Julius Che' S Web Blog

Julius Che' s Web Blog
Just as it happened
Dedicated to all fallen heroes of the Southern Cameroons
Contents
HUMAN RIGHTS AND FREEDOM Proposed Abstract on Intercultural Learning and Education Systems The Charter of the International Secretariat of the SCYL About the SCYL Commonwealth and Democracy UNPO December 2004 Report by Dr. Yongbang A.B Acting Chairman of S... A COUNTRY AT WAR FOR NO CRIME COMMITTED Our voices shall be heard wherever we are The truth shall never die Call for papers SCYL Policy statement on immigration,asylum and documentation Resolution 1608 Vs Cameroun by JusticeMuluh Mbuh Who is the Secretary General of the SCYL, read more Open letter to the UB Vice Chancellor by Feko Vincent SCYL around the Globe Condolence message from SCNC France Re-trieving the roots of SCYL Holland Re-trieving the roots of SCYL Holland Appointment of Comrade Wesley Tiku as SCYL North America Roving Amb... TWO SHOT DEAD AS UB ENTERS 4th DAY OF STRIKE The Genisis of the UB strike Action Arrest Warrant for UB Student Leaders 7 9 14 14 16 31 39 40 41 42 44 45 50 51 53 56 56 58 61 62 64 67
SCYL Holland on 1st October 2002 just two months after her formation SCARM Chairman Briefing the SCYL in the Lobby of Mecure Hotel The H... THE COUNCIL's PETITION ON THE KILLINGS IN THE UNIVERSITY OF BUEA Re Visiting the UB 2005 strike action to better understand today's ... Oben Maxwell Letter of Appeal for Mr. Etando Conrand Eta HAPPY NEW YEAR UB Strike and Lessons from fall out by FEKO Vincent SCYL TWIN VISIT TO SOUTH AFRICA and THE NETHERLANDS SCYL/SCNC German Demonstration in memory of the fallen Heroes of UB SCNC PRESS BRIEFING ENDS IN CONFRONTATION WITH THE FORCES OF OCCUPA... SCYL SCRIBE AND NATIONAL SECRETARY GENERAL BREAKS THE SILENCE SCYL Reaction on the Arrest AND Detention in Bamenda New Appointments at The SCYL International Secretariat. SCYL Code of Conduct Adieu Sister Adeline Azah The London Declaration Monday, January 14, 2008 NEWS Friday, January 25, 2008 THE HAGUE CONFERENCE OF 9-11 FEB. 2008 Friday, January 25, 2008
68 72 73 76 88 89 90 93 95 96 97 100 102 103 108 108 111 116 117 119 119
Friday, January 25, 2008 Monday, January 28, 2008 THE HAGUE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE FEB 9-11, 2008 Den Haag 2008
122 124 125 132
RESOLUTIONS [ The Hague Southern Cameroons International Conference... 133 Southern Cameroon International Conference on Photos SCYL Install North America Executive SCNC /SCYL ASYLUM REPORT 2007 BY THE MINISTRY OF EXTERNAL RELATIONS... Southern Cameroonian Murdered in Belgium Translated Version of Dutch Thematic Office Bulletin-Cameroon (Immi... SCARM / SCYL PART REACTION TO THE DUTCH "THEMATIC BULLETIN SCNC DEC... STATEMENT FROM THE SCYL SECRETARY GENERAL SCYL REACTION VISIT OF SCYL NATIONAL CHAIRMAN TO EUROPE SDF Saga-Colonel James Chi Ngafor speaks out On the Visit of His Holiness Pope Benedict XV1 to Cameroon SOUTHERN CAMEROONS CONFERENCE AND DINNER EVENING A CALL FOR URGENT ACTION 'PARDON' LOST NIET ALLE SCHIJNENDE SITUATIES OP FRAUD IN ENAM EXPOSED AS COURT PASSES RULING SCNC NORTH AMERICA INVITATION Crisis in the University of Buea 136 146 147 164 165 180 214 215 222 223 225 227 228 230 233 234 235
LIMAN OUMATE MALLOUM IN DETENTION Legal Status of the Southern Cameroons SCNC PRESSE RELEASE 20th May Celeberations: Fake or Real Was there any real lesson for Cameroon in South Africas general el... UK MP welcomes Asylum Seeker Deportation Delay IS DEPORTATION WORTH THE ANSWER Gang of Diploma Frauders and Regime Thieves in Cameroon Chief Ayamba and Nfor Nfor behind Bars in Mamfe-Cameroon Southern Cameroons Mourns Cameroon, a country in decline and delapidated the U. N calls it Unity, we call it Occupation African Catholic Community Den Haag Implementation of Civil and Political Rights in Cameroon: Lake Nyos 24 Years after a presidential disaster What is the meaning of re-unification
239 240 241 243 245 249 250 251 269 270 271 272 272 274 275 276
HUMAN RIGHTS AND FREEDOM

Wednesday, October 25, 2006
The concept of human rights and fundamental freedoms
In my view and a broader spectrum of the worlds community, Human Rights are God given and therefore natural free from human interference. After all, our great philosopher Jean Jacque Rousseau wrote in his book The Social Contract that man is born free but everywhere he is in chains Article 1 of the universal declaration of human rights does remind us on this All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. The are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood This clearly reminds us that everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedom set forth in the UN Declaration and accompanying charters without distinction as to race, color, sex, language, religion, political, and or other opinions.
The paradox that man is born free but everywhere he/she is in chains is very visible of 21st century Cameroun vies a vies The Federal Democratic Republic of The Southern Cameroons (Ambazonia), and every attempt to seek a solution to the problem within a purely secular framework has failed- Reasons for the creation of the Southern Cameroons defense force (SOCADEF). Totalitarianism, greed, and despotism are today more firmly entrenched in La Republique Du Cameroon and the aging generation of Southern Cameroons leaders than they ever were in the past. The need to reappraise the foundation on which the whole concept of human rights has therefore never been more pressing than it is today in Cameroun. The UN Declaration of Human Rights 1948 is a very important document (Article 9,10,11 ) as they explain obligated sovereignty and its impact on individual freedom. These articles though engrafted in the National Legislations of The Southern Cameroons occupiers ( la Republique du Cameroun ), is not to safeguard our inalienable rights and fundamental freedoms but for the International community as guarantee for loans. In the memorable words of the American Declaration of Independence by Thomas Jefferson, he said We hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal, they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from consent of the governed In a nutshell, it means human rights are not given by the government. They are the structures upon which governments are based and justified. Thomas Jefferson set forth a fundamental principle upon which democratic governments are founded. Governments in a democracy are created to protect those freedoms that every individual possesses by virtue of his/her existence. Our 17th century philosophers (John Locke, Rousseau) told us that inalienable rights are not destroyed when civil society is created and neither society nor government can remove or alienate them. These include- freedom of speech and expression (article 19 UN Charter), freedom of conscience, the right of equal protection before the law (article 7
UN Charter) and even la Republique du Camerouns law no. 90/55 of 19th December 1990 on freedom of Assembly. If we have to ask ourselves the question on what human rights are, we will all say is about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power. Better still, is about the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely. It is based on the idea that all humankind is a rational aspiring creatures, equal in dignity and individuality and firmly attached to the ideals of justice and compassion. However, this writer knows many leaders and people in La Republique du Cameroun and even within the oppressed people of The Southern Cameroons will consider this notion to be wholly absurd, ridiculous and a rhetorical nonsense. The UN holds that the denial of human rights and fundamental freedoms does not only constitute individual and personal tragedy but also creates conditions of social and political unrest by sowing seeds of violence and conflict within and between societies and nations. Yet this multi-billion dollar enterprise called the United Nations has failed in almost every aspect as the watch dog for peace in the world either due to negligence or deliberate failure to act as the case of The Southern Cameroons. Is it not then hypocrisy when the first sentence of the UN Charter on Human Rights holds that the respect for human rights and human dignity is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world? The occupiers of The Southern Cameroons La Republique du Cameroon is a SIGNATORY to almost all of the UN Instruments and Declaration, yet Cameroun has not evolved any respectable human rights standing. This was highlighted by the great American x-ambassador to Cameroun Harriet Isom( 1991-1993 ) at a Mbalmayo seminar for jurist that Too often, Cameroonians have been asked to settle for a democracy of smoke and mirror, for words that do not correspond to realities. However, to broader her meaning to this assertion, the breach of our fundamental rights and freedoms does not rest solely on the CPDM Regime of Paul Biya, but also inside the different restorationist movements in the Southern Cameroons promoting the course for self-determination. If we look into the present date human rights situation in the Southern Cameroons, we cannot avoid the conclusion that La Republique du Cameroun as an Internationally recognized geographical unit of Human community of diverse cultures and history is fraught with uncertainty, born of conflict and of potential conflict ( the case of the Southern Cameroons ) engendered by wanton abuses of the fundamental rights of its constituent human member. It would not be incorrect to say that our march into civilization has not just been halted but has been savagely frustrated in both communities west and east of the Mungo with the restoration of a primitive society and then reversed to the point at which human beings are treated sometimes worse than animals. This is worst because the perpetrators are sometimes private persons, the judiciary and non governmental human rights organizations and movements. Southern Cameroons today is looked upon as La Republique du Cameroun outr mungo and a policy of turning Southern Cameroonians into Francophobes is vigorously being applied ( the teaching of the French language as a compulsory subject in our elementary schools ). All measures of torture be they physical or psychological are justifiably applied in the process of re-education on values. Those who accept the values are compensated with jobs and assistant positions in la republiques government and those who stand firm to 8
the ideals of an independent southern cameroons state have to be re-educated through the brain washing process of northwest-southwest divide and the come no go syndrome OR you are SCNC and he/ she is SCYL Or SCARM, SCAPO, AMBAZONIA, INTERIM GOVERNMENT. However, many Southern Cameroonians ( Ambazonians ) have continued to yearn in silence, looking foolish but waiting patiently for the right moment to take their own destiny into their hands. And that moment will be the moment of truth when patriots will be separated from traitors. It would be a moment of state cleansing where detractors and co fusionists will be treated in equal standing as our oppressors and our heroes though dead will be immortalized. Irrespective of the name, that Free State will be free and its people will open a new page in history. It would be a state of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms where the Rule of Law is the Supreme Authority. It shall be called Gods Kingdom here on earth. Julius CHE ( HUMAN RIGHT ACTIVIST ) Head of SCYL International Secretariat, Deputy Secretary for International Dev. And Cooperation (IG) "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 04:43PM (+02:00)
Proposed Abstract on Intercultural Learning and Education Systems

Wednesday, October 25, 2006
Intercultural Learning and Education Systems Abstract for Gristuf 2005 Student Festival The topic Intercultural learning and Educational Systems is a familiar topic to me not as a source study though but because of the country I come from; that is Cameroon. My experience on this topic stems from the fact that Cameroon is a Bilingual country with English and French as her official languages though with optional languages like German, Latin, Spanish, Pidgin and Arabic. However, though a bilingual country composed of two distinct persons of different cultural backgrounds-Anglo-Saxon and Francophone, the country is also Gods Babylon on earth with about 247 different ethnic languages and traditions. It is possible in Cameroon within the walking space to 2 km to find persons and communities speaking a language their neighbors would hardly understand. This has been further enhanced by traditional beliefs and customs together with habits and religion These cultures and traditions are widely acceptable as a form of learning and communication though not on official capacity and some at moment have been written and can be read from books e.g. Douala and Mungaka of the Balis. This is an embodiment of what today is studied in Cameroon as Cameroon history and to a larger extends African history. Cameroon is known today as Africa miniature.
We have great experience on this topic because the extended family type practice in Cameroon and open room for inter-marriages creates the forum for these exchanges which give one an insight into the diversity the world is hungry for. Also, as a student of history during my college life; I had the opportunity to study-Cameroon history and peoples, African history past and present, World Affairs and European and English History as well as the American history. This in summary gives me the insight to an extend on the topic .In the university; I had done a course on customary laws and the common law which gives you the difference between our native customs and the English common law system. My vision for and after the festival is that, coming to attend the festival, I will bring along with me huge experience from my rich cultural background which I will impact to my colleagues from other countries and communities and in turn, will be able to learn from colleagues and participants on the happenings elsewhere ignorant to my knowledge. With this insight, I will be able to communicate my experience when I return home not only with friends but with the university which may improve the school curricular. This will better enable us to be able to appreciate ones culture in seeing it as equal and not superior or under us. This will further enable me to be able to come out with a write up or research project which I cam make readable to those who could not participate. My personal connection to this topic is centered on the fact that I am a living witness to the topic in relation to my countrys rich cultural background and the little knowledge I did acquire in school on other cultures of the world.
MOTIVATION.
I feel my living experience as member of country pregnant with diverse cultures and tradition accompanied by about 247 different languages, habits and beliefs gives me the rich background to be invited to participate. This is because I have a whole lot of experience to share ranging from family issues to the national ones as well as differences and interpretation in cultural values and conflicts in cultures. This experience has been acquired all the years as a result of my ability to know every corner of my country and what I could learn in school as a student of history. I do also have an insight into other cultures which gives me some advantage to be able to share and receive. Also, with a working knowledge in Crio, English, French and some small German, I feel I will have the ability to better communicate with others. Also, I am a very social person who accepts criticism as well as criticize positively and can work genuinely and acceptably with any person irrespective of race, religion, belief and language. I think I am fit and able to meet up the expectations of the Student Festival.
MOTTO. The motto of the student festival Touch the World to begin with, is first of all emotional and secondly appealing. When I first saw this motto, what immediately ran into my mind was the intention of reaching out to the world in an attempt to bring mankind more closely 10
in an effort to better understand and accept one another in the spirit of brotherhood. The emotional point in it is that it carries in it an appeal Touch the World. This means irrespective of nation, color, race and sex without discrimination. To be honest, the motto is soul touching and serves as a true motto of togetherness and reaching out in an attempt to accept every person or group of persons as equal to the other. This motto to me may be adopted by the United Nations relieve organizations as their working tool for sustainability.
ABSTRACT Intercultural learning and Educational Systems: Definitions: 1- Intercultural: To the best of my knowledge, intercultural means cut across cultures. 2- Learning: Our ability to be able to understand and appreciate putting ourselves in every situation we are called up to and be able to interpret what we have learned to others in the form of exchange of information. 3- Educational Systems: This goes to define the diversity in methods and approaches as to learning within a formal structure and plan base on the method. 4- Intercultural Learning and Educational Systems: This on its part can be interpreted to mean our ability of learning within our diverse educational backgrounds, knowledge and structures.
As I discussed within my opening sentence as to the topic sentence of this application, Intercultural Learning and Educational System to the best of my understanding can be treated into two separate parts A, Intercultural Learning, and B, Educational Systems.
A, Intercultural Learning: The world is made up of people and nations of diverse background and cultures. Though some do have similarities, others are totally different from the others ranging from language, habits, food, beliefs and customs. While a majority of the worlds population can better communicate and learn in English, it does not deprive them of their mother tongs and other official languages. That is while a German who speaks English does not turn him into an English man and a Cameroonian who speaks French does not make him a French man. Though a German and an English man may as well speak and write English, they are completely different in terms of culture, behavior and reasoning. This is why, a French man should learn about a Spanish man to be able to understand and appreciate the disparity in their cultures. In learning about the other, gives either of
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them the advantage to better appreciate and accept the other without making reference as to class or superiority. This goes same with the cultures and habits of the Developed world and those of the less developed world. The thinking at first that the black man live on trees and wear only leaves in the 20th century has been gradually eradicated by the west as a result of exchange programmed and coming closer by both communities to better understand and appreciate the other. This statement can be validated with the numerous programmed that have been shot by Europeans in Africa as well as Africans now studying in the West. Thus this brings the worlds community even closer and more appreciable. That is why it is said that if you go to Rome, do what the Romans do and not what you feel they should do. This is because no culture is considered bad or good in so far as it remains within the norms of societal behavior. This thus gives us the advantage to learn, appreciate and better understand one another for the sole good of better development, cooperation and peace in the world. B, Educational Systems are just a framework or milieu were this cultures can be learned And appreciated by us in society irrespective of where we come from or our level of education. We know each country has its prescribed format and structure of education base on her culture and environment. But this does not stop us from going beyond to look and examine what we do not have so as to be able to open up and not look on ours as superior. This is why room has been given for specialization and exchange programmed amongst educational systems and establishment in view to breach the gap of ignorance or lack of information. This is why there is no educational establishment without foreign students and governments and organizations like spend more to unite the worlds children in a means to give them the opportunity to better understand and come in terms with the realities of life. Cultural centers have been opened by governments and organizations in different countries as well as libraries and language courses offered so as to better inform the public on what is happening around the world. Even within our educational curricular, courses on African, American, European and Asia studies are being thought to give a better apprehension on the realities of the ground. Inter-marriages are going on as well as re-settlement and tourism including shot documentaries and films. All these give us a better spectrum on intercultural learning and education system. However, to me, knowledge is better acquired and appreciated by traveling than in the class rooms and projects are better appreciated also than lectures in am phi theatres. Through working programmers like the one offered annually by .., it gives participants a better sense of participation and learning and opens or demystifies any myth on this or that culture and on which education system is superior or best. To be honest with you, when I was young, I was made to know the Indians we banned from participating in the world cup football tournament because they use magic in the game by playing with 22 players instead of 11 players. Also that they played with slippers instead of the prescribed boots and score a goal in each of the 90 minutes of the match.
On my second topic Migration, I will say the topic is rather broad but I will try to make a 12
summary by definitions. 1- What is migration: This is the movement of persons, animals, birds, fishes from their habitat to another or from one country to another in search of greener pastures. 2- Subsets of Migration:A- Emigration: when one leaves his or her country, he is an emigrant. b- Immigration: When one leaves his country of origin and goes to another country with the intention to reside in that second country, he is considered an immigrant of that country c- Transhumance: The movement of herds men with their cattle from one place to another in search for food and water or for the purpose of marketing their herd is known as transhumance. d- These movements equally apply to birds and animals purposely in search for food or during mating seasons. So we see that migration is too broad a topic but in looking at its definition, it started since biblical times before the coming of Christ BC when God ordered Moses to take the Jews out of Egypt, after Christ was born as He wondered from place to place to preach the word of God until today. However, migration today is more of man made causes than natural causes as was before. War, conflicts, hunger and the search of better life is the order of the day today. This has cause reason for nations to fortify boarders, create passports and requires the use of visas so as to stem the large flow of persons especially from the less developed to the developed world. Migration is not a new terminology and will always be there, but the negative part of it is that is not in two way flow. This may result in the complete exhaustion of the working force of some nations and may result in under population and extinction so reasons for it to be regulated. This brings my memory to the topic Development cooperation-Global responsibility This is because if the worlds resources are fairly shared in terms of cooperation and developmental assistance to provide equal opportunities, migration might be minimize as people will migrate only if necessary and not just for the sake of migration as a result of underdevelopment.
CULTURES.
Culture is what determines a peoples way of life, behaviors and the means of communication. We I talk of way of life, I simply refer to the peoples habits and beliefs. Their behavior refers to how the react to situations, their level of perception, and way of doing things and how they communicate what they have perceived to one another using signs, symbols, view and language. (Verbal and non verbal communication) Their way of life is greatly influence by their immediate environment in relation to food, dressing, terrain, and worship. How the look on non members of that community and their receptive attitude greatly define them as a community and gives them the sense of
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belonging.
In the world, there exist so many cultures and traditions and to make the world a better place to live in, these cultures should be translated as a gift which will enable us better understand one another without keeping aside our culture or qualifying one culture as superior to the other. This diversity makes the world a better place to live in, rich in culture and covered with so much to learn from and appreciate as equal to us By Julius Che Den Haag-The Netherlands "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 09:57PM (+02:00)
The Charter of the International Secretariat of the SCYL

Thursday, October 26, 2006
Sign on for this document which will serves as the code of conduct for SCYL bureaus and members freedom is never given but must be seized "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 10:07PM (+02:00)
About the SCYL

Monday, October 30, 2006
About TheSouthern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL) THE SCYL is also known as THE YOUTH LEAGUE, also known as THE LEAGUE. The birth of the SCYL is really the culmination of the Southern Cameroons intellectual consciousness and militancy in the fight for justice for the Southern Cameroons. The process that went as far back as 1984 was the attempt by La Republique du Cameroun to assimilate one of the last bastions of the Southern Cameroons Nation and its unique educational system. The ploy by LRC to harmonise the two systems came soon after 1961 and in 1983 the Minister of National Education sought to introduce a new "Group Certificate Cameroon GCE Scheme" for the Southern Cameroons Schools Nationwide. The minister was arrogant enough to assert that the primary aim was to raise the level of the GCE to that of the Baccalaureate (the French equivalent of the GCE Advanced Level) to facilitate the entry into Technical Institutions for Southern Cameroons students. WHAT AN INSULT! This was met with serious resistance by Southern Cameroons Students, Teachers and Parents who saw their educational system as the last remaining part of their cultural heritage. The project was shelved but not abandoned. The Ministry of National Education of La Republique du Cameroun fell short of honouring its financial obligations to the London GCE Board for Technical support offered through the British Council, part of which was the printing of GCE Certificates, and to the local markers of the GCE Exams. 14
The London GCE Board stopped printing the certificates when LRC was more than 5 years behind its payment. When LRC took over control and assigned its staffs and secretaries to run and type examination questions, Southern Cameroonians said No. It was at this point that the Teachers Association of Cameroon (TAC) started advocating for the creation of a GCE Board. Parents Teachers Associations grouped to form the Confederation of Anglophone Parents Teachers Association (CAPTAC) with much support coming from the Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM). The crisis was not limited to the creation of a more effective GCE regime but also an institution that will host the product of a properly managed examination. This is how the Cameroon Anglophone Students Association (CANSA) saw the light of day to join forces with other progressive movement to demand a University in the Southern Cameroons. Most of these students became victims of La Republique du Cameroon. In 1993, the first batch of the University of Buea was immatriculated not before the Yaounde regime had instituted fees in the University. Though the University of Buea had no Library, Laboratory, Restaurant and even enough lecture halls and despite the over burdenned nature of Southern Cameroons parents in running nursery, primary, secondary and High schools, the occupation regime decided to raise the fees of the University of Buea to 550 thousand francs CFA. Under the leadership of the Students Union, students resisted and stalled the machination. The regime responded with dismissal of the Student Union President - Ebenezer Derek Mbongo Akwanga.., Jr., and dissolving the Students Union. Some students responded with the creation of the Committee of Respected Alternatives that worked underground to presure the administration. And for the first time, another student Lucas Cho Ayaba, led a one man demonstration that Shook the very foundation of the University. He too was sent the Akwanga way. The SCYL emerged from the rubble of all of these resistant groups as a League that rallies the Southern Cameroons Youth. The Cameroon Anglophone Students Association (CANSA) was represented by its then Secretary General Ebai George. The University of Buea Students Union was represented by its expelled President, Akwanga Ebenezer who had been leading student actions from Victoria to Buea and other cities against the raping, killing and torture of students in the then Yaounde University and had also led students in defiance of the teleguided Buea university authorities. When the Students Union was dissolved Ayaba Cho Lucas and Nwana Benedict founded the Committee of Respective Alternative Voices and represented this organisation in the foundation of the SCYL. Bah Tangoh Christopher had been one of the most dynamic and consistent activist who was behind the Cameroon Anglophone Movement. He represented the Free West Cameroon Movement. Emmanuel Nkea, Cornelius Asonganyi Bedefeh and Issa Abdourahim were also present. After series of meetings including the famous Presbytarian Church Molyko Independence Proclamation gathering dubbed Divine Service, a two day conference at the Garden Park Hotel in Molyko ended with the creation of the Southern Cameroons Youth League on the 28th May 1995. PURPOSE OF THE SCYL: The Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL) was created with the unique mission of using all available civilised means including force to bring freedom to the suffering and persecuted people of the Southern Cameroons . To act as a forum where the voices of the stakeholders in the struggle for freedom and the vision of their country of tomorrow can be properly represented. SCYL Motto: Total and Unconditional Independence SCYL Logo Two Chained Hands
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signifying BONDAGE with a DIVINE SCISSORS to BREAK the CHAINS of Annexation.SCYL Flag: SCYL Flag is made up of FOUR distinct COLOURS with the following signification: Black - Signifies the remembrance of the Martyrs of the Struggle. Green - Signifies the Growth and Maturity of The Youth League in the Southern Cameroons Struggle.White - Signifies the search for a Permanent Positive Peace (PPP).Red - Signifies the Ultimate Sacrifice (Freedom At All Cost).THE ANTHEM OF THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS YOUTH LEAGUE Arise! Oh Youths of the Southern Cameroons,The time to act is now.Awake to serve your Fatherland,Awake to Service true. Not a call to betrayal,Nor a call to treason,But a call to true Nationalism. Ref:For those who will give all;To fight a Cause for freedom.The Southern Cameroons Youth League;For TRUTH and FREEDOM. The SCYL Anthem (Solfa Version) The SCYL Anthem (Instrumental Version) Called from the SCYL webpage "freedom is never given but seized" "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 09:43PM (+01:00)
Commonwealth and Democracy

