the quantitative and qualitative 1nlufficiency of the interpreters' corps * the absence of .hort-distance
1
The ex-intelligence
officer of a subsectar writes, for example, th$t in 12 months he was Such a fact v.a not an exception; even in Tonkin the photograph8 Were never up to date and
58
listening platoons
devices,
and finally
the nonexistence
of observotion
who, in many
circLllUstancf's, would havE:' heen able to loc~tc l and artillery pieces. But these de f Lc Leric i.e s when one considers the failure of
t hc
importance
essential
source
in a ground war--the
people. of
It is within
permits
who have taken up arms and put themselves a vicious willingly circle,
outside
the
hy the people
is making
to profit
excellent.
for once, by a reliable hour On a certain rebel village with have entered night
to capture
of a
a handful
we could not
this village
with
a.
information
requires
numbers
of the
personnel.
emphasize
specialists
in native
affairs.
constitute
of ample
the possession
of a valid
will
it will
set up assistwere
If circumstances sOurces
from native
of informaour adversary
bear witness
This was
respecting themselves
establish
to an extremely
and efficient
of the Secret
Services
were
with
2.
Ll.eutenant X, intelligence
59
to the political
checkerboard
fonned of NCO's and other ranks who had revealed work and had received extensive was represented at the company level by a special company. in patrols, unit, someour military to capture
for intelligence
in this field.
The "Trinh-Sattl
level by one NCO and three men and at the division Acting sometimes in little teams o~ alone, working
sometimes
as agents, sometimes
in the villages,
made efforts
Bien'(Phu, that did not involve the use of such intelligence for as long as several weeks or even months. fell into our hands attested to the wealth
ments which
We should compare here the Dich-Van activities which have already been discussed. The enemy's goal was to create within and a fortiori in each Vietnamese members were to try and obtain responsible of facti the adversary did not hesitate out their duties so as to be considered our soldiers and non-commissioned received the order to reveal themselves. To accomplish individual this infiltration
formation,
to tell his agents to carry among the best of up until the day they
officers
the or
by
I Often two, that did not know of each other's presence the day of action.
until
60
c><Jj
xx
of
c><J
II
III
1 company
---+-------1
A.
Relation
of Trinh-Sat
units
••
I
1 st squad 2nd squad squad leader assistant squad leader
I
3rd squad
ce II (3 agents/combatants)
ce II (3 agents/combatants)
B.
Organization
of the
NOTE:
o.
This organization is for administrative purposes; the composition of a Trinh-Sat operationa I detachment, mission, is determined according to need.
for each
b.
Each Trinh-Set unit is commanded by an individual from the echelon superior to that of the unit; for example the platoon leader and his assistant are from "company cadres". The Trinh-Sat combattant is most often a squad cadre.
c.
Fig. I-Schematic
organization
of the Trinh-Sat
61
regrouping
to adverse measures
such families in areas where they would not b~ subject influences.l In addition, certain systematic protective had doubts about some and field units, "transferring within garrisons
of their influence
and higher costs for the security of our installations tions. One of the essential this immobilization security duties. approximately characteristics
of a war without
of a large part of the forces strictly This was commented upon time and again. to protect
of their personnel
their command posts, and their other heavy equipment. third, if not half, of the infantry were used for guard dut i es, road cost us the equivalent of artillery, while with only one rifle company. one infantry battalion watch enemy platoons. secu r L ty
BC
formations,
The surveillance
the enemy could render the same area insecure In the more secure areas, we needed required to man several by one or two were, slow, it was plus the auxiliaries
towers to control 40 km of road threatened When it was necessary reen had to be dep Loye d ,
"If movements
of the terrain
see everything,
go through everything~
lIt was with this in mind that "camps for married people" were established within the enclosure of posts or rear bases. 2Lieutenant aux i l Lar i es . 3Battalion X, commander of a company of North Vietnamese commaridar Y.
62
information,
one has
to meet though
security
by a heavy
cxptndi
t.u rc of
r e sou rc e s , even
provides
no positive
gua ran t cc s ,
63
V.
