Professional Documents
Culture Documents
2 Executive Summary
3 Introduction
24 Conclusion
25 Works Cited
Executive Summary
This report seeks to address the lack of critical analysis that the criminal justice system, had been left alone, or even been
stymies the policy discussion on drug courts, to foster a conventionally sentenced. The successes represent only
more informed public debate on the 20-year-old criminal some of those who pass through drug courts and only a tiny
justice phenomenon, and to encourage policymakers to fraction of people arrested.
promote drug policies based not on popularity but on
science, compassion, health and human rights. Not only will some drug court participants spend more days
in jail while in drug court than if they had been conventionally
This report attempts to answer two questions: 1) What sentenced, but participants deemed “failures” may actually face
impact have drug courts had on the problem they were cre- longer sentences than those who did not enter drug court in the
ated to address: the deluge of petty drug arrests that began first place (often because they lost the opportunity to plead to
to overwhelm courts and fill jails and prisons in the 1980s?; a lesser charge). With drug courts reporting completion rates
and 2) How do drug courts compare with other policy ranging from 30 to 70 percent, the number of participants
approaches to drug use in terms of reducing drug arrests, affected is significant. Even those not in drug court may be
incarceration and costs as well as problematic drug use? negatively affected by them, since drug courts have been associ-
ated with increased arrests and incarceration in some cases.
To answer these questions, the Drug Policy Alliance
analyzed the research on drug courts, other criminal justice • Drug courts have made the criminal justice system more
programs and non-criminal justice responses to drug use. punitive toward addiction – not less. Drug courts have
We also received input from academics and experts across adopted the disease model of addiction but continue to penal-
the U.S. and abroad. This comprehensive review of the ize relapse with incarceration and ultimately to eject from the
evidence reveals the following: program those who are not able to abstain from drug use for a
period of time deemed sufficient by the judge. Unlike health-
• Drug courts have not demonstrated cost savings, centered programs, drug courts treat as secondary all other
reduced incarceration, or improved public safety. measures of improved health and stability, including reduced
Oft-repeated claims to the contrary are revealed to be an- drug use and maintenance of relationships and employment.
ecdotal or otherwise unreliable. Evaluations are commonly
conducted by the creators of the programs being evalu- Some people with serious drug problems respond to treatment
ated, and the result is research that is unscientific, poorly in the drug court context; not the majority. The participants
designed, and cannot be accurately described as evidence. who stand the best chance of succeeding in drug courts are
those without a drug problem, while those struggling with
Drug courts often “cherry pick” people expected to do well. compulsive drug use are more likely to end up incarcerated.
Many people end up in a drug court because of a petty drug Participants with drug problems are also disadvantaged by
law violation, including marijuana. As a result, drug courts inadequate treatment options. Drug courts typically allow
do not typically divert people from lengthy prison terms. insufficiently trained program staff to make treatment
The widespread use of incarceration – for failing a drug test, decisions and offer limited availability to quality and culturally
missing an appointment, or being a “knucklehead” – means appropriate treatment.
that some drug court participants end up incarcerated for
more time than if they had been conventionally sentenced Based on these findings, the Drug Policy Alliance recommends
in the first place. And, given that many drug courts focus better aligning drug policies with evidence and with public
on low-level offenses, even positive results for individual health principles by:
participants translate into little public safety benefit to the
community. Treatment in the community, whether volun- • Reserving drug courts for cases involving offenses against
tary or probation-supervised, often produces better results. person or property that are linked to a drug use disorder, while
improving drug court practices and providing other options for
• Drug courts leave many people worse off for trying. people convicted of drug law violations;
Drug court success stories are real and deserve to be • Working toward removing criminal penalties for drug use to
celebrated. However, drug courts also leave many people address the problem of mass drug arrests and incarceration; and
worse off than if they had received drug treatment outside • Bolstering public health systems, including harm
reduction and treatment programs, to more effectively and
cost-effectively address problematic drug use.
Most drug courts have Forty years after the United States embarked on a war on
drugs, national surveys reveal that a large majority of
done a poor job of Americans now believe that drug use is a health issue.1
This social development has manifested in significant policy
addressing participants’ change. Several states have passed legislation requiring public
and private health insurers to cover drug and mental health
health needs according treatment on par with treatment for other chronic health
conditions. On the federal level, the Paul Wellstone and
to health principles, and Pete Domenici Mental Health Parity and Addiction Equity
have not significantly Act of 2008 and the even more expansive Affordable Care
Act of 2010 promise to make drug treatment much more
reduced participants’ accessible within the mainstream health care system.
www.drugpolicy.org 3
Introduction
continued
provide few, if any, benefits over the incarceration model on whose illegal activity is limited to petty drug possession are
which they seek to improve. Alternatives to incarceration for outweighed by the negative consequences. These negative
drug possession remain essential, but better alternatives must consequences include the lost opportunities of failing to dedi-
be adopted and incarceration for drug law violations should cate criminal justice resources to more significant public safety
be reduced through sentencing reform. matters and of failing to pursue effective, health-oriented
policy interventions in response to drug use.
Sitting squarely within a framework of drug prohibition,2
most drug courts have done a poor job of addressing A health-centered approach would ensure that drug use or
participants’ health needs according to health principles, the perceived need for treatment should never be the reason
and have not significantly reduced participants’ chances of that people enter the criminal justice system, and that the
incarceration. They have also absorbed scarce resources that criminal justice system should never be the primary path for
could have been better spent to treat and supervise those people to receive such help. Individuals’ drug problems can be
with more serious offenses or to bolster demonstrated health addressed, families and communities preserved, public health
approaches, such as community-based treatment. and safety improved, and money saved by providing assistance
to people not only after but before drug use becomes prob-
Most drug courts have limited their own potential to improve lematic, before families fall apart, before disease spreads, before
public safety by focusing largely on people who use drugs crimes are committed and before drug use becomes fatal.
but have little, if any, history of more serious offenses. Many
people end up in drug court because of a drug law violation – While there is no basis in principle or evidence-based policy
many appear to be for marijuana.3 (The National Drug Court for bringing people into the criminal justice system (whether
Institute found marijuana to be the most prevalent drug of to jail or drug courts) solely for a drug possession offense,
choice among participants in at least 25 percent of drug courts drug courts may be appropriate for people who have commit-
surveyed nationwide in 2007.4) In fact, a 2008 survey of drug ted other offenses that require accountability, restitution and
courts found that roughly 88 percent exclude people with possibly incarceration. With this in mind, this report includes
any history of violent offending, and half exclude those on several relevant findings and recommendations.
probation or parole or with another open criminal case.5
Moreover, about one-third of drug court participants do not The Drug Courts and the Drug War section of this report
have a clinically significant substance use disorder.6 The same describes the evolution of drug courts and puts them in the
survey found that 49 percent of drug courts actually exclude context of current drug arrest practices and sentencing policies.
people with prior treatment history and almost 69 percent
exclude those with both a drug and a mental health condition. The next section, Understanding Drug Courts: What the
Research Shows, provides a careful review of drug court
This report examines drug courts in light of the criminal research. It finds that claims about drug court efficacy are
justice and health issues they were designed to address. It takes methodologically suspect, that the impact on incarceration
as a premise that punishing people who have neither done is often negligible, and that costs are underestimated.
harm to others, nor posed significant risk of doing harm
(such as by driving under the influence), is inappropriate, Mixing Treatment and Punishment: A Faulty Approach explores
ineffective and harmful to individuals, families and commu- how combining principles of treatment and punishment
nities. The report also recognizes that, whether the chronic distorts the delivery of effective legal and health services; how
health issue in question is hypertension, diabetes or drug use, this distortion further enmeshes people in the criminal justice
punishing people for straying from their treatment plans, system for their drug use; and how punishment will always
falling short of treatment goals, or relapsing, is contrary to dominate in this arrangement.
core health principles.
The Toward a Health-Centered Approach to Drug Use section
The central thesis of this report is that there is an urgent need presents a framework for reducing the role of the criminal
for a non-criminal, health-centered approach to drug use. justice system in what is fundamentally a health issue and for
This approach must be founded on the understanding – as expanding effective approaches that minimize the harms of
evidence consistently demonstrates – that the benefits of drug use. It also includes recommendations for improving
punishment-oriented treatment programs for most people drug court practices by, among other things, focusing them
away from people facing petty drug charges.