Tuesday, October 31, 2006
Introduction
The question of democracy is a major problem confronting Cameroon and other African states since the 1960s.However, much efforts have been made by the Cameroonian Government to fashion on a pattern for itself ,and some form of aid have been extended by some countries and organizations to promote democracy, the most monumental which is the Commonwealth of Nations. Governmental efforts in promoting democracy has been successful to a lesser extend, and beyond its efforts, other external efforts have come through the Commonwealth of Nations. The author of this work intends to explore the contributions made by the Commonwealth of Nations in promoting democracy in Cameroon and how despites its efforts, democracy is still a fog on the road in Cameroon due to the undemocratic policies of the government under the leadership of president Paul Biya.The author shall explore how the little extend in which democracy has been implemented in Cameroon is thanks to the combined efforts of the Government as a result of fear from being sanctioned by some international organizations and the Commonwealth of Nations. This study therefore is designed to examine how the Commonwealth and Cameroon as a member functioned between 1995-2004 to uplift her from its undemocratic situation, or one party democratic dispensation to the level which she found herself today. In the course Of this examination, we will see the extend of contributions of the Commonwealth in promoting democracy in Cameroon. The study commences from 1995 because it was the year Cameroon was admitted in the Commonwealth of Nations by virtue of its Anglophone 16
faction {Southern Cameroon} which was a former British mandate. But land marks shall be traced as far back as the colonial era which shall illustrate how Cameroon became a British colony to its final joining the Commonwealth in 1995.This studies terminates in the year 2004 to facilitate the evaluation of the extend to which the Commonwealth has accomplished its goal in Cameroon and to what extend democracy has improved in Cameroon. Our stated aims and objectives, is to enrich the literature of Cameroon as a member of the Commonwealth, to identify the major aids Cameroon has acquired from the Commonwealth which has helped to promote democracy in Cameroon, to expose the present situation in Cameroon as far as democracy is concern to the entire world the Commonwealth especially, so as to call for their indulgence in seeing into it that democratic principles should be respected and implemented by the Cameroonian Government .The above will be the basis for evaluating the following hypothesis! A- That the present improvement of democracy in Cameroon is thanks to the Commonwealth B- There is a wide gap between policy support and policy implementation by the Government of Cameroon. This study is partitioned into four chapters. The first Chapter is the background in which a general survey of the commonwealth is made looking at a brief history of the Commonwealth, its origin and development from the first to the second phase and the principal institutions of the commonwealth. Chapter two deals with Cameroons admission into the Commonwealth and the significance of its admission. Chapter three examines the role of the Commonwealth of Nations in promoting democracy in Cameroon, and how despites its efforts ,democracy is still a fog on the road in Cameroon due to the undemocratic policies of the government under the leadership of president Paul Biya and his dictatorial policies. This chapter shall also focus on the successes and failures of the Commonwealth, the democratic system of Cameroon abed policy implementation by the Commonwealth. Chapter four is the concluding chapter of this work, which duels on recommendations for better policy implementation and also handles Issues of prospects by the Cameroon government in conjunction with the Commonwealth. In the course of this study, I made use of both primary and secondary sources, My research venues were, the British council library in Yaound and Bamenda,Commonwealth head office at the ministry of external relations {MINREX},Central Archives, University of Buea Library,Buea public Archives, Archives of the National Assembly, and the Pan-African Institute library In Yaound. Interviews were carried out with leaders of main political parties, certain staffs at the Commonwealth department at MINREX, and other heads of both governmental and non Governmental Organizations in Cameroon in which most of the names of institutions and personalities named above are withheld. One other main problem was that of meeting officials for interview, some where afraid to disclose information and some denied completely to discuss on this.Finaly, on the spot evidence of Commonwealth projects or assistance were always
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difficult to fine. Finances for displacement and the and most of all, the fear of being harassed and arrested was another major obstacle
Chapter One 1.1 A brief definition of the Commonwealth The Commonwealth of Nations formerly known as the British Commonwealth of Nations is in formal terms a group of sovereign states which recognized the British monarch as heads of the Commonwealth In other words, the Commonwealth is a voluntary multilateral association of independent sovereign states, spanning over every continent and Ocean, sharing ideas and experiences,skills,know how, and a common language .Its 1.7 billion people who account for 30 percent of the worlds population, are found in Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Caribbeans, Europe, and the south pacific .It is an embodiment of diverse religion and its freedom,races,languages and cultures. The Commonwealth is a system of net works from the highest level of Heads of Government next to the United Nation Organization {UNO}.This network rundown through ministerial meetings, professional Organisations,Non-Governmental Organizations {NGO} and social groups, to village Community, working in an informal manner serving as a bridge that links regions countries and cultures, and constitutes a platform for building and promoting international understanding and world peace,democracy,goodgovernance,respect of human rights and the rule of law and the alleviation of poverty through sustainable economic and social development. These values, the fundamental values of the association are expressed in two landmarks declarations, The Declaration of Commonwealth Principles, which was agreed by the heads of states, governments of members countries in Singapore in 1971, and the Harare Commonwealth Declaration agreed at the 1991 heads of governments meeting in Zimbabwe. The Commonwealth has neither a Chapter nor a contitution.It is based essentially on a series of declarations and communiqus. Thus the Commonwealth today is being governed by the Harare Declaration which reaffirms the Commonwealth Principles declared twenty years previously in Singapore and pledged the association to concentrate particularly in efforts in number of key areas Including: - The promotion of its fundamental political values - Equality for women, - The provision of Universal access in education - The promotion of sustainable development - The protection of the environment - Action To combat drug trafficking and abuse, and communicable disease - Help small states in tackling particular economic and security problems - The support for the UNO and other international institutions in the 18
Search for peace - And the promotion for international consensus on global issues In all, the Commonwealth of Nations is a Voluntary multilateral Association of independent states which work hand in hand for purpose of development especially to less developed Commonwealth nations.
1.2 A brief history of the Commonwealth Of nations. The history of the Commonwealth to be better understood and illustrated must be traced back as far as the 19th century. In tracing the history of the Commonwealth it is imperative that we make demarcations between the first phase and the second phase ,which shall act as a clear cut in showing the origin, evolution , changes that has taken place since its creation and reasons for these changes . The first Phase The term Commonwealth was first used by William Shakespeare in his play Tempest .The origins of the Commonwealth could be traced back to the 19th century when in 1939, a report on the causes of discontent in the Canadian colonies was tabled to the British government and the proposals made in the report for responsible government became operational in Canada. Accordingly, in 1867 the status of Canada was transformed from that of colony to self-governing Dominion. Thus in 1884 Lord Rosbery a British politician called this changing empire of the Commonwealth of Nations. The term was adopted as a political concept at the 1926 imperial Conference where the dominions, Partial self governing colonies of England, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa, were described as members of the British Commonwealth of Nations. In all, the first phase of the Commonwealth began in 1931 when the full independent status of the Dominions was set out in the status of West Minister, which was an Act passed by the British parliament .This first phase can be said to have ended in the early years of 1940s which came as a result of the changing needs of the Commonwealth and its expansion to former British colonies in Africa, Asia, and the Americas. The Second Phase. With the changing needs of the Commonwealth, alongside its evolution, expansion and its influence being felt on a wider sphere, there was thus a demarcation from what the Commonwealth use to be as seen in phase one and to what it became as would be illustrated below. The turning point in the evolution in the Commonwealth came after 1945 when most member states joined the Organisation.Memeber states who joined this Organization were former British colonies in Asia, Africa, the Americas and Africa. Thus the original association of Brittany and her dominions {known as the white mass club} drawn by the 1931 statue of west Minster changed from
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British Commonwealth which put and end to the use of the word British in the appellation so as to reflect the new realities of the different Nation states which make up the Commonwealth. From 1931 there fore, till present date the new British Commonwealth is called the Commonwealth of Nations also know as the Gentle mans club. The second phase of the Commonwealth also came at a time when the realities of the world was changing Politicaly, Socialy and Economically. To this effect, it also changed in its ideas to meet up with the changing times. After 1945,the Organization was faced with variety of problems which became rime conern.these problems cut across the Socio-Political and Economic sphere. The prime focus was that Less Developed Countries {LDCS} needed much attention in the Political domain such as, good governance, democracy and human rights, In the Economic domain such as sustainable development,industralisation just to name a few and in the social domain into her sphere of education,health,gender equality, human resource, youth and sports and the public service. The Commonwealth in recent years have admitted new members not affiliated to the British crown at all, one of them is Mozambique. Thus the Commonwealth formerly known as an association of former British colonies is now accepting other actions without this afiliation.This changing needs of the Commonwealth came as a result of its changing needs and desires, The admission of none former British colonies is basically for economic reasons which ties with the fact that economic preferences are the only material bonds linking Commonwealth countries. what therefore matters for the next years to come is what the desires of the Commonwealth will be. 1.3 Principal Institutions of The Commonwealth The principal organ of the Commonwealth is the Commonwealth Secretariat which is headed by a secretary general who is assisted by three deputy secretaries generals. Since the creation of the secretariat in 1965, it has been headed by four secretary generalsArnold Smith from Canada (1965-1975) sir Shridath Ramphal from English Guyana (1975-1990), Chief Emeka Anyaoku from Nigeria (1990-1999) and present Don McKinnon from New Zealand (1999). The secretariat has twelve divisions and has a man power of about 360, drawn from the member countries. The secretariat is responsible for the organization of Commonwealth summits, meetings of Ministers, consultative meetings and technical discussions, it facilitates multilateral communication among the member governments. Before 1945 all the meetings were held in London, but since then, other capita; have played host to some meetings. Before 1945, meetings were hed in private; they took place in a frank and informal atmosphere, and provided an opportunity for personal contacts. But with the increase membership in the 1960s and with the increase number of officials present, the meetings became more formal. Another organ of the Commonwealth is the Commonwealth Fund for Technical Co-operation (CFTC) which is the development arm of the Commonwealth. The CFTC receives voluntary contributions from Commonwealth governments and utilizes it in development assistance usually executed by the Commonwealth Secretariat (COMSEC), which provides experts, training, legal, 20
economic or financial advice, in the areas of its intervention, geared towards advancing the sustainable economic and social development of member countries by providing skills and capacity building. Finally there is the Commonwealth youth council in charge of youth Programs among Commonwealth nations, and the Commonwealth science council which is in charge of scientific development, All the above named institutions are geared towards achieving the aims and objectives of the Commonwealth which is that of serving as an ethical political force as well as instrument of social and economic development of its member states as was illustrated in the Harare declaration of 1991.
Chapter two
2.1 Cameroons admission into the Commonwealth
Cameroon was admitted into the Commonwealth of Nations in November 7 1995.To better understand why and how Cameroon became a member of the Commonwealth of Nations, one will go as far back as 1884 to trace the history of Cameroon how it became a British colony to its final becoming a member of the Commonwealth in 1995. The establishment of a German protectorate over Cameroon in 1884, Ended in 1916 after the defeat of Germany by the allied powers of France and Britain in World War One (WW1).The joint Anglo-French military efforts under the African expeditionary force (AEF) succeed in expelling the Germans from Kamerun.The Anglo-French decision to jointly administer the Cameroons was never realized because differencies.Following the Picot provisional Partition agreement 1916, the former German Kamerun was partitioned. The Picot agreement to partition Cameroon was meant to be temporary but to turn out to be permanent. The two Cameroons were placed under the League of Nations as Mandated territories, and after 1945 became Trust territories of the United Nations (UN) which succeeded the league of Nations. Cameroon being now a trust territory of the UN required Britain and France to administer it towards self government and independence as stipulated under article 76(b) of the UN charter. These changes made the Cameroons to clamor for self government and independence. To this effect, French Cameroon achieved independence on January 1 1960 under the name of Republic of Cameroon. British Southern Cameroons achieved independence by joining the republic through a plebiscite in 1961.Together the two Cameroons became Federal republic of Cameroon under its first president Amadou Ahijo from French Cameroon and vice John Ngu Foncha.from southern Cameroon. From this period onwards ,Cameroons foreign policy under president Amadou Ahijo was oriented
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towards , and centered around alignment and international co-operation Thus Cameroon participated in Regional, as well as International Organisations. This worked to serve the interest of the Cameroonian. Thus to maintain international co-operation, Cameroon got involve in the Commonwealth in 1995 under the corrupt and dictatorial regime of president Paul Biya thanks to its Anglophone section an affiliation to Britain. Relations between Cameroon and the Commonwealth have had major land marks which goes beyond 1986 that is when the Commonwealth Fund for Technical Co-operation selected the Pan African Institute for Development as training center for agriculture and rural development On September 1989, Cameroon requested admission into the Commonwealth as an observer, In October 28 1990 Cameroon requested admission as full member, in November 1991, Cameroon participated in the Harare Summit, on 1 March 1992, the National Assembly passed resolution 11/AN authorizing the president of the republic of Cameroon to rectify Cameroons adherence to the Harare Declaration. In June 1993, Chief Emeka Anyaouku, the then secretary general of the Commonwealth visited Cameroon at the invitation of the Head of State president Paul Biya Nbivondo.In November 1993, a Cameroonian delegation attended the Commonwealth Heads of government meeting in Cyprus, In November 1994 a four man Commonwealth mission led by Koma Hossein came to evaluate the evolution of Cameroons domestic political situation, and in November 7 1995 ,Cameroon was admitted as the 52nd member of the Commonwealth of nations. Following Cameroons admission into the Commonwealth in 1995, the Commonwealth day celebrations was celebrated for the first time in Cameroon on 11 March 1996 and its first ever attendance at the heads of government meeting on the 13 of November 1995 in Auckland New Zealand as a flesh member in the gentle mans club.
2.2 Significance of Cameroons admission into the Commonwealth of Nations Cameroons admission into the Commonwealth in 1995 did not come as a coincidence but came as a matter of necessity. Part of Cameroon being a former British colony , it was necessary for this section to benefit from this Organization and to do so Cameroon had to join the Commonwealth to reap or share in the advantages as a member. Before examining the significance of Cameroons admission into the Commonwealth, it is imperative that we look first at what advantages the Commonwealth of Nations has or provides to its members. Secondly, we will look at the areas in which the Commonwealth provides assistance to its members, and the specificity of its assistance. By examining the above mentioned, we are going to pin-point its significance as far as Cameron is concern, concentrating much on its advantages to Cameroon. The raison detre of the admission into the Commonwealth is a matter of right and necessity. The Commonwealth of Nations is a complex and Cohesive system of multilateral net work is endowed with a two-track mandate: Internally: it is an instrument of service to its members, providing them the necessary assistance via policy advice, training of skills, the service of experts in diverse fields.etc. 22
Externally: with its global reach and unique experience of consensus building as highlighted elsewhere, the Commonwealth constitutes a catalytic force ideally placed to effect the derived change for a new world. It also plays leadership role in articulating at various multilateral Foray , the interest of its developing members countries, for instance debt relief within International Monetary Fund (IMF) World Bank, and Paris Club: Trade within World Trade Organization,(WTO) European Union (EU) Uruguay round: and environmental issues etc. Further more, the Commonwealth is said to be the most important Organization which occupies such a high influential position after the UN, because of its huge economic and political capabilities. With such an influential position, the Commonwealth has got much to offer to the Cameroonian people thanks to its Anglophone section. This signifies the importance of Cameroons being a member. Looking at the Commonwealth numerically, it comprises 54 states, representing one third of UN membership, with a population of 1.6 billion or 25 percent of world total. At the level of international trade, over 20 percent of world trade is concentrated within the Commonwealth zone. Experts from the Commonwealth countries account also for over 20 percent of world total. If investments outside the zone are taken into account, the value rises to 30 percent. Technologically, being a built-in component of investment, the above figures reflect a substantial proportion of the value of the worlds technological capability. On the level of availability of resources, the Commonwealth countries collectively are endowed with a high potency of world natural and human resources as well as market potentials for raw materials and manufactured goods. Politically, many of its members are undoubtedly among the most influential on international decision making.Politicaly the Commonwealth serves as an ethical political force to promote fundamental political values as contained in the Harare Declaration of 1991. Culturally, in addition to English being the most widely spoken language in international for a, the Commonwealth is the largest single multilateral Organization. These political and economic trump cards place the Commonwealth Ideally to service and defend the interest of developing countries on the international secene.Cameroon being our prime concern here, case in point include its recent intervention in international finance institutions (IMF World Bank, Paris Club, WTO, and the EU .etc Another significance of Cameroon entrance into the Commonwealth is that Cameroon shall benefit from Commonwealth assistance in key sectors which cut across Socio-Economic and Political development. Politically: it shall benefit from assistance in the areas of democracy, Goodgovernance, law, humanrights and regional intergration. Economically: It shall benefit from assistance in the areas of trade
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and investment, development of the private sector, development and exploitation of natural resources, forestry, enviroment, agriculture and debt management. Socially: It shall benefit from assistance in the areas of, education, Health, human resource development, science and technology, public service reforms, youth and sports, and the fight against poverty. The specificity or terms of the Commonwealth are very soft, that is to say it is non-refundable and no strings are attached. The softness of its assistance is geared towards development. Thus Cameroon being member no doubt benefits from the Commonwealth. To avoid being lengthy and verbose, we shall focus solely on the political domain, concentrating on democracy which is our prime concern in this research work.
Chapter three
3.1 The role of the Commonwealth of Nations in changing times in Africa and its efforts in Promotion of Democracy in the Cameroons. The Commonwealth has as one of its main priorities the Promotion of its fundamental political values. History has taught us that a healthy political environment is a prerequisite for all social and economic progress. The most visible face of the Commonwealth commitment to its fundamental political values has been the transition through free elections of military regimes and one party state to democratic, civilian, and multiparty systems of government. The Commonwealth democratic system stipulates that, a country can attain a considerable level of democracy if she practices good governance, respect for human rights, has good laws and a good constitution. It is based on the above that we shall examine the situation Cameroon before and after joining the Commonwealth. Cameroon before joining the Commonwealth of Nations in 1995 has been practicing democracy to a very low extent since independence Before independence, there had existed some degree of multi[arty politics in both French and English Cameroons.Multiparty politics ended in Cameroon after 1972 when the then president Amodou Ahijo of the Federal Republic of Cameroon tactfully re-united the two Cameroons on 20 May 19972.This was followed by the unification of all political parties to form the Cameroon National Union (CNU) which became the sole party and marked not only the end of the federal state, but the end of multipartism and the creation of the United Republic of Cameroon. Following the re-unification of the two Cameroons, there was a Constitutional amendment on June 1972 from that of a federal Constitution to that of a unitary constitution. The then president Amadou Ahijo wielded unviable powers and ran the affairs of the United Republic of Cameroon with, or no consultation with the speaker of the House of Assembly who was only a Constitutional successor. Such a system for government was undemocratic for there was no political 24
accountability, the civil society had no rights, for rights were stifted,there was mass violation of human rights, poor degree of good governance, the constitution and subsidiary laws were flouted, and the rule by decrees became the acceptable pattern. The one party system continued even after president Paul Biya succeeded president Amadou Ahijo in 6 November 1982, after president Ahijo had ruled Cameroon successfully for the fifth consecutive five years term which no doubt is undemocratic for a single person to rule a nation for this time duration. The reign of President Paul Biya which began on Saturday 6 November 1982 at exactly 10.00am was no much better than that of his prediccestor.Democracy however improved to some extent as seen in the first constitutional amendments in November 1983.Article 7 of the constitution was modified to allow for several candidates to run for the presidency if certain conditions werefulfilled.What should be noted that is that, even though this text was in place, the presidential which took place on 14 January 1984 saw the incumbent president Paul Biya as the only candidate, and in the election he won a 99,98 percent of the votes. Political developments in Cameroon saw the change of the name C.N.U the then sole party in the Bamenda congress of 1985.The then C.N.U was changed to the Cameroon peoples democratic party {CPDM).The one party system continued until in 1990 when multiparty politics was re-introduced in Cameroon, which marked a new era in the political history of Cameroon as new structures of a democratic nation began emerging. The above paragraphs there fore illustrates the democratic situation of Cameroon prior to 1990 what lies after 1990 will be discussed in the subsequent paragraphs and chapters. 3.2 The birth of multipartism. The one party system had existed since 1966, that is when all political parties in both former West and West Cameroon merged to form the CNU.Be that as it may, disadvantages of a one party system, and the wind of change which blew across Eastern Europe in policies of Glasnost and Perestroika did not end there, but evaporated to Africa, the result was the multyparty revolution. In Cameroon it resulted to the launching of the Social Democratic Front (SDF) in Bamenda on 26 May 1990 by John Fru ndi who is the chairman of the party. . Between February and March 1990, thousands of CPDM militants and sympathizers marched through the national territory against the re-introduction of multipartism in spite of the fact that the countrys constitution provided for it. President Paul Biya in response to they numerous motions of support against the re-introduction of multipartism, told his militants on 9 April 1990 that I have understood you. And later Called on his militants to be prepared for political competition. Following this, in December 1990, a law was passed re-instituting multiparty politics in Cameroon. The rebirth of multiparty politics which saw the legalization of several political parties by the Biya regime in 1991 meant the rebirth of democracy. This so because the new opposition which was formed began to demand for changes in the political statuesque of the nation. The Opposition demanded an independent electoral code and the convening of a sovereign national conference which will chart a new course for Cameroon beginning with a transitional government. The transitional government was expected to put in place all the
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democratic institutions after which elections at all levels would be conducted. The government did not heel to these demands of the opposition which caused some rioting and a call for civil disobedience which was known as operation ghost town and dead country. The destruction caused by civil disobedience called by the opposition, forced the government to dialogue with the opposition parties in November 1991 which was called the Tripartite Conference held in Yaound. Resolutions from this Tripartite Conference was put down in the Yaound Tripartite Declaration of 13 November 1991. This declaration calmed the grudge of the opposition as it proved promissing.But policy made did not mean policy implementation. Cameroon before the holding of the tripartite conference in 1991 had earlier requested in September 1989 for membership into the Commonwealth as and observer. This was followed by another demand for admission in October 28 1990 as full member. In Cameroon `participated in the Harare summit. an in March 1 1992 the National Assembly passed resolution 11/AN authorizing the president of the Republic of Cameroon to ratify the Cameroons adherence to the Harare Declaration. .Following this resoltuion,in June 1993 chief Emmeka Anyaouku then secretary general of the Commonwealth visited Cameroon at the invitation of the Head of state president Paul Biya.His visit was sole to evaluate Cameroons political situation and to see how Cameroons demands to join the Commonwealth would be considered. following this, in 1993 a Cameroonian delegation attended the Commonwealth heads of government meting in Cyprus. This delegation went to lobby for admission into the Commonwealth by portraying Cameroon as a democratic or a country that is practicing democracy. Responding issue, a four man delegation came to Cameroon in November 1994 to evaluate the evolution of Cameroons domestic political sitaution.This was followed by the admission of Cameroon into the Commonwealth of Nations in 7 November 1995 as the 52nd member.. The admission of Cameroon into the Commonwealth was on the basis that Cameroon had attained some degree of democracy or was practicing democracy .The admission of Cameroon was widely contested by political activist Who saw it as false hood on the part of the government, especially because the government had just rigged the presidential elections held in 1992 by the corrupt regime of President Paul Biya and his CPDM party. Cameroons admission therefore signified that as from that day onwards the Commonwealth had the rights of fulfilling one of her fundamental values, which is the promotion of democracy in Cameroon. 3.1 The role of the Commonwealth in promoting democracy in Cameroon. The admission of Cameroon into the Commonwealth meant much for Its future democratic process. Though the admission was widely contested or criticized by the opposition which saw Cameroon as and undemocratic nation because of the dictatorial and corrupt nature of its president Paul Biya and his entourage, it should however be borne in mind that this admission has confirmed the fact that it is easier to change a system from insider other than from outside. To this we would accept that since Cameroon joined this Organization, it has done much to improve on the democratic standards of Cameroon. For instance it has futures of a democratic nation being good governnace, respect for human rights to a very less extent, and laws most often passed by decrees. To this we shall be looking how the Commonwealth intervened in the democratization process.
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Good governance Cameroons admittance into the Commonwealth meant its respect of the Harare Declaration which demanded that all governments should practice good governance and democracy. So far as this domain is Concern, Cameroon has benefited from the Commonwealth secretariat assistance, in organizing conferences on democracy and good governance, by sending electoral assistance to observe elections, and by frequent Commonwealth Secretariat visit to Cameroon to check and advice the Cameroonian government on democratic and good governance practices.. As far as conferences are concerned, Cameroon has Participated in Regional conference on democracy and good governance in Camborne in Botswana in February 1997.The Cameroonian delegation was headed by Prime Minister Peter Mafany Musunge who is a figure head despite his position and a stooge to the Biya regime. This conference was also attended by leaders of two main opposition parties in Cameroon. These were John Fru Ndi of the Social Democratic Front and Belo Bouba Maigari of the National Union for Democracy and Progress. Further more; Cameroon has been participating on courses on corruption and anti corruption. She participated in a course in November 1998 which was held for promoting efficiency in public institution transparency. In March 1997, Commonwealth experts were sent to Cameroon to participate in monitoring of the presidential elections as observers. Final repots was objective. But the elections was boycotted by many and greatly contested by the opposition of not being free and fair.President Paul Biya already worn before even going for elections. Ballot boxes were already stuff with CPDM voting cards before election day.Also, the 2004 prseidential election which president Biya carried the day by a big majority of the votes given him another 7 years in power making it 31 years to be in power, Commonwealth experts also participates obsevers.But this elections was contested by the opposition for it was not free and fair elctions.In addition to the above, there is and ongoing project on electoral assistance to Cameroon. This project has as objectives to provide to short term experts for a mission to Cameroon for the establishment of an independent electoral commision.This project has not yet materialised.In 24 February 2000, two experts form the COMSEC in the names of Mr. Carl Dun Das and Francoise Chapman visited Cameroon within the context on technical assistance on issues in electoral issues Cameroon was also visited by a three man delegation made up of the secretary general Don McKinnon and Dr Victor Pungon.The visit stressed on democracy and good governance. On this visit the Heralds reported that, president Paul Biya promised to organize free and transparent elections. A promise the Cameroonian people are still waiting. In al, the Commonwealth has done its quota as an advisory body to promote democracy in Cameroon. What is left now is President and his regime to implement these principles of Human rights According to the human right clause of the Commonwealth, every person has the right to human dignity. This includes all aspects of human rights to life, property, association, movement, development, freedom of speech and so on. Respect for these rights is recognized as an essential ingredient of the associations fundamental values.Assitance in these domains provided in Institution building and through education and training of officials. Areas of focus for human rights activities has been the promotion of greater awareness of human rights concerns among public
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officials, judges, teachers and other target groups, training of public officials and exchange of information on human rights Jurisprudence and training materials. The repeat for human rights in Cameroon has been of fundamental Value to the government and the Commonwealth Secretariat. The Commonwealth Secretariat has assisted Cameroon through workshops, seminars, conferences, and training programs nationally and internationally on human rights. Cameroon participated in a Commonwealth workshop in Kampala Uganda, from 14 April to 2 May 1997 under the Commonwealth African Regional programmed for the training of human rights trainers. Cameroon was represented in this Workshop by barrister Eyoh and some members of the National Commission on Human Rights and Freedom, {NCHRF) of Cameroon. Further more, Cameroon participated in a seminar on Commonwealth National human rights Institution promoting good practices. This was organized by the Commonwealth human rights initiative and the Institute of policy research. {CHIIPPR} in London from 16 to 17 October 1997.Cameroon was represented by Dr Solomon For Gwei chairman of the National Commission of Human Rights and Freedom of Cameroon. In addition to this, a seminar was organized in Yaound on Human rights prison administration in March 1998.all to foster the needs of human rights and its respect in Cameroon. Further more, a completed project on the workshop on strengthening capacity of national commission on human rights through training of Officials, and development of national plan of action in Cameroon, has played a great role in uplifting the respect of human rights. The project and its objectives has developed a national plan action for promoting awareness and respect for human rights, has also strengthened the role and capacity for delivery of services to the general public through efficient management and finally the project has improved and strengthened capacity of the human rights institutional staff to conduct effective and efficient investigations .In the sphere of provision of assistance in the domain of human rights and especially in the furtherance of democracy in Cameroon, the Commonwealth has done its quota as and advisory body what is left now is the Cameroonian government to implement them. This shall be looked into in the Concluding chapter to what extent the Biyas government has been implementing all these and the present situation in Cameroon Law Many countries of the Commonwealth practice the Common law legal system .The former Southern Cameroon today Anglophone Cameroon, also practice the common law legal system as virtue of this, Cameroon has received advice and experts on law from the Commonwealth Secretariat so as to improve on her legal system. This is important because for any democratic process to be successful the rule of law must be guaranteed, and good laws are the force behind a successful human society. In this domain, there is presently and ongoing project on the Codification of the common law in Cameroon .This project contains the sending of experts, and the compilation of common law and training of Staffs of the ministry of justice. This project has also objectives to Identify, review, edit, and compile common law into a series of volumes in one document. Cameroon has also receive assistance and advice by her participating on conferences on money laundry which groups top civil Servants of the judiciary within the Commonwealth in September 1998.She also participated in a Commonwealth parliamentary Association Conference in Wellington New Zealand in September 1999, and Cameroon participates 28
in Commonwealth ministerial meetings of justice yearly.Finaly, the Common law is been taught in the University of Buea which is a Commonwealth university and in the states universities. But it should be borne in mind that when common law is not fully practiced in Cameroon for it is dominated by the French civil law.
Chapter four
4.1 The present situation in Cameroon. The Commonwealth has done its quota as adviser in the promotion of democracy in Cameroon in the spheres of good governance, human rights and law through the organization of worships, seminars, conference and the provision of experts and inquiries mission to Cameroon. With all these structures put in place and measures taken by the Commonwealth of Nations to strengthened Cameroons democracy, and since the re-birth of multipartism in Cameroon, is disgusting to note that the practice of democracy has been a failure in Cameroon. But on the other hand the president is promising some progress which is only normal, for democracy is a gradual process. So according to him democracy is still evolving making it a gradual process. Since Cameroons admission into the Commonwealth and since the rebirth of mulitpartism, Cameroon is still and autocratic state displaying the vistas of fallacious democracy. It has a government that is only highly inefficient and prt nary, which also violates human rights. Cameroon is made up of an illegitimate government, elected from a fraudulent electoral process and a government with little feelings for the plight of Cameroonians, a government that has split the country into micro-ethnic components and wherein tribalism has become the tradition. A country were the notions of solidarity, unity and the sense of national community are fast diminishing, a country were citizens no longer have rights, only obligations, especially the obligations to obey, a country were the citizens are under the yoke of poverty and misery in spite of its incredible wealth which has been misused and embezzled by the Biya regime, a country which the judiciary has remained an appendage of the executive(president Paul Biya) Further more, elections practices are not free and tranparent.Criminals are arbitrary arrested and executed without trials, and are detained for long without trials. Pole are being arrested and detained for proclaiming their rights or for criticizing the government. The case of Ebenezer Akwanger, prseident of the Southern Cameroon Youth league, chief Ayamba otte Etta president of the Southern Cameroonian council, editors of independent news papers e.g. Pius Njawe of le Messagerand advocators of human rights policies such as Albert Mukong, and many other political activities of opposition leaders and their militants country were university education has been politicize and a respect to the ruling party CPDM guarantees you a high position in the civil service .for instance in the University of Buea were the vice chancellor Dorothy Njuema is a staunch CPDM member and is part
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of the political-bureau, and her nomination to that position is thanks to her loyalty to the regime, proffessors and lecturers are being granted positions due to their respect for the CPDM and not out of educational merits. Students are dismissed for advocating for their rights and creation of a student union to better the situation of students. This issue led to the dismissal of the present president of the Southern Cameroon Youth league a then student at the Buea University who is now in exile in Nigeria, running away from persecution from the Biya regime. Anglophones are being assimilated through economic, and political domination to outright marginalization, which goes against the accord of the Fumban conference which re-unified Cameroon. Anglophones are grossly unrepresented in the power structure of the country and even treated as second class citizens and brandished as les enemies dans la maison enemies in the house, and most often called as biafras.The domination of Anglophone is in all level in the country, this is for instance can be depicted from the character size of inscription ASSEMBLEE NATIONALE and in English national assembly which hang over the main entrance to the parliamentary building in Yaound. This is just to show the importance given to each language. It certainly would not be an imagination that, that was done on purpose for no extra cost would have been incurred nor more damage done to the building to give both inscription equal prominence. Scholarships granted to Cameroonians by the Commonwealth are given to francophone students not on merits but because they are francophone in addition to francophonie scholarships. This situation of Anglophone domination has brought disunity and made the Anglophones to feel not part of the nation. This has given birth to pressure groups with its main branch being the Southern Cameroon National Council formed in 1995.and its youth wing being the Southern Cameroons Youth league. This pressure group has been clamoring for separation from French Cameroon and self independence for the Southern Cameroons.Since its birth ,its support are sympathy has spread wide round the nation and its members are being arrested and some executed without trail on grounds of civil disobedience and critics of the state. Some of its members are still in prison and some are on self exile for fear of being arrested and executed by the Biya regime. It should be borne in mind that Cameroon was admitted into the Commonwealth because of its Anglophone affiliation to Britain as a former colony. But is shameful to understand, unbelievable to accept that this section which qualified Cameroon to join the Commonwealth is given no recognizance and respect. Looking at the above, one will say without fear of contradiction and beyond reasonable doubts that, the Cameroonian government is an obstacle to Commonwealth assistances some extend Cameroon is not yet technologically well developed which retards administrative work and weigh down the speed. Also, the Cameroon government does not pay its required contribution to the Commonwealth Secretariat {COMSEC}, the Commonwealth Fund for Technical Cooperation{,CFTC }and the Commonwealth programmed for Youth {CPY} in time or some times they dont even pay. This slows down Commonwealth attention to Cameroon. they prefer to listen to those who pay before those who dont? Conclusion.
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The Cameroon government has to ensure the following, respect the Harare Declaration fully, make Cameroon a democratic state wherein the the rule of law is respected, guarantee a rational equilibrium in power separation between the executive, the legislature and the judiciary, so that these organs fully assume their responsibilities,guaranteing human rights and freedoms,guaranteing electoral transparency by adopting a single electoral code, creating and independent electoral commission and preserving the independence of the judiciary as major instrument in the promotion of a state of law , without which there can be no genuine democracy. Further more, the government should put in place a code of local Government with the aim of guaranteeing the autonomy of democratically elected local government officials. Finally she should create an Independent constitutional court, an accounts court, and a high court charged respectively with verifying the constitutionality of laws, the management of public property, and the prosecution of state officials who betray the public trust vested on them. Such as Ministers, Delegates, governors and many more who miss use state property and embezzle state funds and are out laws due to their position and their loyalty to the ruling party CPDM. Finally, If all the above mentioned proposals are implemented, it Would end the decades of arbitrary tyrannical rule by one man and remove Cameroon from the dark abyss of an undemocratic society. It will usher in a new dispensation, wit a dynamic participatory political culture, a constitutional democracy and a people- centered government that will guarantee national consensus, political stability, sustainable economic development and finally a society which would be both communal and liberal in character as written by President Paul Biya in his book titled Communal liberalism. _________________________________________________________________
By Tasili Tebo Wacham SCYL France Bureau " reedom is never given but seized" "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 11:13PM (+01:00)
UNPO December 2004 Report by Dr. Yongbang A.B Acting Chairman of S...
Tuesday, October 31, 2006
UNITED NATIONS TRUST TERRITORY OF THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS REPORT ON THE MISSION TO THE HAGUE. Prepared and presented by Dr. Arnold Boh Yongbang, FWACS, FRCOG, SCARM Acting Chair / UNPO Resource Person and Contact. 30 December 2004. 1. The Journey to UNPO: 1.1 In 1993, His Royal Highness, Fon Fogum Gorji Dinka, Head of State of the Republic of Ambazonia, sought membership of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation. His application was rejected because he could not show proof that the Ambazonia Movement had grassroots support in the Southern Cameroons. 1.2 In 1994, Justice A.N.T. Mbu, then
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Legal Adviser in the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) Executive, submitted an application on behalf of the SCNC during the Elad leadership but the application was never followed up. 1.3 In August 1995, the Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM) contacted the General Secretary of the UNPO directly through Mr. Ebenezer Tabot Tabot, CAM's representative then at The Hague. We clarified to the General Secretary then that the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) was the sole legitimate representative of the peoples of the Southern Cameroons and that all Southern Cameroons liberation movements and organizations, with the exception of the Ambazonia Movement, operate under the umbrella of the SCNC. 1.3.1 We also emphasized the fact that the Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM), the vanguard movement for the liberation of the Southern Cameroons from the evil bondage of La Republique du Cameroun and France, was instrumental in creating the SCNC as an umbrella organization. The initiatives CAM undertakes internationally through its foreign network as well as directly from the base, become operational through the SCNC. 1.4 In 1996, during the covet mission in Abidjan, the SCNC, through the initiative of Mr. Philip Njaru of the Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL) who had written to the UNPO for a training program for which he was being considered, wrote to the UNPO General Secretary again. It was evident that the UNPO had difficulty identifying the real leader of the struggle for the liberation of the peoples of the Southern Cameroons. Mr. Njaru also put us in touch with The Netherlands Council for Indigenous Peoples, and it was through this contact that the SCNC was invited to the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Durban, South Africa in November 1999 as a member of the Commonwealth Association of Indigenous Peoples, an invitation we could not honour because of sabotage by Mr. Stephen N. Tita at home and the unconscionable blunders of Dr. Januarius J. Asongu, then Secretary-General of SCAC-NA in the North American diaspora 1.5 In October 1998, the Prince Esoka Ndoki Mukete leadership of the SCNC decided to send a delegation to the UNPO to follow up on the application for membership for the Southern Cameroons. During the first week of November, I had telephoned the UNPO Secretariat for an appointment with the UNPO General Secretary. And on November 11, 1998 the secretariat faxed to me an invitation for a meeting with the General Secretary for Friday, 20 November 1998. We went to work mobilizing funds for a 5-man delegation: in the end we had mobilized enough funds for only a 3-man delegation comprising Prince Esoka Ndoki Mukete (SCNC National Chairman, Emmanuel Visha Fai (SCNC Secretary General), and Dr. Arnold Boh Yongbang (SCNC National Treasurer). Mr. Visha unbelievably missed the flight that took off from the Nsimalen airport and was absent at the UNPO briefing on 20 November 1998. 1.5 The Ndoki Mukete delegation convinced the General Secretary beyond any shadow of a doubt with the support of 22 documents, that the SCNC had the legitimacy and the mandate to represent the peoples of the Southern Cameroons. We were then asked to pay the registration fees, which we did promptly. The General Secretary at once invited the SCNC to participate at the Annual Diplomacy Training Program in Peace-Building, Peoples Diplomacy and Human Rights to be held in Mannila in the Philippines on January 10-31, 1999. And within days of our registration the Southern Cameroons file at UNPO shot to the top of their list of priorities as the General Secretary was determined to take the Southern Cameroons case to the United Nations General Assembly by the end of 1999. 1.6 Unknown to us, the UNPO was rocked by a financial crisis that nearly crippled the organization. Thanks to the timely intervention of the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy, whose leader is the current chair of the UNPO Steering Committee, Senator Parris H. Chang, who came to the rescue and salvaged the organization from collapse. 1.7 In June 2004, Godfrida Bamjo, our compatriot seeking asylum in The Netherlands, struck up a social relationship with Jeroen Zandberg, a young European who happened to be a Research Fellow at the UNPO Secretariat at The Hague. She immediately linked him up with the SCARM 32
leadership back home and, through his good offices, SCARM was asked to reconstitute the SCNC application in conformity with UNPO guidelines. This I did overnight and presented it to Chief Ette Otun Ayamba, the home front SCNC chairman, to put it on the SCNC letter head and return to me for onward transmission to UNPO. He did but clumsily tried to edit it; and in the process ruined the whole document. I had to do it all over again and we met in Mr. Sabum's house at Mutengene where he signed the redone copy for onward transmission to UNPO. I later returned the ruined copy to him as his own copy for his archives. 1.8 SCARM maintained a steady and regular contact with the our `moyo', the Research Fellow at UNPO, through Godesse. He informed us when the Steering Committee Meeting would hold. And on Tuesday, 2 November 2004, the UNPO General Secretary, Italian born Marino Busdachin, wrote to me informing me that on 17, 18 and 19 December 2004 a Steering Committee Meeting would be held during which the requests for membership would be presented. He took the liberty to inform me that after a thoroughly conducted research by the UNPO Secretariat, he had decided to recommend the admittance of the Southern Cameroons to membership of the UNPO. 1.9 I informed Chief Ayamba at once that he would lead the delegation. I also asked him to select one SCNC Councillor, with the exception of Nfor Ngala Nfor and Prince Humphrey Hitler Mbinglo, from the Northern Zone to accompany him. And he chose Mr. Martin Ngock, who until recently was with the Fossung camp; we rejected that choice. I also alerted him to carry along with him the annual membership fees of US$1000 (one thousand US dollars). He complained there was no money, but I asked him to tell Nfor Ngala Nfor to disburse some of the asylum racketeering money for a noble cause this time around. I reminded him that it was his responsibility as head of the delegation to ensure that the annual membership fees of US$ 1000 was paid. 1.10 On Monday, 15 November 2004, the Director UNPO Secretariat, Ms. Kim Maureen Delvalle, sent another letter to me reiterating the dates set for the Steering Committee Meeting and kindly inviting me to attend. She asked me to inform her at my earliest convenience on my availability and possible participation at the Meeting. I replied at once indicating that I would be available for the meeting, and that I would crave the indulgence of the General Secretary to attend with a delegation of 3-5 persons. 1.11 On Monday, 22 November 2004, the Director of the UNPO Secretariat dispatched another letter to me requesting the transfer of the annual membership fees to the UNPO bank account at The Hague. She indicated that the payment would enable the Secretariat to continue with their effort to present the SCNC to the UNPO Steering Committee. Without waiting to hear from Chief Ayamba about the funds, I immediately wired the US$ 1000 (one thousand US dollars) to the designated account from my own resources. 1.12 In the same letter of 22 November 2004, the Director UNPO Secretariat asked me to send our FLAG by mail. I contacted Chief Ayamba who claimed he was talking to me from the Nigerian border on his way to the African Court of Human and Peoples Rights. He directed me to contact Prince Humphrey Hitler Mbinglo for the flag, or Mrs. Luma. I got Prince Mbinglo and he said the flag was some where in Ndu; so I asked Mama Lamfu to follow up that line. I drove down to Tiko and collected the one from Mrs. Luma. I got washed and ironed and then parceled it by registered mail to UNPO. 1.13 I went on to request individual invitations for the following five persons. The Secretariat faxed them all to me on 2 December 2004.. *Chief Ette Otun Ayamba - SCNC Chair / Leader of the Delegation. *Barrister Blaise Berinyuy Ambazonia PM *Ms. Godfrida Bamjo - Facilitator *Pastor Abel Bokwe Diange - Councillor from Ndian *Dr. Arnold Boh Yongbang. - SCARM Acting Chair /UNPO Contact Person. 1.14 I then set about lobbying for sponsors. I addressed a well thought out brief on the UNPO Invitation to our compatriot, Dr. Mal Fobi, in California, USA, who at once said he was going to study it. He did and came back to me with the generous offer of funding the air tickets because he did not want it to be a MAL FOBI Mission. I went ahead to book our reservations with ELTA Travel Agency even though the sponsor would rather use ONE
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WORLD Travel Agency who, we discovered, had closed down its offices in the country. In the end it turned out to be a Dr. MAL FOBI-funded Mission, for which generations of Southern Cameroonians will forever be thankful. 1.15 The only lady in the group, Ms. Godfrida Bamjo, who has gone down on record as being responsible for the re-opening of the Southern Cameroons file at the UNPO, could not travel because she had recently won her case for asylum in Canada and could not travel back to The Hague before the Canadian Government had given her the official papers. 1.16 Chief Ayamba told me that he would have to travel to Lagos for his visa for fear that he might be detained and/or his passport seized in Yaounde. And so on Sunday, 12 December 2004, I drove from Douala to Tiko where I met Chief Ayamba in Dr. Luma's house, who told me he was on his way to Lagos, and handed him his invitation. He told me he was leaving for Lagos immediately. I gave him the coordinates for ONE WORLD Travel Agency for his air ticket and wished him well. 1.17 My own campaign to raise funds for the Mission received a very timid response from only three compatriots, all new converts to the struggle, who together contributed 300.000 FCFA (three hundred thousand francs cfa); but that was by far short of our needs for a 3-man delegation. So I went back to our compatriot, Dr. Mal Fobi, who very generously agreed to absorb the accommodation bill as well. He faxed his coordinates and his Credit Card to the Belgian Embassy, who are responsible for the affairs of The Netherlands in the Cameroons, but the Consular Officer refused to consider it as meeting the financial requirements the Embassy had asked us to produce travellers cheques and air tickets. It is worth noting that the consular staff who interviewed us at the Belgian Embassy were francophone Cameroun ladies who manifested undisguised hostility towards us. 1.18 But when the three of us, Barrister Berinyuy, Pastor Diange and my humble self, returned to the Belgian Embassy at 8 am on Tuesday morning, 14 December 2004, behold we found Chief Ayamba there together with Nfor Ngala Nfor. You could have knocked me down with a feather, as Akwaya would say. I went up to Chief and greeted him and Nfor Ngala Nfor. I told the Chief I was surprised to see him in Yaounde after he had given me the impression that he was travelling to Lagos for his visa. I asked him whether he did not think that by such uncoordinated action he was giving the impression both to the Embassy and to UNPO that we were going to UNPO in a divided delegation. It was Nfor Ngala Nfor who replied that it would not be seen as such except the impression was manifested. And we closed the topic. I made up my mind that I must not do anything that would give the impression that the delegation to UNPO was split, and I worked towards achieving that goal even if I had to work with the devil as it was now apparent. 1.19 What happened is that Chief Ayamba lied to me that he was going to Lagos so that I should give him his own invitation which he then used to bypass me as the contact person and got in touch with the UNPO Secretariat directly and, as Chairman of the SCNC and leader of the delegation, asked for an invitation for Nfor Ngala Nfor. And so Nfor Ngala Nfor, true to type, again successfully crooked his way into the UNPO delegation! 1.20 Barrister Blaise Berinyuy and Pastor Abel Bokwe Diange could not be given visas because we could not produce travellers cheques requested by the Embassy after the Consul had refused to consider Dr. Mal Fobi's offer to take care of our hotel accommodation at The Hague. The Consul said she was giving me a concession because she saw that I had travelled widely but requested my bank statement which was instantly faxed to her by my bankers. And on that note she gave me a visa at about 3.15 pm on Wednesday, 15 December 2004 curiously apologizing to me for the delay in issuing me a visa. 1.21 ELTA Yaounde was able to secure for me the only available economy seat on the Air France flight leaving Douala for Charles de Gaulle airport in Paris that midnight at an exorbitant return fare of 929000FCFA. I left Yaounde by Guarranti Express at 6.15 pm; reached Douala at 10 pm with barely two hours to catch the flight, and not having packed. I don't know how I did it, but I was able to check in at 10.50 pm. I had confided all on that mission to the care of 34
the Lord God Almighty. 1.22 Chief Ayamba and Nfor Ngala Nfor had no problems producing their travellers cheques and air tickets. They did not even bother with the tickets offered by our compatriot Dr. Mal Fobi. They got their visas at the same time as I did but returned to Bamenda instead. They eventually arrived The Hague on the second day of the Meeting probably because they could not get an earlier airline booking at the peak of the Xmas travel season. But they eventually did take advantage of the accommodation offered by Dr. Mal Fobi and we all stayed at Hotel Mercure at The Hague until Monday morning of 20 December 2004. 1.23 I arrived The Hague at about 5 pm on the eve of the UNPO Steering Committee Meeting, Thursday, 16 December 2004, and took a taxi from DEN HAAG CENTRAL STATION to the UNPO office. I was warmly received by the General Secretary, Mr. Marino Busdachin; the Director UNPO Secretariat, Ms. Kim Maureen Delvalle; and a host of technical staff: they were all busy with preparations for the Steering Committee Meeting the next day. But the General Secretary took time off to brief me on the preparations and assured me of our admission. After briefing about our the Southern Cameroons case at the African Court of Human and Peoples Rights, he requested the coordinates of the African Commission as he wanted the UNPO to have a hearing status with the Court. I have since provided him with all the coordinates. I gave the General Secretary, Ms. Kim and Jeroen (our "moyo") each a bag and a packet of Cameroon coffee and Tole Tea which I had brought for them, and retired to Hotel Mercure which the Secretariat had reserved for the delegates and which was also the venue of the 3-day Steering Committee Meeting. I went to work polishing up my presentation of the Southern Cameroons Case for the next day. 1.24 Their arrival at the close of the morning session that second working day, Saturday, 18 November 2004, was sensational as they appeared in their traditional robes which caused quite a stare. I received them on arrival at the Conference Hall and introduced them to members of the General Secretary and the Secretariat staff. 2. Opening of the Meeting: 2.1 The Steering Committee Meeting opened on Friday, 17 December 2004, at 2 pm. In the chair was Mr. Erkin Alptekin, a past UNPO General Secretary who had to hand over the office on account of ill-health to the present Acting General Secretary about a year ago. He was standing in for Senator Parris H. Chang, President of the Taiwan Institute for Political, Economic and Strategic Studies (TIPESS), Professor Emeritus of Political Science, Pennsylvania State University, who was still being expected. And the working language of UNPO and the Steering Committee Meeting was English. 2.2 The main item on the agenda was the presentation of Candidate Members among whom were: Maasai, the Maa-speaking people of Kenya; Somaliland; the Southern Cameroons; Buffalo River Dene Nation, with 1.000.000 square miles of territory in North Canada; Oromo Nation, the Oromia-speaking people of Ethiopia, the largest ethnic group in Africa with a population of 30.000.000; Kykil (Manipuri Kanglei) in North-East India and Khasi (Hymientrepeg ) also in North-East India were not present; Nahua Del Alto Balsas (Indigenous American-Mexican Indians). 2. 3 The Southern Cameroons Case 2.3.1 The representatives of the 6 candidate members present were called up in turn to address the Steering Committee for 10 minutes on the merits of their particular problems including the reasons for seeking membership of the UNPO. The Southern Cameroons representative was the third to be called to the podium and my humble self summarised the 4-page prepared statement on the Southern Cameroons in the time allotted. After the presentation the Chair of the Session, former UNPO General Secretary, Mr. Erkin Alptekin, apologized for keeping the Southern Cameroons membership pending for so long. Your humble servant accepted the apology and thanked him for his graciousness and magnanimity. The case of the Southern Cameroons as presented on SCARM letter head is attached. 2.3.2 The session ended at 7 pm with a reception at the Hotel given by the Secretariat. During the reception your humble servant tried his hand at serving snacks. When I got to one of the Steering Committee Members, Mr. Tzelios of the Greek
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Minority in Albania, he jokingly remarked that he hoped I was not canvassing for their votes: that it would not work. I did not like the joke at all, and it worried me all night. The other members of the Steering Committee were Mr. G. Hansson of Sweden, Ms. Frida Souhuwat of South Moluccas, Mr. John Nimrod of Assyria who is also Chair of the General Assembly, Mr. Idigov of Chechnya, Ms. T. Jampa of Tibet who was Assistant General Secretary when Chairman Ndoki Mukete and my humble self presented SCNC's legitimacy to talk on behalf of the annexed , brutalized and exploited Peoples of the Southern Cameroons, with 22 documents on 20 November 1998, and Mr. Ngawang Drakmakeyapod of the Krimean Tartars. 2.3.3 Saturday, 18 December 2004 Session opened at 09.30 am with the General Secretary's Report, and the Report on the finances. The session was chaired by Senator Parris H. Chang who had just arrived from Taiwan; this was followed by a general debate on the General Secretary's Report. It was then that the Chair explained the financial crisis that had rocked the organization in 1999 because of reckless expending by Ms. Helen Corbett, the General Secretary who was forced to resign in October 1999: Mr. Alptekin was elected by the General Assembly of February 2000 to assume the duties of UNPO General Secretary. It was Senator Chang's Taiwan Foundation for Democracy that provided the much needed funds to tide the UNPO over that period of financial crisis. 2.3.4 It is curious that every time the Southern Cameroons is about to take a definitive step towards her destiny something happens to derail the process. In October 1961 when the Southern Cameroons was about to go into an unholy union with La Republique du Cameroun, the UN Secretary General who should have overseeed the transition died in a plane crash in the Belgian Congo the month before. Mr. U-Thant was appointed Acting UN Secretary-General only in November 1961, and confirmed in November 1962. During this period of confusion and uncertainty on the future of the Southern Cameroons things were turned upside down and the Southern Cameroons emerged from the chaos to find that she was no longer a partner in the union but had assumed the status of a subjugated people. 2.3.5 The Reports on Communication, Media and Information, the Report on Membership Rules and Procedures, the Reform of the UNPO, the Adoption of the Financial Reports for 2003 and 2004 were assigned to a Task Force created at the Session. The introduction of a Translation Service was also assigned to the Task Force for consideration at the General Assembly. It is also at the General Assembly that the programme of action for the next financial year would be unveiled: this will include inter alia, training programmes in the Annual Diplomacy Training Program in Peace-Building, Peoples Diplomacy and Human Rights, as well as in Conflict Prevention, Management, and Resolution. 2.3.6 There was an address to the Steering Committee by the Trans-National Radical Party, a non-violent political organization in Italy, represented by Mr. Marco Perduca: the Trans-National Radical Party is an NGO with Category 1 (General) Consultative Status with the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) of the UN. He was the UN representative to the Steering Committee Meeting. I cornered him during the break and he promised to get the Southern Cameroons into the UN Human Rights Committee whose sitting has been scheduled for March 2005. He also advised us to get in touch with the 24-member Decolonisation Committee. 2.3.7 The other address was by the Estonian Minister of Health, Professor Linnart Mall, PhD, Head of Oriental Studies of the University of Tartu, Estonia. Estonia houses the Institute for the Rights of Peoples (IRP). Estonia was willing to host the General Assembly meeting of the UNPO in May or November 2005. It should be recalled that Estonia was once a member of UNPO: she got her independence in 1991, and is now a Supporting UNPO Member. 2.3.8 Before the lunch break, Senator Chang asked to step down as Steering Committee chair because of pressures of work back home in Taiwan. In a tearful and emotional appeal, Mr. Erkin Alptekin prayed the Senator to stay on because he was the very embodiment of the organization. All the members of the Steering Committee made similar appeals: the Senator very reluctantly 36
agreed to stay on only until the General Assembly. 2.3.9 Senator Chang also appealed to members to support the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy in its fight to oppose the European parliament I their planned lifting of the ban on arms supplies to China. Programmes would be elaborated towards this goal. 2.4 Lunch break heralded the arrival of "the Southern Cameroons Delegation" comprising Chief Ette Otun Ayamba and his socalled "political scientist", Nfor Ngala Nfor, clad in attractive traditional robes. I received them into the Conference Hall and introduced them first to the Acting General Secretary. When the afternoon session resumed, I asked to take the podium to introduce "my colleagues" to members of the Steering Committee. When I was given the floor to introduce them, I introduced only Chief Ayamba as Chair of the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) and leader of the delegation from the Southern Cameroons. When Chief Ayamba took the floor, he introduced Nfor Ngala Nfor as Dr. Nfor Ngala Nfor, a political scientist; Chief Ayamba knows very well that Nfor Ngala Nfor is not a doctor of philosophy; so the title of Dr. he has been misrepresenting Nfor Ngala Nfor with is a deception; but Nfor Ngala Nfor seems to relish such falsehood. We sat together and worked like a team throughout the duration of the Meeting. The Chief then invited Nfor Ngala Nfor to make their own presentation to the Committee without bothering to ask me if I had already made a presentation. Happily the only contradiction I their presentation was on Southern Cameroons population: while my presentation mentioned a population of about six million peoples, theirs talked of a population of five million nothing to split hairs about. 2.5 At the close of the afternoon session we posed for photographs: there was no doubt that the Southern Cameroons Delegation had become the center of attraction. And then the Steering Committee went into Closed Session for the rest of the evening to consider candidate members applications for membership and other matters. The UNPO General Assembly was slated for mid-April 2005, the dates would be confirmed by the Secretariat. At the General Assembly, the new members would formally sign the UNPO Covenant. 3. Reception by SCNC Holland Chapter: 3.1 The SCNC Holland chapter Exco arrived and took the Southern Cameroons Delegation to Rotterdam where they had organized a reception evidently for Chief Ayamba and Nfor Ngala Nfor. I say this in all seriousness because I addressed two correspondences to the Chairperson, SCNC Holland Chapter on 27 November 2004 using their official e-mail scnc_holland@hotmail.com and repeated the same a week later, but there never was a reply. During the reception, I asked for the complimentary card of the chapter secretary, Mr. Daniel N. Enonchong, and confirmed that the e-mail address I used to send the messages to them was indeed correct. I told him that I had addressed two messages to them using that address, but he claimed that they did not receive them. Lies!!! 3.2 We had three working sessions with the Holland chapter: the first was the reception in Rotterdam on Saturday night when we also took the opportunity to visit our compatriot who was celebrating the birthday of their daughter before we retired. The last day at the close of the Steering Committee Meeting and the announcement of Southern Cameroons admission into the UNPO along with five other candidate members, Maasai, Somaliland, Buffalo River Dene Nation, Oromo Nation, and Nahua Del Alto Balsas,. SCNC Holland chapter took us to our second working session with them at Delft in Mr. Edwin Yenika's flat where we met Dutch families and friends of some of our asylum seekers there. After the meal and after seeing off our Dutch friends, the session settled down to the business of the day the problem between Mr. Joseph Che Awambeng and SCNC Holland Executive who insisted that only an unqualified apology from Awambeng would bring him back to the fold. Mr. Joe Che Awambeng was there, very active with the arrangements too, but equally determined not to apologise. But Chief Ayamba used his experience as a traditional ruler to sue for peace without preconditions. 3.3 There is a very thick population of Southern Cameroons asylum seekers in The Netherlands and most of them our living under extremely hash hide-and-seek conditions. During the working sessions, I
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tried to advise them to contact the UN High Commission for Refugees; declare themselves as stateless persons from the UN Territory of the Southern Cameroons, and ask for the same protection that Fon Gorji Dinka enjoys. 3.4 Note should be made that Prince Lawrence Ayamba from Belgium was present at both of these working sessions and played an active part. On both occasions he seized the opportunity to apologise in the presence of all those present for the wrongs he had done to me and to Nfor Ngala Nfor because of youthful exuberance. He might have thought that because I was in the delegation with Nfor Ngala Nfor, of all people, I had reconciled with him. No way!!! But I did not show it. I was determined that nothing, absolutely nothing, should stand in the way nor mar Southern Cameroons admission to membership of the UNPO. Nfor Ngala Nfor had crooked his way as usual into the UNPO delegation and, despite my abhorrence of him and his presence, I was determined to make The Mission to The Hague a resounding Success. Chief Ayamba refunded the annual membership fees that I had earlier wired to UNPO account at The Hague.. 3.5 Mr. Edwin Yenika, the SCNC Holland chapter vice-chair, most graciously offered to take me to Amsterdam airport in the morning to enable me catch the unbooked 8 am KLM flight to my connecting flight to Douala in Paris. He came for me at 4 am. Talk of responsibility and duty consciousness: this was its manifestation at its very best. We got to the airport at 5 am but he refused to leave until I had checked in at 6.15 am. At 6.15 am I was told that the KLM flight to Paris was cancelled; that the next flight scheduled for 9 am could not get me to Paris to catch the Air France flight to Douala at 10 am. I confirmed my booking for the next morning and Edwin drove me straight to his flat at Delft for a nap while he went off to work. He detailed Mr. Athanasius Nji Tem to come for me so that we could go to The Hague to take part in the working session the UNPO Secretariat had scheduled with the Secretariat staff and the Southern Cameroons delegation at which members of the Holland chapter were also present. After the session the SCNC Holland tried to arrange an impromptu meeting between us and the official in charge of the Africa Desk of The Netherlands Foreign Ministry, but failed. 3.6 From the UNPO Secretariat we moved down to Rotterdam again for our third and final working session with the Holland chapter at the chair's flat. Chief Ayamba had some disagreement with Nfor Ngala Nfor who was reacting to a posting in the net by Prince Ayamba to the effect that the delegation to The Hague was an SCNC/SCARM delegation. Nfor Ngala Nfor tried to insist that it was an SCNC delegation. Chief Ayamba got offended and got off to sleep early. I refused to be drawn into sterile polemics. We finally rounded up at 9.30 pm. Mr Athanasius Nji Tem, of the Youth League, took me back to Edwin's flat in Delft by train. I spent the night there and Edwin again drove me to Amsterdam Air port on Tuesday morning where I boarded the connecting flight to Paris, and the Air France fight from Charles de Gaulle air port in Paris to Douala landing in Douala at 5 pm on Tuesday 21 December 2004, and to my family. 3.7 Receptions were planned for the SCNC delegation to UNPO in Belgium and in Germany. I could not be part of those receptions because, after having achieved membership of the UNPO, my act to accommodate Nfor Ngala Nfor in the delegation was over, and I could not be seen at receptions in Belgium and in Germany I his company any longer. I read from the net that both receptions were cancelled because Chief Ette Otun Ayamba could not attend without Nfor Ngala Nfor. And the organizers of the receptions would not receive Nfor Ngala Nfor. I discovered that Chief Ayamba could not do without Nfor Ngala Nfor, his much tooted political scientist. 4. MISSION STATEMENT: 4.1 The Coalition of Liberation Movements in the Southern Cameroons - sponsored delegation to The Hague to obtain membership of the Southern Cameroons in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) succeeded in its mission that was threatened to be hijacked by well known opportunists and racketeers. Whatever their hidden agenda, they were wasting their time. The Southern Cameroons is now a full member of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) with headquarters at The 38
Hague. 4.2 The Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) was born on September 5, 1990, out of the awareness of the feelings of frustration at the exclusion of nations, peoples and minorities which do not constitute independent states, from access to international fora and organisations, and from playing an active and meaningful role in the globalisation process. The founding members of UNPO envisioned an organisation which would strive for a more equitable society one in which nations, peoples and minorities, without recognised states or governments of their own, could have a voice and a say in their own destiny. 4.3 Many peoples, especially the relatively small ones, have a long history, much of which is marked by oppression, discrimination and sometimes deportations at the hands of outside powers. Their primary concern is to protect their people from annihilation, annexation or assimilation, or oppression and subjugation. Many times the states of which they form a part do not respond to their concerns. Their only recourse is through the international community and access to these organisations is essential in promoting the values of democracy, tolerance, non-violence and selfdetermination for the world's voiceless peoples to bring about effective and meaningful change in their circumstances. 4.4 The English-speaking peoples of the Former United Nations Trust Territory of the Southern Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration find themselves in this category of voiceless nations at the dawn of the third millennium by a conspiracy of circumstances which form the basis of our application for membership of the UNPO. The peoples of the UN Territory of the Southern Cameroons have a very strong and incontrovertible case for total independence; the facts are also very very compelling. 4.5 The Delegation to the UNPO was led by the legitimate home front SCNC leader to formally present the case of the Southern Cameroons for membership of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) at The Hague. The UNPO provides a legitimate international forum for unrepresented nations and peoples to actively participate in the major decision-making centres in Washington, New York, Brussels, Geneva, and The Hague, as well as in the inter-governmental system through its Consultative Status with the UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). "freedom is never given but seized" "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 11:24PM (+01:00)
A COUNTRY AT WAR FOR NO CRIME COMMITTED

Wednesday, November 01, 2006
When the tyran comes, even our old parents and unborn children are target.
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The dragon shall be defeated and The Southern Cameroons shall come to know peace and democracy again. On Judgement Day, No one shall escape the wrath of justice for even corpses shall be exhumed and asked to render an account of their stewardship or betrayal to a people who had known no peace but injustice, underdevelopment and cronic poverty. We do not hate or discriminate against anyone who speaks the French language, but we hate french. Anyone who hates us because we hate french is also consider an enemy of the Southern Cameroons. "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 12:16AM (+01:00)
Our voices shall be heard wherever we are

We shall take the battle right into the parlour of our enemy. We shall match them word for word and action for action. There shall be no retreat or surrender on our part until victory is us.
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"freedom is never given but seized" "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 12:33AM (+01:00)
The truth shall never die

When all the axis of evil and annexation have been destroyed, the Southern Cameroons shall be rebuild on solid pillars bound by love, truth, respect for institutions and Human rights. Only then shall the argents of misery, conspiracy and brutality shall come to pay for their crimes or conplicency. Goodbye La Republique, Welcome the Southern
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Cameroons and Rest in perfect peace Lake Nyos.
"freedom is never given but seized" "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 01:14AM (+01:00)
Call for papers

INTRODUCTION The Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL) was founded in 1995 by students and former students who had been victims of the annexationist policy of La Republique du Cameroun. These students never gave up the struggle to completely free the Southern Cameroons and completely overhaul the educational system as to imbue in the Youths a sense of pride in what we got right and a duty in what we must fix. The SCYL holds that the curriculum of education that had glorified and distorted history must be changed. The SCYL also holds that the educational system will be transformed to meet up challenges of the 21st century. FOWARDThe Southern Cameroons was a Territory under The United Kingdom administration. A history fraught with intrigues and conspiracies principally by the cold war allies aimed at denying the peoples of the Southern Cameroons in particular, and the peoples of the UNO Territory o f the Cameroons formerly under United Kingdom administration our right to be masters of our own destiny. This lack of education about our history has affected even those of us in the fore front of our struggle with half truths, with the result that for the past 21 years we have been chasing, as it were, the wrong shadow. The conspiracy is further confirmed by the following dispatch from Mr. John K. Emmerson, American Consul-General, Lagos , dated 11 May, 1959, to the USState Department: The Southern Cameroons is a frontier, exposed ... toCommunist-inspired influences, which can become adanger of serious magnitude. This reason, not to speakof its great potentialities, makes the SouthernCameroons an area of serious concern to the UnitedStates. ... The present government in the SouthernCameroons, made up of almost totally inexperienced andnaive ex-primary school teachers with good intentions,is incapable of grappling with the tremendous problemswhich face it. ... Leadership in the SouthernCameroons is inexperienced, untrained and naive. ...The logical conclusion would seem to be that theSouthern Cameroons, with its remoteness from Lagos ,its complexities, and its vulnerability, deservesincreased attention on the part of the United States . THE AWARD The family of the SCYL in the Diaspora and those living underground within the occupied territory hereby launch the Southern Cameroons Youth League GOLDEN AWARD FOR EDUCATION dubbed SCYL AWARD. The SCYL AWARD will cover the following topics: 1. The political and socio-economic policies of the occupying power of La Republique du Cameroun. In this topic, the participant must explain the political subjugation, policy of economic deprivation and social destruction of the Southern Cameroons in order to enhance the policy of occupation.
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2. The policy of death practice in our land by the occupying power of La Republique du Cameroun. People who chose this topic must elaborate on the human rights violation that successive regimes of La Republique du Cameroun have carried out in the Southern Cameroons ; the policy of brutality, political persecution, arrest, torture, detention and extra-judicial execution of Southern Cameroons citizens by the occupying regime 3. The British deception and betrayal of the Trusteeship mandate bestowed to her by the United Nations. Why did the British transfer sovereignty of our land from Buea to Yaound? What was the motivation and what role did communist capitalist conflict have on the British betrayal GUIDELINE Candidates for the GOLDEN AWARD will have to master the Charter of the UNO, the UN Trusteeship System and the Trusteeship Agreements, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as the Charter of the African Union, and highlight areas where, by omission or commission, violations were committed in order to annex the Southern Cameroons to La Republique du Cameroun. More shall be expected of University candidates who must demonstrate ability for research not only into the above-mentioned UNO documents but also the Secret Papers from London . In light of this,essays from High School candidates shall be assessed differently from those from University students.
The Jury selected by the SCYL will is composed of: 1. Dr. Arnold Boh Yongbang 2. Mr. Lucas Cho Ayaba 3. Mr. Germanus Ndunge 4. Mr. Nwana Benedict 5.Mr. Fuabeh Victor Achankeng
The winners of the SCYL AWARD will receive a three years tuition fee in the University of Buea or any other institution of learning within the territory of the Southern Cameroons . The prices will be as follows: 1. First price... Monetary value of 300 US Dollars 2. Second price...Monetary value of 150 US Dollars 3. Third price... Monetary value of 100 US Dollars One or more of the three prices MUST be won by a lady. Winners will receive their awards in the 2007/2008 academic year. For and behalf of the SCYL International Secretary
Secretariat: 0031-703803552 Mobile: 0031-621993396 "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the
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limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius Che, June 1997- Buea. "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 09:21AM (+01:00)
SCYL Policy statement on immigration,asylum and documentation