THE CONTROL
OF COMMUNICATION
AREAS
organize
number of road and river axes of communications) establish one or more secure bases as required
to support field operations. The security of COmmunication' axes has been a maj or and continuing concern. From the very beginning we had to accept the fact that because net was extensive and often involved diffi~ult for certain routes, and then the night throughout our communi~ations only during
and along roads deep in the forest or in the foothills would have required an inordinate With reference ensured
On
to waterways,
most of them, in South as well as in North Vietnam, effort to sweep mine-free these with the necessary channels
fire power to
was obtained by; posts, to provide security routes. Such posts would
over certain
and could extend security over more distant ing in mortar and artillery o Using patrols between posts. detachments o Maintaining fires, to conduct periodic
flank security.
at selected posts ready to intervene The size of the forces between them were generally in the area. prevailing
l
the number of posts; and the distances determined by the security conditions
64
of so-called
fire at ranges of 800 to 1000 m at any time, or else ambush set up after dressed friendly patrols had passed
fall into an by
(for example,
soldiers blown
as civilians,
or even as women),
or they could be
up by an unc lea red road mine. The con rro l of waterways was exercised Except
On
in a comparable
manner,
the width
was generally
to convoys
were heavily
by minesweeping
formations. 2
of military
20U m on each side of the road, and to prohibit tion of certain long-stemmed plants (corn,
sugar cane,
in these same areas. o Asphalt the roads traps. absolutely necessary to clear the inhabitants This unpopular to make it mor~ difficult to hide mines
it became located
less than 500 rn from the road. undertaken because our men
reluctantly
when moving
through
whose
or unwillingly
sheltered
regional
An exception
people militia
supplying
1 Not including those rare zones that had actually 2 See the section on riverine operations.
been pacified.
65
the day led to experimentation by General de la Tour, in 1948, and then extended
towers were field works manned by several men (five established along the length of a road (generally and at an interval of approximately
local faCilities,
and contribute
fire power.
from these
sounded the alarm and halted all traffic while mobile elements posts quickly moved into the area. results at the beginning, This but it quickly delivered
From 1950 on the Viet Minh in Central Vietnam projectiles fired from weapons Masonry was unable tu stand up under such fire, rather than to
of these field works would often avoid soundto abandon their position
to certain destruction. thus proved that when a rebellion over communications form the backbone cannot be
This experience
IInstruction
66
variety reflected our changing concepts l of fortifications. Initially, the rebels had only and grenades. To stop their assaults, sufficient. improved brick towers,
weapons
walls)
and bamboo
we wanted
fields of fire over the of Viet Minh mortars, were totally again inadequate. to The within dis-
to provide
against
turned with
walls
earth.
a system
of flank positions
distances.
The rectangular
or triangular
resulted
led eventually
based slopes.
retaining
the trt<mgular
military to mind
posts
structed
starling conceived
the image a
In all cases
or double was
was used,
In addition,
the necessity
observation
launchers
by the Chinese
rendered
obsolete.
A fortunate
countermeasure to cover
grills
the more
points
observation earth.
But a satisfactory
concrete.
in case of attack
above
ground were
lIhis evolu tion was, as a matter one we were able to observe in Europe
67
required
the front during the winter use of tank turrets mounted emplacement note. defense of mortars
However,
deep within
These strong points had been initially of the northern anticipated approaches
that the end of the year 1951 would bring a Eventually, Incident
2
was
only a few
improvements
Until
impressed
Nevertheless, mortar,
the attack
post of Yen Vi, May 26 and 27, 1953, even though unsuccessful,
of artillery,
punishment
teams had little difficulty into positions on bamboo access from which
charges mounted
time on, other attacks the struggle, and extended fortified overhead provided
on blockhouses
took place,
doubt we could have improved the number of and with We also emergency
them with more turrets weapon ~mplacements. post, improved for counterattack
elements,
IThe last fortifications were built in the summer of 1953 at the southeast point of the delta. 2 Namely, the organization of the fortification to link the living areas with one or two firing positions.
68
these ~xisting
It was
impossible to usc
and we were
forced
inadequate
and obsolete
1,
of a total 01
2.5
we re relatively
The author
II ••.
degrees. s t t ua t t.o : n
of a report commented
that the Dub ou t= t yp e p os t s" that we are strictly in accordance walls, with the of
of 1947: bamboo.