9%
19% 20% 23% 26%
38%
4%
40% 15%
25% 4%
30%
12% 26%
7%
www.drugpolicy.org 5
Drug Courts and the Drug War
continued
the courtroom,15 including the type of treatment mandated, In the U.S., the consequences of a criminal conviction,
whether methadone prescription is acceptable (and at what particularly for a drug law violation, are severe and life-long.
dosage) and how to address relapse. The defense lawyer, People convicted of a felony, whether or not they are ever
no longer an advocate for the participant’s rights, assists the incarcerated, face significantly diminished employment
participant to comply with court rules.16 opportunities and much lower lifetime earnings. They may
be prevented from voting and/or prohibited from accessing
The expansion of drug courts and other criminal justice pro- student loans, food stamps or other public assistance.
grams that mandate treatment in the community (as opposed
to behind bars) over the last twenty years reflects a growing Criminal justice policies have not only limited the freedoms
sentiment that incarceration is not an appropriate, effective and opportunities of people convicted of low-level drug
or cost-effective response to drug use. At first glance, their violations, but have also determined who gains access to limited
expansion might suggest that U.S. policies toward drug use publicly funded treatment resources.
have become more compassionate and health-oriented; yet
the dominant policy response to drug use in the U.S. remains The country’s treatment system has not expanded
one of criminalization and punishment.17 proportionately to meet the growth in criminal justice
referrals to treatment, which accounted for about 38 percent
From both an international and an historical perspective, of participants in publicly funded treatment programs by
current U.S. drug laws are abnormally severe. Following 2007 – including 162,000 people ordered to treatment for
President Reagan’s call for a major escalation of the war on marijuana that year.28 As a result, treatment access for people
drugs in 1982, annual drug arrests tripled to more than 1.8 seeking treatment voluntarily outside of the criminal justice
million in 200718 (before declining to 1.6 million in 200919). system has diminished.29 The proportion of treatment capacity
This increase primarily involved not serious drug trafficking available to the hundreds of thousands of people who seek
or sales, but possession; 79 percent of the growth in drug treatment voluntarily each year (on their own volition or on
arrests during the 1990s was for marijuana possession alone.20 the recommendation of a loved one, health provider, employer
The number of people incarcerated for drug law violations or other non-criminal justice source) fell from 65.1 percent
has increased 1,100 percent since 1980.21 Today, nearly in 1997 to 62.5 percent in 2007.30
6 in 10 people in a state prison for drug law violations have
no history of violence or high-level drug sales.22 According to a 2007 Substance Abuse and Mental Health
Services Administration (SAMHSA) study, treatment spend-
ing fell from 2.1 percent to 1.3 percent of all health spending
between 1987 and 2003. During that time, private insurance
payments for treatment declined by 24 percent, while public
Drug courts have flourished at the expense of support Although drug courts tend to describe their participants as
services that are more accessible and that are more effective “drug-involved,” this tends to obscure the reality that an over-
at improving health and reducing crime.33 The focus on drug whelming number of drug court participants wind up there
courts has distracted attention from the real, systemic issues for a drug law violation – often petty possession. Most drug
that drive the scale and cost of incarceration for drug law courts continue to exclude even the lowest-level sellers and
violations34 – primarily aggressive policing strategies and the vast majority of courts exclude people with any prior
draconian sentencing laws.35 conviction or current charge for a violent offense (due partly
to an ill-advised federal funding requirement).39
Even if drug courts With drug court completion rates ranging widely from
30 percent to 70 percent,40 it is probably optimistic to assume
were dramatically that even 25,000 people will complete a drug court program
each year.* The rest are deemed to have “failed.” Even if drug
expanded to scale to courts were dramatically expanded to scale to cover all people
arrested for drug possession, between 500,000 and 1 million
cover all people arrested people would still be ejected from a drug court and sentenced
conventionally every year.41 As this report discusses, however,
for drug possession, drug courts should not focus their resources on those arrested
between 500,000 and for simple drug possession.
1 million people would Absent policies to stem the flow of people into (and retention
within) the criminal justice system for petty drug law viola-
still be ejected from tions, drug courts and other criminal justice-based treatment
programs will not meaningfully reduce the imprisonment of
a drug court and people who use drugs.42
sentenced conventionally
every year. *
According to the Government Accountability Office (GAO), drug court completion
rates are not directly comparable because “drug court programs have different program
completion requirements, the rates were measured over varying time periods, and
study designs can affect the completion measures.” There is thus no single average rate
of completion.
www.drugpolicy.org 7
Disparate Impacts on
People of Color
Finding:
Drug Court Research Is Often Unreliable
Although many individuals
will benefit from drug courts
Despite the large number of studies on drug courts, the poor
quality of that research has led many to conclude that there each year, many others
is insufficient evidence to demonstrate that drug courts
reduce crime and drug use. As John Roman, senior researcher will ultimately be worse off
at the Urban Institute, put it: “The central criticism is that
they employ convenience samples or compare drug court
than if they had received
participants with drug court failures, in effect stacking the health services outside the
deck to ensure that the study finds a positive effect of drug
court.”59 Meta-analyses (i.e., studies that aggregate and analyze criminal justice system, had
data from multiple drug court evaluations) have been con-
ducted in an attempt to provide more generalized and reliable been left alone, or even been
data; however, meta-analyses’ output is ultimately limited by
the quality of the data that went in.
conventionally sentenced.
www.drugpolicy.org 9
Understanding Drug Courts:
What the Research Shows
continued
Finding: ineligible for drug court, that was eligible but opted for
Drug Court Outcomes Are Not conventional sentencing, or that was expelled from or dropped
Markedly Better Than Probation out of drug court.67 Although these biases can be mitigated
to some extent by statistically accounting for people’s
Unsound drug court studies have repeatedly claimed that drug background and risk factors, including motivation and drug
courts reduce drug use and criminal behavior, but significant use severity, most drug court evaluations do not account for
methodological shortcomings call their positive findings into these biases.68
question. Indeed, preliminary results of the lengthiest and
largest study so far, the MADCE, find that drug court partici- A 2005 Government Accountability Office (GAO) analysis
pation did not lead to a statistically significant reduction of drug court research attempted to extract conclusions based
in re-arrests.63 on studies that met very basic reliability standards. The GAO’s
review found some positive drug court impacts on recidivism
Drug court evaluations that have reached more positive while participants remained in the program (in comparison
conclusions than the MADCE study have, in most cases, with conventional sentencing), limited evidence that reduc-
failed to account for the practice of “cherry-picking,” tend tions in recidivism endure after program participation, and
to use improper comparison groups, and frequently fail to no evidence that specific drug court components (including
include follow-up data. Ultimately, most drug court studies incarceration sanctions) affect recidivism or program comple-
are so poorly designed that they reveal only the obvious: tion. The GAO concluded that drug courts’ impacts on drug
that the successes succeed and the failures fail.64 use are mixed.69
Cherry-picking is the selection of people deemed more Three U.S. drug court program evaluations have used more
likely to succeed. Many drug courts cherry-pick participants reliable, controlled designs: Maryland’s Baltimore Drug
for at least two reasons. First, prosecutors and judges may Court, Arizona’s Maricopa County Drug Court and New
cherry-pick defendants because of the limited capacity of Mexico’s Las Cruces DWI Court. These three programs
the drug court combined with the political importance of randomly assigned people either to drug court or conventional
achieving high success rates. Second, some drug courts may probation. The studies of these three programs are the most
opt to knowingly enroll persons who do not need treatment, rigorous drug court evaluations available. Importantly, even
but for whom drug court participation is seen as the only these studies fall far short of establishing the efficacy of drug
way to avoid a criminal record for a petty drug law violation. courts under controlled conditions. Nor do they come close to
This may not be an insignificant occurrence. As mentioned illustrating that drug courts are typically effective in practice.
previously, about one-third of drug court participants do not
have a clinically significant substance use disorder.65 For example, Baltimore’s drug court participants were less
likely to be re-arrested than the control group of probationers
As a result of cherry-picking, people who suffer from more during the first two years after the initial arrest.70 After three
serious drug problems are often denied access to drug court.66 years, however, this difference became statistically insignifi-
This, in turn, gives rise to misleading data because it yields cant, with a stunning 78 percent of drug court participants
drug court participants who are, on the whole, more likely to being re-arrested.71 Overall, drug court participants averaged
succeed than a comparison group of conventionally sentenced 2.3 re-arrests, compared with 3.4 for the control group72 – a
people who meet drug court eligibility criteria but who are difference that is statistically significant but which may not
not accepted into the drug court. warrant the substantial resources invested.
The use of non-equivalent treatment and comparison groups Maricopa County’s drug court did not reduce recidivism or
may be the most prevalent and serious flaw in drug court drug use after 12 months.73 A 36-month follow up study
research. For example, many studies use a treatment group (which unfortunately excluded nearly 20 percent of original
comprised either of graduates only or of graduates and those study participants) found that, although Maricopa County
still in drug court, electing not to count the many who have drug court participants were less likely to be re-arrested than
dropped out or been ejected from the program. That treat- the control group, there was no difference in the average
ment group is then compared with either a group that was number of re-arrests between the groups – probably because a
portion of drug court participants had a higher number
of re-arrests.74
Ultimately, the most sound studies, including preliminary California’s experience, too, calls these sanctions into question.
findings from MADCE, suggest that despite a cosmetically Since 2001, that state’s landmark probation-supervised treat-
more health-centered approach most drug courts produce ment program, which does not allow incarceration sanctions,
remarkably similar outcomes to the conventional, wholly has produced completion rates similar to those of drug courts
punitive approach that such courts seek to improve upon. (See Sidebar: Proposition 36, page 17).
www.drugpolicy.org 11
Understanding Drug Courts:
What the Research Shows
continued
Despite this lack of evidence, the power of drug court judges Incarceration, when used to punish continued drug use or
to order the incarceration of people who do not abstain from relapse, is fundamentally at odds with a health approach to
drug use or who commit minor program violations (includ- drug use. In a treatment setting, relapse is met with more
ing missing a meeting or being obstinate) is thought by many intensive services. In drug court, relapse is often met with
drug court proponents to be a critical component of drug temporary or permanent removal of treatment services.
court success. Incarceration sanctions are standard in drug
courts and are even recommended by the NADCP.82 In at Finding:
least some jurisdictions, incarceration is the single most widely Drug Courts Limit Access to
utilized sanction despite the range of sanctions available to Proven Treatments
judges.83 Each court determines its own policies for who is
incarcerated, for what reason, and for how long. For drug Drug courts agree to provide participants with the services
court participants, this sanction can be severe. they need to address their drug issues in exchange for compli-
ance with the court’s conditions.90 However, drug courts
Incarceration sanctions have been associated with a higher often fail to live up to their end of the bargain.