Sunday, November 05, 2006
The Geneva Convention on the Right of a Refugee defines a Refugee as someone with a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it. The Southern Cameroons is a nation deprived of its right of existence and its population subjected to acts of brutality, arrest, extra-judicial executions and general repression for voicing their discontent to the present political dispensation. The question of sovereignty of the Southern Cameroons is a one of political deprivation and its subjects deprived of their right to their rightful nationality by a brutal and illegal occupying power. The Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL) is a movement created in the face of such brutality and deprivation to bring pressure to bear on the present administering authority to relinquish its grip on our people and to allow our people to determine through democratic means the system of government they intend to live under. Since the creation of the SCYL in 1995, its members, supporters and sympathizers have been systematical brutalized, arrested, killed and detained forcing thousands of others to seek protection in foreign countries. While recognizing the right of members of the SCYL to seek and to receive protection from such persecutions While acknowledging the responsibility of governments to uphold and respect to the letter the prescriptions of the Geneva Convention The SCYL also has a responsibility to its members and the Host Countries where tens of thousands of its members have sort and received and are still seeking protection. To facilitate this process and to uphold the credibility the SCYL has thus far established with Immigration Institutions and Foreign governments, the leadership of the SCYL has made the following decisions: 1-All letters attesting membership to the organization shall be signed by the Head of the SCYL International Secretariat (IS) 2-Due to the individual nature in which Immigration authorities treat cases, the specific claim of persecution shall be investigated by the Secretary General of the SCYL and the findings forwarded to the Head of the International Secretariat
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3-Every Attestation of claim of membership or persecution that is not from the Head of the IS or having been vetted by his office shall be considered fraudulent On Behalf of the SCYL Secretary General Ayaba, Cho Lucas
"Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius Che, June 1997- Buea. "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 03:15PM (+01:00)
Resolution 1608 Vs Cameroun by JusticeMuluh Mbuh

CAMEROUN: IMPLEMENT UN RESOLUTION 1608 OR PULL OUT OF THE AMBAZONIA NOW! Cameroun: Implement UN Res. 1608 or Pull out of Ambazonia (UN Trust Territory of the Southern Cameroons) with alacrity before it is to late to do so peacefully. See details of Resolution and appraisal Below. The International Community should find Cameroun Republic in violation of the Law of Nations by charges of breach of international treaty (Treaty of Union with Ambazonia) and accordingly delt with squarely thus: 1. Dismiss Cameroun from the UN and all affiliated organizations if they should fail to comply; 2. Impose Economic Sanctions including the blocking of all material and immaterial international aid to Cameroun if they do not comply; 3. Utilize a UN Intervention Force(s) to force Cameroun to withdraw from Ambazonia Republic as was the case when the UN bombed Iraq out of Kuwait. The citizens of Ambazonia (UN Trust Territory of the Southern Cameroons) continue to suffer unjustly because of Cameroun's illegal occupation which has led to the surpression of intellectual thought, the Anglo-Saxon Common Laws and Educational System, deprived of any vital economic development and including the systematic destruction of the agro-base industries that existed in the territory prior to the lies of Unification. In fact, agricultural base is being sold out to French people, including Christoff (?) Mitterand, the Son of Former French President Francios Mitterand! The failure to respond to these demands would be considered as a green light that Ambazoians can act accordingly and use any means possible to flush Cameroun illegal land lords out of the Ambazonia and no one, no country should blame Ambazonia for destabilizing the region in terms of the wider geo-political nature and location of the disputed territory. See full text below. UNITED NATIONS RESOLUTION 1608 (xv) APRIL 21, 1961. The Case of AMBAZONIA VERSUS CAMEROUN
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Resolution 1608 (xv) as submitted by the Fourth Committee, A/4737, and as amended orally by Guinea and Liberia, adopted by the General Assembly on 21 April 1961, meeting 994, by roll-call vote of 64 to 23, with 10 abstentions, as follows: IN FAVOR: Afghanistan, Austria, Bolivia, Bulgaria, Burma, Byelorussian SSR, Canada, Ceylon, Chile, Costa Rica, Cuba, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Ethiopia, Federation of Malaya, Finland, Ghana, Guinea, Honduras, Hungary, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ireland, Japan, Laos, Lebanon, Liberia, Libya, Mali, Mexico, Morocco, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nigeria, Norway, Pakistan, Phillippines, Poland, Romania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Sweden, Thailand, Tunisia, Turkey, Ukrainian SSR, Union of South Africa, USSR, United Arab Republic, United Kingdom, United States, Venezuela, Yemen, Yugoslavia. AGAINST: Argentina, Belgium, Brazil, Cambodia, Cameroun, Central African Republic, Chad, China, Congo (Brazzaville), Congo (Leopoldville), Dahomey, France, Gabon, Greece, Israel, Ivory Coast, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Niger, Paraguay, Senegal, Upper Volta, Uruguay. ABSTENTIONS: Columbia, El Salvador, Guatamala, Haiti, Italy, Panama, Peru, Portugal, Spain, Togo. THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, Recalling its resolution 1350 (XIII) of 13 March 1959 concerning the future of the Trust Territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom administration in which the General Assembly recommended, inter alia, that the Administering Authority take steps, in consultation with the United Nations Plebiscite Commissioner for the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration, to organize, under the supervision of the United Nations, separate plebiscites in the Northern and Southern parts of the Cameroons under United Kingdom administration, in order to ascertain the wishes of the inhabitants of the territory concerning their future, and that the plebiscite in the Northern Cameroons be held about the middle of November 1959 on the basis of the two questions set out in paragraph 2 of the said Resolution, Recalling its resolution 1352 (XIV) of 16 October 1959 whereby it decided, inter alia, that a plebiscite in the Southern Cameroons would be held between 30 September 1960 and March 1961, on the basis of the two questions set in paragraph 2 of the said resolution, Recalling further its resolution 1473 (XIV) of 12 December 1959 in which the General Assembly, having considered the results of the plebiscite in the Northern part of the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration, recommended the organization by the Administering Authority, in consultation with the United Nations Plebiscite Commissioner, of a further plebiscite to be held in the Northern Cameroons under United Nations supervision between 30 September 1960 and March 1961, on the basis of the two questions defined in paragraph 3 of the said resolution, Having examined the report of the United Nations Plebiscite Commissioner concerning the two plebiscites held in the Northern and the Southern Cameroons in February 1961 and the report of the Trusteeship Council thereon,
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Having heard the petitioners, 1. Expresses its high appreciation of the work of the United Nations Plebiscite Commissioner for the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration and his staff; 2. Endorses the results of the plebiscite that: (a) The people of Northern Cameroons have by a majority, decided to achieve independence by joining the independent Federation of Nigeria; (b) The people of the Southern Cameroons have similarly decided to achieve independence by joining the independent Republic of Cameroun; 3. Considers that, the people of the two parts of the Trust Territory having freely and secretly expressed their wishes with regards to their respective futures in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1352 (XIV) and 1473 (XIV), the decisions made by them through democratic processes should be immediately implemented; 4. Decides that, the plebiscites having been taken separately with differing results, the Trusteeship Agreement of 13 December 1946 concerning the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration shall be terminated, in accordance with Article 76b of the Charter of the United Nations and in agreement with the Administering Authority, in the following manner: (a) With Respect to the Northern Cameroons, on I June 1961, upon its joining the Federation of Nigeria as a separate province of the Northern Region of Nigeria; (b) With respect to the Southern Cameroons, on 1 October 1961, upon its joining the Republic of Cameroun; 5. Invites the Administering Authority, the Government of the Southern Cameroons and the Republic of Cameroun to initiate urgent discussions with a view to finalizing, before October 1, the arrangements by which the agreed and declared policies of the parties concerned will be implemented. ORAL HEARINGS: General Assembly 15th Session (First and Second Parts). Fourth Committee, Meetings 1004, 1010, 1012, 1066, 1086, 1096, 1097, 1098, 1105, 1108, 1120, 1127-1130, 1139, 1140, 1142, 1147. A/C.4/445 and Add.1-3, A/C.4/469 and Add.1-8. Requests for Hearings. A/C.4/448. Note by Secretary General. A/C.4/490. Additional statement by Namaso Mbile, Cameroons Peoples National Convention, Kumba Division, on Southern Cameroons. A/C.4/495. Statement by S.T. Muna, Minister of Commerce and Industries, Southern Cameroons. A/C.4/96. Additional Statement by Mayi Matip, Chairmen of Union des Populations du Cameroun Parliamentary group. APPRAISAL OF UN RESOLUTION 1608: WHY IS UN RESOLUTION 1608 CENTRAL TO THE SOVEREIGNTY DISPUTE BETWEEN CAMEROUN AND AMBAZONIA (SOUTHERN CAMEROONS)?
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The nations that voted in favor of the resolution might have had unity as strength as their guiding principle. But when we take a look at the said resolution, we have every reason to feel and believe that British Southern Cameroonians have been maltreated by both Cameroun and the United nations. From the said Resolution, we can make the following deductions: 1) A nation cannot become independent by joining another, especially if it is denied a seat at the World Organization. The case of the Republics that were part of USSR but had separate seats at the UN (and voted herein) are a glaring pointer to this effect! This condition secures the right of the parties to regain their sovereignty without necessarily having to pull much string, in case of material breach of treaty. 2) From (1) above, it is clear that the Trusteeship Agreement was already under violation, since by joining does not lead to either self-government or independence (76b) of the UN Charter/(Declaration Granting Independence of Dec. 14, 1960)! Besides if Trusteeship was terminated on October 1, 1960, why then was Ambazonia not goiven a seat at the UN? Why did the UN see it fit to utilize the plebiscite tool to decolonize the territory? Was this act an application or a violation of the law? And what more of the absense of the UN and Trusteeship Council and Adminstering Authority of the said territory from ensuring that Paragraph 5 of the said Res. 1608 was actually effected? How else can one not cry foul play? 3) That Cameroun was among nations that opposed the Resolution and given that Cameroun has violated the Federation Treaty, besides the above Resolution demanding its implementation--both constitute gross evidence that Cameroun authority were not interested to have either a federation or unity with British Southern Cameroons. Thus Cameroun should not resist Ambazonian moves to form a separate Republic, which would fulfill Article 76b of the UN Charter and secure/protect the rights of its citizens. 4) France by virtue of her fears that Anglo-Saxon culture would pollute and prevent them from exercising continuous neocolonialism on its former colonies equally opposed the said resolution. Moreso, twelve other French-speaking and former French Colonies in Africa (see "Votes Against" in said resolution above) voted against any such union between Anglo-Saxon Ambazonia and Cameroun Republic. Thus there should be no resistence from their part whatsoever on letting Ambazonia go her way, even though Cameroun President Paul Biya already made Cameroun secession from the Union a legal clarity/reality with his Presidential Decree 84/001 of January 1984. 5) The Administering Authorities, in this case the United Kingdom did not do its job of ensuring that negotiations were conclusive before the stipulated date. Instead, what transpired was that Britain abandoned the Southern Cameroons at the mercy of French and Cameroun colonizers when it effectively pulled out of the territory one month to the date stipulated for the take-off (LEAVING BEHIND ONLY A FEW OF HER MARGESTY'S SOLDIERS WHO EFFECTIVELY HANDED OVER POWER TO CAMEROUN PRESIDENT AND NOT TO AMBAZONIANS ON SEPTEMBER 30 AT MIDNIGHT) for what they wanted us to accept as our independence day and the commencement of the KAMERUN CONFEDERATION (NOT FEDERATION)! 6) The UN equally failed to perform its role as supervisor of the process to decolonize the Southern Cameroons without necessarily compromising its sovereignty. 7) Evidence of the betrayal of Ambazonia (The British Southern Cameroons) by both 48
Britain and the UN Nations is found in the fact that at the Foumban Constitutional talks, both parties were absent. Thus there was never any conclusive deal, which protected the Southern Cameroons from French and Cameroun intrigues. International law regards this absence as a major breach of international treaty and breach of trust and so all the deals from there hence must be seen as having no bearing on the citrizens of the Ambazonia whatsoever! 8) That on October 13, Cameroun President Ahidjo imposed Cameroun's constuitution and national emblems on the peoples of the "Southern Cameroons" in violation of all preand post plebiscite agreements, which by UN Res. 1608 attained Treaty status, and so must be found in contempt of the Rule and laws of the Law of Nations. Three things can be deduced from the above seven points: 1) Ambazonia (Southern Cameroons), even if we assume attained independence, stands clearly as an example of a none-state nation given that it was never given a seat at the UN. 2) By virtue of the fact that the Confederation (not even federation) deal was never conclusive, everything that has been done in Cameroun in the name and name changing syndrome of unity is null and void ab initio, and must be considered not binding on Ambazonia (Southern Cameroons) which has clearly and effectively proven that there were unpardonable discrepancies in the unity process-which has led Cameroun to treat the Southern Cameroon masses as second class citizens and above all, refused to be lawful and accountable to/on the acts of government-this making Ambazonia (a UN Trust Territory which suffers from the effects of international conspiracy and breach of international treaty) to pass as a Cameroun Republic colony in 2002! Based on the above analyses, Ambazonias right to freely exercise its sovereignty can hardly be questioned, let alone denied. 3) The non-implementation of UN Resolution 1608 is glaring proof of a material breach of treaty and requires that the World Body actively take part in terminating the now too falsified relationship between Ambazonia and Cameroun before the situation turns into a bloody war of liberation. The Ambazonia Patriotic Front (APF) acting as custodians of the message of the Ambazonia Republics Ambazonia Peoples Emancipation Council (APEC) program demands/suggests that the UN should redress this problem before it escalates into a fullscale war of liberation by granting Adult Membership to Ambazonia Republic in the United Nations, with alacrity for a good start. The time to do so is now for time isrunning out! Justice Muluh Mbuh, Secretary General, Ambazonia Peoples Emancipation Council (APEC), Washington, DC, Founder, Ambazonia Patriotic Front (APF) "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius Che, June 1997- Buea. "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 07:23PM (+01:00)
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Who is the Secretary General of the SCYL, read more

The man Ayaba Cho Lucas The EscapeOn June the 28th, 1998 I and my friend Nwana Benedict climbed into a ship loaded with timber on our way into exile. Five days later we surfaced out of our hideout and in an attempt to convince a surprised crew of our desire to seek asylum in Portugal, we were detained. This chapter illuminates the dramatic 30days in the ship, life as blind passangers, our relationship with the angry crew and the political intuition that convinced them to let us land in Germany. It describes the detail planning behind the 3am disembarkment and the traumatic walk in a cold windy morning to an unknown destination. Breath taking. Chapter 1 The Experience On July 30 1998, we landed at the seaport of Nordenham, northern Germany and immediately walked our way to an asylum camp. This chapter unveils the long journey of an asylum seeker in Germany. Life in room number 2 as one of seven men in a 20sqm room. It catalogues the humiliation living as a black in a country still engage in self-denial, the threat of deportation, neo-nazis attacks and the struggle against these vices. It also dwells in my battle with the German deportation apparatus that took us up to the European Court of Human and Peoples Right. Life as a German political prisoner. and much more from illegally crossing borders to attend conferences, and occupying institutions. It is a rich and ongoing journey. Chapter 2 Police as Instrument of State Terror The German police has killed more refugees than a combined force of rights extremists and racist forces put together.This chapter tries to examine this anomaliy and traces the mentality of this police force right down to the Defence Squadron used by Hitler to terrorise foreigners. It ponders on the reason why despite such bestiality committed, they go unpunish.It list some victims and how they were killed. Chapter 3 The Apatheid Germany In 1982, the German parliament enacted an apatheid legislation called the residence obligation law that confined refugees to specific residencial districts. The official reasons were to curb asylum misuse and protect refugees. Read in this chapter why Germans don't want us to travel without permission and the punishment reserved for violators. This law came into force at a time when calls were loud for the Berlin wall to be torn down, when blacks in South Africa were gradually emerging from the shadow of a white
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supremacist system. This chapter tracks why a country that understands the vices of divide and restriction and the virtues of the freedom of movement could impose on others same devilish plans as to make them economic and political liabilities. It catalougues the struggle against this racist apatheid system, the tribulation of the unjustly afflicted and why for us, civil disobedience was and is the only way out. Chapter 4 Racism and Legalised State Militias Whites have been taught blacks were apes and they were the modern form of homosapien. This has been the concept of white domination in the last 400 years. This falacious idea outlived every resistance and despite the death of Chris Hanni, Malcom X, Martin Lurther and the suffering and sacrifices of millions of people, Germany and europe still hold on to this moroned philosophy. This chapter deals with racist guardian concepts and the contradictions between democracy and the existence of armed militias and right extremist formations who would prefer we were all put in Zoos Chapter 5 The Interpretation (Political Hypocrisy) For the past 400 years, European countries have overthrown every existing political system by the use of force. Insecured within their borders, self confident European nation-states rolled tanks across borders, enslaved other people and let others do the fighting for them. Unable to shape the world according to their dictates, countries that yesterday brought so much suffering, pain and humiliation to humanity are trying to forge an economic and political union to compensate for their individual weaknesses. This chapter deals with the true reasons behind the concept of European Unionism, the insecurity that breeds imperialism and the desperate fostering of the guardian concept, anti-Americanism, the desperate Franco-German axis on the one hand and the AngloEastern axis on the other hand and how we are caught in the middle of this elephant dance. For more info, write to the scyl on cocoscylmail@hotmail.com or www.amazon.com "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius Che, June 1997- Buea. "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 07:33PM (+01:00)
Open letter to the UB Vice Chancellor by Feko Vincent

Saturday, November 11, 2006
November 10th 2006 Open Letter to Vice-Chancellor of the University of Buea (UB) on the Launching of The Faculty of Medicine
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Dear Prof. Cornelius Lambi, Congratulations to you and Prof. Dorothy Njeuma, your predecessor and pioneer VC of UB, who left a conducive environment and a skeletal faculty to which you have added meat and brought it to a full-fledged faculty in such a short tenure of your ViceChancellorship at The University of Buea. The young Faculty of Medicine is an instant reminder of Prof. Bernard Fonlons Open Letter to the Bishops of The Ecclesiastical Province of Bamenda on the creation of the Senior Seminary for the training of Catholic clerics. Though the Venerable Bernard Fonlon was aware that the Bishops, being themselves products of the scholastic and meritocratic mill, would not sacrifice meritocracy on the altar of mediocrity, he found it necessary to remind them of the heavy responsibility they had on their hands. And so, when, in his open letter he urged the Bishops to ensure that the training in that seminary should be so rigorous that its products are steeped in Sacred Scriptures, Philosophy and Theology, he was only reaffirming the obvious. Gone are the days when the production of mediocre products for home consumption only, was acceptable. Prof. Fonlon entreated their Lordships to bear in mind the weighty saying of the famous Dr Aggrey of Ghana, who about 25 years earlier, had declared that: Only the best is good enough for Africa. That timely advice to enkindle the resolve of their Lordships has resulted in a bumper harvest of impeccable quality. By its First Class products, by any rating under the sun, the Bambui/ Bamenda St. Thomas Aquinas Major Seminary (STAMS) has lived up to expectation and admiration. STAMS is undeniably a feather in the mitre of their Lordships. It is the only locally implanted Seminary (1973) that has produced Priests and Bishops ministering today to Gods people in the former British Cameroons and French Cameroun, and other parts of Africa. And so, Mr. Vice-Chancellor, as you begin the admission exercise into the UB Faculty of Medicine in the days ahead, bear in mind that only the best is good enough for the two Cameroons, the rest of Africa, and the world at large; as the physicians you train will, like STAMS clerics, be frontier less physicians. A bright day, they say in Fanji, begins with a golden sunrise. A good harvest is the product of good seeds and care. As the minimum educational qualification for the faculty is the General Certificate of Education (GCE), we can only get First Class products from students with shining GCE O & A Level qualifications. Admission should be based on criteria free from subjectivity, and the Vice-Chancellor and his able team should be prepared, in an environment of unpredictability such as ours, to say a big NO, to political, parental, provincial, and other pressures on them to bend the rules and infest the place with half-baked students or students of mediocre abilities. Only those who have passed the prescribed written test with glittering qualifications may be considered for admission. This is a candid expression of a laymans opinion, not to be taken or interpreted as a prescription for experts in the field. There can be no justifiable or defendable reason, in a hypothetical case for instance, for dropping an able-bodied candidate with 9 or more solid Os and 4 or more crack As, with 20 or more grade points on a scale of 25, in preference to one with lower grades on the flimsy and fallacious ground that he/she performed better in the orals! The rigour of the training and practice of medicine are cardinal issues, which in my view outweigh the exception principle that in some situations could be invoked as justification for benevolent deviation. The Anglo-Saxon University of Buea, by its exquisite standard, stands out as a pearl among the nations universities, and the nations pride in higher education. 52
The great stature of UB deserves that physicians from there be regarded as points of reference even before they embark on specialization in their respective areas of interest. Mr Vice-Chancellor, perhaps as a layman, I have touched on an area far too sophisticated for me to make a meaningful contribution. You may also find that my language lacks the kind of refinement that an intellectual community like that of UB is accustomed to. For these shortcomings which are the products of inadvertence, I crave your indulgence to bear with me, and only distill the silver lining from the dark cloud. The late Prof. Fonlon warned against buying the idea of Cur de Campagne. This short letter as earlier mentioned is a laymans appeal to the Vice-Chancellor and his collaborators to exercise diligence in the admission of students into the Faculty of Medicine. In that way, hopefully, the idea of Medicine de Campagne would just be as repugnant as that of Cur de Campagne. Yours Sincerely,
Vincent N. Feko Civil Society Senior Citizen "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius Che, June 1997- Buea. "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 03:41PM (+01:00)
SCYL around the Globe

Saturday, November 11, 2006
These people are the real Southern Cameroonians who had and has continue to lay down their lives in pursuant of Total and Unconditional Independence for the People of the Southern Cameroons. Because of their gut and determination to Free their People, they where forced into exile by the barbaric governemnt of Le Cameroun. Some are still back HOME living in perpetual hiding. Comrade Ebenezer Derek Mbongo Akwanga..Jr, National Chairman, SCYL Comrade Nwana Kouh Benedict, Chief of Defence Council IG and Strategic Coomander SCYL Comrade Ayaba Cho Lucas, National Secretary General for the SCYL and Author `Not Guilty Comrade Julius Che, SCYL International Secretary and Vice Secretary for International Cooperation and Development - Southern Cameroons Interim Government in Exile Comrade Austin M. Itue, Vice Head of the SCYL International Secretariat, member French Bureau Comrade Nathan Asong Tanyi, Chairman SCYL Holland Bureau
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Comrade Shey Fabian Lawong of the West African Bureau has been SCYL Lead Man for Kumbo until Biya chased him into exile. "Liberating my people is my only problem in Life" he says. Comrade Edwin Akwanga Taji Comrade Kamegne Sorelle Comrade Mokom Ernest Konsey French Bureau. Comrade Stanislas Fuh Abongwa, acting head SCYL Finland. Comrade Magdalene Ngassa, German Bureau Comrade Prince Ayamaba Lawrence , Founder Belgian Bureau and Secretary of State IG Comrade Tem Athanasius, Secretary Holland Bureau Comrade Numvi Walters Comrade Acha Christopher Atane Comrade Yenchi Eric, USA Comrade Anthony Kweba, Canadian Bureau Comrade Godfreda Bamju, Canadian Bureau Comrade Chi Celestine, Austrian Bureau Comrade Nde Solomon, Japanese Bureau Comrade Christopher Forminyen, British Bureau Comrade Rexon Nting, Scotland Bureau Comrade Cho Martin, Former coordinator and member French Bureau Comrade Peter Wanki, Secretary Finland Bureau Comrade Wacahm Tasili Tebo, member French Bureau Comrade Tangi Augustine, member French Bureau Comrade Mua Obadiah, member Belgian Bureau and SCYL administrative secretary designate for the International Secretary. Comrade Alphonse Forchu Jong West Africa Bureau/Private Secreatary to the President. Comrade Sama Thomas Achoa West Africa Bureau He is Prepared to Die for his Country.
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Comrade Dr. Martin Ayong Ayim Head of The Southern Cameroons Missions in America/Executive Committee Member SCYL United States Bureau. Comrade Maxwell Oben Eyong West Africa Bureau and Chief of Protocol of the Interim Government Comrade Magdelene NgassaSCYL/SCNC Treasurer, Germany. Comrade Peter P. TeforlackUnited States Bureau/Secretary for Economy & Finance of the IG. Comrade Victor Che The German Bureau. Comrade Anthony Abungwi West Africa Bureau. Comrade Fuabeh VictorSCNC Secretary-General, Germany Comrade Wesley Angoni Tiku, SCYL Roving Ambassador for North America. He was there when it began but his paste is intead growing stronger and more determine. Comrade Gordon Neng, member SCYL Holland, strategic committee delegate. He is always ready to make the difference no matter what it takes and how much it shall cost. Comrade Edwin Yenika, Treasurer Holland Bureau. His contributions and selflessness has always made the difference. Comrade Nji Valentine, member Holland Bureau Dr. Amber Festus, USA Bureau Comrade Che Victor, German Bureau Comrade Fotabong Anthony, member Holland Bureau. Comrade Chi Edwin, member Holland Bureau. Comrade Ignatius Konfor Ngebe, PRO Holland Bureau. Comrade Glory Tifuh Njoh, member Holland Bureau and wife to SCYL International Secretary Continue Viewing The BraveMen/Women of the SCYL whosefootprints have made History. "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius Che, June 1997- Buea. "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 03:58PM (+01:00)
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Condolence message from SCNC France

Thursday, November 16, 2006
CONDOLENCE MESSAGE It was with a bitter and heavy hearts that we learned today of the gruesome murder of comrade Henry Nchadze who escaped to Nigeria since 1997and lived in exile for over two(2) years before returning to the live clandestinely in his fatherland-the Southern Cameroons.Unfortunately for him,the claws of Biya's kleptomacy slammed a 20 year jail sentence which has eventually led to this barbaric elimination and his remains abandoned at the mercy of providence.The blood-thirsty Biya junta has decreed a generational curse and shall pay for this very dearly. This freedom-loving fighter's blood will go a long way to smoothen the path to freedom.May all sister anglophone liberation movements pray for the repose of his soul.May we also pray that the same fate don't befall his co-inmate,Mr.Edwin Limfonyuy whose condition is equally quite critical. May we all stay Blessed as our fingers remain crossed for the D-Day. Gwetang Jacques Secretary General Acting
"Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius Che, June 1997- Buea. "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 08:30PM (+01:00)
Re-trieving the roots of SCYL Holland

The SCYL Netherlands Bureau was founded on the 22nd of August 2002 at 20.00 pm central European time in Ter Apel Groningen by five great compatriots of freedom under the guidiance of comrade Julius Che; after due consultations with the SCYL National Secretary General Comrade Cho Lucas Ayaba. It was at Ter Apelevernen 5 more than 3000 km from the political capital-The Hague where history was made. It all began on the 10th of July 2002, when comrade Julius Che, through Barrister Hekman of Utrecht wrote a note of appeal to the dutch immigration director of police and
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the Ministry of justice, requesting to form and opreate the SCYL within the premises of the IND but with a mandate to cover the entire Netherlands. On August the 20th 2002, Comrade Che Julius received a telephone call from Lawyer Hekman, that the SCYL can go ahead because as per the Dutch law, no precise law warrants the operation and functioning of a "stichting" Non profit making organization. Thus operation without due authorisation was permitted and legal. Thus on the 22nd of August 2002 in a small square room of about 3m square,at Ter Apelervenen 5 in Ter Apel Groningen Province at an Opvang Centrum called OC, Comrade Julius Che, Comrade Gideon, Comrade Wacahm Teboh, Comrade Besong Egbe, Comrade Smiles, Comrade Bomah Terrence and Comrade George Ako did laid the frame work and charter of what is today SCYL Holland Bureau. After two successive meetings of 8th September and 15th September, these brave men and lady were linked to Mr Nathan Asong by the Secretary General and with consultations on the phone, a frame work was built for making the Branch public through 'the Vioce'magazine and net. With 41st anniversary of the Southern Cameroons at the corner, the Ter Apel group which was now labeled as the tink tank, spent nights making communiques to the Southern Cameroons, Germany, numerous visits to internet cafes to make documentations, flyers and the printing of T-Shirts carring the SCYL lOGO and the name of the Southern Cameroons that was to be used for the event. Living on a dutch allowance fee of 39 euro 4 cent per week, these great men and lady had to sacrifice food and call card money to make provisions for internet fees, cost of flyers and the purchase of t-shirts and paint. On the 30th of September, all the documents for our plan demonstration scheduled at La Republique du Cameroun Embassy at Amaliastraat 14 Den Haag was ready. Mr Che Julius, did present a letter of apeal to the Dutch immigration police requesting the permission to carry these freedom fighters to Den Haag for the even. The reasons for this request was, October 1, 2002 was on a tuesday and ever asylum seeker must present him or herself physically to the Dutch immigration officers as a sign of roll call, secondly, we hard some members who were in school and must be present for lessons everyday from 08.00am to 12.00 pm. Also, Den Haag was some 3 and half hour away from Ter Apel, so leaving after noon would have had no effect because by the time we should arrived The Hague, working hour would have passed. After receiving permission and relief from "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius Che "http://www.google-analytics.com "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 11:57AM (+01:00)
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Re-trieving the roots of SCYL Holland

The SCYL Netherlands Bureau was founded on the 22nd of August 2002 at 20.00 pm central European time in Ter Apel Groningen by seven great compatriots of freedom under the guidiance of comrade Julius Che; after due consultations with the SCYL National Secretary General Comrade Cho Lucas Ayaba. It was at Ter Apelevernen 5 more than 3000 km from the political capital-The Hague where history was made. It all began on the 10th of July 2002, when comrade Julius Che, through Barrister Hekman of Utrecht wrote a note of appeal to the dutch immigration director of police and the Ministry of justice, requesting to form and opreate the SCYL / SCNC within the premises of the IND but with a mandate to cover the entire Netherlands. On August the 20th 2002, Comrade Che Julius received a telephone call from Lawyer Hekman, that the SCYL can go ahead because as per the Dutch law, no due authorisation is needed for the operation and functioning of a "stichting" Non profit making organization. Thus operation without due authorisation was permitted and legal. Thus on the 22nd of August 2002 in a small square room of about 3m square,at Ter Apelervenen 5 in Ter Apel Groningen Province at an Opvang Centrum called OC, Comrade Julius Che, Comrade Fonge Gideon, Comrade Wacahm Teboh, Comrade Besong Egbe, Comrade Smiles Ettiendem, Comrade Bomah Terrence and Comrade George Ako,comrade Gordon did laid the frame work and charter of what is today SCYL Holland Bureau. After two successive meetings of 8th September and 15th September, these brave men and lady were linked to Mr Nathan Asong by the Secretary General and with consultations on the phone, a frame work was built for making the Branch public through 'the Vioce'magazine and net. With 41st anniversary of the Southern Cameroons at the corner, the Ter Apel group which was now labeled as the tink tank, spent nights making communiques to the Southern Cameroons, Germany, numerous visits to internet cafes to make documentations, flyers and the printing of T-Shirts carring the SCYL lOGO and the name of the Southern Cameroons that was to be used for the event. Living on a dutch allowance fee of 39 euro 4 cent per week, these great men and lady had to sacrifice food and call card money to make provisions for internet fees, cost of flyers and the purchase of t-shirts and paint. On the 30th of September, all the documents for our plan demonstration scheduled at La Republique du Cameroun Embassy at Amaliastraat 14 Den Haag was ready. Mr Che Julius, did present a letter of apeal to the Dutch immigration police requesting the permission to carry these freedom fighters to Den Haag for the event. The reasons for this request was, October 1, 2002 was on a tuesday and ever asylum seeker must present him or herself physically to the Dutch immigration officers as a sign of roll call, secondly, we hard some members who were in school and must be present for lessons everyday from 08.00am to 12.00 pm. Also, Den Haag was some 3 and half hour away from Ter Apel, so leaving after noon would have had no effect because by the time we should arrived The Hague, working hour would have passed. After receiving permission and relief from making ourselves present for roll call, Julius 58
che, Akor George, Wacham Teboh, Fonge Gideon, Bomah Terrence, Besong Egbe Smile Ettiendem made for the Bus station which was a walk for about 30 minutes. At 8.00 am on the 1ST October 2002, we boarded a bus for the Emmen train station which will cost us about 4 hours and 40 euros. This means, these comrades had to forgo food for the week and borrow 96 cent extra to pay for the cost of the journey to and from. We arrived the Emmen train station at 8.45 am and boarded a train for our second stop over which was Zwolle which is an hour ride from Emmen. We arrived Zwolle at 10.00 am but missed the train that was to take us to Den Haag and with so much confusion as to when the next train will come, we started blaming ourselves since must of us were just some two months old in Holland. However, we successfully boarded a train to Den Haag at 11.30 and at 1.00 pm we arrived at the Den Haag Central train station dressed in SCYL Self prented T-shirt and carring banners and on hand to welcome us was Comrade Asong Nathan who came in from Maastrict along the borders with Germany near Dusseldorf. Our appearance at the Den Haag Central station caused some sensation to onlookers who were curious to know and hear from us. With no oficial document from the Den Haag City council and the Police authorising us to carry out any demonstration in the municipality, we sorted our way out and made straight to Amaliastraat were the Cameroun Embassy is located at number 14. At Amalaistraat which also habour a good number of foreign embassies amd missions, we began our demonstration officially at 1.45 pm singing anti Biya songs and flying banners and placards all hostile to the Biya's occupation regime. Infront of the Embassy proper, we demanded the Consul General Mr Ateba to make down his stay case and receive our memorandum. His reluctance to meet us instead gave us the attention and publicity we needed, as on lookers, the dutch military surveillance police squard, foreign dignitories and passerbys each made their turns hungry for information. After 30 minutes of pure and hot dancing, the then chairman Mr Fonge Gideon read out his policy speach. This was followed by a hard and highly worded memorandom from the then executive secretary Julius Che. Mr Ako George as coordinator hosted the activities at the Embassy. After the close of our Demonstration, a copy of our memorandum was posted through the door post of the embassy and our banners and placards were placed at the door of the embassy to sell our message after we left. From the Embassy, we made our way with a tram to Hobbermerplein Den Haag were we met with some Southern Cameroonians living in The Hague for sensitization. From Hobbermerplein, we went to the Schipol International Airport were we had some snacks offered by the current Chair of the SCYL Comrade Asong Nathan and posted for some snap shots. We finally dispersed at 5.00 pm and borded our train back into our hide out in the outsketch of the Groningen province at Ter Apel. In arriving Ter Apel at 11.00 pm, we chanted songs of victory that brought an already dead camp of sleeping immigrants on their feet and the news of the Southern Cameroons struggle was sold and bought by all from the African decent. Unfortunately, our stay at Ter Apel was not long as on the 30th of October 2002, Mr Julius Che, Siles Ettiendem,Fonge Gideon and Bessong Egbe were tarnsfered to another camp called Gilze en Rijlen while Bomah Terrence was sent to Meppel and Akor George to Eindhoven. Our spirit did not die as we carried the struggle to our quarters by bringing those we meet on the way into the fold. On the 9th of December 2002, Julius Che finally moved to the Hague were he took residence and established a secretariat for the SCYL. This secretariat has recieved
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persons of personality like: The National Secretary General for the SCYL- Ayaba Cho Lucas The Secretary of State for the IG-Prince Lawrence Ayamba The Dutch Consul General for Cameroon Mr. Thomas van Beekum. The Acting chairman of SCARM-Dr. ARNOLD Boh Yongbang In march 2003, the SCNC which copied the example of the SCYL requested a hand of fellowship through the Executive secretary Comrade Julius Che for a partnership. Comrade Julius Che dispatch Comrade Asong Nathan who was then the public relations officer for the SCYL Holland Branch to represent him. Comrade Julius Che could not make it at the first coalition meeting because his uncle Commissaire Divisionare Kwende Alfred (Inspector General No.1 at the Police Delegation) and chief Investigator at the war crime prosecutotrs office in Rwanda was on a visit to The Hague. With the blessings from Comrade Julius Che, Comrade Nathan accepted the bound of partnership with the SCNC. In its third coalition meeting, an SCNC and SCYL coalition was born under the name The Southern Cameroons Peoples Conference Holland Branch. In this coalition comrade Julius Che and Comrade Asong Nathan were elected deputy secretary general and financial secretary respectively for a period of 2 years with the SCYL maintaining its statusquo AND with the right to leave if disatisfied. Within this coalition, the SCYL and SCNC were officially registred with the chambers of commerce under licence N0. 24352033 as a civil presure group, with by laws gorverning its operations. Under this same coalition, the SCYL and SCNC have carried out demonstrations at the Refugee commission in Den Haag, the Dutch ministry of External relations and the Embassy of Cameroun. However, the relation between the SCYL and Che Julius on the one hand the the executive of the SCNC on the other hand turn soar. Julius che, as Deputy Secretary General of this executive was accused of insurbordination, lack of respect for the chairman and making executive decisions available to congress and the internet. Following a kangaro meeting in Amsterdam in May 2004 and with no quarum formed,a decision was taken by three out of fourteen to impeach Julius Che. However, comrade Julius Che tabled his letter of resignation from the SCNC before a congress meeting and immidiately withdrew the SCYL from the coalition. However, comrade Nathan decided to remain in the SCNC up to the end of his mandate as financial secretary. Thus from May 2004, the SCYL was no more in coalition with the SCNC and Comrade Julius Che, continued to pilot the activities of the SCYL single handedly as most of its members could not be brought together for easy coordination. At this time, Julius che was running a dual office as executive secretary for the SCYL and Head of Missions for Holland. With so much work at the table of the executive secretary, the Secretary General for the SCYL Comrade Ayaba Cho Lucas did request that comrade Julius Che reorganises the Holland Branch of the SCYL. With this decision and before now, Comrade Julius Che had been appointed as Deputy Secretary for International Development and Cooperation for the Interim Government in Exile. In March 2005,Comrade Julius Che was officially appointed to the Postion of SCYL International Secretary for the SCYL International Secretariat and this paved the way for new leadership in the Holland Bureau of the SCYL. Comrade Julius Che had to convince Mr. Athanasius Tem of the SCNC and Konfor Ngebe of the SCNC to join the SCYL fold. This is because by then, their presence in the SCNC were irrelevant being regarded as comrade Julius che new converts. In a meeting 60
hosted by Mr Tem, a care taker executive for SCYL Holland was formed with Comrade Nathan as acting Chair, Tem Athanasius as secretary, Konfor Ngebe as PRO, Edwin Yenika as Treasurer, Julius Che as Technical adviser and Glory Tifuh as women's coordinator and Mr Gordon Neng as delegate. At a meeting in Deflt at Comrade Yenika Edwin's residence, the various officers were affirmed to their positions. Today, SCYL Holland is proud to announce that one of its old guards and founding member is cureently Chairman for the Bureau in the person of Comrade Tanyi Asong Nathan, and the SCYL is also proud to embrace the former traesurer for SCNC Holland who is now treasurer for SCYL Holland and Treasurer designate to the International Secretariat Comrade Edwin Yenika This is a word verbatim report of the Journey of the SCYL from July 2002 to present date 2006. Photos will be posted later. This report was presented and published by the SCYL International Secretariat. "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius Che "http://www.google-analytics.com "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 11:57AM (+01:00)
Appointment of Comrade Wesley Tiku as SCYL North America Roving Amb...

Thursday, November 23, 2006
Hope this letter reach all of you today in good health. On the Fourteen(14) day of this month November 2006, i received a letter of appointment, from the chairman of the Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL) Ebenezer Derek Mbongo Akwanga Jr,.., appointing me the SCYL Roving Ambassador For North America.This appointment was also made known to all Southern Cameroonians through all the forums. After consultations with the Southern Cameroons people,it was advice that it will be for the best interest of the Southern Cameroons and its cause for independence, if i would willingly accept the appointment as the SCYL,roving ambassador for North America.Now my respond is that i Wesley Angoni Tiku, has accepted the appointment as the SCYL,Roving Ambassador For North America. I called on all Southern Cameroonians in home and abroad to give me all their support and co-operation, so that together we could move this struggle forward and to live in a free and independent Southern Cameroons. I also want to thank the SCYL chairman Ebenezer Derek Mbongo Akwanga Jr,.., for having such faith in me,to the extend of appointing me SCYL Roving Ambassador in this strategic geopolitical region of the world.I promise all Southern Cameroonians that i will do my best for the betterment of the Southern Cameroons and its people.
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LONG LIVE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS GOD BLESS SOUTHERN CAMEROONS.
Wesley Angoni Tiku SCYL Roving Ambassador For North America
"Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius Che "http://www.google-analytics.com "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 07:09AM (+01:00)
TWO SHOT DEAD AS UB ENTERS 4th DAY OF STRIKE

Friday, December 01, 2006
Photos Courtesy,www.POSTNEWSLINE.com
The University of Buea became the only pride as a true place of study giving that all SOUTHERN CAMEROONS existing establishments have either been closed or infiltrated with francophones bufonary. However, this dream to see it completely realized is fading away giving the laxity of its leaders either directly as a result of fear or out right sell out to draw party line. This is exactly why Lucas Cho Ayaba was thrown out of Buea in 1996 and Ebenezar Akwanga was even refused the right to be a clergy man just because they stood their grounds for the truth. Their course is the very line and policy of the Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL).Until we shall be free, both as a nation and with our minds and consciencies, then shall we always remain slaves to a regime built upon and driven by animals.
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When Ebenezar Akwanga rised up in 1993 to defend the students from a corrupt university buggled in witchcraft,tribalism sponsored by the annexationist regime, he was branded by power mongers as a seperatist and terorist. When Cho Lucas Ayaba defied all odds and staged a solitary Parents Faculty Association strike to prevent the hikes in fees, he was branded as a disgruntled man seeking for popularity. When Dopgima Valentine, Asonganyi, Julius Che, Spidee and co raised up their voices on four lengthy strikes within an accademic year in 1996, they were branded as Bamenda and pro Bamenda. People like Santos and Njie Makongo were hired by the Njeuma and Endeley (late) administration as spies and informants for the University and the annexationist regime. When Agweri came up in 2005 and stood his grounds against corruption and demanded for a true representative student union to meet the excesses of the Njeuma's administration, he was seen and castigated as an SCYL intruder intending to distabilize the University. Today, two more students have fallen at the MOLYKO junction (FREEDOM SQUARE) only trying to continue what Ebenezar Akwanga, Ayaba Cho, Dopgima Valentine, Che Julius,Agwere wanted to do. As these great and the brave men and women take their turns to bring freedom and justice to an institution, they are in their turns making what will be the history and notes for future Southern Cameroonians and their children. On behalf of the SCYL, and in my Capacity as the International Secretary for the SCYL, i am calling on my brothers and sister of Buea University not to give up until the job is down. We can only make history and gain freedom when we are ready to sacrifice. Do not lay down your stones which is the only weapon we have but stand your grounds until the last chapters of history is written by you. Until the administration will back down and the conclusion of the last commission on the deads of 2005 and today 2006 are made published. Do not give up but fight till the last person drops dead. You may never know what you can do for your nation, but remember, that history will never forget your brave actions. You in the University of Buea are the apostles and engine of a true and free Southern Cameroons under the terms of the SCYL, and with the SCYL, we shall both make history. So let us fight,sacrifice,endure as if the whole struggle against corruption,mediocracy and annexation depended on you alone. Some lackies in the name of lecturers are threatening you guys, just keep a cool head and have the job done. Cars are bought by men and from monies taken from some of you for marks.Lives can only be given by the almighty God. Have no fear and remember, the SCYL will always stand by you and together, we shall win the war of liberation. May the souls of our two fallen brothers of freedom rest in peace and may God give comfort to thier families. They were soldiers of freedom and died as one.We should never allow their blood flow in vain. Always visit us at: http://internationalsecretary.blogspot.com Julius Che For the SCYL "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius Che "http://www.google-analytics.com "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 05:44PM (+01:00)
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The Genisis of the UB strike Action

Sunday, December 03, 2006
The gruesome murder and torture of fellow Southern Cameroonian( SC) students commenced on Monday, the 27th November,2006. This was due to the following political scandal from the occupied master: La republic du cameroun(LRC) on our fellow citizens. 1. The government created medical schools in Douala(LRC) and Buea(SC). Entrance examinations were written in all the above centres. 2. Only two SCs were selected eventhough many SCs passed the entrance, while the rest were from LRC, in Douala. The setting of this examination in the various centres was based on the language used. That is English in SC and French in LRC. 3. Of the 800 students who sat on the entrance examination into the medical school in Buea University, only 127 passed, all hailing from Southern Cameroons. The first la republique du camerounian student took the 600th position. It should be noted that the exam in Buea was set by the Cameroon General Certificate of Education (G.C.E) Board marked using the computerise system, since they were structural questions. 4. The list of successful candidates was handed over to the Vice Chancellor(V. C) for endorsement and later published. 5. After the V.C approval, all successful candidates were happy and awaing for orals since only 60 students were needed. Unfortunately, the Minister of Higher Education rejected the list on grounds that the list suppose to be sent to him for approval. It should also be noted that the Minister did not reject the list from Douala for the same exam. 6. Thereafter, a document was faxed to the V.C's office from the Minister to include 26 names, all being students from la republique especially the President's tribe(Eton,Beti & Ewondo), who did not sit in for the said 64
examination. 7. It should be recalled that only 60 stundents were needed to become the first batch of prospective medical doctors and if 26 of these students were included, the chances of of Southern Cameroonian students will be 34 out of 60. 8. The students for the collective interest of their colleagues who succeeded, asked the V.C to tell the Minister to annul the illegal list, but to no avail. 9. Then the students called in for a peaceful strike, that is, domonstrating their grievances on the school campus. They started shouting: No to corrupt!, No to bribery! They wrote placards carrying messages such as: Anglosaxon Universities are not corrupt; Yaounde should not corrupt our University and a lot of others. 10. This move was to shun corruption in univesities and allow meritocracy to prevail. 11. President Paul Biya , a colonial master of Southern Cameroons sent his secret agents en civile to monitor the gravity of the strike and give him feedback. This act was to disrupt any move for the strike. 12. The students were on campus from the 27-28 but later forced out of campus when the the Pro-Chancellor, Prof. Agbor Tabi told them that they should go to hell or to any organisation( s) and report. That they(students) can not change the system that has been put in place. He told them that he would call his guys(police) to disperse them.
13. The Honourable Governor of the South West Province, Eyaya Zanga Louis,from the President' s clan(Beti,Ewondo, & Eton) said this was a positive corruption because the students( from LRC) would have jobs at the end of the programme.
14. On the night of 29th November, 2006, two(2) students were shot dead while the following day another student accompanied others to paradise, making
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three deaths. An old mother of above 70years was murdered by a stray bullet. A taxi driver who took a hairdresser to the hospital was also killed by a policeman.
15. The following people were killed by agents of la republique du cameroun: a) Hilary Muebe( was shot at the head) from the department of Economics. b) Ivo Obia Ngemba( shot at the mouth) from the same department. c) Ngundam Terence Ndeh( shot on the stomarch) was reportedly dead after a day. d) A stray bullet killed a mother who was above 70years and e) the taxi driver above, 16. In the cause of fleeing for safety, six students died in a terrible bus accident on their way to Bamenda whose names were not yet known. This recorded eleven deaths as of now.Ms Mbianda Laura( a hairdresser) was shot at the neck in her saloon and Clerence Nkentah( student) whose stomarch was scraped by a bullet are currently receiving treatment assisted by Lord Mayor of Buea, at the Provincial Hospital Annex. Other victims of this raid were found in nearby clinics receiving treatment. The mayor in the cause of carrying a corpse to the mortuary was shot thrice but escaped with the corpse to the hospital.
17.Many people who were not students were molested and properties looted as the case in the bus park at 17mile,Molyko and Bomaka(a nearby village from Buea). 18. It should be noted that the parents of francophone students called their children home and none of them participated in the strike. 19. The soldiers of la republique du cameroun were rejoicing and singing" On a gagner!!!" meaning "we have won" after majority of the students flee for safety. They also said " les prisonniers, entrez dans la maison" meaning prisoners go to your home.The soldierswere using live bullet, explosives and tear gas. They were beating everybody in the quaters.
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20. After fierce confrontation between the police and students whose weapon were stones, the executive of the Southern Cameroons National Council(SCNC) called a security officer whose name is withheld, that the strike was no longer the students affair but between anglophone and froncophones. That whenever there was a strike, la republique use live bullet on us but in their territory none of that was used. That we have called all Southern Cameroonians to fight against injustices and gruesome murder of our citizens. That we were ready to face any odds to remove oppressors from our land. 21. The Yaounde regime was immediately informed and within an hour soldiers who were sent from Douala and Yaounde were retreating to their various destinations.
www.SouthernCameroo nsIG.org
"Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 01:15PM (+01:00)
Arrest Warrant for UB Student Leaders