II
low earthen
and obstacles
capabilities
with
different
armaments.
ammunition.
positions
constant
repair
of the cO~Danders
equipment. when
faced by engineers
a fortificawhen
unsatisfactory
compromises
to be learned in Indochina;
should to
from the very that which immediately and build mortars start,
first be bu i Lt to withstand
superior proceed
at the moment.
weapons
and grenades,
the fires of heavy from the 1 as low as pOSSible. to turn to field than a fortifi-
as rocket
launchers.
the profiles
of the positions
I When use of cement is impossible it is better fortification, for this will offer better resistance cation made of walls and towers.
69
Such elementary easy victories weapons. impress precautions a few months will prevent the enemy from winning later, when he acquires more powerful of strong military posts will
In addition,
the pre~ence
to the pacification.
tance of a fortification
was naturally
on the quality of
but it depended
had to allocate
Sufficient of reliefs.
of the position
for a suitable
Sufficient Experience
ammunition
four units of fire, and sometimes depended primarily same rule applied
depending
of a military
post depends upon its to assign numerous weapons since this simply
for resistance.
It is unjustified
to a fortification
proved unsatisfactory.
lThe subversion of certain regions was such that certain posts were only rarely supplied by land routes or waterways. Only airdrops assured their connection with the outside world. 2 This consideration is valid only for so-called "sector" armament. The unit which occupies a post must in all cases have its organic weapons.
70
to a small area,
of a
garrison o
At
a given
prepared o
and manned
approach.
surveillance
fields and trip flares. area of the strong basis, of inadequacy or point, sentries
Finally,
in the immediate
If
treason, would could
this warning
because
of conducting
a defense. assault
be quickly
in a brief
and brutal
Thus,
higher of
headquarters explosions
know nothing
and sounds
indicated
the position
destroyed. conscience
thing left to do then was fire on the position hope of inflicting could only succeed and
to appease possible
one's
routes
some damage
before
he left. after
the enemy
detailed both
based upon a careful out. To deny him positions certain There taking
the position
from within
this facility
it Was necessary
alternate
on the camouflage.
to use unusual
five strong in
blockhouses, carefully
achieved
singular trenches
by placing
camouflaged fire.
of the blockhouses
lIn particular, at the time of the attack of the post of Le Khu On September 14, 1953, three Sherman tanks were put out of action before their crews could man their weapons.
71
When the alert system did work, firing positions while headquarters, usually
radio contact was being made with the high~r at the very moment when the enemy started
open gaps in the wire. The defense then depended upon four conditions: o The application able to quickly of heavy fire at the assault waves or on the the attack. "If the commander was use identify the enemy scheme of maneuvers,
fires, fires,,,l
Otherwise
had an uncanny a.bility to avoid normal fina.l protective o The organization of a fall-back position of survivors to provide
some depth
that had been overrun. of a reserve to launch a counterattack. the outlying defenses, "Fr-om
the only
hope for the safety of a military of a counterattack timing and its power •... in advance in all of their variations adverse weather,
post lies in the execution will depend upon its plans must be prepared rehearsed at night, in
in great detail and must be repeatedly under a I I conditions: under smoke, e t c ;!'
readied in a central
lCaptain X, district commander, spoke of an attack on the tower of Y in the Tonkin, November 28, 1953, in the course of which the Viet Minh set up their base ot tire within the wire encircling the tower and On the friendly side of final protective fires. 2Directive of Commander in Chief of November 1953. of fire 3This fire is in fact nothing more than the technique used on the Maginot Line.
72
operation
of communications available,
by having by having
SO[(1e
personnel
and equipment
net antennas
to use
illumination C-47
In addition
a Lr cr af t equipped
flares we rc
in usc before
The use of such aircraft depended I the post under attack. The use and targel folders were possible
air support
night was
studied
assembly
weapons,
etc.~
insufficient
to permit
to be made
of the technique. for a successful defense were thus numerous a. zone post and
assemble.
was able
to write: usually
suited
(bazookas,
charges,
it would
unusual
to succeed,
a su rp r i se attack."
always
hesitated
1 The use of such aircraft usually about 10 minutes after plus flight time to target.
(nicknamed LUCIOLE) required SOme delay, receipt of the request at the airfield, in North Vietnam.
Colonel
X, commander
of a zone
73
out into the night. assistance case where depended blocking usually number.