likelihood of re-arrest and a lower probability of program
completion.84 A person’s sense of autonomy and motivation – Drug courts often inadequately assess people’s needs and, as
integral to progress in treatment – can be undermined if they a result, place them in inappropriate treatment. Overcrowded
feel they are sanctioned unfairly.85 Moreover, for days or weeks court dockets leave judges unable to effectively manage
at a time, an incarceration sanction places a person who may participant cases.91 Insufficiently trained court staff often
be struggling with drugs into a stressful, violent and humiliat- send participants to services irrespective of their specific
ing environment, where drugs are often available (and clean needs.92 Some courts use a “shotgun” approach in which they
syringes almost never), where sexual violence is common subject participants to several programs with incompatible
(and condoms rare), where HIV, hepatitis C, tuberculosis philosophies.93 In many cases, referrals to treatment are made
and other communicable diseases are prevalent, where medical not because the program is appropriate for the participant
care is often substandard, and where drug treatment is but because a drug court-approved treatment provider has
largely nonexistent. an opening.94
In drug court, incarceration for a drug relapse or a positive Moreover, abstinence-only ideology continues to obstruct
drug test often interrupts the treatment process, disrupts a appropriate treatment placement, particularly with respect
person’s attempts to maintain employment and stable social to opioid addiction. According to the National Academy
bonds, and reinforces the notion that the person is deviant. of Sciences’ Institute of Medicine, “methadone maintenance
The pain, deprivation and atypical, dehumanizing routines has been the most rigorously studied [treatment] modality
that people experience while incarcerated can create long-term and has yielded the most incontrovertibly positive results.”95
negative consequences.86 Methadone and other opioid-maintenance treatments ef-
fectively prevent withdrawal symptoms, decrease cravings
As noted by the National Association of Counties, people and overdose, and allow patients to maintain employment.96
with mental illness – at least one in six of the prison popula- Maintenance treatments are well-documented to reduce crime
tion87 – are severely traumatized by incarceration.88 Although and disease97 while saving between $498 and $3799 per dollar
only 30 percent of drug courts knowingly accept people with invested.
co-occurring mental health and substance use disorders,89
the imposition of incarceration sanctions on these – and on Despite endorsements by Centers for Disease Control and
undiagnosed – individuals is counterproductive and creates Prevention, the Institute of Medicine, SAMHSA, the National
lasting harm. Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism, the National
Institute on Drug Abuse, the World Health Organization, and
even the National Association of Drug Court Professionals,
many, and perhaps most, drug courts continue to prohibit Even when it comes to drug law violations, the majority of
methadone treatment or other maintenance therapies because drug courts exclude all but those convicted of low-level drug
of an ideological preference for abstinence.100 This denial of possession. Even addicted persons who are caught selling petty
a highly successful treatment for opioid dependence nearly amounts of drugs simply to support their own addictions are
guarantees that most opioid-dependent individuals will fail typically barred from drug court. As a result, most drug courts
in drug court. cater to those who are least likely to be jailed or imprisoned
and who generally pose little threat to the safety of person or
To be sure, some treatment quality issues are not unique property. Only a handful of drug courts nationwide admit
to drug courts but are endemic to the larger publicly funded individuals with any previous serious or violent conviction,
treatment system.101 The lack of diverse, high-quality treat- no matter how long ago the conviction occurred.106
ment options is particularly detrimental for people of color,
women and young people. Programs are predominantly Moreover, when drug court participants are arrested, it is
staffed by counselors who lack the training, skills and typically for a drug law violation, not for a crime against
experience to treat the diverse populations they encounter.102 person or property. Early findings of the Multi-Site Adult
African-American men and women with heroin or cocaine Drug Court Evaluation (MADCE), for example, show that
problems, for example, are asked to succeed in programs arrests for “violent, weapons-related or public order offenses”
that were originally designed for white men struggling with were “rare” for both the drug court participants and those in
alcohol problems.103 the comparison group.107
As a National Institute of Justice report concludes, some As long as drug courts focus on people who use drugs
drug court treatment session attendance problems may not be (rather than on people who commit serious or violent crime),
caused by intractable participants, but rather by the placement the programs are unlikely to provide worthwhile benefit
of participants in inappropriate or low-quality programs.104 over other policy approaches to drug use. Indeed, research
People who are harmed more than helped by a treatment consistently supports changing the population of drug court
program – or treated in a manner insensitive to their race, so- participants, because “drug courts work better for those who
cioeconomic status, gender, sexuality or, ironically, the severity are at an inherently higher risk for future criminal behav-
of their drug problem – are left without recourse ior.”108 Given who they accept, it is no surprise that drug
and ultimately punished by a system that short-changes courts on the whole have not produced significant reductions
them. In the end, struggling drug court participants are often in serious or violent crime.
blamed for the inadequacies of the treatment system.
www.drugpolicy.org 13
Understanding Drug Courts:
What the Research Shows
continued
Finding:
Drug Courts May Not Reduce Incarceration
Drug Courts As
While drug courts do often reduce pre-trial detention, the ex-
Adjunct – Not Alternative –
tent to which they reduce incarceration overall is questionable. to Incarceration
This conclusion is supported by the preliminary results of the
five-year Multi-Site Adult Drug Court Evaluation (MADCE), Three years into a study of Baltimore’s drug court,
which found no statistically significant reduction in incarcera- 31 percent of participants had graduated after
tion for drug court participants over the comparison group after spending an average of nearly 22 months in the
18 months.109 Several factors contribute to these apparently program. Another 11 percent were still participat-
counter-intuitive findings. ing, while 45 percent had been terminated after
an average of almost 17 months in the program.118
First, drug courts may actually increase the number of people In other words, nearly half of participants were
incarcerated for drug law violations due to net-widening, a deemed “failures” even though they had attempted
process by which the introduction or expansion of a drug court to adhere to rigorous drug court requirements
(or other diversion program) is followed by an increase in drug for nearly a year and a half – a period longer than
arrests.110 Many of these newly arrested people will face incar- what their conventional sentences may have been.
ceration rather than drug court because of drug court capacity
constraints and strict eligibility criteria. In a community-based program, improvements
made during those 17 months could very well
This phenomenon has been dramatic in Denver, where the have been indicators of success, meriting further
number of people imprisoned for drug law violations doubled supports to maintain participants’ progress. In
soon after the city established drug courts.111 Net-widening may the drug court, however, 17 months of attempted
happen because law enforcement and other criminal justice adherence was eventually deemed insufficient, at
practitioners believe people will finally “get help” within the which point the participants were removed from
system. Unfortunately, as in the Denver example, the number the program to begin serving day one of their
of people arrested for eligible offenses prior to the establishment original sentence.
of the drug courts had already far exceeded what the drug court
could absorb.112 Additionally, Baltimore’s misdemeanor drug
court participants spent more than twice as many
Second, people who do not complete drug court may days incarcerated as their misdemeanor control
actually face longer sentences – up to two to five times longer, counterparts and almost as many days as felony
according to one study – than if they had been conventionally drug court participants.119 The drug court thus
sentenced in the first place.113 Since somewhere between punished participants with misdemeanor charges
30 and 70 percent of all drug court participants will com- as if they had been convicted of a felony.
plete the program,114 the number of people ejected and facing
potentially longer jail or prison sentences as a result of having
participated in a drug court (partly for having forfeited their
opportunity to plead to a lesser charge) is substantial.
www.drugpolicy.org 15
Mixing Treatment and
Punishment: A Faulty Approach
The fundamental tension that exists between the goals of Abstinence-Only and the Predominance of
treatment and punishment – and the predominance of Punishment Over Treatment
punishment over treatment in any criminal justice-based
program – means that drug courts cannot hope to substan- A health-centered response to drug use assesses improvement
tially reduce the number of people incarcerated for drug use by many measures – not simply by people’s drug use levels,
as long as drug use is criminalized. Indeed, it means that drug but also by their personal health, employment status, social
courts are apt to incarcerate those who could most benefit relationships and general wellbeing. “Success” in the criminal
from treatment. justice context, by contrast, boils down to the single measure
of abstinence – because any drug use is deemed illegal behavior.
Fundamental Paradox of Drug Courts Both approaches already exist in the U.S. today; the wealthy
often benefit from one, while people of less means are by and
Drug courts are grounded in two contradictory models. large subject to the other.
The disease model assumes that people with an addiction
disorder use drugs compulsively – that is, despite negative Rehabilitative regimes that rely on criminal justice coercion
consequences.132 The rational actor model, which underlies have historically devolved into increasingly punitive systems.137
principles of punishment, assumes that people weigh the Drug courts’ attempts to meld treatment and punishment
benefits of their actions against the potential consequences ultimately succumb to the dominance of punishment over
of those actions.133 therapeutic principles. Though a judge may provide leniency
to those who make important strides, drug court participants
These dueling models result in people being “treated” through will eventually be labeled “failures” and sanctioned unless they
a medical lens while the symptoms of their condition – achieve and maintain abstinence for a period of time that
chiefly, the inability to maintain abstinence – are addressed the judge deems reasonable. Duty-bound to penal codes that
through a penal one. The person admitted into drug court is criminalize drug use, drug courts’ ultimate demand is complete
regarded as not fully rational and only partially responsible for abstinence from drugs. Meanwhile, the many other medical
their drug use; yet the same person is considered sufficiently and social indicators of wellbeing become secondary or tertiary.
rational and responsible to respond to the “carrots and sticks”
(i.e., rewards and sanctions) of drug court.134 No form of treatment – court-mandated or otherwise – can
guarantee long-term abstinence from drug use. Moreover,
Under this approach, those suffering more serious drug prob- lapses in treatment compliance are a predictable feature of
lems are most likely to “fail” drug court and be punished.135 substance use disorders, just as they are with other chronic
In the end, the person who has the greatest ability to control conditions, including diabetes and hypertension. But drug
his or her own drug use will be much more likely to complete courts make it difficult for people whose only “crime” is their
treatment and be deemed a “success.” drug use to extricate themselves from the criminal justice
system. The court, bound to the benchmark of abstinence,
In blending two incompatible philosophies,136 a drug court and rooted in principles of deterrence, retribution and inca-
(or any other criminal justice-based program) cannot adhere pacitation, 138 equates drug relapse with criminal recidivism
to both approaches and faithfully embody either one. This and punishes it as such.
incongruity results in thousands of drug court participants
being punished or dropped from programs each year for Drug court adaptations in Canada, Australia and the
failing to overcome addictions in a setting not conducive to United Kingdom have expanded measures of success to
their success. include decreased drug use and crime, while broadly allowing
opioid-maintenance therapy (such as methadone) and, in
some circumstances, tolerating cannabis use.139 In the U.S.,
too, a handful of drug courts have adopted similar harm
reduction measures, suggesting that some pragmatic reforms
are feasible even absent a major shift in domestic drug policies.