Sunday, December 03, 2006
The University of Buea students leaders are currently having tough times with the government of la republique du cameroun for having expose their diabolic act against the people of Southern Cameroons. Three student leaders are already behind bars suffering for a just cause while others are in the black books of la republic for arrest. Those that were arrested include; ABIA DAVID, the student union president, department of political science MARCEL AMABO, secretary General, department of BioChem/MCB NJONG GIDEON, Delegate i/c of Relations with Faculties, departmentof CST/Geo Others who were searched and awaitng arrest are: Leussa Adrienne, Vice President i/c of Academic Affairs, department of BioChem/MCB Ashu Kingsley Ndip, Vice President i/c Economic Affairs, ECN/MGT Mbingwai Helen, Assistant Secretary General, department of ENG/FRE Martin Besong, Public Relations Officer, department of CST/HIS Ntabe Gospel Ndim, Communication Officer, ASTI(school of translation & interpretation)
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Tanga Noel, Financial Secretary, department of BKG/ FIN Ndive Epeti, Treasurer, department of ECN/MGT Arrey Emmanuel, Delegate i/c of Relations with Faculties, department of History Nchawa Yangkam, Social and Cultural Affairs Organiser, department of MLS. Courtesy, www.ambazonia.org Comrades, make them to understand Nelsom Mandela spent 27 long years behind the bars but still came out victorious.Democracy always come with a prize but we should pay the prize as soldiers and not scouts. Victory is on our side and we should avoid taking any step backward. Forward ever is our matching song and even when we go to jail, we dod so for a just and noble course. Not as tyrants or despots born and bread with corruption but as freedom fighters and matching soldier for change. Brothers of the UB,stand your ground even if it means all of you will finally go to jail. That is just what it takes to be a leader. Any sign of retreat will mean total destruction. Remain united and steadfast and with this, our dreams can be realised. Let the blood of our brothers, sisters and mothers who are now with the lord not go in vain. In the coming days the SCYL will be sending to you a delegation to discuss the next step and until victory is achieved, la republique du cameroun will know no peace. Thanks for making us proud and together, we shall win the war of liberation. SCYL International Secretariat.
SCYL Holland on 1st October 2002 just two months after her formation
Monday, December 04, 2006
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ATEBA OF LA REPUBLIQUE TAKEN HOSTAGE AT HIS EMBASSY IN DEN HAAG ON OCT.1ST 2002
THE SCYL PROCESSION MOVING TOWARDS CAMEROUN EMBASSY AT AMALIASTR. 14 DEN HAAG
COMRADE WACHAM TASILI BESBOUW INFRONT OF CAMEROUN EMBASSY AT NO 14 DEN HAAG
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PIONEER SCYL CHAIRMAN, COMRADE FONGE GIDEON
COMRADES POSTED AND WAVED ANTI BIYA PLACARDS AS THEY SUNG THE SCYL HYMN
FROM LEFT TO RIGHT: JULIUS CHE,NDIKUM GEORGE,ASONG NATHAN,FONGE GIDEON,BESONG EGBE EBOT,BOMAH TERRENCE, WACHAM TEBOH WAS OUR CAMERA MAN
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THE PROCESSION IN SESSION
COMRADES POSTED AS THEY SANG THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS HYMN OF FREEDOM
SPEECH FROM THE PIONEER CHAIR FOR HOLLAND COMRADE FONGE GIDEON
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THESE GREAT COMRADES ARE THE AMBASSADORS OF SOUTHERN CAMEROONS TO THE NETHERLANDS AND THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY. THIS WAS THE FIRST EVER PROTEST REGISTERED AT THE EMBASSY.
The SCYL Holland Branch was just a month after its formation, but with just seven men, was able to take La Republique du CAMEROUN's Consul Ateba as seen on the fist picture and staff hostage on October 1st 2002 Julius Che SCYL International Secretariat
"Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 08:51PM (+01:00)
Comments
1. Re: SCYL Holland on 1st October 2002 just two months after her formation
- JBSamba
December 04, 2006
Is there any specific reason as to why one doesn't see a FLAG in this demonstrattion and most of similar demonstrations? I am just being concerned 'cos I;m afraid it doesn't how any seriousness at all.
SCARM Chairman Briefing the SCYL in the Lobby of Mecure Hotel The H...
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In the Middle is the Secretary of State for the IG, Prince Lawrence Ayamba, on the Left is Dr. Arnold Boh Yonbang Chairman of SCARM and on the left is Julius Che, International Secretary for the SCYL. Courtesy, SCYL International Secretariat "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 09:48PM (+01:00)
THE COUNCIL's PETITION ON THE KILLINGS IN THE UNIVERSITY OF BUEA

The Students came out peacefully but were attacked by armed soldiers with instruction to shot on sight. photo courtesy www.postnewsline.com
MR PHILIP ALSTON, SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR ON EXTRAJUDICIAL, SUMMARY OR ARBITRARY EXECUTIONS, OHCHR, GENEVA, The Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) on behalf of the Southern
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Cameroonian mothers, widows, orphans and youths who live in perpetual argony strongly condemn the persistent and systematic murdering of their children, husbands and fathers on flimsy excuses.On condemning the systematic and flagrant violation of the human and peoples' rights we petition and call on the UN Human Rights Council, currently holding its third session in Geneva, to urgently INTERVENE in the Southern Cameroons conflict with la Republique du Cameroun before another Palestine episode is inevitably born in West Africa. The PROBLEM- Southern Cameroonians are consistently forced to bury their loved ones consequent upon the brutal and murderous bullets of the occupation and repressive forces of la Republique du Cameroun. Treated as a conquered people and deprived of their inalienable right to freedom of assembly, opinion, expression, peaceful protest, even of the right to wear a T-shirt with the inscription "Southern Cameroons," they are arbitrarily arrested, tortured, kidnapped and detained in la Republique maximum security prisons where they frequently fall victim of extrajudicial and summary executions. Between October and November 2006 Henry Nchadze and Philip Tete have died in prison. They are victims of prolonged torture, tauma, lack of medical attention when sick and gross neglect. Held under inhuman and degrading conditions and denied due process of the law, their appeals have been pending for too long. They were subjected to slow death. Henry and Philip Tete, committed defenders of Southern Cameroons freedom and right to self-determination, have only joined Daniel Ndifon, George Shirnyuy, Mathew Titahonjio, Hon. P. P. Nkwenti, among others, who went before. Yet the UN and the democratic world watches on in legendary silence. But for how long? While the prison system is the extablished axe for silent genocide, the Buea University has become the slaughter house of the Southern Cameroonian youth. The occupier of our land being not contented with denying the Southern Cameroonian youths of their inalianable right to freedom, justice, equality, gainful employment and meaningful life in dignity, deprives them even of their limbs and GOD-given life which is sacred. Last year when all state universities in the two Cameroons went on strike seeking improved conditions and amenities for conducive academic studies, in la Republique du Cameroun territory not even a student was detained or brutalised. In the Yaounde University of Soa, for example, the Minister of Higher Education, Prof. Fame Ndongo was held hostage under rain. Yet it was all peaceful dialogue. But in the University of Buea, Southern Cameroons, where the peaceful protest on the campus was manifest, troops were ferried in from la Republique du Cameroun to teach the "anglofools" an unforgettable lesson and the calm campus was transformed into a teatre of war. Two were killed, girls raped, many wounded, property destroyed and valuables looted. The result of the commission of inquiry is yet to be made public. On Nov. 27, 2006 another peaceful strike for very legitimate reasons: protesting against the imposition of francophone students who did not write the entrance nor pass the prescribed examination into the newly created Faculty of Medicine, University of Buea, once again invited the wrath of the repressive occupation forces. Troops were again ferried in and the consequence is the slaughter of five and many wounded. Some escaping for safety were involved in a motor accident and reports have it that six died. The casualty figure may still rise. 74
Those murdered are: 1) Hilary Muabe, Economics Student, shot in the head from the back 2) Ivo Obia Ngemba, Economics Student, shot in the mouth (see pictures of the two attached). Others whose names we got are: 3) Laura Mbianda 4) Ngundam Terence Ndeh 5) an old mother knocked down by a stray bullet. All these premeditated and brutal killings took place under the direct supervision of the colonial proconsul, Governor Eyaya Zanga Louis, aided by: 1)the Legion Commander- Ngoty Eyoam 2)Assistant Legion Commander- Kamgo Lucas 3) Prefet for Fako- Bernard Okalia Balai All these commanding officers are citizens of la Republique du Cameroun. What else than this can exemplify annexation and occupation of Southern Cameroons by la Republique du Cameroun? Southern Cameroons under British truteeship, half a century ago, was not even under such alien rule. British Southern Cameroons as from 1954 had an elected government, a parliament and civilised police who could not even as much as slap a tax defaulter. Blood shed was unknown. But as a consequence of imperfect decolonisation that facilitated annexation and occupation, Southern Cameroons has been under the reign of terror. The Southern Cameroons conflict with la Republique du Cameroun is fast becoming explosive. Only one thing, namely, PROMPT POSITIVE INTERVENTION, can stop this fast deteriorating situation from giving birth to a Palestine in West Africa. Sir, we petition the UN Human Rights Council to send you in your capacity as the Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary and Arbitrary Executions to lead a Fact Finding Mission to the Southern Cameroons to carry out thorough investigations into the grave consequences of the annexation and occupation of Southern Cameroons by la Republique du Cameroun. The UN Human Rights Council should treat the Southern Cameroons Question in like manner as it is treating the Palestinian and Lebanese situation. La Republique du Cameroun propaganda should not be listened to. The British Southern Cameroons was never an integral part of French Cameroun under French Trusteeship nor was it at independence on January 1, 1960. By what instrument of international law then does la Republique du Cameroun exercise the sovereignty of the bullet over the former British Southern Cameroons? Southern Cameroonian youths are slaughtered like diseased cows because their fatherland, Southern Cameroons, is annexed and occupied. Annexation and occupation constitute flagrant violation of international and humanitarian law. Cognisant of the grave danger it posses the UN has declared annexation a crime against humanity and a threat to world peace. We fervently believe it is this conviction and painful knowledge of its threat to world peace that has forced the UN Human Rights Council to devote special sessions to the Lebanese and Palestinian crises and the determination to find a lasting solution. It is in this light that Southern Cameroonians plead that POSITIVE ACTION be taken now so that a new Palestine is not born in West Africa.
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Done, in Geneva, this 2nd Day of December, 2006. On behalf of the Southern Cameroonian people,
NFOR, NGALA NFOR National Vice Chairman, and Chair, Foreign Affairs Commission (SCNC) cc: High Commissioner of Human Rights, UN Secretary General, H.E Kofi Annan UN S.G Designate, H.E Ban Ki- Moon President, ICJ, The Hague Commonwealth Secretary General AU Commission Chairman,H. E. Alpha Oumar Konare UK Prime Minister, Rt. Hon. Tony Blair USA President George W. Bush Nigeria, President O. Obasanjo South Africa, President Thabo Mbeki Ghana, President John Kufou Republique du Cameroun, President Paul Biya H.E. Nelson Mandela, former President of South Africa Arch Bishop Desmond Tutu, South Africa Secretary General ACHPR, Banjul Marino Budaschin, General Secretary, UNPO, The Hague Special Rapp. on the situation of HR in the Palestine Territory Special Rapp. on Torture Human Rights Organisation national and international Press, national and international
Re Visiting the UB 2005 strike action to better understand today's ...

Wednesday, December 06, 2006
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Former student leader Agwere, a true and dynamic leader who stood his grounds
Sacked Vice Chancellor Dr. Cornilus Lambi, a severely weaken and confused administrator
Student leader Agwere and la republique's officials in-charge of higher education
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Water canon from our colonial troops on harmless students
The victory of stones and collective action
Students gather at the Buea Morque to pay respect to their fallen colleagues
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Students and soldiers confront one another
The booty of steadfastness
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Students were able to confront and seize amunitions with their bare hands
An example of brute force on a pacifist population
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The Students with bare hands and stones also gained territory
The battle drifted from the streets to student residential areas
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The fell in trying to defend what they belief in
The students used old vehicles as barricades to sustain their action and protect territory
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The remains of a fallen colleague and true friend of change
He will always be remembered
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There was no peace, even to those who were not students
The freedom fighters of tomorrows Southern Cameroon
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We were able to have some gains anyway
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After math of a voilent and dreadful day
Some gendarmes will remain to regret why they ever joined the force of occupation
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May their souls always remain in peace and they shall always be remembered
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Photos courtesy www.postnewsline.com /2005, written and compiled by Julius Che fpr the SCYL International Secretariat.
Oben Maxwell Letter of Appeal for Mr. Etando Conrand Eta

Wednesday, December 13, 2006
My fellow compatroit I wish to draw your attention ,and at the same timerequest for your humanitarian assistance on the deplorable health conditions of Mr Etando Conrad Eta. SCNC zonal cordinator and the interim chair of theSCYL for Manyu division, who is suffering from mental trauma after a torture session from the hands ofrepressive forces of La Republique du Cameroun since may 2006. Mr Etando Conrad Eta born in 1977 he is un-employed university drop out. He lost his father when he wasjust one month old and his mother the same year he wasborn.Mr Entando Conrade is a dedicated fearless and fulltime self employed cordinator for Manyu, and because of his un-compromising possition, he and his comunityhave suffered untold hardship, detention tortured both physical and mentally. It was during one of these crisis that Mr Etando sustained his brain injury.His or-deal began in May 2006 when he carried food tomember of the Southern Cameroon Youth League (SCYL)detained at the Gendarmerie brigarde Mamfe. He was arrested on the
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spot, tortured and detained for 3weeks alongside his fellow comrade Mr Tabot William. After which they were transferred to Mamfe Central prison. Upon arrival, they were given another round of beaten, over-powered by the prison officials, with the assistence of some prisonners, their hairs were cut off and Mr Etando was forced to eat his own hairs Which is a taboo to our culture. Three weeks later, he fell extremly sick in prison and was hurriedly carried and discarded in the hospital. Since then Mr Etando has not been the same personagain. Last month he had an encounter with the sinior-divisional officer (SDO) of Mamfe to legalise his common Initiative group, he was put under pressure to denounce his activities vis a vis the SCNC which he refused, It appears there was some confrontations between the SDO and himself, he was given the beaten of his life by the police which provoked his present situation. He was taken to the hospital by some good Samaritan because of the ex-orbitant bills he was send out ofthe hospital 3 days after, without any improvement to his situation. right now Mr Etando is living on chains abandoned and chained in one of his late uncle's compound in Besong Abang.We hereby, plead with all people of good will to come to the assistence of our beloved brother and comerade. Any body who want to get intouch with him could do so through his brother Mr Tabot Etando. Telephone number(237) 7196213 or via Oben Maxwell telephone (237) 73294 85.Your humaniterian assistance will be highly appriciated. May God bless you all.Long live the struggle. Oben Maxwell.
"Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 10:43AM (+01:00)
HAPPY NEW YEAR

Tuesday, January 02, 2007
THE SCYL INTERNATIONAL SECRETARIAT IS WISHING ALL MEMBERS OF THE SCYL, SOUTHERN CAMEROONIANS AND SYMPATHISERS WHO BELIEF IN THE POWER OF JUSTICE AND FREEDOM; A HAPPY AND WONDERFUL 20O7. "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation"
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Posted by Julius Che at 10:53AM (+01:00)
UB Strike and Lessons from fall out by FEKO Vincent

Wednesday, January 03, 2007
January 1, 2007
The University Of Buea Students Strike: Some Lessons From The Fallout Injustice begets strike. Strike is an instantaneous and effective way of calling injustice to order or neutralising it. It is rebellious because injustice carries ingredients of aggression .As a flash back; it was, thanks to the Sasse College students strike of 1958 that the quality of students food was improved and the incidence of stomach trouble and other related ailments on campus considerably reduced. So, strike works! The boycotting of lectures and staying away from normal university activities as the students of UB did in November 2006 in protest to Yaoundes provocative and fraudulent imposition of extraneous candidates on the School of Medicine is a typical example of a positive attempt to neutralise injustice. And coming as it did, at the peak of the nations widely publicised war on corruption, it should be admitted that by the strike, the students were fighting a significant battle against the endemic corruption that has bereft our educational and professional institutions of the excellence they once enjoyed. Against this background the students strike was right and proper and they deserve not only mere applause but standing ovation! Otherwise, the ongoing war on corruption is either meaningless or a wholesale deceit .Any resistance or revolt with the objective to overturn injustice is justified. But by exploiting the inability of an evidently sickly, frail, and temporarily imbalanced Vice-Chancellor to come to grips with the gravity of their crime that left at least two dead, the perpetrators craftily thrust the blame on the helpless VC and thereby wriggled themselves off the hook. To the alibi the culprits tried to establish ,Prof Fame Ndongo ,the Higher Education Minister, added accusatory and derogatory statements, lies and ridicule to make Lambi look like a buffoon. He stated Inform de cette situation contraire a la dcision ministerielle organisant le concours ,le Ministre de lEnseignement Suprieur a immediatement ordonn le respect des textes reglementaires (publication des admissibilits par le president du jury et pris en compte des quilibres sociologigues, garants de lintegration et de la stabilit nationale)et a declar nulle et de nul effet la liste signe illicitement par le Vice-Chancellor qui a du restes, reconnu publiquement sa faute devant les enseignants,les tudiants et les medias.( La Revelation No 092 du jeudi, de decembre 2006, p.2) The fact that Prof .Fame Ndongo is now claiming to be an apostle of regional balance in the apportionment of public goods, when ,as one of the anointed power brokers of the regime he knows,deep-down he is only propounding a theory,is simple proof that he has been caught pants down, in his own wrongdoing. By appealing to regional balance which their inordinate greed proscribes, the Minister has opened a can of worms .Why would the Minister regularise an act of irregularity by yet a grotesque act of irregularity? His regulatory text ordered the short-listing of the 72 top successful candidates in the written examination for orals .The Vice-Chancellor short-
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listed 127, a grievous offence one would say, and according to the enraged Minister, nearly all Anglophones. Then the learned Professor regularised the situation by increasing the already out of proportion number of 127 to153,81 candidates or nearly 120% in excess of his initial prescription of 72.In the process ,he increased the Anglophone quota he had bitterly criticised jeopardized regional balance! Sounds bizarre! And looks like Fame Ndongo is in a deal? The students strike and its fatal consequences might have caught the Minister offbalance and an offhand defense was mandatory to appease the university community, the population, and the international community. At that decisive moment the offhand argument of regional balance sounded so plausible and convincing but little did the Professor know that this was only on the surface .The regional balance argument is hollow for the following reasons; 1) Since the thrust is on the apportionment of public goods between Anglophones and Francophones, the Minister should have cited the law he was relying on that gives the formula for the apportionment of public tangible and intangible goods between Anglophones and Francophones that Prof. Lambi violated. In the absence of such a law, the apportionment of places and other goods between Anglophones and Francophones depended on the whims of the learned Professors, and for one of them to turn around and accuse the other for using his sounds like the pot calling the kettle black. 2) Cameroonians and the rest of the world only came to know about Fame Ndongos regional balance fantasy when the irate students went on strike to denounce the Hon. Ministers regional balance list of 26 candidates, a list they interpreted as being the product of corruption in high places. If any such thing as regional balance existed, Prof.Lambi would have had no excuse for failing to apply the rules or principles laid down in that regard.Unfortunately, it would appear that Prof.Lambi was not the magician type Prof. Fame Ndongo thought him to be to be able to know the secret agenda of the Hon. Minister of Higher Education. 3) Professor Fame Ndongo was enraged because the 127 were nearly all Anglophones .According to him this was a mockery of regional balance. Then on his extraneous list of 26 that set the University ablaze, he reinforced the Anglophone component, thereby leaving the message that his scathing criticism of Anglophone preponderance on Lambis list and the whole idea of regional balance was a farce! So, is the Professor up to some mischief?. 4) Two medical schools where opened, one in Buea, the other in Douala. Why would Fame Ndongo be showing such keen interest only in regional balance statistics of Anglophone and Francophone intake in Buea and not in Douala? Curiously the intake at the Douala Medical school is 83 of which only 6 names resembled names from the Anglophone provinces.{Eden No 138 Wednesday, 27 December, 2006,P.2}. Suppose that the 6 are Southern Cameroonians, people of Southwest and Northwest origin,would this be the reginal balance of Prof. Fame Ndongo when it should be 17 following the countrys population distribution? 5) And talking generally about Prof. Fame Ndongos myth of regional balance of tangible and intangible goods between Anglophones and Francophones, you have two official languages, French and English, where French is constitutionally declared authentic and English counterfeit.How can you reject a peoples language and accept the people?Can legal tender and counterfeit compete for anything or even circulate freely?And in this Jewish -Gentile- like situation or master-slave relationProf. Fame Ndongo dares talk of reginal balance? In light of the preceding expos the regional balance argument is an invention and therefore cannot possibly be the reason for his imposition of 26 students on the University of Buea. The rumour that is floating through the country that 52 (fifty two) million FCFA changed hands prior to the imposition of the 26 obscured candidates seems
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to carry some credence. Bosco TCHOUBET for instance,questions: Sur un tout autre plan quest-ce quon a foutre avec 153 candidats admissibles pour 60 places seulement? Si ce nest pour les besoins de tripatouillage, quest-ce qui justifie une telle disparit? Nest-ce pas un Moyen de crer du gombo pour les organisateurs des concours? (La Rvlation, No 092 du jeudi 06 decembre 2006, P.3). The Gombo referred to in the quotation above seems to strongly suggest that the 52(fifty two) million FCFA story, can not out rightly be dismissed. And concerning this game of give a dog a bad name to hang it, of which Prof. Fame Ndongo is a master player, the respected Directeur de Publication of the French weekly newspaper Rvlation, Bosco TCHOUBET, indignantly questions, inter alia,pourquoi Fame Ndongo sacrifie-t-il toujours ses collaborateurs chaque fois quil est en difficult? Quel est le tort de Cornelius Lambi dans ce qui se passe a Buea? Est-ce lui qui a introduit la liste additive? Cest de commun accord avec le president du jury que la liste de 127 candidats admissibles a t affiche? Pourquoi veut-on a present le sacrifier? Aller jusqu a le qualifier de member SCNC.est-ce de cette mannire quil faut traiter un collaborateur? Pourquoi du cot du Ministre de lenseingnement suprieur est-on prt a tuer pour se maintenir aux affaires? Meme lorsquon a commis de gaffes?(Op.Cit., p.3) A suicidal gaffe it indeed was! A cross section of the media carries a similar story, a story that amounts to a bill of indictment. But because limpossible nest pas Camerounais,as Cameroonians are often reminded from above, the Hon.learned Professor Fame Ndongo has been issued a clean bill of health as can be clearly seen in the humiliation and sacking of ViceChancellor Cornelius Lambi. That is the reginal balance,that a crime is commited by people of one region and those of another are punished! Apart from the lesson on dishonesty, corruption and treachery in high places by those we rate as people of some virtue, the most interesting and perceptive lesson is the introduction (albeit timidly) of the debate on the illegality and illegitimacy of the union between part of the former British Cameroons(Southern Cameroons) and the former French Cameroun(La Rep. du Cameroun).The appeal to regional balance between Anglophones and Francophones which Prof.Fame Ndongo had invented and was pursuing at UB Medical School and in the process left at least two dead and scores wounded,is surely an introduction to that debate .If the Anglophones and Francophones who are distinctive in every respect, confined themselves to their separate geographical circumscription, there would have been no basis whatsoever for Fame Ndongo to be pursuing regional balance in Buea from Yaounde that led to the crazy shooting of our people to death. We are asking, and the world is asking, how did a once self-governing and powerful people find themselves underdog, and all they had as a people with a destiny, destroyed or carried away including guns that Fame Ndongos people are now bringing back to kill our kith and kin with impunity? What happened to our legislature, our government, judiciary, Police Force and the rest of our state paraphernalia? Yes we need to review the contract that brought us where we are. Is there any contract at all? Regional balance without basis is escapism and will never resolve the problem of sending troops from Yaounde or Douala and other parts of La Republique to kill people indiscriminately in Buea, Bamenda, Victoria, Ndu, Ndop, Mamfe, Nkambe, and other parts of Southern Cameroons in the mythical name of regional balance. It is unimaginable how a thing can have a beginning without having an end. The carrying out of smear campaigns against Prof Lambi, calling him SCNC and making some other disparaging remarks about the SCNC as Prof.Fame Ndongo is doing ,is again escapism that does not and can never resolve the basic question of how a once self-governed and powerful people became powerless and completely dispossessed of all they ever had as a nation. .Prof.Fame Ndongo knows that the aim and purpose of the 92
Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) and its sister organisations is to address that basic question, which is being addressed here at home, and at the international political arena. The continuous pretense that all is well because Prof.Fame Ndongos people and government, are armed to the teeth with weapons of intimidation and mass destruction which they are unceasingly and indiscriminately experimenting on our peace loving people and getting away with it, is a crime against humanity and a great cause for concern. Since the Hon. Professor Fame Ndongo this time around has by his regional balance theory, willy-nilly, introduced the debate, we invite him and his government to remain open, and provide a climate of peace and congeniality for the ignorant masses to be educated on the sour relationship between Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun (Anglophones and Francophones).The SCNC should not be seen as a taboo. After all, on this basic question of illegality the SCNC and the government of La Republique have clashed at the United Nations High Council for Human Rights (UNHCHR) in Geneva and are clashing before the African Commission On Human and Peoples Rights (ACHPR) in Banjul, The Gambia. Is there anytimg to hide? Therefore pretending that all is well by using threats and death to suppress the SCNC in an attempt to forestall the debate is hypocrisy. This dog-eat-dog approach to the problem is unhealthy and dangerous Denying the people the truth is not being accountable to the people who have put you where you are and to whom you have pledged to be accountable. It is a crime against those people, a crime against humanity. We look forward to a change of heart in 2007, a year that as one of the elected VicePresidents of the General Assembly of the United Nations,La Republique du Cameroun is expected to uphold and promote the Charter of The United Nations and its Resolutions.
Vincent N. Feko Civil Society Senior Citizen
SCYL TWIN VISIT TO SOUTH AFRICA and THE NETHERLANDS

Friday, January 19, 2007
FROM THE DESK OF NATIONAL CHAIRMAN OF THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS YOUTH LEAGUE MARYLAND, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
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THE YOUTH LEAGUE OPENS ANOTHER CHAPTER:
The Leader of the Southern Cameroons Youth League wish to inform all that Comrade Ambassador WESLEY ANGONI TIKU left the United States yesterday for a historic diplomatic tour in Southern and West Africa. Ambassador TIKU arrived the Johannesburg International Airport yesterday for a 14 day historic consultation with the Forces of Freedom which would take him from South Africa to Ghana, Liberia, The Gambia and Nigeria. Top on the agenda would be his visit to the NELSON MANDELA FOUNDATION where he is expected to pass over the National Chairman's Special package to Mr. ACHMAT DANGOR, the new Chief Executive Officer of the NMF and Professor JAKES GERWEL, the Foundation's Chairperson. Before leaving South Africa, Ambassador TIKU would be expected to hold talks with Mr. CYRIL RAMAPHOSA, Judge DUMISA NTSEBEZA, Professor NJABULO NDEBELE, Mr. TOKYO SEXWALE and Mr. MAC MAHARAJ, South Africa's political power house and former prison graduates from Robben Island. He leaves South Africa for Abuja, Nigeria en route to The Gambia, Ghana and Liberia. Meanwhile, the SCYL Leadership would be in Southern Africa later this year as the Organization prepares a new Front for the war over tyranny and annexation., Also, the National Secretary General of the SCYL Comrade Cho Lucas Ayaba, leaves Bochum-Germany Tomorrow Saturday January 20th to the Netherlands where he is expected to address the SCYL Holland Bureau at the SCYL International Secretariat in The Hague. On arrival on saturday 20th.Jan.2007, he is first expected to make a stop over in Amsterdam where he would hold talks with the SCYL Holland Bureau Chairman Comrade Nathan Tanyi Asong. From Amsterdam, he leaves for the Dutch Political Capital The Hague were he is expected the meet the SCYL International Secretary Comrade Julius Che and the Holland Executive. This visit will be rounded up with a plenary session of the Netherlands monthly SCYL come together. Further details of the trip stays coded for security reasons .
SCYL International Secretariat release.
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SCYL/SCNC German Demonstration in memory of the fallen Heroes of UB

Sunday, January 21, 2007
Demonstration In Memory of Slained UB Students The Southern Cameroons Center in Bochum invites all Southern Cameroonians in Germany to attend a public demonstration built for Saturday 10th February 2007 at Heierbusch 28, Essen-Germany. Themes: -Protesting the killings at the University of Buea -Protesting recent arrests of activists in Ndu and Bamenda -Free all Southern Cameroons political prisoners The Cameroons is known at the international scene only because of its football. In this image, Biya`s government have portrayed the Cameroons as a peaceful country. The killings and destruction of the lone anglo-saxon University in Buea at the end of last year unravels again the regime`s determination to eradicate our much admired educational system. Join us in Essen-Germany to show the international Community what Paul Biya calls a PEACEFUL CAMEROUN. BE PART OF YOUR HISTORY Programme 12.00 prompt Assemble at the Essen Hbf Sub exit 13:00 prompt drive with tram 101 or 107 up to last stop called Zeunerstr. -Protest march from there through Bredeneyerstr., Bredeneyer Kreuz, Meisenburgstr. and into Heierbusch uptil house number 28. 14:00 Southern Cameroons National anthem 14:05 Welcome speech from the moderator of the demo - Speeches from delegates - Freedom songs - Speech from Southern Cameroons Ambassador to Germany - Handing over of petition to the Consular officer of La Republique du Cameroun in Essen Dr. Hans Walter - Freedom songs 16:00 prompt Closing remark by the SCYL Scribe Contacts: Magdalene Ngassa ,Fuabeh Victor A 0049-1745707745, 0049-1734376888 Akosah Francis, Ngulefac Beltus 0049-1709465975, 0049-15203280668 Southern Cameroons Center 0049-2342970372
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SCNC PRESS BRIEFING ENDS IN CONFRONTATION WITH THE FORCES OF OCCUPA...

AN EYE WITNESS ACCOUNT This writer was an eye witness to one of the most horrible incidents marking the beginning of this promising year 2007. As a journalist and an activist of the struggle for the Independence of former British Southern Cameroons,this reporter saw the so-called Cameroun's New Criminal Code being dashed on the rocks by the agents and forces of La Republique du Cameroun.Here below is a synoptic presentation of the event.= 1:30 P.M.- Activists and journalists assemble in the compound of late Pa Stephen Ndi( housing the office of SCNC;[ at least 250 activists, 7 journalists; the leaders of SCNC and other invited leaders from other groups.]=1:45 P.M. - The Press Conference proper begins with a word from Chief Ayamba, the SCNC Chairman, and a presentation by Nfor.N. Nfor, Vice SCNC Chair...mainly on his recent tours to Asia, Europe and the USA.=2:30 P.M. - As he is rounding up his presentation, a contingent of well armed gendarmes arive the premises and sorround the area...led by the Company Commander for Gendarmerie, Mezam..himself a Southern Cameroonian.= 2:45 P.M.- A journalist of The Post newspaper who was coordinating the Press Conference stands up to give the modalities for the Conference.. .he is hushed down by the "Officer"... who then proceeds to announce that he has been sent to arrest the "activists" At this juncture, Chief Ayamba asks to see the arrest warrant from the State Counsel, according to their so-called new Criminal Code. He presents a letter from the SDO Mezam signed on 20th January 2007( a Saturday). The letter further states that the arrest is ordered on the "Activists"! !!Journalists and many enlightened activists, prominent amongst whom were Stephen Kongso of Kumbo, reminded the Officer that the close to 250 present are all activists and if at all any arrests were to take place, all will go. He was reminded that only the State Counsel has the right to issue an arrest warrant, not an administrator. Moreover, their law prohibits arrests on non-working days. The Officer , who looked embarrased , was given free lectures on their new law and the raison d'etre of the struggle. He had no option but to call the SDO himself.In less than 30 minutes, the 1st Ass. SDO arrived and ordered the leaders to surrender and follow him to the "Station". This activist reminded the leaders that they were under no obligation to sort out themselves to be arrested. Moreover, everyone present was an activist of the struggle. It were better they used force to arrest them in a private residence than they moving to the streets to be arrested there. This caused Mr. SDO to retreat and later came in with a full force of the Mobile Intervention Squad, the Police, to back up the gendarmes. More vehicles were brought as well.It took the forces close to 45 minutes to arrest some 50 activists who were driven to the detentioncamps.N/B. TORTURES:THE POPULATION HAD GATHERED IN THEIR THOUSANDS AT THE COW STREET AREA AND WERE WITNESSES TO THE BRUTAL TREATMENT GIVEN THE ACTIVISTS, AS THEY WERE BEING THROWN 96
INTO THE TRUCKS.This reporter saw a young gendarme office violently remove the cap of a 70 year old man in the back of a truck, and hit with open palms on his nostrils.Nfor Nfor { I hope I am right here} was seen being hit with the butt of a gun as he was thrown at the back of a truck. The trucks were full, so the other activists decided to follow on foot. This activist/reporter was violently pushed of the veranda where he was taking notes( by our fellow Southern Cameroonian. ..Company Commander for Mezam. He hails from Donga Mantung orBui...details later). The SDO intervened and told Mr. Commander to be careful with journalists. Reason why I am able to give this quick report in a rush. Commentaries are rife on the lips of all. We will be hearing them, as the entire press was there from start to finish.So, what next>>>??MARTIN FON YEMBE reporting live from Cow StreetNkwen, Bamenda. ( Unofficial Please!) "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 07:37PM (+01:00)
SCYL SCRIBE AND NATIONAL SECRETARY GENERAL BREAKS THE SILENCE

Interview with the National Secretary General of the SCYL, Comrade Ayaba Cho Lucas Conducted by the Public Relations Officer of SCYL Holland
PRO: Mr. SG, welcome to Den Haag, what is the purpose of your visit?
SG: I came to consult with my colleagues of the SCYL, shore up their branch and to sell the message and strategy of the organization for the year 2007.
PRO: What message did you bring along and would you qualify the mission as a success?
SG: The mission has been quite successful. I met a dynamic branch with a strong leadership that demonstrated during their meeting a strong sense of purpose and an unwavering determination to wreck the system that has held our dreams and aspirations in captivity. As concerns my message, it is nothing different from what we have conceived in the past years. I will not duel into the tactical and strategic issues of my message but in a nutshell I came with a message that addresses both diplomatic as well as military issues.
PRO: How would you assess 2006 from the SCYL perspective and what is the message for our people for the year 2007
SG: 2006 has been a particularly violent year in the history of our campaign for a sovereign and independent homeland. We witnessed bestiality at its peak in the University of Buea. We witnessed unarmed students gunned down at close range. Indeed, as a former student of that university, it breaks my heart to watch the generation
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that is suppose to set the Southern Cameroons on a collision course with economic and political advancement treated with such carnage. We also witnessed the execution in detention of a brave and determined fighter. Pa Tete was an ardent supporter of the principles of the SCYL and when every man of his aged cowed in the face of the options presented by my organization, he organized his constituency and prepared them for battle. He was captured as a fighter, he died as one and for this our people are grateful for his sacrifice. My message to our people for this year is one of hope. Our people should continue to resist in what ever way possible. From Ndu to Buea, resistance remains the only antidote to this violent occupation of our land. And in the end analyses, the Southern Cameroons is ours and the SCYL leadership will do everything humanly possible to shift the political equilibrium to our favour in the year 2007
PRO: Your message sounds particularly different from the one being preached by other organizations which calls on our people to wait for UNPO, Banjul or the UN
SG: What did UNPO or Banjul or the UN do when students of the University of Buea were being killed? You see, it is treacherous to ask a people not to defend themselves in the face of such violent attacks. I understand your question is referring to the stance being taken by the SCNC and SCAPO. The SCYL has good working relations with SCAPO and I have had long sessions with Dr. Gumne on ways and means of advancing the struggle and cant remember at any moment when he mentioned Banjul as a possible rescue option. Though we disagree on some basic issues, the SCYL and SCAPO see eye to eye on the question of self-defense. As concerns UNPO and the message of the SCNC, I will disagree fundamentally with these octogenarians. They should return to their villages, raise crops and shut up. The Southern Cameroons was admitted into UNPO and not the SCNC. And if examples are to go by, Taiwan as a member of UNPO is building one of the most sophisticated military in Asia to fend off any Chinese attack. East Timor got her independence through a combination of long years of resistance and liberation diplomacy.
PRO: Ten years after the incidences of 1997, the SCYL has remained silent on what happened. Can you without revealing anything tell us what happened?
SG: I will be traveling to the US in the coming months and for the first time in ten years the top three brass of the organization will meet. We will review 1997 from an organizational standpoint and only then can we issue a statement.
PRO: Was the SCYL responsible for what happened in 1997? SG: No comment! PRO: You just talked about a trip to the US, is the purpose of your trip to attend the Dallas conference being organized by the SCNC Southern zone US chapter?
SG: The purpose of my trip is to consult with Southern Cameroons activists and asked for their support for our plan of action for the year 2007. I will also want to use it to meet some dynamic persons who have been very supportive of the SCYL. I will like to get to thank them personally and ask them for more support. I will also want to have consultations with members of the Interim government and most importantly to have the top brass of the SCYL meet and agree on the details of the difficult mission we have set for ourselves this year. As concerns the Dallas conference the SCYL has not received any official communications from the organizers. And our participation or non participation if invited will depend solely on the outcome of pre-conference discussions 98
and agreements. I gather there are some positive thinkers involve but any conference that does not seek to adopt the method of self-defense as a viable option is not worth our official participation
PRO: You just talked about meeting some individuals, can you shed more light on who these individuals are?
SG: No I will not mention these persons by name. As concerns Mr. Nfor, the policy of the SCYL has not changed. I will not meet Nfor any time soon before he retracts from calling the actions of the SCYL as terrorism. He must also stop using some individuals in the field to put my comrades in harm ways.
PRO: Can the SCYL defeat LRC on its own without the support of others:
SG: Yes. It might take longer, but we are going to defeat LRC as an organization or coalition with others. We face them as students without any support and defeated them. Despite the fact that we dont make public statements, activists of the SCYL have continuously challenge the occupation in small scale operations
PRO: Was the Mungo bridge incident one of such operations?

SG: I held a meeting on operation intestine in Victoria in 2004, paid the cost and 24.00hrs later the intestine became rubble.
PRO: Has the SCYL made some diplomatic contacts and what were the outcomes?
SG: The SCYL has done more diplomatic offensives than any movement that purports to believe in diplomacy as a means of securing our independence. Even while in jail, the SCYL chairman reached out to the world than most of us close enough to foreign capitals. I have met the British, Americans, South Africans, and Nigerians. I have talked with members of the EU, visited the Norwegian foreign ministry, spoken with the Belgians, Nigerians. I even met the former Vice president of the DRC, Mr. Azarias Rubewa, the former president of Burundi, Piere Buyoya, minister of information for Sudan, some Eastern European members of parliament. And the message from these individuals especially the Africans has been we understand your plight and pain but you must go get your freedom like others have done and only then shall we come to your support. The Nigerians even chastised us for cowardice.
PRO: On another note, Mr. SG, do you believe there will come a time when the different movements will reconciled and decide to have a unique leadership?
SG: No. This is impossible because of the intractable differences that have plagued our relationship. These differences sometimes do not stem from different approaches; rather they are born out of what we want. I want freedom and I do not care how it comes. But the question we must ask ourselves is whether these do nothing for generation that has brought confusion in the mindset of our people really want freedom. I guess they are interested in power and they are strongly convinced that by virtue of their ages they have an unquestionable mandate to lead our people. I dont see myself only as a leader in the SCYL but as a leader of our people and I have no doubt our people will lend us their support as they have done before. Maybe there is a way to manage these conflicts or transforming them for our mutual benefit but resolution is out of the question. We should also understand another fundamental issue here. While they die in hospitals and we carry
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their caskets on our shoulders and give decent burials, we die on the streets of Kumbo, Bamenda, Buea and in the jails set up across the length and breath of LRC. We remain the leaders of our people and if they dont understand peacefully, we will make them understand violently
PRO: What message do you have for the leaders of LRC.

SG: I am a soldier and I dont communicate with LRC through the internet. This is the most murderous political system that the French have implanted in our continent and they dont understand scripted languages. They know how we communicate with them and they have been getting the message. They will understand in the nearest future that if those piecemeal doses we administered were not lethal enough to knock them out, we will be blinded to what conventions and treaties may say about the rule of war.
PRO: What is your final message?

SG: To our people is an appreciation for their relentless effort in making sure the final chapters of this sad saga is written in their favour. Our people should also know that we are doing everything humanly possible to speed up that day when freedom will be ushered in but without their sacrifice and willingness to defend our land, homes and streets we will run this race in vain and the blood of Julius Ngu Ndi, Patrick Yimbu and others death and those in jail must have been spilled in vain. To the occupier, I want them to know that, henceforth everybody will be a target and we will make no distinction between their interest that supports the occupation and the forces that enforce the occupation. For the SCYL,
Comrade Konfor Ignatius Ngebe SCYL Information Service , The Netherlands
http://www.internationalsecretary.blogspot.com "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 08:08PM (+01:00)
SCYL Reaction on the Arrest AND Detention in Bamenda

Comrades in arms, The SCYL has closely followed the event in Bamenda that led to the disruption and arrest
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of some SCNC Activist and do hereby issue the following statement. That La Republique du Cameroun is a system that was noutured, educated ,assimilated and brainwashed to always please its master and thus will never give up voilence which she sees as the only tool to continue her occupation. That la republique du cameroun will prefer to rule monkeys and palms in the Southern Cameroons than embraces negotiations or resolutions of our people or the UNPO,Geneva or United Nations. That The UN and part of the EU and AU are the root of thesame system we believe in and hope upon for rescue. While the SCYL wishes to congratulate and appreciate the efforts of the convenors of the press briefing in Bamenda for the purpose of education and information, While the SCYL sympathises with the action that had occured on the ground and calls for a united front to uproot the regime in occupation; The SCYL decres as follows: That true fighters and those who believe in true freedom and sovereingty should adopt without delay and with sincere spirit and committment the 2007 SCYL Military plan of action. That only a military response to la republiques exceses will be an equilibrium retaliation to such provocations. That we should be prepared to match voilence for voilence, arrest for arrest,and bullets for bullets. That until we will be able to show and prove to la republique du cameroun that we can take control even for our backyards only; intimidation, arrest and torture will never end. That we Southern Caeroonians can be in-charge of our own businesses without rushing to publish resolutions and appeals to the UN and UNPO who in themseles are unable to solve thier problems. That the military option is now the only option and language la republique du cameroun understands. Until we shift our priority from pleading for our leaders to be release whenever they are arrested, and take the responsibility in releasing them ourselves, then we are centuries still away from self-determination. Until we make The Southern Cameroons ungovernable and excluded territory even to our own enemy brothers, then only God will grant us independence on a platter of gold. LET US TAKE OUR RESPONSIBILITIES AND FATE INTO OUR HANDS. Thank you ALL
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International Secretary, SCYL International Secretariat
uman rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 10:56AM (+01:00)
New Appointments at The SCYL International Secretariat.