On occasion
it waS possible
existed,
force, and their fire power in support of the defenders was such craft were slow and few in to be able
tq
The only help that could nonnally be provided by the area command before dawn was restricted mortar fires). pOSitions along the coast. to artillery fire (and in rare cases to provided for were supported in this manner Naval gunfire support was occasionally
Some positions
for several days at a time (Duong Dong at Phy Quoc, Quang Khe and Fai Foo on the Annam coast) by one or more coastal patrol ships. The Viet Minh attempted, whenever fires ineffective, post normally possible, to render supporting on a (by of
and in the two last war years all attacks (1) diversions against adjacent the preparation fires to represent
included;
positions of an
by mortar
only be underthe it
involve nothing more than the If in the meantime already plundered the chances Were
improved,
One should mention, in favor of noisy boat engines, a case in 1946 where the starting up of a section of landing craft vehicle personnel (LCVP) 5 km from a post under attack was enough to cause the enemy to break off the action. While 2Sometimes they continued to besiege the post from a distance they prepared a new assault for the following night.
74
forget
that the enemy docs not always main objective. units by means is a secondary 1 forces. I, During The objective of a 'Well placed
post hi"
of rc l heving
ob j ec t i ve , t hc rca l purpose
of the war
it was
to the an
or a company
observation
confirmed
then made
immed i a t c area of the fort ificat ion directly on the position itself.
r , in certain
In the course
of the war
supported
In addition,
between
paratroop
or in the daytime
interval
attacks. made
Eventually
weapons
operations well
thus became
as support
by all available
artillery.
close
of mobile
units,
of fortified
vast entrenched
camps, whose
borders
were
de-
of outposts
or airfields
the protected
perimeter.
AirfielJs
1 Note of November
13, 1953.
20n December 6, 1953, the military post of X (Tonkin) which was attacked fell during the night with exception of a handful of defendants. The relief column (onC reinforced battalion) was ambushed the next morning by two Viet Minh battalions. The casualties were heavy on both sides despite the intervention of fighter aircraft.
75
~ere thus almost always organized Throughout for security as independent centers
of resistance.
the hostilities
areas were 5ubject to scts of sabotage and raids by Viet Minh 1 commandos. The airfields in particular were victims of su~prise attacks that always resulted we evolved in the loss of same aircraft. are described to the Commander The below. in Chief This offi-
countermeasures
ing the defenses. The coordination authority, services. of the defenses of all critical installations belonged areas which to different
formed a single complex was made the responsibility even if the various The designated single coordinating constantly
of a single
authority was assisted testing the security as required. it was necessary to the mission related to the number
by a security procedures
officer charged.with
and bringing
Insofar as the actual defense was concerned, to have available involved. of blockhouses a counterattack a force corresponding The si~e of this force was generally element. of civilians from within
in composition
perimeter Nevertheless,
but infeaSible,
of villages
immediate proximity
IMass attacks on the tO~nS seem to have been avoided by the Viet Minh) since they needed them as a source for a thousand different manufactured objects and mediGines. 2The evacuation of two villages in the Do Son peninsula was required after a surprise attack carried out against the airfield and fuel depot .by a commando who had found among the inhabitants all the meanS for carrying out his misSion.
76
leveling attacker.
features
which
could provide
cover
to an of the us i ng
to organize
defense;
this would
enemy movement,
organizi.ng strong
resistance
or, preferably,
an interrelated
was organized
TIlE CLEARING
for ground
OF ROADS
Each
night
roads were
to relain infrared
devices.
entirely
This was not su rp r Ls i.ng for. the instruments , to the purpose; sighting weapons they were designed either
available
for night
driving
(observation
devices
stopped).
We were
on occasion without
their being
sort of surprise
action
However,
Consideration
was given
or motorized
intended
to illuminate
not only
the center
interlocking 1 weapons."
it
and in insecure
areas;
roads were
In these circumstances
the resupply
J.L--
."