California provides an important case study in how Prop. 36 represents a positive modification of drug
treatment within the criminal justice system will courts, taken to scale. From 2001-2006, when Prop. 36
always come second to that system’s primary mis- was funded at $120 million a year, 36,000 people were
sions of deterrence, retribution and incapacitation. enrolled annually141 (nearly ten times the number of
people enrolled in all of California’s drug courts and
Passed by 61 percent of voters in 2000, nearly two-thirds the number of people participating
Proposition 36 permanently changed the state’s in all drug courts nationwide),142 completion rates
sentencing law to require probation and treatment were comparable to those of other criminal justice
rather than incarceration for a first and second low- programs,143 and the number of people in California
level drug law violation. The Drug Policy Alliance, prisons for drug possession dropped by more than
with support from many others, designed Prop. 36 27 percent.144 An estimated $2,861 was saved per
and spearheaded the campaign to pass the law. Its participant, or $2.50 for every dollar invested,145 and
intent is to provide universal access to treatment for there were no adverse effects on crime trends.146
eligible candidates while prohibiting their incarcera-
tion (including incarceration sanctions), to prevent Prop. 36 is instructive in that its participants’
cherry-picking of participants, to allow drug testing completion rates are comparable to drug courts’, but
for treatment (but not punitive) purposes, and to Prop. 36 participants were not cherry-picked and
empower health providers – not judges – to make were not subject to incarceration sanctions.147
treatment decisions.140
Nevertheless, Prop. 36 remains – like drug courts –
squarely within the criminal justice system.
Admission to the program follows conviction (similar
to most drug courts), participants appear to have
displaced voluntary clients in cash-strapped publicly
funded programs (even though Prop. 36 funding
helped establish nearly 700 new program sites),148
and failure to maintain abstinence ultimately results
in expulsion from the program and imposition of
conventional sentencing.149
Stopgap measures to address the drug arrest epidemic As this report emphasizes, drug courts are bound by the
within the criminal justice system have failed. It is time rules of the criminal justice system in which they exist.
for a new approach to drug use – one focused on health. As policy makers and advocates work to improve that
A health paradigm recognizes that the criminalization of larger system, however, there are things that drug courts
drug use does more harm than good; that prevention, themselves – and those who dispense drug court funding –
treatment and other social supports are often more appro- can do immediately to improve and standardize practices
priate and cost-effective than criminal justice involvement; to more effectively and cost-effectively apply their
and that, similar to alcohol consumption, drug use does limited resources.
not always impede a person’s functioning or ability to be
successful, and therefore not everyone who uses a drug
needs treatment.
120
Treatment
100
Conventional Enforcement
80
Longer Sentences
60
0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
• Focus drug court resources on people facing lengthy prison Even as drug courts continue to proliferate, the federal
terms to ensure that drug court is actually a diversion from government and some states are seeking out more systemic
incarceration and not more restrictive than the conventional changes to address the dual burdens of mass drug arrests and
sentence;150 incarceration. Many of these measures aim to reduce the
• Adopt objective admission criteria and reduce the prosecutor’s number of people going to prison for a petty drug offense,
role as gate-keeper;151 shorten the length of time served for drug law violations, or
• Use a pre-plea rather than a post-plea model;152 reduce probation and parole revocations for drug use.155
• Ensure due process protections and enhance the role of
defense counsel;153 and To limit the number of people going to prison for a
• Improve data collection, research rigor, and implementation petty drug law violation, several states have implemented
of demonstrated best practices.154 alternative-to-incarceration programs and others are moving
in that direction. Several years ago, for example, Texas
To this list, the Drug Policy Alliance recommends adding successfully opted for alternatives to incarceration rather than
the following: build a new prison.156 New York adopted major reforms of
its 36-year-old Rockefeller Drug Laws in 2009, including
• Prohibit the use of incarceration sanctions for drug law alternatives to incarceration for petty drug possession and
violations and provide a treatment response instead; sales offenses.157 As this report was published, California was
• Incorporate health measures – not simply abstinence – into considering ending prison sentences for most petty drug
program goals; offenses. South Carolina was aiming to reduce its prison
• Improve overall treatment quality and employ opioid population by handling more low-level drug and other of-
maintenance treatments and other evidence-based therapies; fenses outside of prison walls.158 And an Oklahoma legislator
• Work to ensure that drug courts are more health-oriented had promised to introduce his own plan to divert thousands
than punitive; of people convicted of petty offenses from prison.159
• Use drug tests as a treatment tool, not as punishment;
• Empower treatment professionals in decision-making; Programs that provide alternatives to incarceration for a
• Reduce turnover of trained and experienced court, substantial portion of people convicted of a petty drug law
probation and treatment staff to improve program continuity violation improve the utilization of limited resources and al-
and consistency; low the criminal justice system to focus on matters of greater
• Ensure that punishment for “failing” the program is not worse public safety. As some states are already learning, reducing
than the original penalty for the offense; and penalties is an even more effective way to reduce costs while
• Work to establish other local alternatives outside the drug preserving public safety. In 2010, Colorado reduced penalties
court for those who want and need access to treatment but for some low-level possession offenses and New Jersey restored
do not warrant intensive court resources (e.g., probation- judges’ discretion to waive mandatory minimum sentences
supervised treatment). for certain low-level drug law violations that take place in
“drug-free zones.” In late 2010, Indiana’s Criminal Code
While these short-term fixes would help improve the Evaluation Commission advised the state to shorten sentences
functioning, transparency and accountability of drug courts, for drug possession and some low-level sales offenses.160 And
policymakers must also ask what other interventions might at the federal level, landmark legislation in 2010 dramatically
be equally or more successful with different populations. reduced disproportionate sentencing for crack cocaine, and
After all, there will not be one policy solution to the issues of repealed a mandatory minimum drug sentence for the first
drug use or public safety. Rather, U.S. drug policy will benefit time since the 1970s (what had been a five-year sentence for
when a range of options is available and when robust research possession of five grams of crack cocaine – the weight of two
drives policy decisions. sugar packets).161
www.drugpolicy.org 19
Toward a Health-Centered
Approach to Drug Use
continued
As some states are These changes are steps in the right direction. However,
they fall short of what is ultimately necessary to reduce the
already learning, role of the criminal justice system in this health issue: a
removal of criminal penalties for drug use absent harm – or
reducing penalties is an substantial risk of harm, such as driving under the influence
– to others. As long as more than 1.6 million people are
even more effective way arrested every year for drug law violations and hundreds of
thousands more are sanctioned for drug-related violations
to reduce costs while of parole or probation,166 drug cases will continue to swamp
preserving public safety. the criminal justice system and have a negative impact on
individuals and communities.
www.drugpolicy.org 21
Toward a Health-Centered
Approach to Drug Use
continued
A decade later, Portugal’s paradigm change from a punitive Despite the health and fiscal benefits of drug treatment,
approach to a health-centered one has proved enormously too many people lack access to it. Federal health care
popular. It has not created a haven for “drug tourists” nor has legislation, signed by President Obama in 2010, takes a
it led to increased drug use rates, which continue to be among promising step forward by expanding eligibility for private
the lowest in the European Union.173 Rather, fatal overdose and public insurance and by requiring all insurers to provide
from opiates has been cut nearly in half,174 new HIV/AIDS coverage for substance use and mental health service benefits
infections in people who inject drugs fell by two-thirds,175 on par with coverage for other chronic conditions. This parity
the number of people in treatment increased176 and the requirement will help to reduce two significant barriers to
number of people on opioid maintenance treatments more treatment – cost and stigma – by promising to make treat-
than doubled.177 Portugal’s paradigm shift has facilitated ment accessible through public and private health insurance
better uptake of prevention, treatment, harm reduction and and through more doctors’ offices.
social reintegration services and, ultimately, a more realistic
approach to drug use driven by experience and evidence.178 Significantly, under the new health care legislation, all
nonelderly adults with income up to 133 percent of the fed-
The failure of U.S. stopgap measures and the success of the eral poverty level will become eligible for Medicaid in 2014.182
Portuguese model challenge advocates and policymakers in This will capture many currently uninsured people, including
the U.S. to focus on building the political will to work toward many in the criminal justice system. Medicaid eligibility will
removing criminal penalties for drug use and implement in- not translate into real access to treatment, however, unless
stead a comprehensive and effective health-centered approach. states work to preserve, and then expand, their addiction
treatment systems. As adults become able to access drug treat-
Recommendation: ment through Medicaid, it will make even less sense to invest
Invest in Public Health, Including in resource-intensive drug courts that focus on people whose
Harm Reduction and Treatment illegal activity is largely limited to drug use. These new dollars,
too, must not be devoted solely to abstinence-only approach-
Public health interventions are wise, necessary long-term es, such as those mandated by drug courts, but to a wide range
investments. They reduce the harms associated with drug of services that focus on improving people’s health.