Saturday, February 10, 2007
From the desk of the Secretary General Ladies and Gentlemen: Following consultations with the Head of the SCYL International Secretary and the necessity to beef up the International Secretariat to face the daunting challenges that representing the SCYL and our people in the Diaspora demands, Following consultations with some dynamic Southern Cameroons patriots who in the past years have shown their unflinching commitment to the dual approached of resistance advocated by the SCYL Taking into consideration, the necessity to strengthen the SCYL for the difficult challenges of wresting control of our land from the occupation of La Republique du cameroun Taking into consideration the necessity to reach out to sister organisations and to rally International Public opinion in support of the liberation struggle started by the SCYL some 12 years ago, I hereby confirm the following individuals to act in the following capacity at the International Secretariat and their duties shall by guided by the liberation spirit and structured by the Charter of the IS of the SCYL and the Code of conduct:
OBADIAH TEGHA MUA-Administrative and Political Secretary of the International Secretariat Fuabeh Victor-Chief of the Department of State of the IS Edwin Yenika-International financial Secretary of the IS Magdalene Ngassa-Head of the Treasury of the IS
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Done in Bochum 06 February 2007 Babylon Germany National Secretary General SCYL Ayaba Cho Lucas
SCYL Code of Conduct

Monday, February 19, 2007
PREAMBLE We, the members of the Southern Cameroons Youth League otherwise known as The League operating in the Diaspora state for our country, the world and ourselves: -That, The League is an Organisation founded with the sole purpose of using every means possible to liberate the occupy territory of the Southern Cameroons that was formerly under the mandate of the United Kingdom; -That, because our people had been cultured with values consistent with democratic principles, and that such values have been altered by the occupying administration, The League will seek to establish a country founded on the principles of democratic tolerance and civil liberty; -That, The League will seek to establish a developed state where power shall basically rest on the will and mandate of representatives of the developed assemblies and by their development will contribute to the prosperity and greatness of the nation; The Southern Cameroons with its boundaries traced by the League of Nations is an indivisible political unit.
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ARTICLES OF THE CHARTER Article 1: General The name, emblem, motto, membership, rights and obligations shall be in accordance with the founding principles laid down by the Founding Fathers. Article 1.1 Name: The name of the Organisation is Southern Cameroons Youth League abbreviated as SCYL. It is otherwise known as The League or Youth League. Article 1.2 Emblems: Emblem of the S. Cameroons and SCYL. Article 1.3 Motto: The motto of the SCYL is Total and unconditional independence. Article 1.4 Membership: Membership is open to every Southern Cameroonian male and female and friends of the Southern Cameroons who believe in the unconditional independence of Southern Cameroons. Article 2: Every member of the SCYL shall be prepared to participate in the arm resistance against the forces of occupation and their proxies within the Southern Cameroons.
Article 3. Foreign Positions and Responsibilities 3.1 International Secretariat: The international secretariat otherwise known as the IS shall be headed by the International Secretary or IS and assisted by one deputy otherwise known as the Deputy IS who shall not be resident in the same country as the IS. 3.1.2 Eligibility Those eligible for this position should have shown unwavering commitment to the SC struggle and shall be full members of the SCYL. 3.1.3 Functions of the IS The IS shall be the Head of the International Secretariat and shall command the following responsibilities: 3.1.3.1. He /she shall coordinate the activities of the resident representatives or their executives in places where such exist. 3.1.3.2 He/she shall receive monthly reports from resident representatives or their executives on the state of these countries. 3.1.3.3 He/she shall oversee the resolution of internal disputes only if such disputes cannot be 104
solved by the resident authorities. 3.1.3.4 He/she shall issue on behalf of the SCYL certifications about members of the SCYL in consultations with the resident representatives where they exist and directly in consultation with the Secretary General where they dont exist. 3.1.3.5 He/ she assign such duties as may be necessary to facilitate his/her work to his deputy or any other resident representative as may be necessary. 3.1.3.6 He /she shall make publications on issues arising from the occupation in consultation with the National Executive. 3.1.3.7 He/she shall submit written quarterly report to the National Secretary General on the state of the International secretariat and such recommendations as shall be necessary to improve on the role of the SCYL under his/her jurisdiction. 3.1.3.8 He/she shall is a member of the National Executive Committee (REHCOCO). 3.2 SCYL Department of State The SCYL department of State shall be headed by the Head of the DS and shall be called the DS. 3.2.1 Eligibility Those eligible for this position must have a notion on revolutionary diplomacy and must be an avowed member of the SCYL. 3.2.2 Functions of the DS 3.2.2.1 He/ she shall coordinate diplomatic initiatives of the various countries and make followups whenever necessary. 3.2.2.2 He/she shall conduct such diplomatic moves as to inform the international community on the merit of our struggle and seek such support necessary to advance The Leagues vision of an independent Southern Cameroons. 3.2.2.3 He/she shall coordinate directly with the resident representatives, chairpersons of branches and shall inform every deputy head of missions (Ambassadors) about any diplomatic moves within their jurisdiction which are not their initiatives. 3.2.2.4 He/she is accountable to the IS and shall sit in REHCOCO meetings. 3.3 Missions The Missions shall be headed by the Deputy Head of Missions known as the DHM or otherwise called the Ambassadors. 3.3.1 Eligibility Those eligible for this position shall be Southern Cameroonians, independent or member of any of the other Separatist Movements who strongly believe in the right of our people
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to defend themselves and shows no animosity and hostility towards any other grouping. 3.3.2 Functions of the DHM 3.3.2.1 He/she shall be the diplomatic representative of the Southern Cameroons people within a Nation state or its dependencies. 3.3.2.2 He/she shall be the resident representative in countries where an executive is nonexistent. 3.3.2.3 He/she shall report matters of diplomacy to the DS and matters of structure to the IS. 3.3.2.4 He/she shall submit written reports to the IS in the letters effort at presenting an accurate picture of the State of the IS. 3.3.2.5 He/she shall represent the SCYL and the struggle in such activities as may be necessary to present the state of the struggle and other matters of courtesy. 3.3.2.6 He/she may be co-opted to sit in REHCOCO in particular circumstances. 3.4 Country Executives Country executives shall be set up in every country where it is possible and shall be the sole responsibility of the members of the SCYL in these countries. The DHM might help to set up such executives where they are present otherwise the Deputy IS shall work to establish such executives. 3.4.1 Functions 3.4.1.1 The members in accordance with the Laws of the country shall determine the Functions of such executives. 3.5 International financial Secretary The International financial secretary otherwise known as the IFS shall be the Head of the Finance department of the International Secretariat. 3.5.1 Functions 3.5.1.1 He/she shall seek and receive financial data and such funds as shall be agreed upon by the IS and resident representatives or executives and shall coordinate, document and keep such financial records of the International Secretariat. 3.5.1.2 He/she shall collect such finances as stipulated in 3.5.1.1 above from the various sources and shall submit such to the International Treasurer who shall keep it on behalf of the Organisation. 3.6 The International Treasurer The International Treasurer otherwise known as the Banker shall act as the banker of the 106
Organisation. 3.6.1 He/She shall seek, receive, keep and disburse such finances of the Organisation as shall be within his or her jurisdiction. 3.6.2 He/she shall demand such finances from individuals and groups, be they part of the IS or other socio-cultural groups and keep such in the name of the Organisation and only after haven submitted such records to the IFS. 3.6.3 In the case of the lapse in duty of the IFS, the Banker shall assume such role, keeping at every stage a financial record as may be necessary. 3.6.4 He/she shall sit in the REHCOCO. 4 Settling of disputes Every member shall maintain the utmost respect for one another and shall address one another by their positions. Every individual in a position of responsibility shall maintain a high degree of integrity. 4.1 Every dispute within a jurisdiction shall be settled within that jurisdiction in the most amicable fashion possible. 4.1.2 Any dispute that cannot be solve by executives shall be submitted to the IS for adjudication. 4.1.3 Such disputes that cannot be solve by the IS alone shall be submitted to a special committee that shall consist of the DS some or all DHMs, The banker and the IFS for deliberations. This of course is the last instance of disputes arising from misunderstanding, abuse of power or other issues within nation states or their dependencies. 4.1.4 All disputes concerning finances that cannot be solved within nation states or their dependencies shall be submitted to the Desk of the banker who shall make every effort to solve such and shall seek to consult with others especially the IFS for help. 4.1.5 Every charge brought against a DHM, IS, The Banker, IFS or DS by country executives or any of its members shall be handled by the Chairmen or women of these Nation States or their dependencies. When such cannot be resolved, such charges shall be submitted in writing to any member of the REHCOCO. 4.1.6 Blackmail with the aim of discrediting an individual in consequence bringing shame to his/her position and the image of the Organisation shall be considered with utmost disgust and anyone found liable to such tendencies shall be reprimanded. This does not mean, that individuals cannot be criticised or condemned but such condemnation must be done with cordiality and respect for one another. For the Southern Cameroons Youth League Akwanga Ebenezar.M.Jr. National Chairman
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Adieu Sister Adeline Azah

Thursday, March 29, 2007
A. Adeline Azah: 1976
Adel, we love you so much but God needs you most. Goodbye Sister,Goodbye Adeline.
The London Declaration

Thursday, October 11, 2007
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LONDON DECLARATION OCTOBER 1ST 2007 DEPARTMENT OF PRESS AND COMMUNICATIONS The European Leadership of the SCYL and SCNC-UK met for a two day coalition building talks in London (September 29th October 1st 2007) and formed the Southern Cameroons Europe Coalition with the aim of uniting the forces within the continent of Europe for the prosecution of the independence campaign. The Coalition of SCNC-UK and SCYL agreed to work together in a spirit of honesty, focus and respect for the fundamental position of each group. The Coalition agreed that decisions on major policy issues concerning our struggle for a separate homeland, shall be agreed upon base on momentary majority and the principle of consensus that reflects practicable reality with a well thought out mechanism of implementation. The Coalition Observes with utter dismay: That Her Britannic Majesty has used the Common Wealth and the Foreign Office to issue numerous derogatory declarations absorbing her sad responsibility patterning to the plight of our people in the economic, social-cultural and political realm. The Coalition empowers the Department of Diplomacy to explore every means to force the United Kingdom to reverse this standpoint and assume her responsibility and take active steps towards addressing the present political impasse prevailing over our homeland The impunity, recklessness and heavy-handedness with which La Republique du Cameroun has been prosecuting and maintain the occupation and empowers the department of defence to explore every avenue in the defence of our people, our land and our way of life. The distortion of facts, manipulation of international public opinion by the occupying regimeand empowers the department of Press and Communications to leave no stone unturned in the education of our people and international institutions on the facts of history and the brutality of the occupying regime. While recognising the efforts of the different movement and our people, the Coalition calls for unity on purpose and determination in our resistance against occupation and our fight for a separate homeland. We extend our appreciation to all Southern Cameroonians and sympathisers in the Diaspora, especially in France, the UK, Belgium and the bravery of Southern Cameroons citizens in the occupied homeland in their continuous defiance of the occupiers. Our people should understand that the fight against oppression is long and tedious but no matter the suffering the price and sacrifice for freedom is worth it. The Conference further endorses the following: That henceforth no decisions, audiences, proclamations, representation and or contacts should be negotiated or pursued by any (individual or group) without due endorsement or clearance from the committee set up by this London Declaration.
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That the committees elected and endorsed by the peoples representatives and the General Assembly of the said conference from date on is the only legitimate institution authorised to speak on behalf of the Southern Cameroons.
That all the leaders of the SCNC should keep their house clean and united for the good of the Southern Cameroons. Also, that they should within a time frame of one year call for general election to pave the way for serious and genuine business. That diplomatic meetings and conference where Southern Cameroons is a participant can be attended by delegates in the Diaspora to avoid the excess spending to fly leaders from the Southern Cameroons which could be diverted to alleviate the plight of our people. The conference also endorsed a Plan "B "which is a fall back point giving that diplomacy must be pursued by the threat of force and remains the only fall back point should diplomacy fails. Conference participants agreed our people have the right to defend themselves in the face of an attack or continues occupation. The conference also endorse the need to have an in-depth investigation into the continuous crisis in the University of Buea and also on the attitude of some Southern Cameroons leaders; and southern Cameroonians who continue to endorse occupation. The Conference also put into place a finance committee to vigorously pursue the raising of funds. The Conference General assembly came out with the following persons to pilot the different committees set up at the London Conference. They will also serve as the peoples representative and voice. The Following committees were formed to effect follow-up and action Administration and Planning & Co-ordinator: B: Committee on Finance: Press Secretary: Defence Committee: Diplomacy:
These persons from date of publication will pilot the actions on behalf of the Southern Cameroons representing the different Movements who are bonded by this declaration and her adjoining actions and decisions. February 9-11 2008 has been set for as date for the next Southern Cameroons Conference and will be held in the Municipality of The Hague in the Netherlands. All Southern Cameroonians and organizations are Welcome Done in London October 1st 2007 Press SecretaryAstebom Alfred Forminyen
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"Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylsecretariat.eu/southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 01:54PM (+02:00)
Monday, January 14, 2008

Alhaji Umaru Musa YarAdua (GCON) President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria Aso Rock, Abuja Federal Republic of Nigeria RDN to Nigerian High Commission in London : DW132061879GB Honorable Senator David President of the Senate National Assembly Federal Republic of Nigeria Abuja Federal Republic of Nigeria RDN to Nigerian High Commission in London : DW132061879GB Your Excellencies, Subject: The Bakassi Peninsula and the Rule of Law On behalf of SCAPO and the people of and the British Southern Cameroons , I have the honor and duty to write to you on a very serious matter. The reason why we have decided to address this letter jointly to the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the President of the Nigerian Senate is because of the constitutional responsibilities, which both offices exercise on the subject in question. This has to do with the Bakassi Peninsula which has been the subject of considerable public debate in the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Your Excellencies, I wish to start by informing you officially that the recent attack which was carried out in the Bakassi Peninsula against the army of French Cameroun was the work of the Southern Cameroons Youth Brigade Indeed the Southern Cameroons Youth Brigade has asked SCAPO to relay this information to the Nigerian authorities in order to notify them of their strong opposition to the Greentree Agreement by which their territory is being handed over to French Cameroun which has illegally occupied their country since September 30, 1961
The Southern Cameroons Youth Brigade also chose SCAPO as the instrument for conveying this important information because they are aware of the fact that SCAPO has been engaged during the last five years in actualizing the self-determination of the British Southern Cameroons , through legal and peaceful methods. The Southern Cameroonian youth have been telling us in SCAPO that they do not believe that a people can be liberated from colonial control through peaceful methods. They therefore carried out the attack in order to demonstrate, even to us, that what violence can do in one day, socalled peaceful methods cannot achieve in 20 years. The international reverberations of the last attack in the Bakassi Peninsula seem to vindicate the Southern Cameroons Youth Brigade. They also carried out the attack in order to place everyone on notice that
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they are now ready. Your Excellencies, in October 2002, the International Court of Justice ruled that the sovereignty over the Bakassi Peninsula belongs to Cameroon The people of the British Southern Cameroons applaud this ruling because it corresponds to what we have known as a people, who between 1918 and 1961, were administered as part of the Eastern Region of Nigeria However, we wish to inform you officially that in making this ruling, the ICJ, through no fault of its own, was unaware of the fact that there are two Cameroons and not one:
There is French Cameroun (officially known as la Republique du Cameroun) which obtained its independence from France on January 1, 1960 with international boundaries which are known on record and; There is the British Southern Cameroons, formerly a United Nations Trust Territory under United Kingdom Administration, which was supposed to unite with French Cameroun on October 1, 1961 in accordance with United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1608(XV) of April 21, 1961. The people of the British Southern Cameroons have a solemn duty to inform the people of the Federal Republic of Nigeria that the union envisaged under Resolution 1608 (XV) was never materialized in legal terms. There is no legal document anywhere in the world to attest to a legal union having been signed by the leaders of French Cameroun and the British Southern Cameroons either before or after the date of October 1, 1961. In order for such a union to have the force of international law, and to modify international borders, the legal instrument would have had to be signed by the leaders of the two territories and ratified by the legislatures of the two territories and the said instruments of ratification would have had to be submitted to the UN Secretariat in accordance with the relevant provisions of the UN Charter on the registry of treaties. None of this was ever done up to the present day. Your Excellencies, one of the main reasons why this resolution was never implemented is because French Cameroun (otherwise known as la Republique du Cameroun) voted against resolution 1608 (XV) when it was presented at the floor of the UN General Assembly on April 21, 1961. The table of votes below reveals why this resolution was never implemented and why the envisaged union never took place. UN General Assembly Resolution 1608 (XV) How African Countries and Permanent Members of the UN Security Council Voted. Vote Against Reunification of French Cameroun and British Southern Cameroons Vote in Favor of Reunification of French Cameroun and British Southern Cameroons 1 French Cameroun (Republique du Cameroun) Ethiopia 2 Chad Ghana 3 China Liberia 4 Congo Brazzaville Libya 5 112
Congo Leopoldville Mali 6 Dahomey Morocco 7 France Nigeria 8 Gabon South Africa 9 Ivory Coast Sudan 10 Madagascar Tunisia 11 Niger USSR 12 Senegal United Arab Republic 13 Upper Volta United Kingdom 14 United States of America The above table shows that France and all its former colonies in West and Central African were opposed to reunification from the very beginning. That is why they all, including French Cameroun itself, under President Ahidjo, voted against resolution 1608 (XV). As a result of this vote, it is clear that French Cameroun has always considered resolution 1608 (XV) as an unwarranted imposition by the UN General Assembly on their sovereignty and on the government of President Ahidjo. This explains why the Foumban Conference of July 1961, which was boycotted by the United Kingdom (the Administering Authority over the British Southern Cameroons ) failed to produce any union agreement. Your Excellencies, the legal consequence of the absence of such a legal instrument of union is that the people of French Cameroun and the British Southern Cameroons have since October 1, 1961 simply lived in total ignorance of their true legal status under international law. But what is important for the people of the British Southern Cameroons is that their territory is still, under international law, a separate and distinct legal entity with international borders including its land border with French Cameroun. It is with this background that I, as Chairman of SCAPO, led a team of British Southern Cameroonians in filing Suit No FHC/ABJ/CS/30/2002 at the Abuja Federal High Court in February 2002 The purpose of this suite which was filed against the Attorney General of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as Defendant, was to call on the Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to honor its treaty obligations under the African Charter of Human and Peoples Rights to take up the issue of the self-determination of the Southern Cameroons at the United Nations and at the International Court of Justice and to prosecute it diligently to its successful conclusion
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Your Excellencies, we urge the Federal Government to study the Case File and the Record of Proceedings of the Federal High Court in respect of Suit No FHC/ABJ/CS/30/2002 in order to take note of the landmark ruling of the Federal High Court. In essence the Federal High Court ruled that the Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria should conduct comprehensive legal due diligence on the true status of the British Southern Cameroons in anticipation of the ruling of the International Court of Justice. , Your Excellencies, we are sad to note that in spite of the ruling on Suit No FHC/ABJ/CS/30/2002, the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria decided to ignore this important ruling and proceeded to sign the Greentree Agreement in June 2006 by which it committed itself to hand over the Bakassi Peninsula to French Cameroun on August 14, 2006. We also note that this handover process was launched notwithstanding the fact that the Greentree Agreement had never been submitted to the United Nations Security Council for approval by way of a resolution in order to give it the force of international law, and further, notwithstanding the fact that it had not been submitted to the Nigerian Senate for ratification as required by the Nigerian constitution. Your Excellencies, it is in the light of the legal irregularities surrounding the Greentree Agreement and the decision of the Nigerian authorities to implement it in total disregard for the rule of law, that we in the Southern Cameroons Peoples Organization (SCAPO) decided to proclaim the independence of the British Southern Cameroons to take effect from the seminal moment when the transfer of the Bakassi Peninsula to French Cameroun on August 14, 2006 was launched formally. In proclaiming the independence of the British Southern Cameroons, we decided that the new country shall henceforth be known as the Republic of Ambazania . Long Live the Republic of Ambazania ! Your Excellencies, the main reasons why we are opposed to the Greentree Agreement are as follows: By signing the Constitutive Act of the African Union, the signatory States and the African Union as an independent organization from the signatory State, define in Article 4(b) of the Constitutive Act, the boundaries that shall be recognized as the legal and legitimate boundaries of each signatory State; namely, the boundaries of that State as they were on the attainment of independence. It is well known that the French Cameroun attained its independence on January 1, 1960 with its western boundary running from Lake Chad to the Mungo River as defined in the Anglo-French boundary Treaty of 1931. French Cameroun has at no time ever had a maritime boundary with the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Therefore in signing the Greentree Agreement with French Cameroun, The Federal Republic of Nigeria and French Cameroun are in violation of Article 4(b) of the Constitutive Act of the African Union with respect to the territory of the Former United Nations Trust Territory of the Southern Cameroons and consequently, also in violation of Articles 19, 20(1); 21(1); 22(1); 23(1); and 24(1) of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights Nigeria has violated the African Union Constitutive Act by recognizing French Camerouns illegal extension of its western boundaries beyond the limits defined by international treaties, and French Cameroun has violated the Act by illegally expanding its western boundaries beyond the limits recognized to it under Article 4(b) of the Constitutive Act of the African Union. This agreement not only condones but also explicitly advocates the involuntary deportation of the indigenes of the Bakassi Peninsula from their ancestral home to an uncertain future in Cross River State in Nigeria . This involuntary deportation was an act of ethnic cleansing of the Bakassi Peninsula for the purpose of making it easier for international oil companies to come in an destroy the territory in the same way that the Niger Delta has been destroyed. 114
Following the declaration of independence of the Republic of Ambazania , we consider that the indigenes of the Bakassi Peninsula are Ambazanians who have been forcefully deported from their ancestral homes. We wish to state that such forceful deportation is Crime against Humanity under Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Considering the deplorable conditions under which the indigenes of the Bakassi Peninsula are currently living in the refugee camp in Cross River State which has been curiously named Bakassi Local Government Area, SCAPO has instructed its lawyers to initiate the process of seeking indictments from the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court against the authors and signatories of the Greentree Agreement for Crimes against Humanity on Article 7 of the Rome Statute. SCAPO shall seek the indictment of the following persons for crimes against humanity: Olusegun Aremu Obasanjo, Paul Biya, Koffi Anan, Ahmedou Ould Abdallah and all the witnesses to the Greentree Agreement. Your Excellencies, the Ambazanian people can never accept that French Cameroun which rejected reunification with the British Southern Cameroons by voting against resolution 1608 (XV) should turn around claim sovereignty over an inch of Southern Cameroonian territory. God Forbid! We shall never allow it. SCAPO and the People of the Republic of Ambazania urge the Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to reaffirm its commitment to pull out completely from the Bakassi Peninsula . However, we also urge the Federal Government to freeze the process of handing over the Peninsula to French Cameroun because if the Nigerian authorities decide to proceed, in total disregard of the rule of law, with the implementation of this fraudulent transaction over the heads of the Ambazanian people, the Nigerian authorities should know that this shall lead to a major armed conflict which shall transform the entire maritime region from the Niger Delta to the Mungo River into one single war front. This struggle should be avoided at all cost because it shall have unpredictable consequences on the corporate existence of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. We urge instead that the Nigerian authorities should initiate the process of negotiating a tripartite agreement between the Federal Republic of Nigeria, French Cameroun and the Republic of Ambazania which shall recognize that the Republic of Ambazania and not French Cameroun has indisputable sovereignty over the Bakassi Peninsula Such negotiations should be conducted under the auspices of the African Union rather than the United Nations Only the tripartite agreement can guarantee lasting peace in the Bakassi Peninsula because, among other things, it will enable the indigenes of the Bakassi Peninsula to return to their ancestral home as Ambazanians.
Your Excellencies, the recent attack, which was carried out in the Bakassi Peninsula by the Southern Cameroons Youth Brigade, was an unfortunate act. However, we in SCAPO understand that it was the result of the intransigence of the Yaounde regime and its refusal to listen to dialogue and the seeming willingness of the United Nations to encourage the fraudulent transaction called the Greentree Agreement. The Federal Republic of Nigeria should have no fear in taking up the Southern Cameroons case to the United Nations because Nigeria voted in favor of reunification while French Cameroun voted against it. Nigeria is therefore perfectly justified in seeking legal clarification on the status of the British Southern Cameroons, in order to ascertain whether this resolution was implemented, before completing the handover of the Bakassi Peninsula . Your Excellencies, in our interview, which was published in the Nigerian Tribune on Sunday 16 December 2007, we promised to write officially to you on this very important subject on which long term peace in the region hinges. We have decided to tackle this
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subject as comprehensively as possible in order that there should not be any area of ambiguity as the Nigerian authorities must make very important choices on this crucial question. We are confident that the principle of the rule of law, which has guided your decisions since you took office, will lead all of us in the right direction. The Ambazanian people wish to take this opportunity to wish a Happy New Year 2008, with peace and prosperity, to the people of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. For: The Southern Cameroons Peoples Organization (SCAPO) Kevin Ngwang Gumne Dr. Kevin Ngwang Gumne Chairman.Cc: Dr. Carleson Anyangwe, Head of Interim Government, British Southern Cameroons ( Republic of Ambazania ) Paul Biya, President of French Cameroun , Yaound , Cameroun (RDN to Cameroon High Commission in London : DW132061851GB) Secretary General, United Nations, New York Chairman Commission of the African Union, Addis Ababa , Ethiopia
"Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /www.scylsecretariat.eu/www.southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 12:55PM (+01:00)
Comments
1. Re: post dated Monday, January 14, 2008
- Anonymous
January 15, 2008
We hope this will gives some meaning. Let us meet at The Hague come February 9th11th, 2008 and put a definite decision on the way forward. Let us from then speak with one voice.
NEWS
Tuesday, January 15, 2008
The National Chairman of the SCYL Akwanga Ebenezer will be offering a dinner evening at his Maryland residence in the United States on Wednesday January 16, 2008 This evening is meant to address certain critical issues concerning the Southern Cameroons struggle in line with the visit of the Secretary general comrade Cho Lucas Ayaba who arrived the US on Thursday January 10th 2008 for an official visitEvery Southern Cameroons citizen contacted and consulted is duly welcome and your support to the program of the liberation of our beloved motherland will as usual be duly appreciatedTime of Event: 7pm ESTVenue: Call this number: 3019526469
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LONDON DECLARATION OCTOBER 1ST 2007 DEPARTMENT OF PRESS AND COMMUNICATIONS The European Leadership of the SCYL and SCNC-UK met for a two day coalition building talks in London (September 29th October 1st 2007) and formed the Southern Cameroons Europe Coalition with the aim of uniting the forces within the continent of Europe for the prosecution of the independence campaign. The Coalition of SCNC-UK and SCYL agreed to work together in a spirit of honesty, focus and respect for the fundamental position of each group. The Coalition agreed that decisions on major policy issues concerning our struggle for a separate homeland, shall be agreed upon base on momentary majority and the principle of consensus that reflects practicable reality with a well thought out mechanism of implementation. The Coalition Observes with utter dismay: That Her Britannic Majesty has used the Common Wealth and the Foreign Office to issue numerous derogatory declarations absorbing her sad responsibility patterning to the plight of our people in the economic, social-cultural and political realm. The Coalition empowers the Department of Diplomacy to explore every means to force the United Kingdom to reverse this standpoint and assume her responsibility and take active steps towards addressing the present political impasse prevailing over our homeland The impunity, recklessness and heavy-handedness with which La Republique du Cameroun has been prosecuting and maintain the occupation and empowers the department of defence to explore every avenue in the defence of our people, our land and our way of life. The distortion of facts, manipulation of international public opinion by the occupying regime and empowers the department of Press and Communications to leave no stone unturned in the education of our people and international institutions on the facts of history and the brutality of the occupying regime. While recognising the efforts of the different movement and our people, the Coalition calls for unity on purpose and determination in our resistance against occupation and our fight for a separate homeland. We extend our appreciation to all Southern Cameroonians and sympathisers in the Diaspora, especially in France, the UK, Belgium and the bravery of
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Southern Cameroons citizens in the occupied homeland in their continuous defiance of the occupiers. Our people should understand that the fight against oppression is long and tedious but no matter the suffering the price and sacrifice for freedom is worth it. The Conference further endorses the following: That henceforth no decisions, audiences, proclamations, representation and or contacts should be negotiated or pursued by any (individual or group) without due endorsement or clearance from the committee set up by this London Declaration. That the committees elected and endorsed by the peoples representatives and the General Assembly of the said conference from date on is the only legitimate institution authorised to speak on behalf of the Southern Cameroons. That all the leaders of the SCNC should keep their house clean and united for the good of the Southern Cameroons. Also, that they should within a time frame of one year call for general election to pave the way for serious and genuine business. That diplomatic meetings and conference where Southern Cameroons is a participant can be attended by delegates in the Diaspora to avoid the excess spending to fly leaders from the Southern Cameroons which could be diverted to alleviate the plight of our people. The conference also endorsed a Plan "B "which is a fall back point giving that diplomacy must be pursued by the threat of force and remains the only fall back point should diplomacy fails. Conference participants agreed our people have the right to defend themselves in the face of an attack or continues occupation. The conference also endorse the need to have an in-depth investigation into the continuous crisis in the University of Buea and also on the attitude of some Southern Cameroons leaders; and southern Cameroonians who continue to endorse occupation. The Conference also put into place a finance committee to vigorously pursue the raising of funds. The Conference General assembly came out with the following persons to pilot the different committees set up at the London Conference. They will also serve as the peoples representative and voice. The Following committees were formed to effect follow-up and action Administration and Planning & Co-ordinator: B: Committee on Finance: Press Secretary: Defence Committee: Diplomacy: These persons from date of publication will pilot the actions on behalf of the Southern Cameroons representing the different Movements who are bonded by this declaration and her adjoining actions and decisions.
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February 9-11 2008 has been set for as date for the next Southern Cameroons Conference and will be held in the Municipality of The Hague in the Netherlands. All Southern Cameroonians and organizations are Welcome Done in London October 1st 2007 Press Secretary Astebom Alfred Forminyen "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 11:01AM (+01:00)
THE HAGUE CONFERENCE OF 9-11 FEB. 2008

PLEASE, INVITEES FOR THE UPCOMING THE HAGUE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE SHOULD MAKE THEIR INTENTIONS TO PARTICIPATE AT THE LATEST 3 FEBRUARY 2008. THIS IS TO HELP THE ORGANISING COMMITTEE HAVE A FORESIGHT OR TRUE PICTURE IN TERMS OF PREPARATIONS AND LOGISTICS .

SCYL HOLLAND ELECTION REPORT-NOVEMBER 24TH, 2007-THE HAGUE Forward On the 27th of October 2007 at 16.45 pm, the out going Chairman for SCYL Holland following earlier consultations with the National Secretary General of the SCYL on the 28th of September 2007 and the International Secretary of the SCYL on the 10th September 2007, did move a motion dissolving his cabinet and called for fresh elections. Immediately, an election commission was put in placed with the assignment of bring out laws geared towards the organization, running and proclamation of election results. This commission consisted of Mrs. Yonkwe Stella as chairperson, Mr. Neng Gordon and Mr. Che Julius as members respectively. The commission was also empowered to pilot the business of SCYL Holland until a new executive is put in place. The commission sat immediately for work and in same meeting of 27th October 2007, sampled the opinion and or minds of the over 14 members present. After 2 rounds of
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opinion, suggestions and some cautions, the commission went ahead in drafting the electoral laws for the said election which was made available to members of SCYL Holland and the National Executive body of the SCYL a week later. Following the publication of the election laws, some members of SCYL Holland past executive did request for a modification of the election laws to create room for some accommodation. The former chairman of Holland did request the need to have an odd number executive so as to avoid issues of dead lock in decision making in the future when it comes to voting. The out going Public Relation Officer did advice the commission to allow only resident permit holders to run for the post of Chairperson ,Secretary and Treasurer. The commission met on the 20th November 2007 to discuss on these issues. After careful examination and re-examination on the proposal and advice from the two xofficers; the commission did decide as follows. 1. That considering the numbers in terms of militancy in SCYL Holland, it would not be logical to expand positions of responsibility. Reasons being-this may create desfunctionality and comradeship in a society where almost everyone is an executive member. 2. On the advice that non residence should not be allowed to hold command, the commission saw this as infringing into the rights of a citizen geared towards open discrimination. The commission decided that, with one of the three being in possession of a residence permit, the others are not obliged to since one person can represent the entire SCYL; and not necessarily an executive. The Following positions were advertised as being vacant: 1-Chairperson 2-Secretary/Financial Secretary 3-Treasurer 4-Organising Secretary. Elections were built for November 24th, 2007 as from 1 4.00 pm at the International Secretariat of the SCYL. Voting Day On voting day, the arrival of members was timid, with the first arriving at 14.30 pm. However, the process soon gained momentum with a full house at 17.30 pm-though some members came when voting has ended and could not vote. Some were completely absent without reasons or notification(s). The chairlady did welcome all who made it and called for cordiality all geared at advancing the work and ambitions of the SCYL. Before voting commenced, some delegates wanted to know what has been done as per their proposal or comment. (see paragraph 5.s.(a),(b) above) Mr. Gordon Neng read out the Election laws to all present and did request interested 120
candidates to move forward and pay their registration fee, fill in their names on the election sheet and the position they are gunning for. Some members rejected the procedure and asked for the republication of the advertised list so as to enable would be contestant to know exactly what they were going in for. A member did request for the revision as to the name of one of the open positions from Organizing Secretary to Spokesperson. After some deliberation by commission members on these issues, Mr. read out the list position after position and requested would be candidates to move forward and register. However, after some period of general silence which could be estimated at about 20 minutes, only the former Secretary for SCYL Holland Mr. Chi Edwin had registered and paid his dues. The commission concerted and made it public to the electorate that, the position of secretary will be put to vote while the other positions will be re-advertised come January 2008. This because, only the Secretary had indicated his willingness to run for election. Mr. Nathan intervenes and challenged members of the commission to also indicate their desire to stand for elections. He challenged in person the Head of the International Secretariat to stand up and contest the position of Chairperson for Holland. The commission requested for a 5 minutes recess. During the recess period, the commission decided to throw into vote, the decision to continue with the election process or postponed it all together until further notice. This decision was put to the floor and the members present voted 12 out of 12 to go ahead with the elections. Mr. Gordon Neng for the third time read out the positions on the commissions list and did request candidates to register. To this effect, all the four positions advertised were filled in by single candidates. Mr. Yenika Edwin went in for Chairperson Mr. Chi Edwin had earlier went in for the position of Secretary and Financial secretary Mr. Tanyi Nathan went in for Treasurer and Mr. Konfor Ignatius went in for Organizing Secretary (PRO) Since there were just single candidates, some members quickly requested a vote by acclamation. This proposal was vehemently rejected by Mr. Julius Che who advised members to have a mandate so as to function effectively. He said, it is only by effective voting were a candidate may know if he can function or has been sanctioned. This argument, throw the whole process into actual voting with strict secrecy. Publication of election Results: After each position beginning with the position of the Chairperson, the Election commission did make the results known to the voters. Mr. Yenika Edwin went in for the position of chairman for SCYL Holland and was voted with an overall majority of 12 out of 12 who were eligible to vote.
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Mr. Chi Edwin went in for Secretary and Financial Secretary and got 11 out of 12 with one vote against based on those eligible to vote. Mr. Tanyi Nathan went in for Treasurer and got 11 out of 12 with one abstention based on those eligible to vote. Mr. Konfor Ignatius went in for Organizing Secretary (PRO) and got 9 out of 12 with 2 votes against and no abstention. After this wonderful results and maturity in the exercise of democracy where the ballot box is supreme. With this, the commission thanked the electorate and did proclaim the results as being the official results of SCYL Holland election of 24th November 2007. After voting and proclamation of election results, there was an isolated case of post election violence provoked by some external problems not associated with the elections. However, this problem was later resolve the SCYL way and the newly elected chairman thanked the commission for the wonderful work and challenged his new team to exercise maturity and job consciousness. After the publication of election results, The Head of the SCYL International Secretariat did organized an American auction sale in which one of our new comrades Miss. Emmanuela.D. Mengnjo did go home with a signed Southern Cameroons T-Shirt. This American auction sale raised the sum of 200.00 Euros for the new Chair and his team. The day ended with merry making, fun and departure was at 10.45 pm. CC The SCYL National Chairman The SCYL National Secretary General The SCYL International Secretariat For the Election Commission and the SCYL Julius Che Commission Scribe "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 01:10PM (+01:00)

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Motto: TOTAL INDEPENDENCE

S.C.Y.L THE NETHERLANDS BUREAU, Palademesstraat 62 -2612XS DELFT-TEL: 0031645552127/0031621993396 DEAR SOUTHERN CAMEROONIANS LETTER OF INVITATION: The Southern Cameroons liberation Conference holding in The Hague, The Netherlands February 09th-11th, 2008 will benefit immensely from your presence and participation. This is your Invitation which, if necessary, should assist you in obtaining the appropriate visa for travel to The Netherlands. Your local Netherlands Consular Office or Embassy will advise you about any additional requirement for your trip. It is recommended that you plan to travel at least one day before February 09th, 2008. Accommodation and feeding will be provided by our members to avoid extra cost. The mobile phone numbers above and email address below are for you to contact myself (Chairman SCYL-The Netherlands and The SCYL-International Secretariat) The ad hoc SCEC Planning Committee wishes you a safe round trip. We trust that you will accept this invitation, and we can hardly wait to welcome you in The Netherlands. Done in The Hague-The Netherlands, 18th January 2008. Yours Sincerely Edwin Yenika SCYL-Holland Chairman SCYL-THE NETHERLANDS BUREAU- TEL: 0031-645552127 / 0031-621993396
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WEBSITE: www.internationalsecretary.blogspot.com ,www.scylforfreedom.org , www.scylsecretariat.eu E-MAIL: scylinfo@yahoo.co.uk , cocoscylmail@hotmail.com "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 01:15PM (+01:00)

SOUTHERN CAMEROONS CALLING
CONFERENCE & DEMONSTRATION IN THE HAGUE

The SCYL since its foundation has sought unity in program, collectivistic in purpose and rationality in dealing with the occupying regime. In its partnership with the SCNC-UK, the Diaspora is strengthened to achieve those objectives that both organisations set forth in their inception consistent with the principles of both movements. The principles laid down in London set the tone for a combined effort employing every genuine liberation strategy to wrestle control of the Southern Cameroons from the occupational repressive machinery of the La Republique du Cameroun. The Hague Conference seeks to broaden this coalition with other stake holders in the liberation struggle within Europe, North America, Africa and The Southern Cameroons as to maximise the impact of resistance. For in the Course of Human history, a people under oppression within the continent of Africa can reinvent the wheels of liberation. The Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL) The Hague and The Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) United Kingdom invite all Southern Cameroons citizens to take part in a maiden conference billed for The Hague from the 9th to the 11th of February 2008. The Conference will bring together the various movements viz: SCNC, SCYL, Ambazonia, SCARM, IG, BSC Government, independent personalities and SCAPO operating in Europe, North America, South Africa, Zambia, and Southern Cameroons, Tanzania with the aim of forming a united front in our struggle against occupation. Special Guests at the conference will be the Head of Delegations from the different Movements and the President of BSC Government Prof. Carlson Ayangwe. Detail Activities 9th February 2008 @ 19.00 pm: Arrival of Delegates and Registration at the International Secretariat of the SCYL (Vaillantlaam 392a, 2526HW The Hague. Tel:(0031)703803552 or (0031)621993396 10th February 2008 @ 10.00 am. Arrival of Delegates and at conference venue and committee meeting. 11.00 am, Begin of Conference proper. 11th February 2008 @ 11.00 am: Demonstration infront of British Embassy, The Hague. 124
Commence with a protest march from The Hague Central Train Station. Coordination Mr. Forminyen Alfred SCYL/ SCNC-UK, Konfor Ngebe-SCYL the Netherlands and Victor. F. SCNC-Germany shall coordinate. You can reach the Chairman SCYL Holland via Tel: (0031) 645552127 Mr. Yenika Edwin-Chairman SCYL The Netherlands Mr. Galabe Daniel. Chairman-SCNC-UK Mr. Julius Che-International Secretary-SCYL "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 12:34PM (+01:00)
THE HAGUE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE FEB 9-11, 2008

AGENDA CONTRACT SOUTHERN CAMEROONS: THE WAY FORWARD
INTRODUCTION Welcome to the Euro-Conference to secure independence for the Former United Nations Trust Territory of Southern Cameroons under United Kingdom administration. Participants shall register (paying a 100 euros registration fee) and sign this Agenda Contract, which binds us all to conduct ourselves according to its terms. (a) Sales of books, videos, etc. shall be conducted through the Registration Desk. Each seller shall donate to the Conference 50% of all proceeds. Please ask for any support for your presentation (computer, bold maker or sheets) at the Registration Desk. In the Way Forward, punctuality is expected; so, the Facilitator may not update late arrivals. PROCESS The purpose of this process is to help participants to contribute as many insights as possible to the Way Forward. Therefore, Conference participants (General Assembly) shall make all decisions by consensus. If the Peoples Assembly falls short of consensus on an issue, a simple majority of the Assembly shall decide that issue; however, this
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Consensus process allows anyone to write and append his or her strong objection to the written majority decision on the issue, and that too shall become part of the consensus on the issue. All decisions made by the Peoples Assembly can be changed only by the Assembly. When proposed by the floor, the Peoples General Assembly may quickly appoint a Working Group to investigate any particular issue and report its findings to the Peoples Assembly later. The Assembly shall then make a decision based on that report. After the conference, the SCIC shall open and use, as its venue for meetings, a mailing list on a secure mail server. Only a current member may propose a new member to join this list. Peoples General Assembly The Peoples Assembly shall endorse and or modify the existing Standing Committees to perform tasks for it, and delegate a liaison to each such committee, but in a non-voting capacity. Each annual Way Forward Conference shall reinvigorate the struggle, evaluate progress over the previous twelve months, dissolve insolvent Committees and create new committees to perform new tasks. Each Committee is comprise of 2 members subject to modification to four and one Liaison depending on attendance except committees which need more. At delegation, each Committee shall confer and select two persons to serve as their first Facilitator and Secretary and shall then inform the Peoples Assembly. To hone and share skills, each standing committee shall rotate the tasks of the Facilitator and the Secretary every three months. Each Committee shall update the Peoples General Assembly mailing list at least every three months on their work. These update shall be due every March 30, June 30, September 30 and December 30 each year. STANDING COMMITTEES The Finance Committee The Finance Committee shall raise funds for all WFN projects; The Finance Committee shall keep account of WFN funds; The Finance Committee shall disburse funds as approved by the Networking Committee; The Finance Committee shall coordinate fund raising initiatives. For example, it shall appoint sub-committees as needed; The Finance Committee shall manage a bank account?? Where? What Kind? Shall be determined by delegates
Networking Committee
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(The Planning Committee) The Networking Committee shall designate Liaisons onto all Standing Committees (after conference) time to be determined by delegates To become a member of the Networking Committee, (a) a delegate shall come from an organisation that has signed this Agenda Contract, and (b) an individual must be an active member of the Planning Committee who has signed the Agenda Contract, or (c) who has been delegated by the General Assembly to replace a departing non-delegate and has signed this Agenda Contract; The Networking Committee shall comprise (a) one delegate from each such organisation and (b) at least six active non-delegates of the Planning Committee or their replacements, each replacement named by the leaving member. When the Networking Committee cannot reach a consensus, every member shall vote, except that there shall be only one vote per organisation. Delegates from organisations shall also serve as liaisons, and in that capacity, they shall report the Networking Committees discussions to their organisations and report their organisations position to the Networking Committee. Through this role, the Networking Committee and represented organisations shall update each other continuously; The Networking Committee shall assist other cities to host annual Way Forward Conferences like the first one held in London from September 29th to October 1st 2007 and present in the Hague February 9th 11th 2008. The Networking Committee shall decide the project to be funded and authorise the finance Committee to release the funds. However, the projects and their priorities will have been authorised by the General Assembly, except for unpredictable ones. Thus applications for funds shall be made to the Networking Committee by organisations, other Committees or Sub-Committees. (The General Assembly identifies WF tasks; organisations or individuals submit contracts to the Networking Committee). The Networking Committee shall store records of projects funded, including evaluation reports, receipts, etc. Applications for funding shall be written and shall include a budget with bench marks to measure success or progress of the project. Each application shall describe (a) the background of the project, (b) its relation to the Way Forward and (c) a time frame for completing it. When an organisation requests funding, it shall indicate the amount it has already raised for the project. After receiving the written application, the Networking Committee shall assign one of its members to serve as a Sponsor for the project. The Sponsor shall make contact with the organisation and learn/understand the feasibility of the project. The Sponsor will then file a feasibility report to the Committee which will decide by consensus if the project should be funded. If the decision is to fund the project, the Secretary of the Networking Committee shall send the approved application to the Finance Committee which will then disburse the funds. The group or Committee shall present a written evaluation report at the end of the
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project and submit it to the Finance Committee with receipts.
Diplomacy Committee Diplomacy& International relations Committee International relations describes a broad frame that includes foreign organisations and political groups, while Diplomacy is a word that tends to be used mostly in Governments circles. But our focus is networking/building relationships with groups, organisations, political parties. The International Relations Committee shall forge relationships, directly or indirectly between us and WFN. DUTIES: Diplomacy/Foreign Relations Foreign Governments Other institutions, Organisations, Groups: UN, OAU, UNPO, Human Rights Organisations, Students, Cultural Groups, et al. Press & Communication Committee This Committee shall word and phrase documents, especially press releases, so that they achieve specific objectives of the WFN; The Communications Committee shall publish a monthly newsletter and an online audio and video news blast (news reel). The Communications Committee shall handle relations with the press, issuing press releases, delegating members to talk to the press (after thoroughly preparing them in committee), etc; The Communications Committee shall delegate an Outreach Sub-Committee. Its tasks shall be to (a) mobilise both our public and the international public to become involve in our independence project/struggle (aggressively distribute media Content produced by the Communications Committee), (b) move us into events likely to expose our cause to groups and organisations interested in the global social justice movement.
Plan B Committee
movements of these colonisers; Ground preparation and sensitization Formation of alliances Seek external partners Action B 128
Oath Surveillance Sustain pressure on the coloniser. THE WAY FORWARD AGNEDA 1. For the Conference, the Planning Committee shall designate Timekeepers, Scribes, and Facilitators; 2. The Conference Host shall introduce the Facilitator, Timekeeper and Scribe; 3. Facilitators shall introduce the structure and discussion process to be used. For example, how participants are introduces: each rises and announces his/her name, city, country and organisation, if affiliated; 4. Participants shall speak only when recognised by the Facilitator, and only one at a time.
TIME ACTIVITY SATURDAY February 09TH 2008: REGISTRATION 18:00 21:00 Registration Desk opens: participants register, pick up name badges and sign the Agenda Contract. 21:15 Reception supper SUNDAY 10TH February 2008: OPENING SESSION 8:00 9:00 BREAKFAST
09:15 10:00 Registration Desk opens: participants continue to register, pick up name badges and sign the Agenda Contract. 10:05 11:15 Introduction of participants 11:15 11:45 Coffee Break Meeting of committees
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11:20 13:20 14:20 15:20 15:25 16:25 Presentations: Organisations and individuals shall email courtesy copies of their Way Forward contributions to the Way Forward Planning Committee before Saturday 09th February 2008 to reduce misunderstandings. The Planning Committee would like every Way Forward to receive the best possible attention from the Peoples General Assembly. Therefore, the Planning Committee recommends that after naming the problem and briefly explaining what caused the problem, you: a) State clearly the Way Forward you are proposing or recommending to the Peoples General Assembly; b) Summarise completely but briefly (and then concede) any worthy concerns or objections that others have raised against your proposed Way Forward; c) Summarise completely but briefly (and then correct or clarify) concerns or objectives that others have raised against your proposed Way Forward; d) State clearly any other advantages or benefits of your proposed Way Forward which you have not discussed in (b) and (c) directly above; e) After the presentation, five minutes will be available strictly for clarification questions: this is to allow everyone in the audience to understand your proposal. Then participants will discuss the Way Forward just presented through questions, comments, etc. Ten minutes, two per speaker. The Facilitator shall then ask, Are there any more concerns? Silence shall indicate that there is consensus, and the Facilitator shall announce, By consensus, this proposal is the position of this Conference. If discussion time expires without consensus, the Facilitator shall call for a vote. If a simple majority approves the proposal, the Facilitator shall announce, By a simple majority, this proposal is the position of this Conference. The Facilitator shall then ask those with strong objections to indicate whether they wish to stand by and let the majority decision stand, or whether they wish to write and append their objections. The objections can be written either individually, as a group or by a committee.
LUNCH Facilitator, and only one at a time. Scribe reports to Peoples General Assembly about the work or Conference. Describe WFN initial ideas that led to WFN (PC-Designated)
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Introduce WFN Committee (Liaisons) Present lists of available experts for the Committee (one Liaison) Announce Committee sites, advise selection (Facilitator) Each participant chooses and attends a Committee if necessary. Time will be allocated to all the movements if need be for a working session with the President of BSC Government. This will give delegates the opportunity to come to terms with its formation and working time table as well as the need for it to sustain a broad base support. This will be left open for discussion at the conference.
16:25 17:00 Participants Evaluate the Conference: What was good about the Conference? What do you suggest that we do differently next time? What did you expect this Conference to do? How many of your expectations did the Conference meet? What part of the Conference did you like the most? What did you like the least? What succeeded at the Conference? Why? What could have been included? What should have been left out? What do you suggest for future events? VIDEO SCREENING
Screening: documentary on the struggle of the students of the University of Buea from the website of the IG and or the Life of a Refugee We must Win by Cho Lucas Ayaba and others if available
EVALUTION REPORT Participants reassemble to Evaluate Conference (Reports):

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What was good about this Conference? What do you suggest that we do different next Conference? What did you expect this Conference to do? How many of your expectations did the Conference meet? What part of the Conference did you like the most? What did you like the least? What succeeded at the Conference? Why? What could have been included? What should have been left out? What do you suggest for the next Conference? MONDAY 11TH February 2008: PEACEFUL DEMONSTRATION 8:00 10:00 Breakfast 10.00 14:30 Peaceful Demonstration from The Hague Central Train Station to the British Embassy 16:45 Sight seeing, refreshment and departure of Delegates
Den Haag 2008

Friday, February 29, 2008
http://www.flickr.com/photos/roel1943/2258486751/http://nl.youtube.com/watch?v=NsGpNf2pKg "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 03:26PM (+01:00)
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RESOLUTIONS [ The Hague Southern Cameroons International Conference...