...
l-
e::{
78
posts was usually by airdrop or by waterways; to be used it became a separate operation, form convoys wi th an escort and a minesweeping Road opening operations were basically ambush. They were also technical
1
were to
problem was to catch the Viel Minh as they lay ready tu spring an in that mines had Lo be cl",ared, The means required thus depended and The opening
8S
as did a variety of b oob y traps. upon the enemy's capabilities of a road in a relatively little as a squad.
ments in the Tonkin delta, the same task required at least one, if not two, infantry bat t a I i on s reinforced artillery support, p 1us one
b 0 servation
and strong
infantry
tactics in that
they always involved seeking the enemy out along the sides of a The difficulty was that the enemy not only knew the area, but was allutted oneself, to but It is rare for one to enjoy such information to avoid giving it to the enemy. the details concerning also familiar with our timing and the means we nonnally the task.
Commanders
always
the movement
force~ but the units involved almost Very rare were and to widely held opera-
always declared
"On the sub sec t o r level, di.e first thing to do is not to impuse the same schedule every day on the subordinate units char-ged with
lComparable operations were undertaken along the waterways, on the waterway itself behind minesweeping elements, as well as along both banks. This was only done to clear the way for large supply transports. The Case of the daily opening of the Hanoi-Haiphong May-June 1954, in the vicinity of Ban Yen Nhan.
2
road in
79
road The
directions).
a row, then east to west, etc ...). "Op era t e on one or the other side of the roadway, or sometimes on both sides at once. force. night. the assigned At irregular intervals
troopS
operating Sometimes
charged with the opening of a road the next morning. near the road during the night. The next morning,
opening operation with few troops, relying for support upon the ambush positions. UIn truth, the number of ruses that one can use to thwart enemy ambushes is infinite, and road openings attributed take on the monotonous character that is too frequently to them only when the troops are
poor and, above all, badly led."l The above judgment ended up by growing is certainly exaggerated. repeating The best of units the same task. The their greatest
tired of constantly
dulling of their reflexes which danger. Lieutenant describes detail. watchful, X) who commanded
a district
in the Tonkin)
thus
"Every day 1 send out the road opening and, if one is not and the
Despite orders, habits are established, the automatic the man with
Commander X.
80
thus becomes
a heavy it cost
As an example,
to determine during
what
sections
a period
during
of the b a t t le of Dien Bien Phu (January-July obtained involved, reflect a period of peak
defensive
posts were
spaced
average aCLually
personnel of
the defense
auxiliaries
available
relative per
one arrives
of the roads
nO less severe;
On military
as ambushes
of road opening
of three
killed,
for between
in retaining
that the need must be Unde r other ci.r cums t anc es , an area
idea deserves
to be emphasized:
"If one ccn s Lde rs the time that the control of the of a given
in addition
it is evident
concurrent assume
section battery; I
of a road requires
battalion
in an area which
Study made by the general commanding the F.T.N.V. and bearing on the 65 lo:n of the route HanOi-Haiphong (R.N. 5) I the 36 kIn of the route connee tin g Ban Yen Nhan with Hung Yen (R. 1. 39), the 28 km of the route Haiduong-Sept Pagodes CR.P. 17 North), and the 26 km of the route Sept Pagodes-Dong Trieu (R.P. 18).
31
battalions
in six months,
after which
the security
of to
the area
than to control
"There
must be over an
return
area than merely being able to resupply to keep the line of communications to relinquish control of the routes
able to him, even if this means that certain have to be forcibly throughout reopened
11
for a specific
its duration.
showed
repairs which
troop resources,
ADubout is a French cartoonist whose work in the context used here may be compared to that of Rube Goldberg, whose mechanical monstrosities have long been featured in American newspapers and magazines.
82
Main attack
Diversion
...
:;:~:--.... ---
.-'" .-
Mortars _-------
_-_
......
._ ....
__
Fig. 3-Attack
on a post (schematic)
83
VI.
AREA CONTROL and the defense of military for they contribute of the enemy.
1
The concrol of lines of communications posts are passive aspects of ground warfare, neither the neutralization
to
They
outlay of capital,
Only those operations whose aim is the excision of the enemy dispersed an area can be placed on the asset side of the balance Such surgery, based on a diagnosis the villages of the more infected areas and of healthy, has to result in the
this will be actual pacification. Control of communication ing objectives. inspired by political of ground warfare, For example, economic tion. axes and area control In practice, thus have differthe latter is these two aspects
matter;
and the other "constructive ," overlap. of communication of pacificaThis, in turn, favors to the extension
it is certain
quickly from control of axes of communication to control of areas, at least in certain regions.2 With the help of political activity, pacification could follow. However, in 1954, the situation was from watch towers
IWith the exception of the losses that the enemy had to expect in order to capture a post. 2This control, assured in large part by the static network of towers, could have been improved by extending it to waterways: "A fragmentation of the waterways into separated sections could have been achieved by the use of large numbers of wizards." (Captain commanding the naval flotilla of South Indochina. See section allotted to naval forces.)