use, prevent crimes against people and property, and cut
associated costs. These approaches must not begin and end Bringing drug treatment into the primary care setting is
with abstinence-only programs. While treatments aimed at essential, but it is not enough. Programs designed for people
supporting people who desire to cease drug use must be made who do not routinely access the mainstream health care sys-
much more widely available, strategies to prevent overdose tem are also needed. For example, syringe exchange programs
deaths and reduce the spread of communicable disease are and safe injection facilities – which focus on empowering
also critical and must be expanded. individuals to make healthier choices – have proven to be safe,
effective opportunities for more marginalized people to engage
A 2006 analysis found that every dollar invested in drug help and services.183
treatment saves $7 due to increased employment earnings and
reduced medical care, mental health services, social service Just as public health principles support the use of condoms,
supports, and crime.179 A 1994 RAND study commissioned contraceptives, cigarette filters and seat belts to reduce health
by the U.S. Army and the White House Office of National risks, drug policies must seek to reduce the harms and risks
Drug Control Policy found treatment to be seven times more associated with drug use. As Portuguese policymakers learned,
effective at reducing cocaine consumption than domestic law an overemphasis on abstinence can obstruct efforts to
enforcement, ten times more effective than drug interdiction,
and 23 times more effective than trying to eradicate drugs at
their source.180 A 1997 SAMHSA study found that treatment
reduces drug selling by 78 percent, shoplifting by almost
82 percent, and assaults by 78 percent.181
www.drugpolicy.org 23
Conclusion
1 Lake Research Partners, “New Poll Shows Majority of Americans Support Efforts to 24 Ibid.
Make Alcohol and Drug Addiction Treatment More Accessible, Affordable,” June 25 European Legal Database on Drugs, “Illegal Possession of Drugs,” 2008 <http://eldd.
2009 <www.facesandvoicesofrecovery.org/pdf/OSI_LakeResearch_2009.pdf>; emcdda.europa.eu/html.cfm/index5749EN.html>.
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), “New 26 United States Sentencing Commission, Federal Sentencing Guidelines Manual
National Poll Reveals Public Attitudes on Substance Abuse, Treatment and the (2010) §2D1.1
Prospects of Recovery,” September 2008 <www.guidetofeelingbetter.org/GuideToFeel- 27 Ibid.
ingBetter/SAMHSA%20Attitude%20Surveys%20Results.pdf>; Rasinski KA, Gerstein 28 SAMHSA, Office of Applied Studies, Treatment Episode Data Set (TEDS). Highlights –
DR and Lee RD. “Public Support for Substance Abuse Treatment Coverage: Results 2007 National Admissions to Substance Abuse Treatment Services, DASIS Series:
of a National Survey.” Unpublished, <http://www.rwjf.org/reports/grr/041644. S-45, DHHS Publication No. (SMA) 09-4360, Rockville, MD, 2009, Table A1
htm#FINDINGS>. See also: Faces and Voices of Recovery Resources <http://www. <http://wwwdasis.samhsa.gov/teds07/tedshigh2k7.pdf>; SAMHSA, Office of
facesandvoicesofrecovery.org/resources/other_research.php>. Applied Studies, The TEDS Report: Substance Abuse Treatment Admissions Referred by
2 Boldt, Richard, “A Circumspect Look at Problem-Solving Courts,” in Problem-Solving the Criminal Justice System, Rockville, MD, August 2009 http://www.oas.samhsa.
Courts: Justice for the Twenty-First Century?, eds. Paul C. Higgens and Mitchell B. gov/2k9/211/211CJadmits2k9.pdf.
MacKinem (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2009). 29 Hser, Yih-Ing, et al., “Impact of California’s Proposition 36 on the Drug Treatment
3 Bhati, Avi, John Roman, and Aaron Chalfin, To Treat or Not to Treat: Evidence on System: Treatment Capacity and Displacement,” American Journal of Public Health
the Effects of Expanding Treatment to Drug-Involved Offenders, Washington D.C.: 97, no. 1 (2007): 104-109. This trend has also occurred in the U.K., Finch, Emily, et
The Urban Institute, 2008. al., “Sentenced to Treatment: Early Experience of Drug Treatment and Testing Orders
4 Huddleston, West, Doug Marlowe and Rachel Casebolt. Painting the Current Picture: in England,” European Addiction Research 9, no. 3 (2003): 131-137; and in Canada,
A National Report Card on Drug Courts and Other Problem-Solving Court Programs in Rush, Brian R., and Cameron, T. Wild, “Substance Abuse Treatment and Pressures
the United States. National Drug Court Institute 2(1) 2008. from the Criminal Justice System: Data From a Provincial Client Monitoring System,”
5 Ibid. Addiction 98, no. 8 (2003): 1119-1128.
6 DeMatteo, David S., Douglas, B. Marlowe, and David S. Festinger, “Secondary Pre- 30 SAMHSA, Office of Applied Studies, Treatment Episode Data Set (TEDS). Highlights –
vention Services for Clients Who Are Low Risk in Drug Court: A Conceptual Model,” 2007 National Admissions to Substance Abuse Treatment Services, DASIS Series:
Crime and Delinquency 52, no. 1 (2006): 114-134. S-45, DHHS Publication No. (SMA) 09-4360, Rockville, MD, 2009, Table 4
7 Boldt, Richard, “Rehabilitative Punishment and the Drug Treatment Court <http://oas.samhsa.gov/TEDS2k7highlights/TEDSHighl2k7Tbl4.htm>; 1997 data
Movement,” Washington University Law Quarterly 76 (1998): 1205-1306. from <http://wwwdasis.samhsa.gov/teds97/id77.htm>.
8 National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, America’s Problem-Solving 31 Mark, Tami L., et al., “Trends in Spending For Substance Abuse Treatment,
Courts: The Criminal Costs of Treatment and the Case for Reform, Washington D.C.: 1986-2003,” Health Affairs 26, no. 4 (2007): 1118-1128.
NACDL, 2009. 32 SAMHSA, Office of Applied Studies, 2008 Survey on Drug Use & Health:
9 Hoffman, Morris B., “Therapeutic Jurisprudence, Neo-Rehabilitationism, and Judicial National Findings, NSDUH Series H-36, HHS Publication No. SMA 09-4434,
Collectivism: The Least Dangerous Branch Becomes the Most Dangerous,” Fordham Rockville, MD, September 2009, Table 5.54B <http://www.oas.samhsa.gov/
Urban Law Journal 29, no. 5 (2002): 2063-2098. nsduh/2k8nsduh/2k8Results.pdf>.
10 Ibid; Hoffman, Morris B., “The Drug Court Scandal,” North Carolina Law Review 33 Stevens, “Alternatives to What? Drug Treatment Alternatives as a Response to Prison
78, no. 5 (2000): 1437-534; Miller, Eric J., “Embracing Addiction: Drug Courts and Expansion and Overcrowding.”
the False Promise of Judicial Interventionism,” Ohio State Law Review 65 (2004): 34 Stevens, Alex, Tim McSweeney, Marianne van Ooyen and Ambros Uchtenhagen,
Interventionism.” and Police Policy in New York City, 1997-2007, New York: New York Civil Liberties
12 Bhati, Roman, and Chalfin, To Treat or Not to Treat: Evidence on the Effects of Union, April 2008 <http://www.nyclu.org/files/MARIJUANA-ARREST-CRUSADE_
Expanding Treatment to Drug-Involved Offenders. Final.pdf>; Bewley-Taylor, Dave, Chris Hallam, and Rob Allen, The Incarceration
13 Ibid. of Drug Offenders: An Overview, London: The Beckley Foundation Drug Policy
14 Boldt, “A Circumspect Look at Problem-Solving Courts.” Programme, March 2009 <http://www.idpc.net/php-bin/documents/Beckley_
15 Ibid. Report_16_2_FINAL_EN.pdf>; Mauer, Marc, The Changing Racial Dynamics on the
16 National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, America’s Problem-Solving Courts: War on Drugs, Washington D.C.: The Sentencing Project, September 2009
The Criminal Costs of Treatment and the Case for Reform. <http://www.sentencingproject.org/doc/dp_raceanddrugs.pdf>.
17 Stevens, Alex, “Alternatives to What? Drug Treatment Alternatives as a Response 36 Mauer and King, A 25-Year Quagmire: The War on Drugs and Its Impacts on
to Prison Expansion and Overcrowding,” Paper presented at the Second Annual American Society.
Conference of the International Society for the Study of Drug Policy, Lisbon, 37 Bhati, Roman, and Chalfin, To Treat or Not to Treat: Evidence on the Effects of
18 Mauer, Marc, and Ryan S. King, A 25-Year Quagmire: The War on Drugs and Its Im- 39 King, Ryan S. and Jill Pasquarella, Drug Courts: A Review of the Evidence,
pacts on American Society, Washington D.C.: The Sentencing Project, September 2007 Washington D.C.: The Sentencing Project, April 2009.
<http://www.sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/dp_25yearquagmire.pdf>. 40 United States General Accounting Office, Adult Drug Courts: Evidence Indicates
19 Federal Bureau of Investigation, “Crime in the United States 2009” <http://www2.fbi. Recidivism Reductions and Mixed Results from Other Outcomes, Washington D.C.:
gov/ucr/cius2009/data/table_29.html>. GPO, February 2005.