Conference resolution-The Hague International Conference 2008 The European Leadership of the SCYL and SCNC-Belgium met for a three day coalition building talks in The Hague (February 9-11, 2008) and agreed to strengthened the Southern Cameroons Europe Coalition with the aim of uniting the forces within the continent of Europe for the prosecution of the independence campaign. The Coalition of SCNC-Belgium and SCYL agreed to work together in a spirit of honesty, focus and respect for the fundamental position of each movement. The Coalition re-affirmed that decisions on major policy issues concerning our struggle for a separate homeland shall be agreed upon base on momentary majority and the principle of consensus that reflects practicable reality with a well thought out mechanism of implementation. The Coalition Observes with utter dismay: That Her Britannic Majesty and France are using the Common Wealth, the Foreign Office, the Francophonie and military presence in Bakassi and Africa to issue numerous derogatory declarations absorbing their sad responsibilities patterning to the plight of our people in the economic, social-cultural and political realm. The coalition also castigated the regime of La Republic du Cameroon on her continuous Human rights and economic abuse on Southern Cameroonians; and also in her attempt to destroy the University of Buea which she has turned into her battle ground. The Coalition empowers the Department of Diplomacy to explore every means to force the United Kingdom and France including the EU to reverse this standpoint and assume their responsibilities and take active steps towards addressing the present political impasse prevailing over our homeland, The impunity, recklessness and heavyhandedness with which La Republique du Cameroun has been prosecuting and maintaining the occupation. The Conference also empowers the department of defence to explore every avenue in the defence of our people, our land and our way of life. In relation to the distortion of facts, manipulation of international public opinion by the occupying regime, the Conference empowers the department of Press and Communications to leave no stone unturned in the education of our people and international institutions who wish to listen on the facts of history and the brutality of the occupying regime. While recognising the efforts of the different movement and our people, the Coalition calls for unity on purpose and determination in our resistance against occupation and our fight for a separate homeland. The conference did recognise the work of the SCNC but challenged its leaders to initiate dialogue and avoid blackmail as a show of strength. The conference challenged SCNC Europe to follow the foot steps of SCNC Belgium by building bridges for the good of our Homeland. Special words of encouragement do go to the Secretary General of SCNC Belgium and Mr Sama of SCNC Belgium for their brilliant presentations. We extend our appreciation to all Southern Cameroonians and sympathisers in the Diaspora, especially in South Africa, the UK-who could not attend due to visa problems,
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Belgium and the bravery of Southern Cameroons citizens in the occupied homeland especially the leaders and the students of the University of Buea in their continuous defiance of the occupiers. Our people should understand that the fight against oppression is long and tedious but no matter the suffering the price and sacrifice for freedom is worth it. The Conference further endorses the following: The conference did challenge the English Press to be true ambassadors of change rather than serving as hungry men and women ready to be manipulated by any with hand outs for personal goals. The conference re-affirmed the decision taken at the London conference in September 2007 that, no audiences, proclamations, representation and or contacts should be negotiated or pursued by any (individual or group) without due endorsement or clearance from the other movements in an effort to maintain uniformity. That the committees elected and endorsed by the peoples representatives and the General Assembly of the said conference remains the legitimate institution authorised to speak on behalf of the Southern Cameroons in Diaspora Europe. Problems slowing the process of independence - Lack of confidence between the movements (mutual distrust) - The various movements are sceptical of one another - We make our differences between factions more important than the objective of attending freedom - Lack of honest diplomacy in the sense that, despite the fact that we have agreed to believe in diplomacy, we should not blackmail others who opt for force (real action) to make their desire for freedom felt. Thus preaching forceful resistance as the SCYL or SOCADEF do should not be regarded as extremism as seen by some. - However, we should not give away the idea of the force of argument, thus mutually agreeing that we will assist each other so long as the aim is geared towards achieving independence. Assessment of the struggle at home -There is need to rebuild the structures entirely .New coordination, real representatives for good accountability and good action in every region. This assessment was done based on a very recent and detail report made by a team sent to the territory for an assessment of the situation on the ground (this report is available in scripts and video). We however acknowledge the efforts made by certain organizations like the SCNC, SCYL, in their attempts to revamp this situation. However, -lack of a networking committee to keep the people informed as to the evolution of the struggle, (poor circulation of information) remains a big problem How we should identify ourselves in Diaspora -Constant education should be put in place in reminding comrades to always identify themselves as Southern Cameroonians under every circumstance. This obliging host country to involuntarily join the struggle.
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Governments On the Recently formed British Southern Cameroons Government, the conference praised Professor Carlson Anyangwe on his address to conference participants that was read by the International Secretary of the SCYL Julius Che. The conference also recognised his efforts made since the inception of this struggle and acknowledged him as a true friend of the struggle and real fighter (the only old guard still in the cause). However, the conference cautioned him not to allow himself being manipulated by the head of his secretariat and a host of others. The conference did challenge the Interim Government and that of the BSC to come out of mere rhetorics by embracing the weapon of SOCADEF championed by the SCYL and Diplomacy championed by the SCNC, SCAPO and AMBAZONIA for meaningful ground action capable of freeing the Southern Cameroons.
On Immigration issues The conference realised there are many in the Diaspora who have used the struggle to gain refugee status, turn and nick-name those who stay faithful to the cause loiters. Says was high time to sound a bell loud enough to those who have been exploiting the struggle that the time of reckoning had come and that most of them will be exposed to their host countries. Conference says not only does this attitude destroy our cause, but also kill the chance for those who really need protection fleeing from trouble to have one. Was recommended that the SCYL will make request to refugee councils across Europe and North America to determine those who have gained from the struggle. That the various refugee offices will work hand in gloves with the SCYL and SCNC to ensure the implementation of the above agreed resolution. The conference also came to the conclusion that blocking chances for genuine Southern Cameroonians who really need protection was wrong and as such was determine to assist those in real need. The conference participants also empowered the finance committee to explore all avenues in raising funds. As was said, no true or real change can ever be achieved and or sustain without resources. The conference did also call on the SCYL to renew its National executive council in an effort to give it real representation since for some time now; some positions were vacant or inactive SCNC Belgium was assigned as the next Host for the forth coming International Conference which will be holding in Antwerp or Brussels as from the 29th September- 1st October 2008.
Done in The Hague, the Netherlands February 2nd, 2008 Julius Che Conference scribe.
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Southern Cameroon International Conference on Photos

CHI EDWIN with Protest poster
SCYL P.R.O KONFOR NGEBE AND DUTCH POLICE OFFICERS
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FOTABONG ANTHONY
PROTEST POSTER
LAWRENCE EWANE SCNC Belgium Secretary, Che Julius and Daughter Aliyah
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SCYL International Secretary Julius Che
CROSS SECTION OF CONFERENCE PARTICIPANTS
COMRADE SAMA SCNC BELGIUM OF BELGIUM POST FOR THE HYMN
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SOUTHERN CAMEROONS NATIONAL ANTHYM HONOUR
NATIONAL ANTHYM HONOUR
CROSS SECTION OF DELEGATES
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Mbaku Emmanuel, EBUEH Gideon, EDWIN YENIKA and Victor Fuabeh
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Nathan Asong and some Delegates
Secretary of State Lawrence Ayamba of the IG and Chair SCYL Belgium
Comrade Victor Fuabeh of Germany
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Lawrence Ewane- Secretary of SCNC Belgium
Cross section of Delegates
SCYL Holland Chairman Edwin Yenika
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Delegates
Delegates and Tataw of SCNC
SCYL INTERNATIONAL SECRETARY Julius Che
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Comrade Sama of SCNC Belgium
IG Secretary of State and SCYL Holland Secretary preparing notes for Conference
Mr Chi Edwin Holland Secretary
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SCYL Holland Treasurer Asong Nathan and (former Holland Chairman )
SCYL Holland Public Relations Officer Comrade Konfor Ngebe
Comrade Ebueh Gideon partial VIDEO of 11 FEBRUARY DEMONSTARTION http://www.flickr.com/photos/roel1943/2258486751/http://nl.youtube.com/watch?v=NsGpNf2pKg "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely"
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Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 12:53PM (+01:00)
SCYL Install North America Executive

Friday, March 28, 2008
The Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL) leadership installed and commissioned the movements North America Coordination on Sunday March 23, 2008. In a solemn ceremony bringing together Southern Cameroonian youths and disgruntled Southern Cameroons veteran activists in the Washington and State of Maryland vicinity, the participants pledged to redouble their commitments and efforts towards the total and unconditional independence of the Southern Cameroons as has been elaborated by the roadmap of the SCYL leadership. Taking place under the guidance of the SCYL Chairman Comrade Ebenezer Derek Mbongo Akwanga and its Secretary General Comrade Ayaba Cho Lucas, the meeting elected Comrades Nelson Mbangah as the SCYL Coordinator for North America, Edwin Kamara as Administrative and political secretary, while Comrade Augusta Gwanvalla was raised to the office of treasurer. Lambert Mbom was elected to the post of Public Relations and Organizing secretary. The assembly equally endorsed Comrade Divine Ajong as coordinator for Texas region, Stephen Agbor Ebang for Illinois. Mudoh Mansfield and John Fomunyoh two elders in the struggle, gave fatherly advice to the youths guarding them against asylum racketeering, an ill which according to Pa Mansfield has helped to discredit the SCNC. The SCYL maiden meeting ended with an American Auction Sale, with an SCYL T shirt selling for $200. The National Secretary general departs the US tomorrow after three weeks of intense SCYL and State activities.
National Press and Communications Secretary Martin Ngang
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SCNC /SCYL ASYLUM REPORT 2007 BY THE MINISTRY OF EXTERNAL RELATIONS...

Sunday, April 27, 2008
Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 Directie Personenverkeer, Migratie- en Vreemdelingenzaken afdeling Asiel- en Migratiezaken 070 348 5964 Inhoudsopgave Pagina 1 Inleiding 3 2 Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) 4 2.1 Wat is de SCNC? 4 2.2 Ontstaansgeschiedenis SCNC 4 2.3 Ontwikkelingen binnen de SCNC 7 2.4 Lidmaatschap 11 3 Positie (leden van) SCNC 13 3.1 Juridische en maatschappelijke status 13 3.2 Mensenrechtenschendingen 15 3.2.1 Vrijheid van vereniging en vergadering 15 3.2.2 Vrijheid van meningsuiting 16 3.2.3 Arrestaties en detenties 17 3.3 Risicos bij terugkeer 20 Lijst van geraadpleegde bronnen 21 Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 3 1 Inleiding In dit thematische ambtsbericht Kameroen wordt de situatie van (leden van) de Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) beschreven, voor zover deze van belang is voor enerzijds de beoordeling van asielverzoeken van personen die afkomstig zijn uit Kameroen en anderzijds besluitvorming over terugkeer. Dit thematisch ambtsbericht is gebaseerd op informatie van openbare en vertrouwelijke bronnen. Bij de opstelling is gebruik gemaakt van informatie van verschillende organisaties van de Verenigde Naties, niet-gouvernementele organisaties, vakliteratuur en berichtgeving in de media. Een overzicht van de geraadpleegde openbare bronnen is opgenomen in de literatuurlijst. Bovendien liggen bevindingen ter plaatse en vertrouwelijke rapportages van de Nederlandse vertegenwoordiging in Kameroen aan dit thematisch ambtsbericht ten grondslag. In het thematisch ambtsbericht wordt veelvuldig verwezen naar geraadpleegde openbare bronnen. Daar waar openbare bronnen zijn vermeld, wordt de tekst in veel gevallen ook ondersteund door informatie die op vertrouwelijke basis is ingewonnen. In hoofdstuk twee wordt ingegaan op de ontstaansgeschiedenis van en ontwikkelingen binnen de SCNC. Een aparte paragraaf wordt gewijd aan het lidmaatschap van de SCNC. Hoofdstuk drie gaat in op de positie van (leden van) de SCNC. Na een beschrijving van de juridische en maatschappelijke status van de SCNC, komen mensenrechtenschendingen jegens (leden van) de SCNC aan de orde. Mensenrechtenschendingen worden alleen beschreven voor zover deze hun
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oorzaak hebben in SCNC-lidmaatschap van de betrokkenen. Tot slot worden de risicos bij terugkeer van leden van de SCNC nader belicht. Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 4 2 Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) 2.1 Wat is de SCNC? Verschillende bronnen noemen de SCNC een politieke pressiegroep of afscheidingsbeweging.1 De SCNC zelf geeft aan inderdaad te streven naar afscheiding van het westelijke, anglofone, deel van Kameroen (de Southern Cameroons). De SCNC beroept zich daarbij op het recht van zelfbeschikking.2 De SCNC heeft niet de status van geregistreerde politieke partij. (zie verder paragraaf 3.1) 2.2 Ontstaansgeschiedenis SCNC3 Ontstaan Republiek Kameroen Vanaf 1884 was Kameroen een protectoraat van Duitsland. Na de Eerste Wereldoorlog werd het protectoraat opgedeeld, waarbij viervijfde deel onder Frans bestuur kwam en nvijfde deel (in het westen) onder Brits bestuur. Op grond van het in februari 1961 onder VN-auspicin gehouden referendum in Brits Kameroen ging het zuidelijke deel van Brits Kameroen (Southern Cameroons) op 1 oktober 1 Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), Country Profile 2007 Cameroon, augustus 2007, p. 9; Britse ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken (Home Office), Country of Origin Information Report Cameroon, 28 augustus 2007; US Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 maart 2007; Europa Publications, Africa South of the Sahara Cameroon, 2007. 2 US Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 maart 2007; EIU, Country Profile 2007 Cameroon, augustus 2007; The Herald Cameroon, ACC laid the solid foundation for Anglophones articulation of their grievances Sam Ekontang Elad, chairman of 1993 All Anglophone Conference, AAC, 14-15 april 2003; Europa Publications, Africa South of the Sahara Cameroon, 2007; UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), The right of peoples to self-determination and its application to peoples under colonial or alien domination or foreign occupation. Written statement submitted by the International Federation for the Protection of the Rights of Ethnic, Linguistic and other Minorities, a non-governmental organisation on the roster, E/CN.4/2005/NGO/253, 8 maart 2005. Zie ook www.scncforsoutherncameroons.net/thescnc of www.unpo.org/member_profile.php?id=59. 3 Informatie in deze paragraaf is met name afkomstig uit EIU, Country Profile 2007 Cameroon, augustus 2007; Home Office, Country of Origin Information Report Cameroon, 28 augustus 2007; Europa Publications, Africa South of the Sahara Cameroon, 2007; E/CN.4/2005/NGO/253; The Herald Cameroon, 1 October SCNC anniversary: A legitimate objective with irresolute pursuit, 28 30 september 2007; IRIN, Secessionist minority anglophone group silenced, 19 februari 2007; www.unpo.org/member_profile.php?id=59; www.southerncameroonsig.org. Voor een uitgebreider overzicht van de geschiedenis van Kameroen, zie algemene ambtsberichten Kameroen van februari 2003 en mei 2004. 148
Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 5 1961 samen met de Republiek van Kameroen (het voormalige Franse deel, sinds 1960 onafhankelijk).4 Samen vormden zij de Federale Republiek Kameroen, met het voormalig Franse deel als Eastern State en het voormalig zuidelijk Brits Kameroen als Western State.5 In een nationaal gehouden referendum in 1972 sprak de Kameroense bevolking, dus inclusief het anglofone deel, zich in overgrote meerderheid uit voor een eenheidsstaat. Daarmee veranderde de Federale Republiek Kameroen in de Verenigde Republiek Kameroen, met Ahmadou Ahidjo als president.6 Het huidige Kameroen heeft ongeveer 18 miljoen inwoners.7 Anglofoon Kameroen kent een bevolkingsaantal van 4 tot 5 miljoen. Onder hen bevinden zich tussen de 600.000 en 1,5 miljoen Nigerianen.8 Anglofoon-nationalistische sentimenten Anglofoon-nationalistische sentimenten en bewegingen ontwikkelden zich na de oprichting van de eenheidsstaat (onder een npartijenstelsel). Met name in het anglofone deel was sinds het referendum van 1972 onvrede ontstaan over de autocratische wijze waarop president Ahidjo regeerde. Sommige anglofonen waren van mening dat de afspraken en modaliteiten voor hereniging niet werden nageleefd en dat dit in hun nadeel was. Deze sentimenten werden in 1984 verder aangewakkerd toen de nieuwe president, Paul Biya9, zonder volksraadpleging besloot de naam van het land te veranderen in de Republiek Kameroen, de naam van het onafhankelijke Franse deel in 1960. Anglofone activisten vreesden francofone overheersing, met het uit de Franse koloniale periode daterende bestuurssysteem en de daaruit voortvloeiende uitholling van de binnen de stammen van de Western State nog heersende sociaal-culturele gezagsvormen en tradities. De meeste anglofone bewegingen pleitten voor terugkeer naar de tweestatige federatie. Zo ook de door mensenrechtenactivist Albert Womah Mukong in 1991 4 Het noordelijke deel van Brits Kameroen (Northern Cameroons) koos ervoor zich te voegen bij buurland (en voormalig Britse kolonie) Nigeria. 5 Later is deze Western State bestuurlijk opgedeeld in de provincies North-West en South-West. 6 In 1961 was Ahidjo reeds gekozen tot president van de (francofone) Republiek Kameroen en werd later president van de Federatie. 7 EIU, Country Profile 2007 Cameroon, augustus 2007; Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), The World Factbook Cameroon, 14 november 2007; via www.cia.gov. 8 Schattingen van het totaal aantal Nigerianen in Kameroen variren van 1,2 tot 3 miljoen. Ongeveer de helft daarvan zou zich in anglofoon Kameroen bevinden. 9 Bij zijn aftreden in 1982 benoemde Ahidjo de toenmalige premier Paul Biya tot zijn opvolger. In januari 1984 werd Biya, als enige kandidaat, herkozen. Zie algemeen ambtsbericht Kameroen, mei 2004. Biya is inmiddels 25 jaar aan de macht. Zijn huidige (volgens de wet ook laatste) termijn loopt in 2011 af. EIU, Country Profile 2007 Cameroon, augustus 2007. Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 6 opgerichte Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM). Dr. Enonchong, de eerste voorzitter, liet de CAM, registreren als een sociaal-culturele vereniging, zonder
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politieke affiniteiten. Met deze status was de CAM in staat begin april 1993 de All Anglophone Conference (AAC) in Bua (South-West) te organiseren. Aan deze bijeenkomst namen exponenten van de anglofone elite, traditionele leiders en leden van al bestaande anglofone (splinter)groeperingen deel. Het doel was een bijdrage te leveren aan de dialoog betreffende constitutionele hervormingen die de regering-Biya had aangekondigd en waartoe een commissie in het leven was geroepen. De AAC-bijeenkomst resulteerde in een aan die commissie gerichte concepttekst met federaal getinte uitgangspunten (de Bua Declaration). Tijdens de AAC werd tevens besloten alle andere bestaande en/of toekomstige anglofone groeperingen als geassocieerden onder de CAM-koepelorganisatie te laten scharen. Dit mede gezien de legale status die de CAM zich had weten te verwerven en de Kameroense wetten die uitingen van separatisme strafbaar stellen (zie paragraaf 3.1). Daartoe aangezet door enkele meer radicale geassocieerden, zoals de Free West Cameroon Movement (FWCM), wiens streven was gericht op volledige afscheiding van de Republiek10, maakte de CAM in december 1993 officieel bekend in beginsel de terugkeer naar de voormalige Western State na te streven, en daartoe op een minnelijke wijze met de regering-Biya in onderhandeling te willen treden. Hierop werd van de kant van de regering geen reactie ontvangen. Tijdens de tweede belegde AAC-bijeenkomst in 1994, ditmaal in Bamenda (North-West), werd overeenstemming bereikt over de oprichting van een Anglophone Council, aangestuurd vanuit de CAM door de Anglophone Advisory Committee. De Anglophone Council kreeg de bevoegdheid om onderhandelingen met de regering-Biya aan te gaan, met als oogmerk de federale bestuursstructuren van de periode 1961 1972 opnieuw in te stellen. Indien hieraan binnen een redelijke termijn niet werd voldaan, zou namens de Southern Cameroons volledige onafhankelijkheid worden afgekondigd (de Bamenda Declaration). Van regeringszijde bleef wederom enigerlei reactie op de genoemde concepttekst uit. In augustus 1994 werden benamingen van enkele organen binnen de CAM omgedoopt: de AAC werd de Southern Cameroons Peoples Conference (SCPC); de Anglophone Advisory Committee werd de Southern Cameroons Advisory Council (SCAC) en de Anglophone Council werd de Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC). Ook een motto werd gentroduceerd: The force of argument, not the argument of force. 10 FWCM was, samen met de Ambazonian Movement (AM), een van de eerste anglofone verzetsbewegingen. De grondlegger van de AM, Fon Gorji Dinka, pleitte ervoor de annexatie met alle rechtsmiddelen te bestrijden, met als oogmerk de oprichting van een onafhankelijke West-Kameroense staat, genaamd Ambazonia. Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 7 In oktober 1995 presenteerde de SCNC, onder leiding van Sam Ekotang Elad, Simon Munzu en Carlson Ayangwe, het onafhankelijkheidsprogramma voor de Southern Cameroons. Tegelijkertijd werd 1 oktober 1996 benoemd als streefdatum voor de implementatie van de Bamenda Declaration: het bereiken van de volledige afscheiding van La Rpublique.11 Voor de regering was hiermee de maat vol. De CAM-activiteiten vielen niet langer te rijmen met de oorspronkelijke doelstellingen van de vereniging waaraan in 1992 een legale status was toegekend. Deze status werd de CAM in oktober 1995 van overheidswege ontnomen. Als gevolg daarvan werden de anglofone groeperingen die zich als geassocieerden onder de CAM-koepelorganisatie hadden geschaard en de organen van de CAM (SCPC, SCAC en de SCNC) als (geledingen van) een illegaal verklaarde 150
organisatie aangemerkt. (zie ook paragraaf 3.1) 2.3 Ontwikkelingen binnen de SCNC Het wegvallen van de koepelorganisatie CAM werkte fragmentatie in de hand. De daardoor ontstane gezagsleemte vormde de voedingsbodem voor interne conflicten tussen facties, die allen streefden naar de verwerving van het leiderschap binnen de anglofone beweging. De ontstane gezagsleemte werd aanvankelijk, zij het ten dele, opgevuld door de Southern Cameroons Restoration Movement (SCARM), terwijl meer activistisch ingestelde jongeren zich schaarden onder de banier van Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL).12 In tegenstelling tot de toenmalige gematigde SCNCleiding (van Fossung, zie hieronder), beoogden beide organisaties, ter afdwinging van het gestelde doel en in weerwil van het SCNC-motto, een meer gewelddadige aanpak. Uit de SCYL-geledingen kwam nadien de Southern Cameroons Defence Force (SOCADEF) voort.13 11 Die afscheiding is tot dusverre niet bereikt, maar elk jaar vindt op deze datum de onafhankelijkheidsviering plaats, die gepaard gaat met demonstraties. Zie paragraaf 3.2. 12 Zie www.scylforfreedom.org. 13 Zie www.scylforfreedom.org. Daarnaast ontpopte zich nog de Revolutionary High Command Council (REHCCO) volgens de SCYL-website is de REHCCO het executive committee van de SCYL en diende zich de Southern Cameroons Font of Action (SOCAFA) aan, die langs de lijnen van SOCADEF wenste te opereren. Andere groeperingen die zich destijds als geassocieerden onder de CAM-koepelorganisatie hadden geschaard, onttrokken zich geleidelijk aan de nieuwe structuur, zoals de Southern Cameroons Democratic Movement (SCDM), de Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation (SCAPO) en de Ambazonian Liberation Party (ALIP). Over deze groeperingen wordt, net als van SOCADEF en SCARM, tegenwoordig zo goed als niets meer vernomen. Naar verluidt opereren ze ondergronds. Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 8 Op grond van de uitslag van de door de SCNC op 1 juni 1996 te Bua tijdens een algemene ledenvergadering gehouden bestuursverkiezing werden Sam Ekotang Elad, Simon Munzu en Carlson Ayangwe buiten spel gezet.14 Het leiderschap ging naar Dr. J.N. Foncha, voormalig vice-president van de Federale Republiek Kameroen en SCAC-voorman, terwijl de gematigde Henry Fossung, oudambassadeur van Kameroen tijdens de federale periode, tot nationaal voorzitter van de SCNC werd benoemd, belast met de dagelijkse gang van zaken.15 In oktober 1998 trok Dr. Foncha zich om gezondheidsredenen terug en droeg zijn taken over aan Henry Fossung. Omdat in Fonchas vervanging niet werd voorzien, was aldus ook de rol van de SCAC feitelijk uitgespeeld. Daarentegen was de positie van Fossung prominenter geworden, wat zowel binnen de SCNC (vooral bij de meer radicale geledingen) als daarbuiten naijver uitlokte. Fossung had in zijn woning te Bua (South-West) het SCNC-hoofdkwartier gevestigd en trok, mede vanwege zijn kwakkelende gezondheid, Thomas Nwancham aan om in de hoedanigheid van secretaris-generaal de SCNC-belangen te Bamenda (North-West) te behartigen. Met actieve inbreng van Nwancham, echter zonder medeweten van Fossung, werd in april 2000 te Bamenda een constituerende vergadering belegd. Tijdens deze bijeenkomst werd voormalig rechter Ebong16 voorgedragen om het presidentschap van de Southern Cameroons
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te vervullen, wat in de daaropvolgende maand werd bekrachtigd. Op 20 juni 2001 werd te Bamenda de samenstelling afgekondigd van de voorlopige regering van de Federal Democratic Republic of the Southern Cameroons.17 Nwancham werd benoemd tot secretaris-generaal van deze formatie, met standplaats Bamenda. Andere deelnemers waren Nfor Ngala Nfor, Dr. Martin Luma, Chief Otun Ayamba, Augustine Ndangam, Hitler Mbinglo en Frida Lotongo. Allen hadden in eerdere stadia naam gemaakt door hun zeer radicale stellingname en een provocerende gedragswijze. 14 Dit is de eerste, maar ook laatste keer dat via een officile en democratische weg tijdens een ledenvergadering een SCNC-bestuur is gekozen. 15 The Herald Cameroon, ACC laid the solid foundation for Anglophones articulation of their grievances Sam Ekontang Elad, chairman of 1993 All Anglophone Conference, AAC, 14-15 april 2003. 16 Enkele jaren daarvoor werd op instigatie van Ebong, buiten medeweten van SCNCvoorzitter Fossung, in de nacht van 30 op 31 december 1999 het personeel van een privradiostation te Bua door SCNC-activisten overmand. Middels een door Ebong ingesproken geluidsband werd een onafhankelijkheidsverklaring uitgezonden. Een zestal personen, waaronder Ebong en de toen 80-jarige Chief Otun Ayamba, werd kort nadien gearresteerd en in Yaound gedetineerd. Wegens gebrek aan bewijs werden zij door een militair tribunaal na 14 maanden op vrije voeten gesteld. The Herald Cameroon, SCNC secessionists: Fred Ebong, Ayamba, four others freed!, 19-20 maart 2001. 17 Volgens de website www.southerncameroonsig.org bestaat er nog steeds een Southern Cameroons interim government in exile. De website geeft echter niet aan waar deze regering-in-ballingsschap zich bevindt en wie er zitting in heeft. Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 9 Ofschoon Fossung zich bleef beroepen op het SCNC-voorzitterschap, was zijn gezag zodanig van binnenuit ondermijnd, dat hij zijn leidende rol om op vreedzame wijze de dialoog te blijven voeren met de regering-Biya medio 2002 opgaf. Dr. Martin Luma nam het SCNC-voorzitterschap over. Een vijftal maanden later, na Lumas overlijden (april 2003), benoemde de populistische Chief Ayamba zichzelf tot nationaal voorzitter.18 De afgelopen jaren is de SCNC nog meer verdeeld geraakt. Dat heeft geleid tot het ontstaan van een flink aantal facties, elk met een eigen leider of leiders, die elk beweren namens de SCNC te handelen.19 In de huidige situatie is er dus geen sprake van een centrale organisatie of leiding. De verdeeldheid heeft vooral te maken met onenigheid over de manier waarop en het tempo waarin de beoogde doelstellingen bereikt moeten worden. Deze doelstellingen variren tegenwoordig van afscheiding en onafhankelijkheid tot grotere autonomie binnen n staat. Het merendeel van de facties staat de ongewapende benadering voor, al roept een enkele factie op tot gewapende strijd. Er bestaan daarin verschillen tussen de leden uit de provincies North-West en South-West, tussen gematigde en radicale leden en 152
tussen de jongere en de oudere generatie. Ook beschuldigen de verschillende leiders elkaar van financieel wanbeheer.20 De volgende facties kunnen op dit moment onderscheiden worden: 1. Factie van Chief Ayamba. Deze factie staat momenteel als meest radicaal en populistisch bekend. Voorzitter Ayamba zetelt in Memfe en is hoogbejaard. Nfor Ngala Nfor is vice-voorzitter en de facto belast met de dagelijkse leiding. Hij reist geregeld naar het buitenland om de SCNC te vertegenwoordigen in internationale fora (zie paragraaf 3.1). Vincent Feko is secretaris-generaal. Hitler Mbinglo en Stephen Kongsno behoren ook tot het bestuur van deze factie en zijn zone-vertegenwoordigers in respectievelijk North-West en South-West.21 18 The Herald Cameroon, ACC laid the solid foundation for Anglophones articulation of their grievances Sam Ekontang Elad, chairman of 1993 All Anglophone Conference, AAC, 14-15 april 2003. 19 De factie die zich daarbij het meest radicaal en populistisch opstelt en zich als zodanig publicitair profileert, wordt door de SCNC-aanhang, maar ook vaak door derden, beschouwd als leider van de SCNC. 20 The Herald Cameroon, 1 October SCNC anniversary: A legitimate objective with irresolute pursuit, 28 30 september 2007; The Herald Cameroon, ACC laid the solid foundation for Anglophones articulation of their grievances Sam Ekontang Elad, chairman of 1993 All Anglophone Conference, AAC, 14-15 april 2003. The Herald Cameroon, The SCNC and its leadership conundrum, 14-15 april 2003. 21 Zie onder andere The Post, Irrate youths seize SCNC office, 15 september 2003. Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 10 2. Factie van voormalig rechter Frederick Alobwede Ebong. De eveneens radicale factie van Ebong zou als standplaats Lagos, Nigeria, hebben.22 Een andere bron meent echter dat Ebong inmiddels is teruggekeerd naar Kameroen. Volgens een artikel in The Post bevond Ebong (the proclaimed leader of the Southern Cameroons) zich in april 2007 nog in de VS.23 3. Factie van Henry Fossung. Fossung, gevestigd te Bua, is voorstander van een politieke dialoog en vreedzame co-existentie. Fossung ondertekent nog altijd brieven als nationale voorzitter van de SCNC. 4. Factie van Ebenezer Mbongo Akwanga Jr. Akwanga is oprichter en leider van de radicale SCYL.24 Akwanga is volgens meerdere bronnen (ook) president van de Federal Democratic Republic of the Southern Cameroons, hoewel daar niets over staat vermeld in zijn biografie op de SCYL-website. Volgens dezelfde website en een andere bron woont Akwanga in de VS. 25 Andere bronnen geven aan dat hij zich, na zijn ontsnapping uit de gevangenis in 2003 (zie paragraaf 3.2.3), in ballingschap te Abuja bevindt. Volgens een bron is Thomas Nwacham uitvoerend secretaris-generaal, met standplaats Bamenda. De SCYLwebsite noemt Lucas Cho Ayaba als secretaris-generaal. Benedict Nwana Kuah is de strategisch commandant van de SCYL en volgens het
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organogram verantwoordelijk voor SOCADEF. Het internationale secretariaat, onder leiding van Julius Che, bevindt zich in Den Haag. Het motto van de SCYL is: Total and unconditional independence. SCYL geeft op zijn website nadrukkelijk aan dat de SCYL gn jongerenvleugel van de SCNC was, is of ooit zal zijn.26 Verschillende bronnen geven daarentegen aan dat de SCYL wl onderdeel uitmaakt van de SCNC, maar ze in de praktijk onafhankelijk van elkaar opereren. 5. Factie van Larry Eyongchow. Dit is de zogenaamde Ambazonian factie, eveneens gevestigd in de VS. 6. Factie van Arnold Yombang. Over deze factie is verder niets bekend. 7. Factie van Isaac Oben. Over de standplaats is niets bekend, maar de factie staat bekend als pro-regering en streeft naar een federale oplossing en dialoog met de overheid in plaats van naar afscheiding. 8. Factie van Achem Joseph Ashu. Deze factie, met standplaats Kumba (South-West), heeft zich in 2007 geopenbaard onder de naam Southern Cameroons Liberation Movement SOCALIM en is volgens de factie zelf 22 The Herald Cameroon, 8 oktober 2003. 23 The Post, US SCNC leadership in crisis?, 16 april 2007. 24 Zie de website van de SCYL: www.scylforfreedom.org. 25 Zie www.scylforfreedom.org. 26 Zie www.scylforfreedom.org. Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 11 de vervanger van de SCNC.27 Father Andrew Ambeazieh (gevestigd in Bamenda) is secretaris-generaal van deze factie en noemt zichzelf (dus ook) secretaris-generaal van de SCNC. 2.4 Lidmaatschap Wegens de fragmentatie is het zeer moeilijk te achterhalen wie daadwerkelijk lid is van de SCNC. Ten eerste kent de SCNC geen centrale administratie of een register waarin afgifte van lidmaatschapskaarten wordt bijgehouden. Volgens een bron is dat een bewuste keuze, omdat men geen lijst van namen wil hebben die de politie zou kunnen gebruiken na een inval. Ten tweede geven de facties allemaal lidmaatschapskaarten uit, die volgens de eigen factie lidmaatschap van de SCNC aantonen. Officieel kosten lidmaatschapskaarten 500 CFA en moeten deze jaarlijks voor wederom 500 CFA vervangen worden.28 Daar bovenop betalen leden elke maand 200 CFA contributie. Volgens een bron staat lidmaatschap van de SCNC, welke factie dan ook, open voor eenieder die afkomstig is uit de Southern Cameroons. Hoe die afkomst wordt vastgesteld is onbekend. De SCYL geeft aan dat ook personen met een andere nationaliteit lid kunnen worden.29 Anders dan de naam doet vermoeden, kent het lidmaatschap van de SCYL geen leeftijdsgrens.30 Het komt voor dat mensen in het bezit zijn van zowel een lidmaatschapskaart van de SCNC als van de SCYL. Ten derde is het voor eenieder zeer eenvoudig om een lidmaatschapskaart van de SCNC te bemachtigen, omdat reeds ondertekende en gestempelde lidmaatschapskaarten in enkele steden, met name in North-West, op straat te koop zijn. 27 Zie bijvoorbeeld de door SOCALIM gebruikte website www.unttscnc.org. In de door deze factie opgestelde communiqus wordt aangegeven dat SOCALIM de UNTT/SCNC (United 154
Nations Trust Territory of the Southern Cameroons National Council) of SCNC vervangt (ligt aan welk communiqu wordt gelezen). Zie bijvoorbeeld het op de website gepubliceerde communiqu van 31 oktober 2007 (de link is overigens gedateerd op 1 oktober 2007). Dit komt niet overeen met wat op de officile website van de SCNC www.scncforsoutherncameroons.net/thescnc staat. 28 In de praktijk zou het bedrag variren van CFA 3.000 tot CFA 10.000 per kaart. 29 Zie www.scylforfreedom.org link FAQ. 30 Zie www.scylforfreedom.org link prisoners of freedom. Daarop staan personen met leeftijden die variren tussen de 20 en 50. Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 12 Resultaat is dat lidmaatschapskaarten onderling van elkaar verschillen. Zo zijn er witte, blauwe en groene lidmaatschapskaarten in omloop, die onderling van elkaar verschillende SCNC-stempelafdrukken dragen. Volgens verschillende bronnen schrijft de SCNC31, indien daarom wordt gevraagd en daarvoor wordt betaald, zogenaamde letters of recommendation die onder meer SCNC-lidmaatschap van de aanvrager bevestigen. Dit betreft leden, maar zeker ook niet-leden en zelfs buitenlanders, zoals Nigerianen. Er vindt geen controle plaats of de aanvrager ook daadwerkelijk lid is. Dat kan ook niet vanwege het gebrek aan registers. Dergelijke brieven worden overigens ook door derden, zoals advocaten, geschreven en verstrekt. Daarnaast zijn ook vervalsingen van dergelijke brieven in omloop. Volgens verschillende bronnen komt het voor dat lidmaatschapskaarten en/of brieven bewust ter ondersteuning van een toekomstig asielverzoek worden gekocht.32 Schattingen van het aantal actieve SCNC-leden in Kameroen variren tussen 200 en 3000 personen.33 Daaronder bevinden zich studenten, journalisten, advocaten, mensenrechtenactivisten, lokale ambtenaren, maar ook gewone burgers. Leden zijn van alle leeftijden en ook vrouwen zijn lid, maar de SCNC bestaat voornamelijk uit oudere mannen. De meeste leden zijn te vinden in de grotere steden Bua, Kumba, Memfe en Tiko (alle gelegen in South-West) en Bamenda (North-West). Het aantal leden is de laatste jaren afgenomen. Dat zou mede te wijten zijn aan de voortgaande fragmentatie binnen de SCNC. Daarnaast heeft de SCNC aanhang in het buitenland. De diaspora zou zelfs groter zijn dan de SCNC in Kameroen.34 In sommige landen kunnen deze leden zich aansluiten bij een lokale tak van de SCNC, zoals in Nederland of de VS. 31 Met name de bestuursleden van de Ayamba-factie. 32 The Herald Cameroon, 1 October SCNC anniversary: A legitimate objective with irresolute pursuit, 28 30 september 2007. 33 Op zijn website geeft de SCYL aan dat zij meer dan 700.000 leden hebben. Zie www.scylforfreedom.org link FAQ. 34 The Herald Cameroon, 1 October SCNC anniversary: A legitimate objective with irresolute pursuit, 28 30 september 2007. Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 13 3 Positie (leden van) SCNC 3.1 Juridische en maatschappelijke status De Kameroense regering acht het streven van de SCNC naar afscheiding van de Southern Cameroons in strijd met de territoriale integriteit van Kameroen en daarmee in strijd met de wet.35 Daarom weigert de regering de SCNC te
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registreren als politieke partij en beschouwt het de SCNC als illegale organisatie.36 Op grond daarvan beperkt de regering de SCNC in een aantal in de wet gegarandeerde vrijheden (zie paragraaf 3.2).37 De regering typeert de SCNC ook wel als terreurorganisatie.38 Aanleiding hiervoor was de moord op twee soldaten en een officier van de gendarmerie bij de bestorming van enkele gendarmeriekazernes in maart 1997 (zie paragraaf 3.2.3) en de bestorming van het priv-radiostation en de daarna uitgezonden onafhankelijkheidsverklaring te Bua in december 1999 (zie paragraaf 2.3). De SCNC is van mening dat de Southern Cameroons geannexeerd is door het francofone deel van Kameroen en dat de anglofone bevolking gemarginaliseerd wordt door de francofone overheid, en noemt daarbij met name de onevenredige verdeling van de bestuurlijke macht.39 Volgens een bron bestaat er geen 35 Sectie 4 van de wet uit 1990 die de vrijheid van vergadering en vereniging reguleert, stipuleert dat Associations founded in support of a cause or in view of a purpose contrary to the Constitution, the law and the public policy, as well as those who purpose to undermine especially security, the integrity of the national territory, national unity, national integration or the republican character of the State shall be null and void. Sectie 111, paragraaf 1 (Secession) van de nieuwe strafwet uit 2007 stipuleert dat Whoever undertakes in whatever manner to infringe the territorial integrity of the Republic shall be punished with imprisonment for life. 36 US Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 maart 2007. 37 US Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 maart 2007. 38 The Herald Cameroon, 1 October SCNC anniversary: A legitimate objective with irresolute pursuit, 28 30 september 2007; UN Press Release, La Commission des droits de lhomme termine son dbat sur les droits conomiques, sociaux et culturels, 31 maart 2005. 39 US Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 maart 2007; EIU, Country Profile 2007 Cameroon, augustus 2007; The Herald Cameroon, ACC laid the solid foundation for Anglophones articulation of their grievances Sam Ekontang Elad, chairman of 1993 All Anglophone Conference, AAC, 14-15 april 2003; Europa Publications, Africa South of the Sahara Cameroon, 2007; UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), The right of peoples to self-determination and its application to peoples under colonial or alien domination or foreign occupation. Written statement submitted by the International Federation for the Protection of the Rights of Ethnic, Linguistic and other Minorities, a non-governmental organisation on the roster, Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 14 aantoonbaar discriminatoir verschil tussen francofonen en anglofonen bij de toekenning van hoge functies binnen de overheid. Zo kent de huidige regering een tiental anglofone kabinetsleden, zoals premier Inoni, een tweetal anglofone gouverneurs (van niet-anglofone provincies) en kent Kameroen honderden 156
anglofone magistraten en andere (hooggeplaatste) gezagsdragers binnen civiele en militaire geledingen.40 Bij de meeste anglofonen heerst er desondanks een gevoel van marginalisatie van de Southern Cameroons.41 De SCNC heeft zichzelf door zijn radicale, op afscheiding gerichte opstelling in een gesoleerde positie gemanoeuvreerd. Ook de voortgaande fragmentatie heeft daaraan bijgedragen.42 Slechts weinig anglofonen steunen daarom, passief dan wel actief, de doelstelling en de modus operandi van de huidige SCNC.43 De SCNC is sinds 2004 lid van de in Den Haag gezetelde Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO). Nfor Ngala Nfor neemt als vertegenwoordiger van de SCNC deel aan vergaderingen van de UNPO.44 UNPO treedt geregeld op als pleitbezorger van de SCNC binnen internationale fora, zoals de VN Mensenrechtencommissie en diens vervanger, de VN Mensenrechtenraad.45 Ook de non-gouvernementele organisatie International Federation for the Protection of the Rights of Ethnic, Religious, Linguistic and Other Minorities (IFPRERLOM) heeft ten behoeve van de SCNC petities bij de VN ingediend.46 Vaak vergezelt E/CN.4/2005/NGO/253, 8 maart 2005. Zie ook www.scncforsoutherncameroons.net/thescnc of www.unpo.org/member_profile.php?id=59. 40 Zie voor de benoeming van de twee gouverneurs: The Post, Enow Abrams back as governor, 7 december 2007. 41 US Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 maart 2007; EIU, Country Profile 2007 Cameroon, augustus 2007; The Herald Cameroon, ACC laid the solid foundation for Anglophones articulation of their grievances Sam Ekontang Elad, chairman of 1993 All Anglophone Conference, AAC, 14-15 april 2003; www.southerncameroonsig.org. 42 EIU, Country Profile 2007 Cameroon, augustus 2007; The Herald Cameroon, ACC laid the solid foundation for Anglophones articulation of their grievances Sam Ekontang Elad, chairman of 1993 All Anglophone Conference, AAC, 14-15 april 2003. 43 De doelstelling van de Ayamba-factie en van de SCYL, de twee meest radicale en provocerende facties die geregeld in het nieuws komen, is afscheiding, terwijl volgens een bron het merendeel van de inwoners van de provincie South-West de oplossing in een 10staten federatie ziet en het merendeel van de inwoners van North-West de oplossing in een 2staten federatie. Zie ook The Herald Cameroon, ACC laid the solid foundation for Anglophones articulation of their grievances Sam Ekontang Elad, chairman of 1993 All Anglophone Conference, AAC, 14-15 april 2003. 44 Zie www.unpo.com. 45 Zie www.unpo.com. The Post, NGO petitions on human rights violation case, 31 maart 2007; The Post, UNPO appeals for speedy trial of SCNC detainees, 14 september 2007. 46 UN General Assembly (GA), Implementation of general assembly resolution 60/251 of 15 March 2006 entitled Human Rights Council. Written statement submitted by the International Federation for the Protection of the Rights of Ethnic, Linguistic and other Minorities, a non-governmental organisation on the roster, A/HRC/4/NGO/132, 8 maart Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007
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15 Nfor Ngala Nfor deze organisaties en zou hij zelfs namens IFPRERLOM het woord hebben gevoerd in een vergadering van de VN Mensenrechtencommissie.47 Het is niet bekend of en zo ja, hoe, de in 2004 ingediende klacht bij de Mensenrechtencommissie van de Organisatie van Afrikaanse Eenheid (inmiddels Afrikaanse Unie) is afgewikkeld. Evenmin is iets bekend over de stand van zaken met betrekking tot de ingediende petities bij de VN.48 3.2 Mensenrechtenschendingen49 In algemene zin is de regering tot ongeveer 2004/2005, zonder handhaving van mensenrechtenbeginselen, hard opgetreden tegen leden van de SCNC, zeker rond de jaarlijkse onafhankelijkheidsviering op 1 oktober. Verschillende bronnen geven echter aan dat het regeringsbeleid jegens de SCNC de laatste jaren in positieve zin is veranderd. In de volgende paragrafen wordt daar nader op ingegaan. 3.2.1 Vrijheid van vereniging en vergadering De wet voorziet in vrijheid van vereniging en vergadering. In de praktijk wordt deze vrijheid soms beperkt. Publieke bijeenkomsten en demonstraties dienen wettelijk van tevoren te worden aangemeld bij de bevoegde overheidsinstantie, maar het is niet wettelijk verplicht van tevoren overheidsgoedkeuring te hebben voor het organiseren van dergelijke activiteiten. Echter, in de praktijk stellen bevoegde ambtenaren dat de overheid een vergunning moet verlenen aan of kan onthouden voor (de organisatie van) publieke bijeenkomsten. Aan personen of organisaties die kritisch staan ten opzichte van de overheid wordt vaak geen 2007; GA, Implementation of general assembly resolution 60/251 of 15 March 2006 entitled Human Rights Council. Written statement submitted by the International Federation for the Protection of the Rights of Ethnic, Linguistic and other Minorities, a non-governmental organisation on the roster, A/HRC/1/NGO/43, 28 June 2006; E/CN.4/2005/NGO/253; The Post, NGO petitions on human rights violation case, 31 maart 2007. 47 The Post, NGO petitions on human rights violation case, 31 maart 2007; UN Press Realease, La Commission des droits de lhomme termine son dbat sur les droits conomiques, sociaux et culturels, 31 maart 2005. 48 Zie ook algemeen ambtsbericht Kameroen, mei 2004. 49 Voor de visie van de Kameroense regering op de algemene situatie in Kameroen in 2006 ten aanzien van een aantal mensenrechten, zie Report by the ministry of Justice on Human Rights in Cameroon in 2006, oktober 2007. Het ministerie gaat daarin niet specifiek in op de situatie van leden van de SCNC, met uitzondering van de situatie van de gevangenen die sinds 1999 vastzitten voor de moord op een tweetal soldaten en een officier van de gendarmerie. Zie paragraaf 3.2.3. Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 16 vergunning verleend voor het organiseren van een bijeenkomst.50 Veiligheidsdiensten maken geregeld, soms op buitenproportionele wijze, gebruik van geweld bij het opbreken van demonstraties of publieke bijeenkomsten.51 Vanwege de doelstelling van afscheiding zijn demonstraties en publieke bijeenkomsten van de SCNC verboden en ook voor de manifestaties in aanloop 158
naar en rond de jaarlijkse onafhankelijkheidsviering op 1 oktober worden geen vergunningen verleend. Volgens meerdere bronnen is het voor de SCNC in de praktijk echter wel mogelijk om kleinschalige en besloten bijeenkomsten te houden of om te flyeren. Overheidsinstanties grijpen, volgens deze bronnen, pas in bij het gebruik van geweld, het verstoren van de openbare orde en/of bij het provoceren van de overheidsinstanties. In de afgelopen jaren zijn ongeoorloofde bijeenkomsten door veiligheidsdiensten (politie, gendarmerie) voorkomen of onderbroken. Daarbij werden SCNC-leden (soms preventief) gearresteerd en gedetineerd (zie verder paragraaf 3.2.3).52 3.2.2 Vrijheid van meningsuiting De grondwet voorziet in de vrijheid van meningsuiting. Dat recht wordt in de praktijk niet altijd gerespecteerd. Individuen en journalisten kunnen zowel publiekelijk als priv de overheid bekritiseren, maar een zekere mate van zelfcensuur wordt toegepast.53 Zoals eerder beschreven verzet de wet (en de regering) zich tegen openlijke discussie, dan wel promotie van afscheiding.54 Daardoor worden leden/aanhangers van de SCNC in hun vrijheid van meningsuiting beknot. Het zingen van het volkslied van de Southern Cameroons in het bijzijn van de autoriteiten of het hijsen van de vlag van de Southern Cameroons wordt gezien als provocerend gedrag en is dus niet toegestaan. Onafhankelijke Kameroense kranten, zoals The Post, The Herald en Le Messager, hebben echter altijd kunnen publiceren over de SCNC. Het valt op dat de laatste twee jaar de aandacht voor de SCNC in anglofone kranten sterk is verminderd (er verschijnen veel minder artikelen) en bij francofone kranten lijkt te zijn verdwenen. Volgens verschillende bronnen is dat 50 US Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 maart 2007. 51 US Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 maart 2007; EIU, Country Report Cameroon, november 2007. 52 US Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 maart 2007. 53 US Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 maart 2007; Freedom House, Freedom in the World Cameroon (2007), juli 2007 54 US Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 maart 2007. Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 17 kenmerkend voor de situatie: de (gefragmenteerde) SCNC wordt niet meer serieus genomen en wat er nog over te berichten valt, is oud nieuws. In Kameroen is het mogelijk om tegen betaling redactionele artikelen gepubliceerd te krijgen. De mogelijkheden hiertoe hangen af van het bedrag dat ervoor wordt geboden en de bereidheid van de dienstdoend eindredacteur die het artikel voor plaatsing aanneemt. Bij verschillende bronnen bestaat het sterke vermoeden dat bepaalde artikelen (op voorhand) geschreven zijn om toekomstige asielverzoeken te ondersteunen. Personen zouden met opzet hun naam, in combinatie met hun sympathie voor de SCNC, in de krant hebben laten zetten. 3.2.3 Arrestaties en detenties De grondwet stelt dat willekeurige arrestaties en detenties verboden zijn. Voorts
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schrijft de wet voor dat voor een arrestatie een arrestatiebevel nodig is, tenzij een verdachte op heterdaad wordt betrapt. De huidige strafwet schrijft tevens voor dat verdachten binnen een termijn van 24 uur (die drie keer kan worden verlengd) moeten worden voorgeleid. In de praktijk daarentegen komen willekeurige arrestaties en detenties geregeld voor en verblijven personen kortere of langere tijd in politiecellen of gevangenissen zonder te worden voorgeleid.55 Net als in voorgaande jaren zijn er gedurende 2006 in totaal bij diverse gelegenheden meer dan honderd SCNC-leden/aanhangers gearresteerd en gedetineerd. De meesten van hen werden gearresteerd tijdens ongeoorloofde bijeenkomsten en demonstraties, met name in aanloop naar en rond de onafhankelijkheidsviering van 1 oktober. Ook werd er een aantal personen gearresteerd wegens het hijsen van de vlag van de Southern Cameroons. De meeste arrestanten werden na enkele uren vrijgelaten, anderen werden langer (soms enkele dagen) en zonder formele aanklacht gedetineerd.56 Uit krantenberichten valt op te maken dat in de afgelopen jaren geregeld dezelfde personen van de SCNC gearresteerd worden. Dit zijn meestal (bestuurs-)leden van de meer radicale en zich in de ogen van de autoriteiten provocerend opstellende factie van Ayamba of de radicale SCYL. 55 US Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 maart 2007. 56 US Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 maart 2007; Amnesty International, Report 2007 Cameroon, 2007; Freedom House, Freedom in the World Cameroon (2007), juli 2007. Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 18 Gedurende 2006 werden ongeveer 70 SCNC-leiders, -leden en -aanhangers preventief gearresteerd.57 Meerdere bronnen bevestigen dat de veiligheidsdiensten bepaalde personen in aanloop naar 1 oktober preventief arresteren (zie ook hieronder). Dit betreft volgens hen notoire oproerkraaiers, vaak behorende tot de Ayamba-factie. Deze leden zijn vaak ook onderwerp van huiszoekingen en politietoezicht.58 Volgens enkele bronnen gebeurt dat (tegenwoordig) routinematig, zonder dat deze leden worden mishandeld. Volgens verschillende bronnen heeft de regering in 2007 naar aanleiding van de voortgaande fragmentatie en de afname van het aantal leden een nieuw en milder beleid jegens de SCNC ingezet. Dezelfde bronnen geven aan dat er in 2007 veel minder arrestaties plaatsvonden (in totaal ongeveer 35) en dat er sprake was van minder confrontaties tussen de autoriteiten en (leden van) de SCNC dan in voorgaande jaren. Ook de onafhankelijkheidsviering verliep in 2007 vergelijkenderwijs rustiger. Enkele personen zijn in aanloop naar en op 1 oktober (preventief) gearresteerd en bij enkele mensen zijn huiszoekingen gedaan.59 De arrestanten zijn een paar dagen later weer vrijgelaten. Eind januari 2007 verschenen er berichten dat op 20 januari 2007 in Bamenda de SCNC-top en 300 andere personen op gewelddadige wijze waren gearresteerd en gedetineerd naar aanleiding van de door de Ayamba-factie op die dag georganiseerde bijeenkomst.60 Deze bijeenkomst was zonder formele toestemming van de autoriteiten georganiseerd. Na als opruiend ervaren taal van Nfor Ngala Nfor greep de gendarmerie in. De arrestatie beperkte zich in eerste instantie tot de organisatoren van de conferentie, Nfor Ngala Nfor en Hitler Mbinglo, wegens het houden van een ongeoorloofde bijeenkomst, alsmede tot een tiental andere leden die zich in de ogen van de gendarmerie provocerend hadden opgesteld, zoals 160
Stephen Kongsno die het volkslied van de Southern Cameroons had aangeheven. De gendarmerie gaf te kennen dat het de overige aanwezigen (toehoorders en journalisten) vrij stond huns weegs te gaan. Uit sympathie bood een dertigtal activisten zich ook voor arrestatie aan. Een additionele groep van circa 50 personen begaf zich daarna te voet naar het gebouw van de gendarmerie om zich daar te laten arresteren, maar werd al aan de poort geweigerd.61 57 US Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 maart 2007. 58 US Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 maart 2007. 59 The Post, 5 SCNC activists arrested on October 1, 11 oktober 2007. 60 UNPO, Southern Cameroons, mass arrests, 21 januari 2007. 61 The Post, Troops storm SCNC conference, arrest Nfor Nfor, 40 others, 22 januari 2007; IRIN, Secessionist minority Anglophone group silenced, 19 februari 2007. Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 19 Volgens bronnen was van bovenmatig geweld gedurende de dag geen sprake; wel zou een activist klappen hebben opgelopen toen hij zich fysiek tegen zijn arrestatie verzette.62 De 30 vrijwillige arrestanten werden dezelfde dag nog vrijgelaten. De anderen hebben ruim anderhalve maand vastgezeten, zonder formele aanklacht, maar zijn later op borgtocht vrijgelaten. Dit vormde voor Nfor Ngala Nfor overigens geen belemmering om nadien naar het buitenland te reizen. Na meerdere keren te zijn uitgesteld, kwam de zaak uiteindelijk in december 2007 ter zitting. Bij gebrek aan bewijs achtte de rechter het tenlaste gelegde feit (publiekelijke aanzet/oproep tot afscheiding tijdens een op 20 januari 2007 gehouden persconferentie) niet bewezen, waarna alle verdachten werden vrijgesproken.63 Amnesty International Nederland houdt in samenwerking met Actienetwerk Mensenrechten Centraal Afrika een dossier over anglofone gevangenen in Kameroen bij.64 Dit dossier betreft de achttien personen die in 1999 (twee jaar na hun arrestatie) door een militair tribunaal schuldig zijn bevonden aan de moord op twee soldaten en een officier van de gendarmerie bij de bestorming van vijf gendarmeriekazernes in de nacht van 27 op 28 maart 1997. Acht van deze gevangenen zijn inmiddels vrijgelaten (de laatste vier in de zomer van 2007), vier gevangenen zijn in detentie overleden (aan ziekte, maar ook aan marteling) en n gevangene (SCYL-leider Akwanga) is in 2003 ontsnapt. Vijf gevangenen bevinden zich dus op dit moment nog in de gevangenis te Bamenda.65 Amnesty International maakt zich met name zorgen over het oneerlijke proces dat zij hebben gehad en de slechte leefomstandigheden in de gevangenis. Deze laatste zorg wordt overigens gedeeld door vele bronnen, waaronder de regering (die overigens de eerste zorg niet deelt66). De situatie in de gevangenissen in Kameroen is over het algemeen erg slecht. Ze zijn overbevolkt (vooral vanwege het grote aantal gevangenen dat wacht op voorgeleiding), onhyginisch en volstrekt 62 The Post, Troops storm SCNC conference, arrest Nfor Nfor, 40 others, 22 januari 2007; IRIN, Secessionist minority Anglophone group silenced, 19 februari 2007. 63 UNPO, Southern Cameroons: charges dropped, 12 december 2007; The Herald, 1718 december 2007; IRIN, Secessionist minority Anglophone group silenced, 19 februari
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2007; The Post, UNPO appeals for speedy trial of SCNC detainees, 14 september 2007; UNPO, Judge missing from own court, 20 november 2007. Mails d.d. 18 en 19 december 2007. 64 Amnesty International in samenwerking met Actienetwerk Mensenrechten Centraal Afrika, Dossier: Engelstalige gevangenen in Kameroen, Action File 65/98, oktober 2007, via www.amnesty.nl naar www.cafran.nl. 65 In mei 2006 zijn de betreffende gevangenen overgeplaatst van de centrale gevangenis in Yaound naar de centrale gevangenis in Bamenda. 66 Zie Kameroense ministerie van Justitie, Report by the ministry of Justice on Human Rights in Cameroon in 2006, oktober 2007, p. 188 en 192 e.v. Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 20 ontoereikend qua behuizing, voeding en medische zorg. Bovendien komen in de gevangenissen vormen van marteling en ander fysiek geweld voor.67 3.3 Risicos bij terugkeer Er zijn geen aanwijzingen dat gedwongen of vrijwillig terugkerende Kameroeners, inclusief ex-asielzoekers en/of SCNC-leden, worden lastiggevallen door de Kameroense autoriteiten. Betrokkenen lopen het risico op arrestatie indien hun naam op een signaleringslijst van verdachten/voortvluchtigen van strafbare feiten prijkt. Op zich is het aanvragen van asiel in het buitenland niet strafbaar en vormt bij terugkeer in beginsel geen aanleiding voor represailles of arrestatie van de kant van de overheid. Indien getwijfeld wordt aan de identiteit van de persoon, kan de verificatie enkele dagen duren, waarbij ze kunnen worden vastgehouden. 67 US Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 maart 2007; Amnesty International, Report 2007 Cameroon, 2007; Freedom House, Freedom in the World Cameroon (2007), juli 2007; IRIN, Rights group deplore prison conditions, 13 april 2007. Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 21 Lijst van geraadpleegde bronnen Amnesty International, Report 2007 Cameroon, 2007 Amnesty International in samenwerking met Actienetwerk Mensenrechten Centraal Afrika, Dossier: Engelstalige gevangenen in Kameroen, Action File 65/98, oktober 2007 Britse ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken (Home Office), Country of Origin Information Report Cameroon, 28 augustus 2007 Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), The World Factbook Cameroon, 14 november 2007 Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), Country Profile 2007 Cameroon, augustus 2007 Country Report Cameroon, november 2007 Europa Publications, Africa South of the Sahara Cameroon, 2007 Freedom House, Freedom in the World Cameroon (2007), juli 2007 Kameroense ministerie van Justitie, Report by the ministry of Justice on Human Rights in Cameroon in 2006, oktober 2007 United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), The right of peoples to self-determination and its application to peoples under colonial or alien 162
domination or foreign occupation. Written statement submitted by the International Federation for the Protection of the Rights of Ethnic, Linguistic and other Minorities, a non-governmental organisation on the roster, E/CN.4/2005/NGO/253, 8 maart 2005 United Nations General Assembly (GA), Implementation of general assembly resolution 60/251 of 15 March 2006 entitled Human Rights Council. Written statement submitted by the International Federation for the Protection of the Rights of Ethnic, Linguistic and other Minorities, a non-governmental organisation on the roster, A/HRC/4/NGO/132, 8 maart 2007 Implementation of general assembly resolution 60/251 of 15 March 2006 entitled Human Rights Council. Written statement submitted by the International Federation for the Protection of the Rights of Ethnic, Linguistic and other Minorities, a non-governmental organisation on the roster, A/HRC/1/NGO/43, 28 June 2006 Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 22 U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 maart 2007 Tijdschriftartikelen, krantenartikelen en persberichten uit/van - Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN) - The Herald Cameroon - The Post Cameroon - Volkskrant Websites - www.allafrica.com - www.amnesty.nl - www.amnesty.org - www.cafran.nl - www.cia.gov - www.europaworld.com - www.postnewsline.com - www.reliefweb.org - www.scncforsoutherncameroons.net - www.scylforfreedom.org - www.sdfparty.org - www.southerncameroonsig.org - www.unpo.org - www.unttscnc.org Thematisch ambtsbericht Kameroen: SCNC december 2007 23 - Kaart Kameroen "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 12:20PM (+02:00)
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Southern Cameroonian Murdered in Belgium