84
post replaced
six t ove rs .
But
since
this was
to provide
in personnel, to one p os t ,
of three
towers w~re
posts, which
were
tri-
r e qu i red all a ss i gn ed
personnel
This left uS
no one available
for
pat ro 11 in g ." 1 In North Vietnam, graphic factors On the contrary, military, political) and geo-
combined
of developing we harvested a
an effective
area control.
lessons,
and it is there
that We must
look [U~
of our failures.
of Viet Minh
divisions
encircling
necessary
remain continually
to drive back
an enemy
thrust,
at Vinh Yen in 1951, but also to intercept trating into areas already accomplished. point cleared. The
any units
infil-
latter mission
never
the political
unable
to usc propacenters
as an extension
of our combat
to overcome
of subversion.
The inefficiencies
of the Vietnames." administration area control) except always ephemeral of the delta. of constant were
did the rest) and little by little and localized) had to be abandoned, aspects
8 million
inhabitants
vill"ages. quickly
The
roads and trails which the result could that villages approach.
cut with
no wheeled of flooded
vehicle
Five hundred
protected of ponds
attacks,
while
commanding
river
forces,
South
Vietnam.
85
within
Under
our speed of advance was that of an infantryman and we were reduced to using an unusual battalion·-one-half day_ Thus, everything forced to and this The We were
one village--one
use our resources only to control lines of communication, unfortunately and at the s~e required that we multiply our military
posts.
of these had to be on guard during the day, and three-fourths This allowed up to one platoon to be used for
but there was seldom anyone to send out at night. could stand up to us with forces very him to
to ours, for the support of the population too far from its base.
permitted
says Major Y; " two well known but elusive Viet stationed in a central position posts could mOve of a hundred military in the sector to assure
battalions
Each of these 7,000 men put in four during the night. and the increasing strong points a post and tedium
hours of guard duty or took part in other tasks required ~he security of these installations
As a result of the spread of the insurgency hazards of movement and military perceives nothing; outside of defended posts became visually isolated.
" ...Sometimes
it becomes mesmeri~ed
unaware but shadows,
of its work.
It becomes
that the people who come up to its that the local head man leaves go to Then this village.
one night the post falls like a gangrenous is the most frequent case--it becomes
bone, or else--and
86
the living
with
nerve
fibers
and be-
vessels.
to operat0)
longer
anythi.ng.lll
had become
So compartmented
"We are the ones who are infiltrated in the Z de Lt.a , not. the Viet Minh,ll A census taken on January 1, 19')4, showed that 82)470 men of all races were importance armament immobilized behind the wire of 920
and all more or less t hc wo rse for wear. equivalent to that of several 1,225 mortars divisions:
rifles
and machine
guns,
of all calibers,
pieces.
if we exclude groups
which we pitted
mobile
force~ we Were
using
combat
sheet was
1 Reserve
Captain X.
General
3This includes in the delta the region of Quang Yen and Hengay, the occupation of which was indispensable for the utilization of the port of Haiphong, These 82,470 men included 1,080 officers and 7,515 noncommissioned officers. To these troops there had to be added other forces committed to the defense of the air bases and the installations scattered in the interior of the cities of Hanoi, Nam Dinh, and Haiphong, and lastly, the troops guarding the rear bases of all our mobile units (mobile groups and diverse formations).
4A significant number of these guns were which were used in certain military posts. in old tank turretR,
5These 37,000 combatants broke down in to: 13 to 14 regional battalions corresponding to the provinces of the delta, to which were added three independent regiments (42nd, 46th, and 50th R. 1.) and one battalion of a recently created regiment. In addition the 246th R.1. sent a battalion by rotation into the delta 120 to 130 district companies, including therein the units supported by districts adjacent to the delta.