20 Mauer and King, A 25-Year Quagmire: The War on Drugs and Its Impacts on 41 These drug court failure estimates are based on 1.4 million people who were arrested
American Society. for drug possession in 2007. See U.S. Department of Justice, Estimated Arrests for
21 Ibid. Drug Abuse Violations by Age Group, 1970-2007.
22 Ibid. See also Boynum D., and P. Reuter, An Analytic Assessment of US Drug Policy, 42 Bhati, Roman, and Chalfin, To Treat or Not to Treat: Evidence on the Effects of
Washington D.C.: The AEI Press, 2005; Rossman et al., A Portrait of Adult Drug Expanding Treatment to Drug-Involved Offenders; Stevens, “Alternatives to What? Drug
Courts, Washington D.C.: The Urban Institute, 2008; and Pollack, Harold, Peter Treatment Alternatives as a Response to Prison Expansion and Overcrowding”; Pol-
Reuter and Eric Sevigny, “If Drug Treatment Works So Well, Why Are So Many Drug lack, Harold, Peter Reuter and Eric Sevigny, “If Drug Treatment Works So Well, Why
Users in Prison?,” Paper presented at the National Bureau of Economic Research Are So Many Drug Users in Prison?” <http://www.nber.org/confer/2010/CRIs10/
Conference on Economical Crime Control, January 15-16, 2010. Reuter.pdf>; See also Austin, James and Barry Krisberg, “The Unmet Promise of
23 Stevens, “Alternatives to What? Drug Treatment Alternatives as a Response to Prison Alternatives to Incarceration,” Crime and Delinquency 28, no. 3 (1982): 374-409.
Expansion and Overcrowding.” 43 King, Ryan S., Disparity by Geography: The War on Drugs in America’s Cities,
www.drugpolicy.org 25
Endnotes
continued
44 Mauer, The Changing Racial Dynamics on the War on Drugs. 65 DeMatteo, David S., Douglas B. Marlowe, and David S. Festinger, “Secondary
45 Mauer and King, A 25-Year Quagmire: The War on Drugs and Its Impacts on American Prevention Services for Clients Who Are Low Risk in Drug Court: A Conceptual
Society; Mauer, The Changing Racial Dynamics on the War on Drugs. Model,” Crime and Delinquency 52, no. 1 (2006): 114-134.
46 Mauer, Marc, and Tracy Huling, Young Black Americans and the Criminal Justice 66 Goldkamp, J., “The Drug Court Response: Issues and Implications for Justice
System: Five Years Later, Washington D.C.: The Sentencing Project, October 1995 Change,” Albany Review 63 (2000): 923-961; Fischer, B., “Doing Good with a
<http://www.sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/rd_youngblack_5yrslater.pdf>. Vengeance”; National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, America’s Problem-
47 Ibid. Solving Courts: The Criminal Costs of Treatment and the Case for Reform.
48 Uggen, Christopher, Sara Wakefield, and Bruce Western, “Work and Family 67 United States General Accounting Office, Drug Courts: Overview of Growth,
Perspectives on Reentry,” in Prisoner Reentry and Crime in America, eds. Jeremy Travis Characteristics, and Results; United States General Accounting Office, Adult Drug
and Christy Visher (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). Courts: Evidence Indicates Recidivism Reductions and Mixed Results from Other
49 Schirmer, Sarah, Ashley Nellis, and Marc Mauer, Incarcerated Parents and Their Outcomes; Belenko, Stephen R., “Research on Drug Courts: A Critical Review,”
Children, Washington D.C.: The Sentencing Project, February 2009 <http://www. National Court Institute Review 1, no. 1 (1998): 1-42; Belenko, “Research on Drug
sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/publications/inc_incarceratedparents.pdf >. Courts: A Critical Review (1999 Update),” National Drug Court Institute Review 1, no.
50 Street, Paul, The Vicious Circle: Race, Prison, Jobs, and Community in Chicago, Illinois, 2 (1999): 1-59; Belenko, Research on Drug Courts: A Critical Review (2001 Update);
and the Nation: Chicago Urban League, 2002. <www.thechicagourbanleague.org/ Fischer, B., “Doing Good with a Vengeance.”
723210130204959623/lib/723210130204959623/_Files/theviciouscircle.pdf>. 68 United States General Accounting Office, Drug Courts: Overview of Growth,
51 Hoffman, Morris B., “The Drug Court Scandal”; National Association of Criminal Characteristics, and Results”; United States General Accounting Office, Drug Courts:
Defense Lawyers, America’s Problem-Solving Courts: The Criminal Costs of Treatment Better DOJ Data Collections and Evaluation Efforts Needed to Measure Impact of
and the Case for Reform. Drug Court Programs, Washington D.C.: GPO, April 2002; United States General
52 Ibid; O’Hear, Michael, “Rethinking Drug Courts: Restorative Justice as a Response to Accounting Office, Adult Drug Courts: Evidence Indicates Recidivism Reductions and
Racial Injustice,” Stanford Law & Policy Review 20 (2009): 101-137. Mixed Results from Other Outcomes.
53 Belenko, Steven R., Research on Drug Courts: A Critical Review (2001 Update), 69 United States General Accounting Office, Adult Drug Courts: Evidence Indicates
New York: National Center on Addiction and Substance Abuse at Columbia Recidivism Reductions and Mixed Results from Other Outcomes.
University, 2001. See also Bowers, Josh, “Contraindicated Drug Courts,” UCLA 70 Gottfredson et al., “The Baltimore City Drug Treatment Courts”; Gottfredson, Denise
Law Review 55 (2008). C., Stacy S. Najaka, and Brook Kearley, “Effectiveness of Drug Treatment Courts:
54 Lutze, Faith E., and Jacqueline G. van Wormer, “The Nexus Between Drug and Evidence from a Randomized Trial,” Criminology and Public Policy 2 (2003): 171-196.
Alcohol Treatment Program Integrity and Drug Court Effectiveness: Policy 71 Gottfredson et al., “Long-Term Effects of Participation in the Baltimore City Drug
Recommendations for Pursuing Success,” Criminal Justice Policy Review 18, no. 3 Treatment Court.”
(2007): 226-245. 72 Ibid.
55 Anspach, Donald F. and Andrew S. Ferguson, Assessing the Efficacy of Treatment 73 Deschenes, Elizabeth Piper et al., An Experimental Evaluation of Drug Testing and
Modalities in the Context of Adult Drug Courts: Final Report, Portland, ME: University Treatment Interventions for Probationers in Maricopa County, Arizona, Santa Monica,
of Southern Maine, April 2003. CA: RAND, July 1996 <http://www.rand.org/pubs/drafts/2008/DRU1387.pdf>.
56 Bowers, “Contraindicated Drug Courts.” 74 Turner, Susan et al., “Perceptions of Drug Court: How Offenders View Ease of
57 Gottfredson, Denise C., and M. Lyn Exum, “The Baltimore City Drug Treatment Program Completion, Strengths and Weaknesses, and the Impact on Their Lives,”
Courts: One-Year Results from a Randomized Study,” Journal of Research on Crime National Drug Court Institute Review 2 (1999): 61-85.
and Delinquency 39 (2002): 337-356; Gottfredson, Denise C., et al., “Long-Term 75 Breckenridge, J.F. et al., “Drunk Drivers, DWI ‘Drug Court’ Treatment, and
Effects of Participation in the Baltimore City Drug Treatment Court: Results from Recidivism: Who Fails?,” Justice Research and Policy 2, no. 1 (2000): 87-105.
an Experimental Study,” Journal of Experimental Criminology 2, no. 1 (2006): 67-98; 76 Ibid., 103.
Bowers, Josh, “Contraindicated Drug Courts”; O’Hear, Michael, “Rethinking Drug 77 Goldkamp et al., “Do Drug Courts Work?”
Courts: Restorative Justice as a Response to Racial Injustice.” 78 The National Association of Drug Court Professionals, Defining Drug Courts:
58 Hawken, Angela, Testimony to U.S. House of Representatives Committee on The Key Components, January 1997.
Oversight and Government Reform Subcommittee on Domestic Policy Hearing, 79 King and Pasquarella, Drug Courts: A Review of the Evidence; Harrell, Adele and John
“Quitting Hard Habits: Efforts to Expand and Improve Alternatives to Incarceration Roman, “Reducing Drug Use and Crime among Offenders: The Impact of Graduated
for Drug-Involved Offenders,” July 22, 2010. Sanctions,” Journal of Drug Issues 31(1), 207-232, 2001.
59 Roman, John K., Testimony to U.S. House of Representatives Committee on 80 California Society of Addiction Medicine, “Proposition 36 Revisited” <http://www.
Oversight and Government Reform Subcommittee on Domestic Policy Hearing, csam-asam.org/prop36article.vp.html>; See also Goldkamp et al., “Do Drug Courts
“Quitting Hard Habits: Efforts to Expand and Improve Alternatives to Incarceration Work?”; Hepburn, John R., and Angela Harvey, “The Effect of the Threat of Legal
for Drug-Involved Offenders,” July 22, 2010. Sanction on Program Retention and Completion: Is That Why They Stay in Drug
60 Wilson, D. B., Mitchell, O., and MacKenzie, D. L. (2006), “A systematic review of Court?” Crime and Delinquency 53, no. 2 (2007): 255-280.
drug court effects on recidivism,” Journal of Experimental Criminology, 2, 459-487. 81 Drake, Elizabeth, Steve Aos, and Marna G. Miller, “Evidence-Based Public
61 Latimer, J., Morton-Bourgon, K., & Chretien, J. (2006). A meta-analytic examination Policy Options to Reduce Crime and Criminal Justice Costs: Implications in
of drug treatment courts: Do they reduce recidivism? Canada Dept. of Justice, Research & Washington State,” Victims and Offenders, 4:170–196 <www.wsipp.wa.gov/rpt-
Statistics Division. files/09-00-1201.pdf>.
62 Fischer, B., “Doing Good with a Vengeance: A Critical Assessment of the Practices, 82 The National Association of Drug Court Professionals, Defining Drug Courts:
Effects and Implications of Drug Treatment Courts in North America,” Criminal The Key Components, January 1997.
Justice 3, no. 3 (2003): 227-248; United States General Accounting Office, Drug 83 Rempel, Michael et al., The New York State Adult Drug Court Evaluation: Policies,
Courts: Overview of Growth, Characteristics, and Results, Washington D.C.: GPO, July Participants, and Impacts, Center for Court Innovation, 2003(a), p. 68.
1997; United States General Accounting Office, Adult Drug Courts: Evidence Indicates 84 Goldkamp et al., “Do Drug Courts Work?”
Recidivism Reductions and Mixed Results from Other Outcomes. 85 Longshore, Douglas et al., Evaluation of the Substance Abuse and Crime Prevention Act:
63 Roman, John K., Testimony to U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Final Report, Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Substance Abuse Programs, 2007.
Oversight and Government Reform Subcommittee on Domestic Policy Hearing, 86 Haney, Craig, “The Psychological Impact of Incarceration: Implications for Post-
“Quitting Hard Habits: Efforts to Expand and Improve Alternatives to Incarceration Prison Adjustment,” presented at “From Prison to Home: The Effect of Incarceration
for Drug-Involved Offenders,” July 22, 2010. and Reentry on Children, Families and Communities,” January 30-31, 2002
64 Goldkamp, J.S., M.D. White, and J.B. Robinson, “Do Drug Courts Work? Getting <http://aspe.hhs.gov/hsp/prison2home02/haney.pdf>.
Inside the Drug Court Black Box,” Journal of Drug Issues 31, no. 1 (2001): 32. 87 Beck, Allen J., and Laura M. Maruschak, Mental Health Treatment in State Prisons,
2000, Special Report, NCJ 188215, Washington D.C.: Department of Justice, Bureau
of Justice Statistics, 2001: 1-8; Haney, “The Psychological Impact of Incarceration”
estimates that this figure may be more than 20 percent.
91 Hoffman, “The Drug Court Scandal”; Lutze and van Wormer, “The Nexus Between Treatment Court.”
Drug and Alcohol Treatment Program Integrity and Drug Court Effectiveness.” 117 Harrell, “Judging Drug Courts.”
92 Anspach and Ferguson, Assessing the Efficacy of Treatment Modalities in the Context of 118 Gottfredson et al., “Long-Term Effects of Participation in the Baltimore City Drug
Program Integrity and Drug Court Effectiveness.” 120 Roman, Testimony to U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Oversight and
94 Boldt, “Rehabilitative Punishment and the Drug Treatment Court Movement.” Government Reform Subcommittee on Domestic Policy Hearing.
95 Institute of Medicine, Treating Drug Problems, Volume 1: A Study of the Evolution, 121 Belenko, “Research on Drug Courts: A Critical Review.”
Effectiveness, and Financing of Public and Private Drug Treatment Systems 122 Ibid.; United States General Accounting Office, Drug Courts: Overview of
(Washington D.C.: National Academy Press, 1990): 187. Growth, Characteristics, and Results; United States General Accounting Office,
96 Kleber, Herbert D., M.D., “Methadone Maintenance Four Decades Later: Thousands Adult Drug Courts: Evidence Indicates Recidivism Reductions and Mixed Results from
of Lives Saved But Still Controversial,” Journal of the American Medical Association Other Outcomes.
300, no. 19 (2008): 2303-2305. 123 United States General Accounting Office, Drug Courts: Overview of Growth,
97 Amato, Laura et al., “An Overview of Systematic Reviews of the Effectiveness of Characteristics, and Results.
Opiate Maintenance Therapies: Available Evidence to Inform Clinical Practice and 124 Hoffman, “The Drug Court Scandal”; King and Pasquarella, Drug Courts: A Review of
Research,” Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment 28 (2005): 321-330; Kleber, the Evidence; NACDL, America’s Problem Solving Courts.
“Methadone Maintenance Four Decades Later.” 125 Goldkamp, “The Drug Court Response”; Gottfredson et al., “Effectiveness of Drug
98 Gerstein, D.R. et al., Evaluating Recovery Services: The California Drug and Alcohol Treatment Courts.”
Treatment Assessment (CALDATA) General Report, State of California Department of 126 Fluellen and Trone, Do Drug Courts Save Jail and Prison Beds?; Gottfredson and Exum,
Alcohol and Drug Problems, 1994: 61-90. “The Baltimore City Drug Treatment Court”; O’Hear, “Rethinking Drug Courts.”
99 Zarkin, Gary A. et al., “Benefits and Costs of Methadone Treatment: Results from a 127 Miller, “Embracing Addiction”; Bhati et al., To Treat or Not to Treat: Evidence on the
Lifetime Simulation Model,” Health Economics 14 (2005): 1133-1150. Effects of Expanding Treatment to Drug-Involved Offenders; Rossman, Shelli Balter, J.
100 O’Donnell, Colleen, and Marcia Trick, Methadone Maintenance Treatment and the Zweig, and J. Roman, A Portrait of Adult Drug Courts, Washington D.C.: The Urban
Criminal Justice System, Washington D.C.: National Association of State Alcohol and Institute, 2008; Pollack et. al., “If Drug Treatment Works So Well, Why Are So Many
Drug Abuse Directors, Inc., April 2006; California Society of Addiction Medicine, Drug Users in Prison?”
“California Drug Courts Denying Methadone,” CSAM News 28, no. 1 (2002). 128 Fluellen and Trone, Do Drug Courts Save Jail and Prison Beds?
101 Anspach and Ferguson, Assessing the Efficacy of Treatment Modalities in the Context 129 Ettner, Susan L. et al., “Benefit-Cost in the California Treatment Outcome Project:
of Adult Drug Courts. Does Substance Abuse Treatment Pay for Itself?” Health Services Research 41, no. 1
102 Ibid. (2006): 192-213.
103 Lutze and van Wormer, “The Nexus Between Drug and Alcohol Treatment Program 130 SAMHSA, The National Treatment Improvement Evaluation Study (NTIES), Final
Adult Drug Courts; King, Ryan S. and Jill Pasquarella, Drug Courts: A Review of the to Reduce Crime and Criminal Justice Costs: Implications in Washington State.”
Evidence, Washington D.C.: The Sentencing Project, April 2009. 132 See generally Boldt, “Rehabilitative Punishment and the Drug Treatment Court
105 DeMatteo et al., “Secondary Prevention Services for Clients Who Are Low Risk in Movement”; Hoffman, “Therapeutic Jurisprudence, Neo-Rehabilitationism, and
Drug Court.” Judicial Collectivism”; Miller, “Embracing Addiction.”
106 Bhati, Roman, and Chalfin, To Treat or Not to Treat: Evidence on the Effects of 133 Ibid.
Expanding Treatment to Drug-Involved Offenders. 134 Bowers, “Contraindicated Drug Courts.” Ethnographic descriptions of how this
107 Roman, Testimony to U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Oversight and paradox manifests in practice are provided by study of a juvenile drug court in
Government Reform Subcommittee on Domestic Policy Hearing. Whiteacre, Kevin, “Strange Bedfellows: The Tension of Coerced Treatment,” Criminal
108 Rempel, Michael et al., “The Impact on Criminal Behavior and Participant Attitudes: Justice Policy Review 18, no. 3 (2007): 260-273: “Staff members experienced personal
Results from NIJ’s Multi-Site Adult Drug Court Evaluation, Part 2,” presented at ambivalence over the efficacy of sanctions as a therapeutic tool, particularly when faced
NADCP 16th Annual Training Conference, Boston, MA, June 4, 2010 <http://www. with some juveniles’ continued noncompliance despite the sanctions. Staff neutral-
urban.org/UploadedPDF/412141-the-impact-on-criminal.pdf>. ized this tension by attributing noncompliance to the juveniles’ lack of motivation,
109 Rempel, Michael, and Mia Green, “Do Drug Courts Reduce Crime and Produce concluding coerced treatment only works for those who are “ready” for treatment.
Psychosocial Benefits? Methodology and Results from NIJ’s Multi-Site Adult Drug This would appear to pose a paradox for coerced treatment, which is meant to induce
Court Evaluation (MADCE),” presented at American Society of Criminology compliance specifically among those who are not motivated.” See also Whiteacre,
Conference, Philadelphia, PA, November 5, 2009 <http://www.urban.org/Uploaded- “Drug Court Justice.”
PDF/412043_do_drug_courts.pdf>. 135 Hoffman, “Therapeutic Jurisprudence, Neo-Rehabilitationism, and Judicial
110 Hoffman, “The Drug Court Scandal”; See also King and Pasquarella, Drug Courts: Collectivism.”
A Review of the Evidence; and NACDL, America’s Problem Solving Courts: The Criminal 136 Boldt, “Rehabilitative Punishment and the Drug Treatment Court Movement.”
Costs of Treatment and the Case for Reform. 137 Ibid.; Boldt, “A Circumspect Look at Problem-Solving Courts.”