87
negation economy
of the purpose
of fortifications
us no It was,
than insisting
number of higher
valid against
well trained,
effective
with determination
by certain of them was sometimes help (artillery (difficult Dr air support), solidity
of unusual
circumstances energy on
terrain,
of construction,
the commander's
part, mistakes
In the course of time this system began .number of defended support for mobile camps. These
to be replaced
by a small and
which moved about the countryside support the activities search the ceaseless the abandonment were
of a large number
in certain
required
to reestablish
roads had to be
88
as
COTIUIland.Figure
of Ninh Binh had been based The operations are described about
of a mobile
"The unit con s t.an tLy moves in one p l aco only as long as up in short it behaves that
on its own i.n i.tLa Lvc ; it stays t it disperses, like an amoeba reunites, in constant
necessary; somewhat
breaks motion
It then follows
b ecorne well
known ...the area and its are rna with de the local
pa t hway s are mernor i zed ... frequent people ...a va rLe t.y of information The mobile organized units which
contacts
is verified
operate
from a given
to create
a feeling is easy)
In an
area where
the terrain
there
density,
can control
in a badly
and a large population, garrison companies control have will of an entrenched (auxiliaries
of Tonkin, three
go below
to four
or regulars).
to be made
significantly To be able
to cover
the desired
to organize group
these base
camps
around
these camps
This meant
that it would
in one case,
about
25 men
lIn addition) rifle companies seldom strayed of the l20-mm mortars set up within the camp.
beyond
lhe range
89
~ (
Center
of resistance
of Cho-Gonh
Broken terrain
69 machine guns 17 automatic rifles 250 men
scale
f--~--~-----__'
1 }un
Fig.4-Centers
of resistance
90
case, between
100 sq km.
It is interesting of posts
W~lS
Utilizing
cont r01
over a given
communications designed
by defensive area of
to prevent driven
facilitated
of
a role analogous
The conduct
campaigns.
was nonetheless
given
living
1951,
there.
of four regional
operated
by one of testified of of
our battalions,
towers
and posts
of our dispositions.
five battalions.
Ten search
each one La s t ing fuur to five days, and about a hundred weapons. of 1952, In
of 200 prisoners
the rebels
In the spring
the troops
entrenched
within
the fortification,
91
after having been pursued pacification from In February 1953, the enemy
respite,
took refuge in the Transbassac; again, but his company his last attempt
to effect
and searching,
a question of ceaselessly
etc., not to mention
an area to uncover
cadres,
depots, workshops,
Sweep and search are "the going over of a region and its population with a fine-tooth comb.11l In a cultivated area the infantry
can proceed at a maximum speed of only 1.5 km per hour. of a large village
thus occupy hiding several places (10 to 20 hectares companies for several days. by the interrogation Moreover, Dr ~ill
The search
can
of
is facilitated
of suspects,
bring the rebels out from their holes, The important was allowed operations
searched
search
is absolutely on mo b I le group
in the delta,"
hundreds
of villages.
But we never
have talked.
as we left a village
by the guerrillas
F.T.N.V.
92
by
tiThe search is an Lmp or t an t and difficult. act. we obtained excellent for this type of operation. Our Vietnamese
all the Vi.et Minh ruses well and knew how to find and destroy ground hideouts. The Legionnaires, 1 never have done as we 11.II strangers
The leader of a commandu unit that specialized tions recommended "Militiamen, the following method defectors) peasants, demobilized
for recruiting
prisoners
to join the commando had to first furnish individual, documentary proof of honorable
formal proof of their good will by supplying useful information, in the case of a demobilized m i.L], tary service .1' The most practical evolved techniques for the conduct of searches as in the comments
through experience
are contained
"Fragmentation
tunnels.
they can only be used in emergencies, when it comes to gathering the position underground is occupied, position
the concussion
on a Viet Minh will last about two hours, an excessive intelligence. Explosives They permit the clearing of larger underground
positions.
the Viet Minh are killed and no intelligence when it is used in an The capture of prisoners is that searches are ren-
can be gathered.
Tear gas is very effective not more than 20 m long. The only drawback
by the noxious
ments cannot be read until one hour after they are taken, for they must be allowed to air out first. Smoke or phosphorous tive because they allow air vents and undiscovered
1.
L~eutenant
V, F.T.N.V.