111 Hoffman, “The Drug Court Scandal.” 138 Boldt, “A Circumspect Look at Problem-Solving Courts.”
112 Ibid. 139 Bakht, Natasha and Paul Bentley, Problem Solving Courts as Agents of Change, Ottawa:
113 O’Hear, “Rethinking Drug Courts”; see also Fluellen, Reginald, and Jennifer Trone, National Judicial Institute, 2004; See also Nolan, James L. Jr., Legal Accents, Legal
Do Drug Courts Save Jail and Prison Beds?, New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2000. Borrowing: The International Problem-Solving Court Movement. Princeton, NJ:
114 United States General Accounting Office, Adult Drug Courts: Evidence Indicates Princeton University Press, 2009.
Recidivism Reductions and Mixed Results from Other Outcomes. 140 California Department of Alcohol and Drug Programs, “Proposition 36 Ballot Initia-
www.drugpolicy.org 27
Endnotes
continued
141 Longshore, Douglas et al, Evaluation of the Substance Abuse and Crime Prevention Act: 165 San Diego Police Department. “Serial Inebriate Program”
2003 Report, Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Integrated Substance Abuse Programs, 2004. <http://www.sandiego.gov/sip/>.
142 California Department of Alcohol and Drug Programs and Judicial Council of 166 Federal Bureau of Investigation, “Crime in the United States 2009.”
California, Administrative Office of the Courts, Drug Court Partnership Act of 1998, 167 Ibid.
Chapter 1007, Statutes 1998 – Technical Report, June 2002. 168 Hughes, Caitlin Elizabeth, and Alex Stevens, “What Can We Learn from the Portuguese
143 Longshore et al., Evaluation of the Substance Abuse and Crime Prevention Act: Decriminalization of Illicit Drugs?” British Journal of Criminology, 2010 50 (5).
Final Report. 169 Ibid.
144 Ehlers, Scott and Jason Ziedenberg, Proposition 36: Five Years Later, Washington D.C.: 170 Ibid.; Hughes, Caitlin Elizabeth, “Overcoming Obstacles to Reform?: Making and
Justice Policy Institute, April 2006. Shaping Drug Policy in Contemporary Portugal and Australia (PhD thesis, The
145 Longshore et al., SACPA Cost-Analysis Report (First and Second Years), Los Angeles, University of Melbourne, 2006).
CA: UCLA Integrated Substance Abuse Programs, 2006. 171 Hughes and Stevens, “What Can We Learn from the Portuguese Decriminalization
146 Ehlers and Ziedenberg, Proposition 36: Five Years Later. of Illicit Drugs?”
147 Longshore et al., Evaluation of the Substance Abuse and Crime Prevention Act: 172 Ibid.
2005 Report, Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Integrated Substance Abuse Programs. 173 Greenwald, Glenn, Drug Decriminalization in Portugal: Lessons for Creating Fair and
148 Hser et al., “Impact of California’s Proposition 36 on the Drug Treatment System: Successful Drug Policies, Washington D.C.: Cato Institute, 2009; Hughes and Stevens,
Treatment Capacity and Displacement,” American Journal of Public Health 97, no. 1 “What Can We Learn from the Portuguese Decriminalization of Illicit Drugs?”
(2007): 104-109. 174 Hughes and Stevens, “What Can We Learn from the Portuguese Decriminalization
149 California Department of Alcohol and Drug Programs, Substance Abuse and Crime of Illicit Drugs?”
Prevention Act of 2000 (SACPA – Proposition 36): Four Annual Report to the Legislature, 175 Instituto da Droga e da Toxicodependência, Relatório Anual 2008 - A Situação do País
Lawyers, America’s Problem-Solving Courts: The Criminal Costs of Treatment and the Illicit Drugs?”
Case for Reform. 177 Instituto da Droga e da Toxicodependência, Relatório Anual 2008 - A Situação do País
151 National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, America’s Problem-Solving Courts: em Matéria de Drogas e Toxicodependências.
The Criminal Costs of Treatment and the Case for Reform. 178 Hughes and Stevens, “What Can We Learn from the Portuguese Decriminalization of
Miller, “Embracing Addiction”; National Association of Criminal Defense 180 Rydell, Peter C. and Susan S. Everingham, Controlling Cocaine: Supply Versus Demand
Lawyers, America’s Problem-Solving Courts: The Criminal Costs of Treatment and the Programs, Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 1994.
Case for Reform. 181 SAMHSA, The National Treatment Improvement Evaluation Study (NTIES),
154 Belenko, “Research on Drug Courts: A Critical Review”; Belenko, Research on Final Report, 1997.
Drug Courts: A Critical Review (2001 Update); Fischer, B., “Doing Good with a 182 CNN, “Timeline: When health care reform will affect you,” March 26, 2010
Vengeance”; United States General Accounting Office, Drug Courts: Overview of <http://www.cnn.com/2010/POLITICS/03/23/health.care.timeline/index.html>.
Growth, Characteristics, and Results; United States General Accounting Office, Drug 183 Heimer, Robert, “Can Syringe Exchange Serve as a Conduit to Substance Abuse
Courts: Better DOJ Data Collections and Evaluation Efforts Needed to Measure Impact Treatment?,” Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment, 15, no. 3 (1998): 183-191;
of Drug Court Programs; King and Pasquarella, Drug Courts: A Review of the Evidence; MacPherson, Donald, A Framework for Action: A Four-Pillar Approach to Drug Problems
National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, America’s Problem-Solving Courts: in Vancouver, City of Vancouver, April 2001; Broadhead, Robert et al., “Safer Injection
The Criminal Costs of Treatment and the Case for Reform. Facilities in North America: Their Place in Public Policy and Health Initiatives,”
155 For a summary of drug law and penalty changes in 2010, see Porter, Nicole D., Journal of Drug Issues 32, no. 1 (2002): 329-356; Wood et al., “Attendance at Supervised
The State of Sentencing 2010: Developments in Policy and Practice, Washington D.C.: Injection Facilities and Use of Detoxification Services,” New England Journal of
The Sentencing Project, 2011. Medicine, 354 (2006): 2512-2514.
156 The Pew Center on the States. Prison Count 2010: State Population Declines for the 184 Hughes and Stevens, “What Can We Learn from the Portuguese Decriminalization of
First Time in 38 Years, Washington D.C.: April 2010 <http://www.pewcenteronthes- Illicit Drugs?”
tates.org/uploadedFiles/Prison_Count_2010.pdf?n=880>. 185 Paulozzi, Leonard J., “Trends in Unintentional Drug Overdose Deaths,” statement
157 Drug Policy Alliance, New York’s Rockefeller Drug Laws: Explaining the Reforms of made before the Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime and Drugs, March 12, 2008
2009, New York: August 2009 <http://www.drugpolicy.org/docUploads/Explain- <http://www.hhs.gov/asl/testify/2008/03/t20080312b.html>.
ing_the_RDL_reforms_of_2009_FINAL.pdf>. 186 National Institute on Drug Abuse, “Infectious Diseases and Drug Abuse,” NIDA Notes
158 Murphy, Sean. “GOP lawmaykers paying price for tough-on-crime laws,” Associated 14, no. 2 (1999).
Press, January 31, 2011 <http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20110131/ap_on_re_us/ 187 World Health Organization, Policy Brief: Provision of Sterile Injecting Equipment to
160 Murphy, “GOP lawmaykers paying price for tough-on-crime laws.” Exchange Programs in Reducing HIV Risk Behavior and HIV Seroconversion among
161 Baker, Peter. “Obama Signs Law Narrowing Cocaine Sentencing Disparities,” New Injecting Drug Users,” AIDS 15 (2001): 1329-1341.
York Times. August 3, 2010 <http://thecaucus.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/08/03/obama- 189 Kerr et al., “Drug-Related Overdoes Within a Medically Supervised Safer Injection
Table B, January 2010. See also US Government Accountability Office, Department Safer Injecting Facility for Illicit Injection Drug Users,” Canadian Medical Association
of Justice Could Better Assess Justice Assistance Grant Program Impact. October 2010 Journal 171, no. 7 (2004): 731-734.
<http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d1187.pdf>. 191 Maxwell, S. Bigg, D. Stanczykiewicz, K. Carlberg-Racich, “Prescribing Naloxone to
163 Drug Policy Alliance, “$90 Million in Federal Funds Going to California Counties Actively Injecting Heroin Users: A Program to Reduce Heroin Overdose Deaths,”
for Drug Treatment & Probation,” March 8, 2010 <http://www.drugpolicy.org/news/ Journal of Addictive Diseases 25, no. 3 (2006): 89-96.
pressroom/pressrelease/pr030810.cfm>. 192 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, “Syringe Exchange Programs: United
164 The Defender Association-Racial Disparity Project. “Law Enforcement Assisted States, 2005,” Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 56, no. 44 (2007): 1164-1167.
Diversion (LEAD): A Pre-Booking Diversion Model for Low-Level Drug 193 Heimer, “Can Syringe Exchange Serve as a Conduit to Substance Abuse Treatment?”
Offenses.” Seattle, WA: 2010 <http://www.law.seattleu.edu/Documents/cle/ar- 194 Sung, Hung-en, and Steven Belenko, “Failure After Success: Correlates of Recidivism
chive/2010/032610%20Restorative%20Justice/215pm%20LEAD%20concept%20 Among Individuals Who Successfully Completed Coerced Drug Treatment,” Journal of
paper.pdf>. Offender Rehabilitation 42, no. 1 (2005): 75-97; SAMHSA, Office of Applied Studies,
Employment Status and Substance Abuse Treatment Admissions: 2006.
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