Friday, May 02, 2008
Source: http://www.lesoir.be/actualite/belgique/suicide-au-centre-ferme-de-2008-05-01595575.shtml Rdaction en ligne jeudi 01 mai 2008, 20:50 Un Camerounais sans papier sest suicid, jeudi, au centre ferm de Merksplas. Ebenizer Folefack Sontsa tait g de 32 ans. Il sest suicid durant une pause, aprs son repas, dans des toilettes, laide de draps. Il avait t plac en cellule disolement dimanche, a-t-on appris auprs de son avocat, Me Alexis Deswaef. Belga (archives) Lhomme avait fait lobjet dune tentative dexpulsion samedi pass, au cours de laquelle il aurait subi, selon son avocat, des violences. Un policier aurait plac son genou contre le cou du Camerounais. Des traces de violences taient apparentes, selon lavocat, sur le cou et les jambes de son client. Au cours de cette tentative dexpulsion, dans un avion de Brussels Airlines, un passager, Ngajui Fosso, qui devait rentrer Douala a entendu les cris du Camerounais quon allait expulser. Il a alors expliqu lhtesse quil ne pouvait pas voyager dans ces conditions . Dautres passagers auraient eux aussi protest. Quelques minutes plus tard, M. Fosso et deux autres passagers ont t emmens par des policiers et conduits dans une cellule de laroport. M. Fosso na t libr quune dizaine dheures plus tard. Il est interdit de vol par la compagnie arienne pendant six mois. La premire tentative dexpulsion est considre comme une invitation partir et il ne devrait pas y avoir usage de la force , a comment Me Alexis Deswaef. Une seconde tentative dexpulsion tait prvue pour lundi. M. Folefack na pas support la perspective dune seconde tentative dexpulsion et a mis fin ses jours , a expliqu son avocat. Pour Me Alexis Deswaef, le gouvernement belge est responsable de la mort de son client. Mercredi matin, les ministres Onkelinx et Milquet ont insist au sein du Kern pour tablir un moratoire sur les expulsions des personnes qui pourraient faire lobjet dune rgularisation selon les critres de laccord de gouvernement, mais le gouvernement a refus. M. Folefack avait de relles perspectives de rgularisation , a-t-il dclar. M. Folefack tait arriv en Belgique en 2005. Il avait introduit une demande dasile qui avait t refuse. Selon son avocat, il aurait pu tre rgularis sur base du critre de lancrage durable ou dun contrat de travail. 164
(Daprs Belga) Source: http://www.lesoir.be/actualite/belgique/suicide-au-centre-ferme-de-2008-05-01595575.shtml
Translated Version of Dutch Thematic Office Bulletin-Cameroon (Immi...

Thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007. Executive Board movement of persons, migration - and alien matter Asylum and Migration Affairs Division Telephone number: 070, 348, 5964 01/05/2008 Table of contents 1 introduction 2 Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) 2.1 What are the SCNC? 2.2 Brief History SCNC 2.3 developments within the SCNC 7, 2.4 memberships 3 position (members of) SCNC 3.1 legal and social statuses 3.2 human rights violations 3.2.1 Freedom of association and meeting 3.2.2 Freedom of opinion expression 3.2.3 Arrests and detentions 3.3 dangers at return 20 List of consulted sources 21 Thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007 3 .1 The Introduction in this thematic office bulletin about Cameroon gives the situation of (members of) the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) and described, as far as they are important, for, on the one hand the appraisal of asylum applications of persons who come from Cameroon and on the other side decisionmaking concerning return. 1 This thematic office bulletin has been based on information from public and confidential sources. From the elaboration it has used Information from several organisations: the United Nations, non-governmental Organisations, profession literature and reporting in the media. An overview of the consulted public sources has been incorporated in the literature list. Moreover, findings lie on the spot and confidential reports of the Dutch representation in Cameroon to this thematic office bulletin as basis. In the thematic office bulletin it
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is frequently referred to consulted public sources. Where public sources have been mentioned, the text is in many cases also supported by information which has been obtained on confidential basis. In chapter two it has discussed the evolution or history of and or the developments within the SCNC. A separate paragraph is dedicated to the Membership of the SCNC. Chapter three discusses the position of (members of) the SCNC. After a description of the legal and social status of the SCNC, human rights Violations come up for discussion towards (members of) the SCNC. Human rights violations are only described as far as the SCNC-membership of the people concerned. Finally the dangers are more closely examined for the return of members of the SCNC. Thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007 4 .2 Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) 2 2.1 What is the SCNC? Several sources call the SCNC a political pressure Group. The SCNC themselves indeed try to strive for a separate Anglophone Cameroon, as part of Cameroon (the Southern Cameroons). The SCNC do not call themselves thereby on the right of a political party. 2 the SCNC have the status of registered political movement (see further paragraph 1.3) 2. Back Ground History. SCNC 3 The republic of Cameroon as from 1884 was a protectorate of Germany. After the First World War, the Protectorate was subdivided, where four fiftieth parts went under French and one fiftieth part (in the west) under the British governing board. On the basis of February 1961 under UN-auspices Referendum, British Cameroon (Southern Cameroons) on 1 October 1961 went to form the Federal Republic of Cameroon. 1 Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), country Profile 2007 - Cameroon, august 2007, p. 9; British ministry of home affairs (home Office), country or Original Information report - Cameroon, 28 Augusts 2007; US Department of State, country reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 - Cameroon, 6; March 2007; Europe Publications, Africa South of the Sahara -Cameroon, 2007..2. US Department or State, country reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 - Cameroon, 6 March 2007; EIU, country Profile 2007 Cameroon, august 2007; The Herald Cameroon, ACC laid the solid foundation for Anglophones articulation or their grievances Sam Ekontang Elad, chairman of1993 All Anglophone conference, AAC, 14-15 April 2003 Europe Publications, Africa South or the Sahara - Cameroon, 2007; UN economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), The right or peoples to self-determination and its application to peoples under colonial or lien domination or foreign occupation. Written statement submitted by the international Federation for the Protection or the Rights or ethnic, Linguistic and other Minorities, organisation on the roster, E/CN. 4/2005/NGO/253, 8 March.2005th to see www.scncforsoutherncameroons.net/thescnc www.unpo.org/member_profile.php?id=59 3 information in this paragraph is from EIU, country Profile particularly originating 2007 - Cameroon, August 2007; Home Office, country or Origin Information report Cameroon, 28 august 2007; Europe Publications, Africa South or the 3 Sahara - Cameroon, 2007; E/CN.4/2005/NGO/253; The Herald Cameroon, 1 October SCNC anniversary: 166
A legitimate objective with irresolute pursuit, 28 - 30 September 2007; IRIN, Secessionist minority Anglophone group silenced, 19 February 2007; www.unpo.org/member_profile.php?id=59; www.southerncameroonsig.org for a faster overview of the history of Cameroon, to see general office bulletins Cameroon of February 2003 And May 2004 thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007 5.1961 join with the republic Cameroon (the former French part, since 1960 gained independent to form the federal republic Cameroon, with the former French part known as Eastern State and the Former Southern British Cameroon as a western State. 5 In a national Referendum in 1972, pronounced itself to the Cameroonian population, therefore including the Anglophone part, in majority for an Entity state. With that the federal republic changes Cameroon to the United republic of Cameroon, with Ahmadou Ahidjo as president. 6 Currently Cameroon has approximately 18 million inhabitants. 7 Anglophone Cameroon have now a population number of 4 to 5 millions. Under they are themselves sentiments. Between 600,000 and 1.5 million are Nigerians. 8 Anglophone-nationalist. Anglophone-nationalist sentiments and movements developed after the establishment of the entity state (under a one party scheme). Particularly in the Anglophone part since the referendum of 1972, dissatisfaction had arisen concerning the autocratic way in which president Ahidjo governed. Some Anglophone believed that the appointments and modalities for reunification were not observed and that this was in their disadvantage. These sentiments were further encouraged in 1984, when the new president, Paul Biya9, without a Referendum changed the name of the country to the republic of Cameroon, the name of the independent French part in 1960. Anglophone, activists feared Francophone predominance, as per the French colonial period- dating governing board system and from that the resulting gullying of the tribes within the western State where sociocultural authority and traditions forms are still dominating. 4 Most of the Anglophone movements pleaded for return to two states the federation. This way also acclaimed by human rights activist, Albert Womah Mukong in the 1991. 4 Northern parts of British Cameroon (Northern Cameroons) chose to join itself with neighbouring country (and former British colony) Nigeria. 5 This western State has been later subdivided administratively in the Provinces North-West and South-West. 6 In 1961, Ahidjo had been already chosen for president of (Francophone) the republic Cameroon and became later president of the federation. 7 EIU, country Profile 2007 - Cameroon, august 2007; Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), The World Facts book - Cameroon, 14 November 2007; by means of www.cia.gov. 8 Estimates of the total number of Nigerians in Cameroon vary of 1.2 up to 3 millions. Approximately half of them are resident in Anglophone Cameroon. 9 At its resign Ahidjo appointed in 1982 the then premier Paul Biya as his successor. In January 1984 Biya was re-elect, as the only candidate. General office bulletin see Cameroon, May 2004th Biya meanwhile is 25 years in power. To be current (according to the law, his last period expires in 2011). EIU, country Profile 2007 -Cameroon, august 2007th thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007 6 Set up Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM). Dr. Enonchong, let the first Presidency- CAM, registered as a socio-cultural association, without political
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affinities. With this status CAM were able in the beginning of April 1993 to organise the All Anglophone conference (AAC) in Bua (South-West). To this meeting were exponents of the Anglophone elite, traditional LEADERS and members of already existing Anglophone (splinter)groupings. The aim was to provide contributions to the dialogue concerning constitutional reforms which-Biya government had announced and to which a commission had been set up. AAC Gathering resulted in a concept text with federalism as the main points, addressed in that commission, (the Bua Declaration). During the AAC it was decided to let all other existing and/or future Anglophone groupings associated under Cam-as head organisation. This seen on the legal status acquired to himself. To this end incited by some more radical associations, such as the Free West Cameroon Movement (FWCM), whose strive is aimed at complete dissidence from la Republique. 5 10, In principle the return to the former western Cameroon ideology made CAM in December 1993 officially confessed to pursuing a State, and for talks in a friendly manner with president-Biya. However, on this front, no response was received on the side of the government response was received. During the Second convened AAC Assembly in 1994, this time in Bamenda (NorthWest), agreement were reached concerning the establishment of Anglophone Council, headed from the CAM by the Anglophone Advisory Committee. The Anglophone Council got the competence to contract negotiations with Biya's government. With an eye mark of the period 1961 1972 (the federal governing board structures to be establish). If it was not satisfied to this within reasonable period, on behalf of the Southern Cameroons, complete independence would be declared ( The Bamenda Declaration 1994).The government side stayed away again no response to the said concept text. In august 1994 denominations of some agencies were renamed within the CAM: the AAC became the Southern Cameroons People's conference (SCPC); the Anglophone Advisory Committee became the Southern Cameroons Advisory Council (SCAC) and the Anglophone Council became the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC). Also a motto was introduced: "The force or argument, not the argument or force". 10 FWCM were, with the Ambazonian Movement (AM), of the first Anglophone resistance movements. The founder of the AM, Fon Gorji Dinka, pleaded with all legal remedies "annexation" to fight, with as eye mark the establishment of independent West-Cameroon, called Ambazonia .Thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007. 7In October 1995 the SCNC presented, under the guidance of Sam Ekotang Elad, Simon Munzu and Carlson Ayangwe, the independence programme for the Southern Cameroons. At the same time 1 October 1996 appointed as a decision date for the implementation of the Bamenda Declaration: reaching the complete dissidence from la republique 11 for the government was the half-measure full. Cam-activities could be no longer rhymed with the original objectives of the association to which in 1992, a legal status had been granted. This status was by the government taken away the CAM in October 1995. 6 As a consequence the Anglophone groupings which became associated under Cammother organisation had spawned themselves and the agencies of the CAM (SCPC, 168
SCAC and the SCNC) as (sections of) an illegal explained organisation as commented (to see also paragraph 3.1) 2. Developments within the SCNC: The disappearance of the mother organisation CAM paved the way to fragmentation. As a result, the arisen authority gap formed the feeding floor for internal conflicts between factions, which all strived for power to the leadership within the Anglophone movement. The arisen authority gap initially, though partly, was filled up by the Southern Cameroons Restoration Movement (SCARM), whereas more Activist established young people itself bladed under the banner of Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL). 12 In contrast to the then moderate SCNC leadership (of Fossung, to see below), both organisations, to suppress the Scnc-motto, a more violent advocacy from Scylestablishment came afterwards the Southern Cameroons Defence Force (SOCADEF) see.13 11 That dissidence has not been reached so far, but each year take place on this date the ` independence celebration, which goes paired with demonstrations. _ see paragraph 3.2. 12 see www.scylforfreedom.org. 13 see www.scylforfreedom.org. moreover turn out to be itself still the Revolutionary high Command Council (REHCCO) - according to the Scyl-website be the REHCCO the ` executive committee ' of the SCYL - and announce itself the Southern Cameroons Font or action (SOCAFA), that along the line of SOCADEF wish to operate. Other groupings which then were associated under Cam-as main organisation had spawned themselves, withdrawn itself gradually from the new structure, such as the Southern Cameroons Democratic Movement (SCDM), the Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation (SCAPO) and the Ambazonian Liberation party (ALIP). Concerning these groupings, just like of SOCADEF and SCARM, present this way good as nothing it is more learned. According to reports they operate underground. Thematic office bulletin Cameroon SCNC December 2007 8 On the basis of the result loved by the SCNC on 1 June 1996 at Bua during a general member meeting, the governing board election- Sam Ekotang Elad, Simon Munzu and Carlson Ayangwe became leaders. 14 the leadership went to Dr. J.N. Foncha, former vice-president of the federal republic of Cameroon and whereas the moderate Henry Fossung, former ambassador 7 of Cameroon was appointed during the federal period, as national President of the SCNC, charged with the daily pace of business. 15 in October 1998 withdrew Dr. Foncha for health reasons and transferred its tasks to Henry Fossung. Because Foncha's replacement did not become a foreseen, thus also the role of the SCAC had been actually finished. On the other hand the position of Fossung had become more prominent, what provoked both within the SCNC (especially at the more radical sections) envy. Fossung in his house at Bua (South-West) Scnc-headquarters was established and drew, because of its being ailing health, Thomas Nwancham to look after in the quality of Secretary-General Scnc-business at Bamenda (North-West). With active input of Nwancham, however without knowledge of Fossung, in April 2000 at Bamenda, a constituting meeting was convened. During this meeting former judge Ebong16 was proposed to fulfil the presidency ship of the Southern Cameroons, what was ratified in the following month. On 20 June 2001 at Bamenda the composition was declared of the provisional government of the Federal Democratic Republic or
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the Southern Cameroons. 17Nwancham were appointed as Secretary-General of this formation, with duty station as Bamenda. Other ` participants were Nfor Ngala Nfor, Dr. Martin Luma, Chief Otun Ayamba, Augustine Ndangam, Hitler Mbinglo and Frida Lotongo. All had name at earlier stages proven to be radical. 14 This is the first, but time also holds that by means of official and democratic guns during a members meeting Scnc-board has been chosen. 15 The Herald Cameroon, ACC laid the solid foundation for Anglophones articulation or their grievances - Sam Ekontang Elad, chairman or 1993 All Anglophone conference, AAC, 14-15 April 2003..16 some years for that on instigations of Ebong, outside knowledge of Scnc-chairman. Fossung, in the night of 30 on 31 December 1999 ,the staff of radio Buea were taken hostage by Scnc-activists . By means of Ebong sound link for independence declaration was transmitted. Sixteen persons, among which Ebong and the then 80 person who were with Chief Otun Ayamba, were briefly afterwards arrested and detained in Yaound. Because of lack of proof they were put by a military tribunal after 14 months on free feet. The Herald Cameroon, SCNC secessionists: Fred Ebong, Ayamba, four others freed!, 19-20 March 2001. 17 According to the Internet site www.southerncameroonsig.org there still exist a ` Southern Cameroons interim government in exile. The Internet site gives however not say who the members are and the seat of the government. Thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007, 9Although Fossung continues to call himself as Scnc-chairman, his authority is as such from the inside undermined -that is his leading role which gave in a peaceful 8 manner for dialogue to continue with Biya's government up in the middle of 2002 when Dr. Martin Luma took over Scnc-chairmanship. Five months later, after Luma's death (April 2003), appointed the populist Chief Ayamba himself up to national Chairman.18. The previous years the SCNC have been divided further more. That has resulted to the presence of a considerable number of factions, each with its own LEADER or LEADERS, who claim each on behalf of the SCNC. 19 In the current situation are there therefore no talks of a central organisation or control. The disunion has to do especially with dispute concerning the way and the tempo in which the aimed at objectives must be reached. These objectives vary nowadays of dissidence and independence to larger autonomy within one stands. The majority of the factions support the peaceful approach, already some faction calls to armed fight. There in these differences between the members from the provinces North-West and South-West, between moderate and radical members and between the youngsters exist and the older generation. Also the different LEADERS accuse each other of financially misappropriation 20 The following factions can be distinguishing at this moment to include: 1. Faction of Chief Ayamba. This faction stands at present as most radical and populist confessed. President Ayamba is established in Memfe and his vice. Nfor Ngala Nfor has been de facto charged Vice-President with the daily control. He travels regular to foreign countries to represent the SCNC in international forums (to see paragraph 3.1) Vincent Feko is Secretary-General. Hitler Mbinglo and them Kongsno also belong to the governing board of this faction and its area representatives in respectively North-West and South-West. 18 The Herald Cameroon, ACC laid the solid foundation for Anglophones articulation or their grievances - Sam Ekontang Elad, chairman or 1993, All Anglophone conference, AAC, 14-15 April 2003. 170
19 The faction which thereby is most radical and populistically establishes himself and as such advertising and profiles itself, become by Scnc-following, but also frequently the third parties, considered as a LEADER of the SCNC. 20 The Herald Cameroon, 1 October SCNC anniversary: A legitimate objective with irresolute pursuit, 28 - 30 September 2007; The Herald Cameroon, ACC laid the solid foundation for Anglophones articulation or their grievances - Sam Ekontang Elad, chairman or 1993 All Anglophone conference, AAC, 14-15 April 2003rd The Herald Cameroon, The SCNC and its leadership conundrum, 14-15 April 2003..21 to see among other things The posts, Irate youths seize SCNC office, 15 September 2003rd thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007 21. Faction of former right Frederick Alobwede Ebong. The also radical faction of Ebong with duty station Lagos, Nigeria. 9 22 Another source however say that Ebong did returned meanwhile to Cameroon. According to the Article in The posts Ebong ("the proclaimed leader or the Southern Cameroons") were themselves in April 2007 still in VS. 23 3. The faction of Henry Fossung, established at Bua, is proponent of a political dialogue and peaceful co-existentieco-existentence and co-existential. Fossung sign still letters as a national President of the SCNC. 4. Faction of Ebenezer Mbongo Akwanga Jr. Akwanga is founder and LEADER of the radical SCYL. 24 Akwanga is according to several sources (also) president of the Federal Democratic Republic or the Southern Cameroons, although there no mention concerning the state in his biography on Scyl-website. According to the same Internet site and another source, Akwanga lives in the US. 25 Other sources indicate that he, after his escape from the prison in 2003, (to see himself was paragraph 3.2.3), in exile at Abuja. According to a source Thomas Nwacham executive Secretary-General is, with duty station Bamenda. The SCYLwebsite call Lucas Cho Ayaba as a Secretary-General. Benedict Nwana Kuah as the ` strategic commander of the SCYL and according to the organogram responsible for SOCADEF. The international secretariat, under the guidance of Julius Che, is himself in The Hague. The motto of the SCYL is: "Total and unconditional independence". SCYL is no youth wing of the SCNC on its Internet site expressly to that the SCYL were, are or ever shall. 26 To different sources give on the other hand to that, the SCYL much component determines independently of the SCNC, but they in practice need each other to operate. 5. Faction of Larry Eyongchow. This the so-called Ambazonian faction, has also established in the US. 6. Faction of Arnold Yombang. Concerning this faction further nothing has been confessed. 7. Faction of Isaac Oben. Concerning the duty station nothing has been confessed, but the faction stands confessed as ` pro-governing and strives for a federal solution and dialogue with the government instead of secession. 8. Faction of Achem Joseph Ashu. This faction, with duty station Kumba (SouthWest), has revealed themselves in 2007 under the name Southern, Cameroons Liberation Movement SOCALIM and is according to the faction himself 10 22 The Herald Cameroon, 8 October 2003..23 The post, US SCNC leadership in crisis?, 16 April 2007..24 to see the Internet site of the SCYL: www.scylforfreedom.org . 25 to see www.scylforfreedom.org . 26
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See www.scylforfreedom.org . Thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007. 11 the substitute of SCNC. 27 Father Andrew Ambeazieh (established in Bamenda) is Secretary-General of this faction and calls itself (therefore also) Secretary-General of the SCNC. 2.4 Membership because of fragmentation is retrieve and is with difficulty verify who an effective member is of the SCNC. First the SCNC has no central administration or a register in which is kept up for issuing of membership cards. According to a source is that an aware choice, because one wants no list of names which the police force could use after an interruption. Secondly the faction signs all membership cards, which show membership of the SCNC according to its own faction. Official costing membership cards 500 CFA and must replace these annually for another 500CFA. 28 members pay each an additional 200 CFA per month contribution. According to a source, membership of the SCNC stands, open, thus, everyone who comes from the Southern Cameroons can join. How that source becomes is determined is unknown. THE SCYLI indicates that also persons with another nationality can become a member 29 differently than the name presumption does, the membership of the SCYL has no age limit. 30 it known that people are in the possession of both a membership card of the SCNC and of the SCYL. Thirdly it is for everyone very simple to obtain a membership card of the SCNC, because already, membership cards signed and stamped in some cities, particularly in North-West. On the street, You can also buy them on the streets. 27 For example by the SOCALIM used Internet site see www.unttscnc.org . In the official statements established by this faction is indicated that SOCALIM replace the 11 UNTT/scnc (United Nations trust Territory or the Southern Cameroons National Council) or SCNC (holds course which official statement is read). See for example the official statement of 31 October 2007, published on the Internet site, (the link has been moreover dated on 1 October 2007). This does not correspond to what on the ` official Internet site of the SCNC www.scncforsoutherncameroons.net/thescnc stands. 28 In practice the amount would vary of CFA 3,000 to CFA 10,000 for membership card. 29 www.scylforfreedom.org see link ` FAQ. 30 www.scylforfreedom.org see link ` prisoners or freedom. Then persons with ages stand which to vary between 20 and 50 thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007 12 Result is that membership cards differ mutually from each other. This way there, are white, blue and green membership cards in turn, which carry Scnc-stamps. mutually each from the other or several. According to several sources, moneys are paid to obtain affidavits or recommendation letters which confirm among others Scnc-membership of the applicant. This concerns members, but certainly also non members and even expatriate, such as Nigerian are in possession. No control takes place on the applicant effective membership. That is not possible also because of the lack of registers. Such letters are written moreover also by third parties, such as lawyers, and supplied. Moreover also counterfeiting of such letters in turn are common. According to several sources it occurs that membership cards and/or letters consciously for the support of a future asylum application are bought. 32 Estimates of the number of active Scnc-members in Cameroon vary between 200 172
and 3000 persons. 33 These are themselves ` students, journalists, lawyers, human rights activists, local civil servants, but also ordinary citizens. Members are of all ages and also women as member, but the SCNC exist mainly from older men. Most of the members are in the larger cities found in Bua, Kumba, Memfe and Tiko (all located in South-West) and Bamenda (North-West). The numbers of members have decreased the last years. That blame would be to continuing fragmentation within the SCNC. Moreover the SCNC have followers abroad. The Diaspora would be even larger than the SCNC in Cameroon. 34, in some countries these members establish themselves into local branch of the SCNC, like in the Netherlands or the US. 12 31 Concerning the governing board members of Ayamba-faction. 32 The Herald Cameroon, 1 October SCNC anniversary: A legitimate objective with 30 September 2007.. 33 on its Internet site gives the SCYL to irresolute pursuit, 28 That they have more than 700,000 members www.scylforfreedom.org see link ` FAQ. 34 The Herald Cameroon, 1 October SCNC anniversary: A legitimate objective with irresolute pursuit, 28 - 30 September 2007th thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007 13. position (members of) SCNC 14. 3.1 legal and social statuses. The Cameroonian government says SCNC is striving towards secession of the Southern Cameroons and is fighting for the territorial integrity of Cameroon using the law. 35 for this reason the government refuses to register the SCNC as political party and considers it- the SCNC as an illegal organisation. 36 on account of that limit the government in a number of law (to see paragraph 3.2). 37 typify the SCNC also as a` terrorist organisation'. 38 reason for this the assassination of two soldiers and an officer of the gendarmerie at gendarmerie barracks in March 1997 (sees paragraph 3.2.3) and the attacking of Buea-radio station and afterwards had there transmitted` independence declaration in December 1999 (to see paragraph 2.3). The SCNC believes that the Southern Cameroons are annexed by the Francophone part of Cameroon and that the Anglophone population are marginalised by the ` 13 Francophone government, and particularly in the disproportionate partitioning of administrative positions. 39 according to a source on law no 35 section 4 of the 1990 laws; it holds that the freedom of assembly and association is regulated. Stipulate that' Associations founded in support of a cause or in view of a purpose contrary to the Constitution, the law and the public policy, as well as those who purpose to undermine especially security, the integrity of the national territory, national unity, national integration or the republican character of the State shall be null and void. Section 111, paragraph 1 (Secession) of the new sentence law from 2007 stipulate that "Whoever undertakes in whatever manner to infringe the territorial integrity or the Republic shall be punished with imprisonment for life". 36 US Department of State, country reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 March 2007.. 37 US Department or State, country reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Julius Che' s Web Blog
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Cameroon, 6 March 2007. 38 The Herald Cameroon, 1 October SCNC anniversary: A legitimate objective with irresolute pursuit, 28 - 30 September 2007; UN Press Release, drawer Commission of the droits the l'homme termine son Dbat sur lesson droits conomiques, sociaux et cultural, 31 March 2005.. 39 US Department or State, country reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 March 2007; EIU, country Profile 2007 - Cameroon, august 2007; The Herald Cameroon, ACC laid the solid foundation for Anglophones articulation or their grievances Sam Ekontang Elad, chairman or 1993 All Anglophone conference, AAC, 14-15 April 2003; Europe Publications, Africa South or the Sahara - Cameroon, 2007; UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), The right or peoples to self-determination and its application to peoples under colonial or alien domination or foreign occupation. Written statement submitted by the international Federation for the Protection or the Rights or Ethnic, Linguistic and other Minorities, a governmental organisation on the roster, thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007 14 perceptible discriminatory differences between francophone and Anglophone at the granting of high functions within the government. Thus the current government knows small Anglophone cabinet sides, such as premier Inoni, a pair of Anglophone governors (from non Anglophone provinces) and Cameroon has just a hand full of hundreds of Anglophone magistrates and other highly placed within civil and military 14 40 most of the Anglophone dominates nevertheless a feeling elaboration in an isolated position, specific of marginalisation of the Southern Cameroons. 41 the SCNC themselves by its radical, and dissidence, have manoeuvred within. For this reason also continuing fragmentation has contributed to its weakness. 42 only few Anglophone supports, passive or actively, the objective and the modus operandi of current SCNC. 43 The membership of the SCNC and the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation was established since 2004 in The Hague (unpo). Nfor Ngala Nfor as representative of the SCNC attends to meetings of UNPO. 44 the unpo regular as a lawsuit deliveryman of the SCNC within international forums, such as the UN human rights Commission and his substitute, the UN Human Rights Commission. 45 also the non-governmental organisation: international Federation for the Protection or the Rights or Ethnic, Religious, Linguistic and Other Minorities (IFPRERLOM) tabled the SCNC petitions at the UN . 46 frequently accompany E/CN.4/2005/NGO/253, 8 March 2005th to see also www.scncforsoutherncameroons.net/thescnc 40 see www.unpo.org/member_profile.php?id=59 . for the appointment of the two governors: The post, Enow Abrams back ash governor, 7 December 2007. 41 US Department or State, country reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 - Cameroon, 6 March 2007; EIU, country Profile 2007 - Cameroon, august 2007; The Herald Cameroon, ACC laid the solid foundation for Anglophones articulation or their grievances - Sam Ekontang Elad, chairman or 1993 All Anglophone conference, AAC, 14-15 April 2003; www.southerncameroonsig.org . 42 EIU, country Profile 2007 - Cameroon, august 2007; The Herald Cameroon, ACC laid the solid foundation for Anglophones articulation or their grievances - Sam Ekontang Elad, chairman or 1993 All Anglophone conference, AAC, 14-15 April 2003. 174
15 43 The objects of Ayamba-faction and of the SCYL, two of the most radical and proactive factions which come regulated in the news, as dissidence, whereas according to a source the majority of the inhabitants of the province South-West sees the solution in a10 states federation and the majority of the inhabitants of North-West sees the solution in 2 states federation. See also The Herald Cameroon, ACC laid the solid foundation for Anglophones articulation or their grievances - Sam Ekontang Elad, chairman or 1993 All Anglophone conference, AAC, 14-15 April 2003..44 to see www.unpo.com. 45 see www.unpo.com. The posts, NGO petitions on human rights violation case, 31 March 2007; The post, unpo appeals for speedy trial or SCNC detainees, 14 September 2007.. 46 UN General Assembly (GA), Implementation or general assembly resolution 60/251 or 15 March 2006 entitled "Human Rights Council". Written statement submitted by the international Federation for the Protection or the Rights or Ethnic, Linguistic and other Minorities, a governmental organisation on the roster, A/HRC/4/ NGO/132, 8 March thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007 15 Nfor Ngala Nfor says these organisations and himself on behalf of IFPRERLOM the would will have even conducted a meeting of the UN Human Rights Commission. 47 it has been confessed or and if so, how, the complaint lodged in 2004, has been completed at the human rights Commission or the organisation of African Unity (meanwhile African Union). Something has not been confessed concerning the state of the art concerning the submitted petitions at UN. 48. 3.2 Human Rights Situation 49 in general sense the government up to approximately 2004/2005, has gone without maintaining a certainty of human rights principles, rapidly she has acted against members of the SCNC, during their annual ` independence celebration on 1 October each year. Several sources give however that last years the government policy in a positive sense has changed. In the following paragraphs it will be more closely discussed. 3.2.1 Freedom of association and meeting The law on freedom of association and meeting. In practice this freedom is sometimes limited. Public meetings and demonstrations must be legally in advance presented at the competent government agency, but it is not legally oblige in advance. However, in practice competent civil servants put that the government must grant a licence to for (the organisation) for public meetings. To restrain persons or organisations which stand critical in respect to the government 2007;, Implementation or general assembly resolution 60/251 or 15 GO March 2006 entitled "Human Rights Council. Written 16 statement submitted by the international Federation for the Protection or the Rights or Ethnic, Linguistic and other Minorities, a governmental organisation on the roster, A/HRC/1/NGO/43, 28 June 2006; E/CN.4/2005/NGO/253; The post, NGO cap 47 The post, NGO petitions on human rights violation case, 31 March 2007; UN Press Release, drawer Commission of the droits the l'homme termine son dbat sur lesson droits conomiques, sociaux et cultural, 31 March 2005.. 48 see also general office bulletin Cameroon, May 2004..49 for the vision of the Cameroonian government on the general situation in Cameroon in 2006, with respect to a number of human rights, sees report by the ministry if Justice on Human Rights in Cameroon in 2006, October 2007. The ministry does not discuss in this specific the situation of members of the SCNC, with exception of the situation of the prisoners who have been stuck since 1999 for the assassination on a pair of soldiers and an officer of the gendarmerie. Paragraph 3.2.3rd sees thematic office bulletin Cameroon:
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SCNC December 2007. 16 licenses granted for organising meetings. 50 security services uses regular, sometimes on outside-proportional manner, of violence at breaking up demonstrations or public gatherings. 51 because of the objective of dissidence, demonstrations and public meetings of the SCNC are prohibited and for the events in run-up to and around the annual ` Independence celebration. On 1 October are also granted no licenses. According to several sources it is for the SCNC in practice however Possible in small-scale and decides to hold meetings. This usually provoke government agencies to intervene According to these sources, just the use of violence, disturbing public order public and/or gathering is a provocation to the government agencies. In the previous years unlawful meetings have been prevented by security services (police force, gendarmerie) or have been interrupted. Thereby Scnc-members (sometimes preventively) were arrested and detained 3.2.2 Freedom of opinion and expression is provided in the constitution. That right is not always respected in practice. Individuals and journalists can criticise both publicly and privately the government, but a certain degree of itself is censured and rather discretely applied. 53 like the law (and the Government) against public discussion, or promotion of secession. 54 as result members/partisans of the SCNC in their freedom of opinion expression are curtailed. Singing the National hymn of the Southern Cameroons in the presence of the authorities or hoisting the flag of the Southern Cameroons is considered as provocative behaviour and therefore has not been permitted. Independent Cameroonian newspapers: The however always post, The Herald and Le Messager, have been possible publications concerning the SCNC. It falls on that the last two years the attention to the SCNC in Anglophone newspapers strongly has diminished (appear there much less Article) and at francophone newspapers seems to have disappeared. According to several sources is that 17 50 US Department or State, Country reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 - Cameroon, 6 March 2007... 51 US Department or State, country reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 - Cameroon, 6 March 2007; EIU, country report Cameroon, November 2007.. 52 US Department or State, country reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 - Cameroon, 6 March 2007.. 53 US Department or State, country reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 - Cameroon, 6 March 2007; Freedom house, Freedom in the World - Cameroon (2007), July 2007. 54 US Department or State, country reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 March 2007th thematic report 17 characterising for the situation: (fragmented) the SCNC are no longer taken seriously and be reported what still can, ` old news are. In Cameroon it possible to payment editorial and get Articles published. The possibilities for that purpose depend on the amount which is ordered and the willingness of the end editor on duty who adopts the Article for publication. At several sources the strong presumption that certain Article which exists is written to support future asylum applications. Persons publish their name, in combination with their sympathy for the SCNC, in the newspaper. 3.2.3 Arrests and detentions: The constitution states that random arrests and 176
detentions are prohibited. Additionally, the law prescribes that for an arrest, an arrest warrant is necessary, unless a suspect is red-handedly caught. The present sentence law prescribes meanwhile that suspects must within a period of 24 hours (that three times can be extended) must be taken before brought before a prosecutor. In practice on the other hand most of them were arrested during unlawful meetings and demonstrations, particularly in run-up to and around the independence celebration of 1 October. Also a number of persons because of hoisting the flag of the Southern Cameroons were arrested. Most of the detainees were released after some hours, others longer (sometimes some days) and without formal charge. 56 newspaper bulletins burst out to make up that in the previous years were regulated the same persons of the SCNC are arrested. This is generally the (BOARD-) members of the more radical and itself establishing faction of Ayamba, provocative in the eyes of the authorities, or the radical SCYL. 55 US Department or State, country reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 March 2007. Random arrests and detentions were regulated and stay of persons shorter or longer term in police force were warranted or prisons without Crime. 55 just like in previous years during 2006 at several occasions more than hundred Scnc-members/partisans have been arrested there after have been detained. 56 US Department or State, country reports on Human Rights Practices 18 2006 - Cameroon, 6 March 2007; Amnesty international, report 2007 Cameroon, 2007; Freedom house, Freedom in the World - Cameroon (2007), July 2007th thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007. 18 During 2006 approximately 70 Scnc-leaders, - members and - Partisans were preventively arrested. 57 confirm to superior sources that stipulated the security services persons in run-up to 1 October preventively arrest (to see also below). This concerns notorious trouble makers, frequently according to them belonging to Ayamba-faction. These members are frequently also subject of searches and police interrogation. 58 according to some sources. it happens that (nowadays) routinely these members are maltreated. According to several sources the government in 2007, as a result of continuing fragmentation and the bought over of some number of members has seen a new and milder policy towards the SCNC. The same sources give that there in 2007 much less arrests took place (in sum approximately 35) and that there were of less confrontations between the authorities and (members of) the SCNC than in previous years. Also the independence celebration went in 2007, Some persons are in run-up to and on 1 October (preventively) and at some people searched. 59 the detainees are arrested a couple Days earlier and later released. By the end of January 2007 it appeared in the bulletins that on 20 January 2007 in Bamenda ` Scnc-top and the 300 other persons in a violent manner were arrested and detained as a result of Ayamba-factiongathering. 60 the meeting organised on that day had been organised without formal authorisation of the authorities. After an inflammatory speech by Nfor Ngala Nfor the gendarmerie intervened Arrest set limits in the first place to the organizers of the conference, Nfor Ngala Nfor and Hitler Mbinglo, because of an illegal an unlawful meeting, as well as up to ten other members who itself in the eyes of the gendarmerie had established some provocation, such as Kongsno who song the National hymn of the Southern Cameroons had started. The gendarmerie released later the remaining people present (listeners and journalists). For sympathy about thirty also offered
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themselves for arrest. An additional group of approximately 50 persons broke down afterwards on foot to the brigade of the gendarmerie to let them be arrested there. 61 57 US Department or State, country reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 Cameroon, 6 March 2007..58 US Department or State, country reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 - Cameroon, 6 March 2007. 59 The post, 5 SCNC activist arrested on October 1,.11 October 2007.. 60 unpo, Southern Cameroons, mass judgment, 21 January 2007.. 19 61 The, Troops conference, judgment Nfor Nfor, 40 others, 22 January 2007 post storm SCNC; IRIN, Secessionist minority Anglophone group silenced, 19 February 2007th thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007 19 according to sources were excessively of violence during the day no talk; however, an activist has incurred applaud then he itself physical against its arrest verzette.62 30 The ` voluntary detainees were still released the same day. The others have been stuck largely one and a half month, without formal charge, but on guarantor excursion have been later released. This formed for Nfor Ngala Nfor moreover no obstruction to travel afterwards to the foreign country. After several hearings have been postponed, came the matter eventually in December 2007 for the meeting. For lack of proof the judge considered laid fact ("publicly beginning/recall to dissidence during on 20 January 2007 an obliged press conference") to the conclusion did not prove, Whereupon all suspected became freed. 63 Amnesty international the Netherlands keeps in association with action network human rights central Africa a file concerning Anglophone prisoners in Cameroon. 64This file concerns the eighteen persons who have been in 1999, (two years after their arrest) by a military tribunal pronounced guilty to the assassination on two soldiers and an officer of the gendarmerie at the attacking of five gendarmerie post in the night of 27 and 28 March 1997. Eight of these prisoners have been meanwhile released (the last four in the summer of 2007), four prisoners in detention have died (from sickness, but also to torment) and one prisoner (Scyl-leader Akwanga) has escaped in 2003. Five prisoners are themselves therefore at this moment still in the prison at Bamenda. 65 Amnesty international are worried particularly concerning the dishonest process which they have had and the bad living conditions in the prison. This last care is moreover shared by a lot of sources, among which the government. 66. The situation in the prisons in Cameroon is generally terrible bad. They are overpopulated (especially because of the large number of prisoners that awaits trial), unhygienic and poor conditions. 62 The post, Troops storm SCNC conference, judgment Nfor Nfor, 40 others, 22 January 2007; IRIN, Secessionist minority Anglophone group silenced, 19 February 2007. 63 unpo, Southern Cameroons: charges dropped, 12 December 2007; The Herald, 17-18 December 2007; IRIN, Secessionist minority Anglophone group silenced, 19 February 2007; The post, unpo appeals for speedy trial or SCNC detainees, 14 September 2007; Unpo, Judge missing from own court, 20 November 2007. Mails dated 18 and 19 December 2007.. 20 64 Amnesty international in association with action network human rights central Africa, file: English-speaking person prisoners in Cameroon, action traffic-jam 65/98, 178
October 2007, by means of www.amnesty.n l to www.cafran.nl. 65 in May 2006 the concerning prisoners have been transferred from the Central prison in Yaound to the central prison in Bamenda. 66 Cameroonian Ministry of Justice, report, see the ministry of Justice on Human Rights in Cameroon in 2006, October 2007, p. 188 and 192 e.v. thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007 20 inadequately with regard to housing, feeding and medical care. Moreover come form in the prisons of torment and other one physical violence voor.67 3.3 dangers at return There are no indications that obliged or voluntarily returning Cameroonians are disturbed, including ex-asylum seekers and/or Scnc-members, by the Cameroonian authorities. People concerned run the risk on arrest if their names are on the alarm list of suspects before escape on indictable offences. In itself requesting asylum abroad is not illegal and gives at return in principle no occasion for reprisals or arrest on the side of the government. If it is doubted as to the identity of the person, the checking sometimes can last days, where they can be held. 67 US Department or State, country reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 - Cameroon, 6 March 2007; Amnesty international, report 2007 Cameroon, 2007; Freedom house, Freedom in the World - Cameroon (2007), July 2007; IRIN, Rights group deplore prison conditions, 13 April 2007th thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007 21 List of consulted sources Amnesty international, report 2007 - Cameroon, 2007 Amnesty international in association with action network human rights central Africa, file: English-speaking person prisoners in Cameroon, action traffic-jam 65/98, October 2007 British ministry of home affairs (home Office), country of Origin Information report - Cameroon, 28 august 2007 Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), The World Fact book - Cameroon, 14 November 2007 economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), country Profile 2007 - Cameroon, august 2007 country report Cameroon, November 2007 Europe Publications, Africa South or the Sahara - Cameroon, 2007 Freedom house, Freedom in the World - Cameroon (2007), July 2007 Cameroonian Ministry of Justice, report by the ministry or Justice on Human Rights in Cameroon in 2006, October 2007 United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), the right or peoples to self-determination and its application to peoples under colonial or alien domination or foreign occupation. Written statement submitted by the international Federation for the Protection or the Rights or Ethnic, Linguistic and other Minorities, a governmental organisation on the roster, E/CN.4/2005/NGO/253, 8 March 2005 United Nations General Assembly (GA), Implementation or general assembly resolution 60/251 or 15 March 2006 entitled "Human Rights Council". Written statement submitted by the international Federation 21 for the Protection or the Rights or Ethnic, Linguistic and other Minorities, a governmental organisation on the roster, A/HRC/4/NGO/132, 8 March 2007 Implementation or general assembly resolution 60/251 or 15 March 2006 entitled "Human Rights Council". Written statement submitted by the international Federation for the Protection or the Rights or Ethnic, Linguistic and other Minorities, a governmental organisation on the roster, A/HRC/1/NGO/43, 28 June 2006 thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007 22 U.S. Department or State, country reports on Human Rights Practices 2006 - Cameroon, 6 March 2007 illustrated magazine Article, newspaper Article and press bulletins from/of
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- Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN) - The Herald Cameroon - The post Cameroon - Volkskrant Internet sites - http://www.allafrica.com/ - http://www.amnesty.nl/ - http://www.amnesty.org/ - http://www.cafran.nl/ - http://www.cia.gov/ - http://www.europaworld.com/ - http://www.postnewsline.com/ - http://www.reliefweb.org/ - http://www.scncforsoutherncameroons.net/ - http://www.scylforfreedom.org/ - http://www.sdfparty.org/ - http://www.southerncameroonsig.org/ - http://www.unpo.org/ - http://www.unttscnc.org/ Thematic office bulletin Cameroon: SCNC December 2007 23 - Card Cameroon 22 "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 11:33AM (+02:00)
SCARM / SCYL PART REACTION TO THE DUTCH "THEMATIC BULLETIN SCNC DEC...
THE ANGLOPHONE PROBLEM IN THE CAMEROONS TAKES A DRAMATIC TWIST. By Dr. Arnold B. Yongbang
Introduction: This paper was prepared in 2006 at the request of Rev. Father Eric AKUE-GOEH, a Jesuit missionary from the Republic of Benin, and assistant parish priest of the Our Lady of the Annunciation Parish, Bonamoussadi, Douala, who was fascinated by the Anglophone problem, and invited me to make a presentation of the problem to the Anglophone Community in the parish, but had to be aborted because of strong objections from some of the Anglophone parishioners who felt that the presentation would be introducing politics into the Church. This is another dimension of the Anglophone Problem the Anglophone up against himself / herself !
1. So what is the Anglophone Problem?
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1.1 LEFFORT Camerounais No. 315 of October 15 to October 28, 2003, pages 10 and 11, carried an interview by the papers then Editor-in-Chief, Rev. Fr. Antoine de Padoue Chonang, with our own outspoken and uncompromising moral authority, His Eminence Christian Wiyghan Cardinal TUMI, on the ANGLOPHONE PROBLEM. Here are some excerpts of the interview: Fr. Antoine: In your opinion, is there an Anglophone problem in Cameroon? His Eminence: In Cameroon, yes. There is a real malaise, like I said in my open letter and elsewhere. Accumulated frustrations from the unilateral cancellation of the federation, to Fru Ndis victory in the 1992 elections as affirmed by ambassadors but which was not recognized, harassment of Anglophones and ill-treatment of all sorts, restriction of their legitimate political aspirations, etc..., create a real malaise. It is even said that there are posts that can never be occupied by an Anglophone, for example, an Anglophone has never been the Secretary-General of the Presidency.
1.2 That, in a nutshell is the Anglophone Problem in the Cameroons. But it is not quite that simple: it is much more ramifying and complex. There is the very disturbing rider to the problem: the fact that so-called Anglophone intellectuals who, for purely selfish interests, allow themselves to be used by neo-colonisers to confuse the populations who look up to these same intellectuals for enlightenment and guidance in their struggle for their inherent and inalienable right of Self-determination and Independence. Some intellectuals claiming to be knowledgeable about international law have indeed misled, and still continue to mislead, the rank and file of the struggle to be masters of their own destiny by their ignorance of international law. This ignorance caused the struggle to spend nearly 43 years chasing the wrong shadow, namely, the independence of the Southern Cameroons, with various misleading names like AMBAZONIA or AMBAZANIA, instead of the independence of the former UN Trust Territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and the Trusteeship Agreement signed between the United Nations and His Majestys Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland on 13 December 1946 to administer the Territory in such a manner as to achieve the basic objectives of the international trusteeship system laid down in Article 76 of the United Nations Charter.
1.3 History has it that when Germany lost the First Word War in 1916 it also lost sovereignty over its African colonies. In 1919 Germany signed the Treaty of Versailles giving up all claims to her colonies including Kamerun. In 1922 under the League of Nations Mandates System, German kamerun was divided between Britain and France, the victorious allies; the larger eastern part of the country went to France and became known as French Cameroun while the smaller truncated western part went to Britain. Britain further divided its portion into North and South ostensibly for administrative convenience with its colony and protectorate of Nigeria. The British Northern Cameroons was administered as part of the Northern Region of Nigeria; while the British Southern Cameroons was administered as part of the Eastern Region of Nigeria.
1.4 With the creation of the united Nations Organisation in 1945, the Mandated Territories
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transmuted to TRUST TERRITORIES under its International Trusteeship System one of the basic objectives of which was: "to promote the political, economic, social and educational advancement of the inhabitants of the trust territories and their progressive development towards selfgovernment or independence as may be appropriate to the particular circumstances of each trust territory and its peoples and the freely expressed wishes of the people concerned.
1.5 The 1922 boundary established between the two mandated territories is along the Simon / Milner Line traced in 1916 by Britain and France, delimited in 1919, and confirmed in 1922, literally making the two mandated territories two separate countries.
1.6 With the founding of the United Nations Organisation in 1945, territories that were placed under the Mandates System of the League of Nations were transmuted into the Trusteeship System of the United Nations Organisation and approved by the General Assembly on December 13, 1946.
2. Regional Autonomy for the Southern Cameroons was a cruel illusion: 2.1 With the introduction of internal self-government to the three regions of Nigeria in 1951 under the Macpherson Constitution, the British Government recognised that there were some profound ethnic differences between the peoples of the Southern Cameroons and those of the rest of the Eastern Region of Nigeria giving rise to a profound desire on the part of the peoples of the Southern Cameroons to develop an existence as a separate entity. For this reason the British Government agreed at the London Conference in 1953 that the Southern Cameroons should separate from the Eastern Region of Nigeria and become a quasi-federal territory within the Federation of Nigeria. It was under the 1953 Constitution that the Southern Cameroons had its own government, with Dr. E. M. L. Endeley as Leader of Government Business, and a legislature with prerogatives of legislation in all areas except those that were specifically on the exclusive legislative list of the government of the Federation of Nigeria.
2.2 At the Lagos Constitutional Conference of 1957, the Southern Cameroons requested and was granted a full Regional Self-Governing Status within the Federation of Nigeria; and so a cabinet system of government was introduced in the territory on May 15, 1958. To all intents and purposes, from 1st October 1960, when Nigeria became independent, the British Southern Cameroons had the standing of a de jure self-governing Territory. After attaining a full self-governing status, the next logical step was full independence. Regrettably, Britain and France and the United States of America, the cold war allies, all permanent members of the Security Council, conspired to deny the territory independence contrary to the expressed wishes of the inhabitants of the territory, the Charter of the United Nations and the Trusteeship Agreement.
2.4 In 1959, in anticipation of independence, France signed Co-operation Agreements with her African and Caribbean colonies, including French Cameroun, literally making 182
these countries contractual colonies of France; and bringing their economies under the direct control of France. This was indeed neo-colonialism and the United Nations turned a blind eye to it. France, of course, is a permanent member of the UN Security Council.
3. The Bungled Termination of UN Trusteeship over the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration: 3.1 France granted independance avec la France to its trust-territory of Cameroun under French administration on January 1, 1960, and the country took on the name of la Republique du Cameroun. And despite the fact that there was a communist-backed insurrection ravaging the territory, no plebiscite nor referendum was held to ascertain whether the peoples of that territory wanted independence then or at some future date, or whether they would like to associate with any of its contiguous neighbours. 3.2 By contrast, on February 11 and 12, 1961, the United Nations imposed separate plebiscites in the Northern and Southern British Cameroons to achieve independence by joining either the Federation of Nigeria, with a population then of over 80 million inhabitants, or la Republique du Cameroun, with a population then of about 3.2 million people. Faced with this dilemma of two equally unacceptable alternatives, the peoples of the British Southern Cameroons, with a population of about 800.000 inhabitants, voted to join la Republique du Cameroun under a con-federal union, the broad outlines of which had been negotiated and agreed upon at meetings between Premier John Ngu Fonchas Government of the Southern Cameroons and the Ahmadou Ahidjo Government of French Cameroun and incorporated into the United Nations manifesto, THE TWO ALTERNATIVES, that was widely used for the plebiscite-enlightenment campaigns. The Northern Cameroons on its part voted to join the Federation of Nigeria 3.3 After the plebiscite, the Fourth Committee of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) at its 15th Session, while endorsing the results of the plebiscite, had recommended to the General Assembly for adoption Draft Resolution A/C.4/L/685: - Operative paragraph 5 reads: Invites the Administering Authority, the Governments of the Southern Cameroons and the Republic of Cameroun to initiate urgent discussions with a view to finalising, before 1 October 1961, the arrangements by which the agreed and declared policies of the concerned parties for a Union of the Southern Cameroons with the Republic of Cameroun into a Federal United Kamerun Republic will be implemented. -Operative paragraph 6 reads:Appoints a Commission of three constitutional and administrative experts to be nominated one each from three member states designated by the General Assembly to assist at the request of the parties concerned in the discussions referred to in paragraph 5 above.
3.4 Instead the United Nations General Assembly, at its 994th plenary meeting on 21 April 1961, passed Resolution 1608 (XV), and operative paragraph 5 reads: Invites the administering authority, the governments of the Southern Cameroons and the Republic of Cameroun to initiate urgent discussions with a view to finalising, before 1st October, 1961, the arrangements by which the agreed policies of the concerned parties will be implemented. 3.5 The Plenary of the General Assembly, which normally approved without amendment
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draft resolutions submitted to it by the Fourth Committee, decided to amend the Committees draft to delete any reference to the Commission of Experts or to the Federal character of the Union between the British administered Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun. These happened following strong objections raised by the Foreign Minister of la Republique du Cameroun, Mr. Charles Okala. This action of the General Assembly represented a grave injustice to the peoples of the British Southern Cameroons and a betrayal of the Plebiscite Covenant by which the people had already decided their future believing that they were doing so in a Federal Union of equal partners with la Republique du Cameroun under United Nations guarantees. 3.6 Bluntly put, this was a fundamental breach of trust not only by the United Nations and the United Kingdom as administering authority, but also by the government of la Republique du Cameroun who had reneged on its assurances to the General Assembly and the union accords signed by Premier John Ngu Foncha and President Ahmadou Ahidjo in Yaound on October 14, 1960, and incorporated in the United Nations White Paper, THE TWO ALTERNATIVES referred to above.
4. The Post-Plebiscite Conference was a classical deception, Machiavellian style: 4.1 The weak and vulnerable position of the Southern Cameroons delegation at the PostPlebiscite Conference, that held in the town of Foumban in la Republique du Cameroun, from July 17-21, 1961, has been adequately summed up by Pierre Mesmer, one time Haut Commissaire of French-administered Cameroun, who later became Frances Minister of the Armed Forces, and, still later, French Prime Minister, in his book titled LES BLANCS SEN VONT. Rcits de dcolonisation. Edition Albin Michel, S.A., 1998, chapter V. pp. 114-135. Incidentally, the book is banned in the Cameroons. He concludes that chapter with the following very revealing statement: .. En Excution du rfrendum, une confrence constitutionnelle runit les gouvernements Foumban, en pays bamoun familier aux deux dlgations, le 17 juillet. Le Prsident Ahidjo, an position de force, prsenta un projet de constitution faussement fdrale soigneusement prpar par ses juristes franais. Ngu Foncha navait aucun contreprojet. En position de faiblesse puisque la population quil reprsentait ne dpassait pas le quart de celle du Cameroun franais et moins encore en termes conomiques, il accepta sans discuter ce qui tait, sauf en apparence, une annexion. La nouvelle Constitution entra en vigueur le 1er octobre 1961. Une plaisanterie circulait alors Douala et Yaound: Le Cameroun runifi est un pays bilingue francophone. (Our Translation: To implement the results of the plebiscite, the Governments (of the Southern Cameroons and of la Republique du Cameroun) met in a constitutional conference in Foumban, in Bamoun country, familiar to the two delegations, on July 17 (1961). President Ahidjo, from a position of strength, submitted for debate a fake federal draft constitution which had been carefully crafted by his French jurists. Ngu Foncha had no counter project. From a weak position, since the population which he represents does not exceed a quarter of that of French Cameroun even in economic terms, Ngu Foncha accepted without discussion what was in fact an annexation. The new constitution came into force on 1 October 1961. A joke became rife in Douala and Yaound that the reunified Cameroon was a bilingual francophone country.) 4.2 What other revelation could be more stunning and compelling! If Mr. Mesmer, a frontline French policy maker at the time, contends that Foncha had no counter proposal to table at the Foumban talks, then what must have happened to the Constitutional 184
Proposals adopted at the All Party Conference in Bamenda from June 26 30, 1961, barely two weeks before the Foumban Conference?
4.3 The answer is provided for in the eye-witness account of the Foumban Conference given by Mr. Samuel Njoya, who was the sub-prefect of Foumban at the time, as reported by journalist Xavier Deutchoua in Les Cahiers de Mutations, Vol 018, January 2004, a monthly French language newspaper, under the banner headline, LA DUPERIE DU FOUMBAN.. And so the post-plebiscite conference turned out to be an exercise in total deception and betrayal of the good will and trust of the peoples of the Southern Cameroons. 4.4 The co-conspirators, Britain, France and the United States of America, took advantage of the vacuum created by the death in September 1961 in a plane crash in Africa of His Excellency Dag Hammarskjold, the United Nations Secretary-General, who should have ensured the that UNO Resolution 1608 (XV) Para. 5 of 21/04/1961 were executed. His successor, His Excellency U Thant, was appointed Acting SecretaryGeneral in November 1961. So in September 1961 and October 1961 there was no full Secretary-General of the United Nations Organisation who could have ensured the full and legal execution of the UNO Resolution 1608 (XV) paragraph 5 of 21/04/1961 on Southern Cameroons future. It is said that the plane crash was not unrelated to the UN scribes opposition to the programmed annexation of the British Cameroons to its contiguous neighbours.
5. From Self-Government back to a colony. 5.1 The unilateral abrogation of the Union Accords and the insidious annexation of the Peoples and Territory of the Southern Cameroons. 5.1.1 Article 73 of the Charter of the United Nations deals with the Declaration Regarding Non-Self-Governing Territories. It reads: Members of the United Nations which have or assume responsibilities for the administration of territories whose peoples have not yet attained a full measure of selfgovernment recognize the principle that the interests of the inhabitants of these territories are paramount, and accept as a sacred trust the obligation to promote to the utmost, within the system of international peace and security established by the present Charter, the well-being of the inhabitants of these territories, and, to this end: a) to ensure, with due respect for the culture of the peoples concerned, their political, economic, social, and educational advancement, their just treatment, and their protection against abuses; b) to develop self-government, to take due account of the political aspirations of the peoples, and to assist them in the progressive development of their free political institutions, according to the particular circumstances of each territory and its peoples and their varying stages of advancement.
5.1.2 UN General Assembly Resolution 224 (III) of 18 November 1948 on the Administrative Unions Affecting Trust Territories reads, inter alia: Recalling that the General Assembly approved these Agreements upon the assurance of the Administering Powers that they do not consider the terms of the relevant articles in
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the Trusteeship Agreements as giving powers to the Administering Authority to establish any form of political association between the Trust Territories respectively administered by them and adjacent territories which would involve annexation of the Trust Territories in any sense or would have the effect of extinguishing their status as Trust Territories; Having considered the observations of the Trusteeship Council, contained in the report covering its second and third sessions (A/603), on the existing or proposed administrative unions between certain Trust Territories and the adjacent territories under the sovereignty or control of the Administering Authority, Notes the observations of the Trusteeship Council on such administrative unions; and in particular; Endorses the observation of the Trusteeship Council that an administrative union must remain strictly administrative in its nature and its scope, and that its operation must not have the effect of creating any conditions which will obstruct the separate development of the Trust Territory, in the fields of political, economic, social and educational advancement, as a distinct entity;
5.1.3 In the Trusteeship Agreement signed between the United Nations and His Majestys Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland on 13 December 1946, Britain gave, inter alia, the following undertakings: Article 3 The Administering Authority undertakes to administer the Territory in such a manner as to achieve the basic objectives of the international trusteeship system laid down in Article 76 of the United Nations Charter. The Administering Authority further undertakes to collaborate fully with the General Assembly of the United Nations and the Trusteeship Council in the discharge of all their functions as defined in Article 87 of the United Nations Charter, and to facilitate any periodic visits to the territory which they may deem necessary, at times to be agreed upon with the Administering Authority. Article 6 The Administering Authority shall promote the development of free political institutions suited to the Territory. To this end the Administering Authority shall assure to the inhabitants of the Territory a progressively increasing share in the administrative and other services of the Territory; shall develop the participation of the inhabitants of the Territory in advisory and legislative bodies and in the government of the Territory, both central and local, as may be appropriate to the particular circumstances of the Territory and its peoples; and shall take all other appropriate measures with a view to the political advancement of the inhabitants of the Territory in accordance with Article 76 (b) of the United Nations Charter. In considering the measures to be taken under this Article the Administering Authority shall, in the interest of the inhabitants, have special regard to the provisions Article 5 (a) of this Agreement.
5.1.4 Her Majestys Government of the United Kingdom as the Administering Authority of the UN Trust Territory of the Cameroons betrayed not only the treaty she signed with the United Nations in the Trusteeship Agreement but, most importantly, the trust of the innocent peoples under its mandate and trusteeship by the wishy-washy manner in which 186
it terminated the Trusteeship over the territory, leaving the it in a very weak and highly vulnerable position vis--vis the Federation of Nigeria and la Republique du Cameroun. The cumulative effect of these conditions set the stage for three of the most significant political developments in the supposed union between the Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun, namely: * The emergence of a one-party system and a vicious dictatorship; The abolition of the federation and its replacement with a unitary system of government; and rule by decree; The emergence of the problem of the English-speaking peoples of the Southern Cameroons generally referred to in the country as the ANGLOPHONE PROBLEM, which ironically has turned out to be the greatest threat to the Union. Human Rights lawyers have described it as the most sophisticated slave trade deal ever to take place under United Nations cover.
5.2 The Hidden Agenda and the Transfer of Sovereignty: 5.2.1 The fear of Communism and the possibility that the communist-backed insurrection that was ravaging French Cameroun under the banner of the Union des Populations du Cameroun (UPC) and its ally the ONE KAMERUN (O.K.) whose leaders had initially been given sanctuary in the Southern Cameroons, would create a communist bastion in this strategic geo-political region of Africa, forced the cold-war allies (Britain, France and the United States of America) to violate the Charter of the United Nations and the Trusteeship Agreement and to annex the British Cameroons to its contiguous neighbours (Northern Cameroons to the Federation of Nigeria, and the Southern Cameroons to la Republique du Cameroun). The following dispatch from Mr. John K. Emerson, American Consul-General, Lagos, to the US State Department, dated 11 May, 1959, says it all: The Southern Cameroons is a frontier, exposed ... to communist-inspired influences, which can become a danger of serious magnitude. This reason, not to speak of its great potentialities, makes the Southern Cameroons an area of serious concern to the United States. ... The present government in the Southern Cameroons, made up of almost totally inexperienced and naive ex-primary school teachers with good intentions, is incapable of grappling with the tremendous problems which face it. ... Leadership in the Southern Cameroons is inexperienced, untrained and naive. ... The logical conclusion would seem to be that the Southern Cameroons, with its remoteness from Lagos, its complexities, and its vulnerability, deserves increased attention on the part of the United States 5.2.2 Information gleaned from Declassified Secret Documents at the Public Record Office in the United Kingdom shows that British authorities at the Colonial office and at the United Nations were opposed to the option of full independence for the Southern Cameroons apparently because they thought that the territory did not have the resources on its own to be a viable sovereign state. This is the background against which the infamous and unacceptably ugly TWO ALTERNATIVES, of achieving independence by joining either the Federation of Nigeria or La Republique du Cameroun, were engineered through the United Nations as the only basis for terminating United Nations Trusteeship over the British Southern Cameroons. No effort was spared by the British Government, operating behind the scenes, in order to ensure that the democratically elected Prime Minister of the Southern Cameroons, the Right Honourable John Ngu Foncha, should be denied the platform at the United Nations, to demand the option of full independence for the territory.
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5.2.3 The documents also reveal that Britain was careful not to offend either Nigeria or the Cameroun Republic; and so British officials at the Colonial Office and at the United Nations took the unconscionable position that the Southern Cameroons was expendable. Lord Perth, British Minister of State at the Colonial Office, in a Minute of 12 October, 1960, to Sir John Martin of the same Office wrote: What would worry me is if a sequel to the Southern Cameroons try for independence was that the Northern Cameroons went the same way. That would really, I think, upset our relationship with Nigeria as a whole and for a long time to come, and that is something which we must at all costs avoid. The Southern Cameroons and its inhabitants are undoubtedly expendable in relation to this. 5.2.4 Sir Andrew Cohen, Head of the UK Mission to the UN, New York, in a Confidential Letter of 7 June, 1960, to Mr. Christopher Eastwood at the Colonial Office in London wrote: Her Majestys Government position should be made abundantly clear to Foncha in an effort to scotch tendencies towards the third question ... The policy of Her Majestys Government is to discourage any tendency towards a third question very strongly. 5.2.5 Concerns about Economic Viability of an independent Southern Cameroons were a mere pretext to deny the territory independence. 5.2.5.1 The Report of the Fiscal Commissioner, Sir Louis Chick, on the Financial Effects of the proposed new Constitutional Arrangements, Lagos 1953, concluded that: a Southern Cameroons Regional government would not in the years ahead be financially stable without external assistance. In good years it might pay its way with a slender margin, but in lean years it would have no reserves to fall back on if, over a period, the deficits exceed the surpluses. 5.2.5.2 Another report by Sir Sidney Phillipson on the Financial, Economic and Administrative consequences to the Southern Cameroons of separation from Nigeria, dated 9th October, 1959, concluded that: the territory could only exist as a separate entity on a precarious hand to mouth basis and that it would not be viable as a completely independent sovereign state. 5.2.5.3 By contrast, in another economic report in January 1961, Dr. Kenneth Berrill of St. Catherines College, Cambridge, concluded that: the Southern Cameroons is both fertile and full of promise; that it has been growing fast and can grow even faster and that to do this it desperately needs outside capital, especially for roads. To continue its fast economic growth the country needs and improved road system, an enlarged agricultural extension service and an improved marketing and grading service government participation in the economy - its total outlays, capital and recurrent, were 2.5 m. in 1959-60, more than double the figure for 1955-56 had to increase still further. By early 1961 the government will be providing all its own services or paying the Nigerian government for them and its recurrent outlays alone will beat the annual rate of about 2.5 m. To keep up its capital program will require another 1 m. that year 5.2.5.4 Yet another 1963 Survey Report published by Professor D.E. Gardinier of the London Institute of Race Relations and Assistant Professor of History at Bowling Green State University, Ohio, USA, and Fulbright Scholar at the Institute des Etudes Politiques in Paris, made the following pertinent remarks: Before reunification, the Southern Cameroons progressed peacefully both 188
economically and politically. The balance of trade from 1956 to 1961 for exports and imports of the Southern Cameroons as presented by the Secretary of State for Finance (Hon. A.N. Jua) to the West Cameroon House of Assembly as from the 9th to 13th July, 1962, showed that the balance of trade for the Southern Cameroons was consistently favourable. 5.2.5.5 It should be noted that by October 1959 Nigeria was known to possess hydrocarbon reserves in commercial quantities in the Bight of Biafra which includes the coastal stretches of ex-British Southern Cameroons. So Britain could not have been unaware that the Southern Cameroons had the potential to be the repository of hydrocarbon reserves which are today being wantonly exploited by neo-colonialists with little or no benefit accruing to the inhabitants of the territory and which today accounts for more than 70% of the GDP of the country. Yet, Britain lied to the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1959 that an independent Southern Cameroons would not be economically viable and that Her Majesty a Treasury would be obliged to subsidise its budget.
5.3 Over the years it has become increasingly evident that there was a hidden agenda in this blatant act of betrayal of an innocent people. The francophone partners went into the negotiations for the union in utter bad faith knowing fully well that they had no intention of respecting the terms of the Union. 5.3.1 President Ahidjos lie to the Fourth Committee of the United Nations General Assembly on the 25th February, 1959: 5.3.1.1 The inhabitants of the Southern Cameroons went to the polls on February 11, 1961, on the clear understanding that the basis of the proposed UNION between their territory and the Cameroun Republic would be a federation of equal partners, the details of which were to be worked out at a post-plebiscite conference of delegations of equal strength and in which the United Nations and the United Kingdom as Administering Authority would be associated. 5.3.1.2 At the 849th meeting of the Fourth Committee on 25th February, 1959, El Hadj Ahmadou Ahidjo, then Prime Minister of French-administered Cameroun, had this to say in reply to a question posed by representatives of New Zealand, Liberia and Mexico as to the form unification might take:. I would not like the firmness and clarity of our stand to be interpreted as a desire for integration on my part which would sound the death knell to the hopes of our brothers under British Administration. We do not wish to bring the weight of our population to bear on our British brothers. We are not annexationists. In other words, if our brothers of the British zone wish to unite with an independent Cameroun, we are ready to discuss the matter with them, but we will discuss it on a footing of equality. That was a mitigated lie designed to hoodwink the international community, as history has abundantly shown.
5.3.2 on 31st May 1960, the United Nations Trusteeship Council, by Resolution 2013 (XXVI): requested the Administering Authority to take steps, in consultation with the authorities concerned, to ensure that the people of the Territory are fully informed, before the
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plebiscite, of the constitutional arrangements which would have to be made, at the appropriate time, for the implementation of the decision at the plebiscite. 5.3.3 The Joint Declaration and the Joint Communiqu signed by Premier John Ngu Foncha for the British Southern Cameroons and President Ahmadou Ahidjo for la Republique du Cameroun on December 14, 1960, clearly stated that the basis of the unification of the British Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun would be a Federation of equal partners. It further stated that if the plebiscite went in favour of the option for joining the Republic of Cameroun, a conference would be held with representatives from the Republic, the Southern Cameroons and the Administering Authority, and the United Nations was to determine the period and terms of transfer of sovereignty to a body representing the future federation. 5.3.4 The secret documents also reveal that the Attorney-General of the Southern Cameroons, Mr. B. G. Smith, on 19th June 1961, in a Memo to the Honourable Premier, John NGU FONCHA, just before the Tripartite Talks which took place in the House of Assembly in Buea from 15-17 May 1961 (between Foncha assisted by Mr. Solomon Tandeng Muna, Ahidjo assisted by Mr. Charles Okala, and the British Secretary State for the Colonies, Mr. Iain Macleod), urged him not to succumb to President Ahidjos shenanigans about the Transfer of Sovereignty to him (Ahidjo) because this was not in agreement with the terms of the Joint Communiqu nor with the interpretation of the second plebiscite question, nor with the United Nations Resolution. 5.3.5 Here is the Attorney-Generals Memo to Premier John Ngu Foncha on 19th June 1961: The choice offered to the people of the Southern Cameroons was to achieve independence either by joining the independent Federation of Nigeria or the independent Republic of Cameroun. The people chose the Republic of Cameroun. If at midnight the sovereignty of the Southern Cameroons is transmitted to the Republic of Cameroun the people of the Southern Cameroons do not at that moment achieve independence. They lose their identity and become subjects of the Republic of Cameroun. It may well be that within a matter of minutes, hours or days the Republic will by an act of state transform itself into a federation of two states composed of the former Republic of Cameroun and the former Trust Territory of the Southern Cameroons. The Southern Cameroons will then have achieved independence not by joining the Republic of Cameroun but after joining the Republic of Cameroun. In order that the people of the Southern Cameroons may achieve independence by joining the Republic of Cameroun it is necessary that the Federation should come into existence at midnight of 1st October. At one and the same moment there will be born the independent State of the Southern Cameroons and the Federation of the United Kamerun Republic. The Federation will be a free association of independent and equal sovereign states. In order therefore that the Southern Cameroons should exercise its sovereignty as an independent state equal in all respects to the Republic it is necessary that the organization representing the future Federation shall be composed of equal elements representing the Republic of Cameroun and the State of the Southern Cameroons. It is not compatible with the dignity of the Southern Cameroons that that organization should be the President of the Republic acting in association with the Head of State of the Southern Cameroons. It may be practicable to transfer sovereignty to the President of the Republic and the Head of State of the Southern Cameroons jointly but it is submitted that the better course would be that proposed by the Premier and Ministers of the Southern Cameroons, namely a body composed of equal numbers of representatives nominated by the Government of the Republic of Cameroun and the Government of the Southern 190
Cameroons respectively, which body shall appoint a temporary President of the Federation. Sovereignty should only be transferred to an organization representing equally the Republic of Cameroun and the State of the Southern Cameroons. 5.3.6 Unfortunately, Foncha and Muna had already done a deal with Ahidjo by which Foncha would become Vice-President and Muna the Minister of Defence, for which the peoples of the former United Nations Trust Territory of the British Southern Cameroons are today paying a heavy price in their struggle to re-write their history. 5.3.7 The Deputy Commissioner, Mr. Malcolm Milne, was so exasperated by this state of affairs that he filed the following despatch to the Colonial office on July 1, 1961. We believe, on very good information, that Foncha has already done a private deal with Ahidjo, the idea being that the present Government of the Republic will become the government of the Federation on 1st October, and that the sovereignty will be transferred to it and defence and national security will become federal matters. In return for bringing the Southern Cameroons on these terms Foncha has been promised the Vice-Presidency of the Federal Republic and Muna has been promised a post in the Federal Cabinet. At one time we thought there might have been a show-down at the Bamenda All-Party Conference with every ones cards on the table, but all that has happened is that Foncha has trotted out his pre-plebiscite constitutional proposals and invited comments on them. The CPNC and OKP-and indeed the Chiefs also have demanded an account of what went on during the last Foncha / Ahidjo talks, but Foncha, strongly pressed by Muna, has kept mum. It seems that the other ministers although very unhappy are nevertheless tagging along. Notably Foncha has told them that if the worse comes to the worst and Ahidjos terms have to be accepted they can still hope to remain in office in the Southern Cameroons. It seems that Foncha will now trot off to Bamun armed with the views of all parties in the Southern Cameroons (and all are unanimous in opposing any suggestion of the transfer of sovereignty to a body other than a body representing the future federation: they also are unanimous in demanding that defence must be a regional responsibility). He will presumably once again test Ahidjos attitude. If the latter is firm, Foncha will, I think, give into him and take refuge in the secret deals arrangement. I am sure that the wretched little man is moved very largely by considerations of what is best for himself; the interests of the Southern Cameroons will come a poor second. However, he will need more than his usual luck and agility to avoid a moment of truth should he return from Bamun having accepted Ahidjos terms. 5.3.8 And finally, on October 1, 1961, in its final act of betrayal of the innocent peoples of the Southern Cameroons, Mr. J.O. .FIELD, the British Commissioner for the Southern Cameroons, in the presence of a guard of honour mounted by a detachment of Grenadier Guards and Republican Gendarmes, handed over the sovereignty of the Southern Cameroons to President Ahmadou Ahidjo of la Republique du Cameroun, in violation of the bilateral agreements contained in the TWO ALTERNATIVES, and left the territory on board H.M.S DIANA with a lot of misgivings about the future of the territory.
5.4 Le Monde newspaper on 1st October 1961 quoted President Charles de Gaulle of France as referring to the handover as le petit don de la reine (a small gift from the Queen of England). And so expendable Southern Cameroons was finally auctioned off to France like a piece of merchandise nearly two centuries after the abolition of the slave
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trade. That was indeed, to paraphrase Fon Gorji Dinka, THE MOST SOPHISTICATED SLAVE TRADE DEAL UNDER UNITED NATIONS COVER! 5.5 Right from the beginning of the federation in October 1961, President Ahidjo did everything not only to undermine the federal structure but also the authority of the government of the West Cameroon State (on October 1, 1961, the former British Southern Cameroons became the Federated State of West Cameroon while la Republique du Cameroun became the Federated State of East Cameroun). Through the manipulations of the one-party system, Mr. Ahidjos intention was to rely on the massive francophone vote, estimated at about 4/5 of the electorate of the federation, to swamp any adverse vote in the West Cameroon State. (By United Nations estimates, the population of the British Southern Cameroons on October 1, 1961 was 800.000 while that of la Republique du Cameroun was 3.200.000). In addition, Ahidjo assumed dictatorial powers and ruled by decree; a rule characterised by intimidations, harassments and disappearances of opponents to notorious concentration camps, and extra-judicial executions a gruesome catalogue of horrendous Human Rights abuses. 5.6 This measure calls into question the whole validity of the May 1972 referendum (socalled Peaceful Revolution) since the federal system of government was the basis on which the electorate of British Southern Cameroons had voted to join la Republique du Cameroun. To have changed to the unitary system without the consent of the Government, Parliament, House of Chiefs and people of the West Cameroon Federated State meant undermining the whole basis of the union which required the separate consultations of the peoples of both territories in accordance with the federal constitution. To have imposed a unitary state the way President Ahidjo did constituted a serious breach of trust, and a fraudulent manipulation of the constitution which is unacceptable in international Law. 5.7 President Ahmadou Ahidjo then went on to issue the notorious proclamation, DF72270 of 2/6/72, by which he unilaterally, unconstitutionally, illegally and fraudulently abrogated the Union Accords, abolished the Federal Constitution and the federation, abolished the Government, and the Houses of Assembly and of Chiefs of the West Cameroon Federated State and imposed on the peoples of the Southern Cameroons a unitary state which he called the United Republic of Cameroon. 5.8 The final blow to the entire edifice of the so-called union came when Mr. Paul Biya, President Ahidjos hand-picked successor, by a stroke of the pen, decreed law N. 84001 of 4/2/84 abolishing the United Republic of Cameroon and renaming the country simply as la Republique du Cameroun, the same name French-administered Cameroun assumed at independence on January 1, 1960, and was admitted into membership of the United Nations Organisation, and thereby completed the annexation of the territory and peoples of the Southern Cameroons and thereby confiscating the enormous natural resources of the territory for the benefit of his masters in France and his ruling junta. 5.9 He has maintained the legacy of a barbaric dictatorship and a chilling record of Human Rights abuses on the territory and peoples of the Southern Cameroons reminiscent of the Apartheid regime in South Africa: from the Ndu massacres in June 1991 following the massively boycotted May 1991 legislative elections; the imposition of the state of emergency in Bamenda and the state of siege in Fru Ndis compound following Ni John Fru NDis victory at the October 1992 Presidential election; operations Dorade and Delta, masterminded and financed by the French petroleum company, ELF-AQUITAINE, in the coastal regions of the territory to harass, brutalise and intimidate 192
the population to buy only made-in-France goods: they destroyed goods legally imported from neighbouring Nigeria, and even destroyed vehicles suspected of running on fuel imported from Nigeria. all in an attempt to frenchify and assimilate the Anglophones, willynilly, into Francophonie, and to teach Anglophones a lesson; to the aftermath of the socalled terrorist uprising in Bamenda in 1997 with the attendant desecration of sacred shrines in Oku, Bui division; and the recurrent massacres at the University of Buea.
5.10 Destabilising Irredentist Claims by la Republique du Cameroun. 5.10.1 La Republique du Cameroun (a former French-administered United Nations Trust Territory) claims what it calls an historic right or sovereignty over ex-British Southern Cameroons based on the fanciful notion that it replaced the old Germany colony of Kamerun, which, so it is claimed, had created a Kamerun Nation. 5.10.2 In any event, following the Anglo-French partition of 1916 and the renunciation by Germany in 1919 of its right and title to that Territory, German Kamerun became extinct. In theory of law, the British Cameroons and French Cameroun were two new polities that came into being as from 1919. Each was the object of a separate Mandate / Trusteeship Agreement. The International boundary between the British Cameroons and French Cameroun is along the Simon-Milner Line traced in 1916 by Britain and France, delimited in 1919 and confirmed in 1922. There is no treaty boundary between the former British Northern Cameroons and the former British Southern Cameroons only an administrative boundary along the River Donga.
5.10.3 It follows that any claim based on German Kamerun must of necessity be irredentist. Irredentist claims are destabilising claims and constitute a threat to regional peace and security. They are therefore anathema in international law and relations (*Dr. Carlson Anyangwe). 5.10.4 It is also true that parts of German Kamerun were integrated into the French Equatorial Republics of Chad, Central African Republic, Congo and Gabon. Curiously, la Republique du Cameroun does not claim a similar historic right over these parts of German Kamerun. 5.10.5 The people of the former UN Trust Territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration are today asking for a return to the status quo ante and the total independence of their territory without resorting to violence. The people of the former British Cameroons shall negotiate economic and political protocols in accordance with the UN Charter and international law which will enable each country to concentrate on the improvement of the living standards of its respective peoples so that they can live like civilised neighbours in respect of each others sovereignty and dignity. Self-determination for the people of the former British Cameroons will not change any territorial boundaries that existed at independence but will have the potential to return the territory to a state of respect for human rights and masters of their own destiny.
6. The quest for Self-Determination and Independence of the former Trust Territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration (the Northern Cameroons and the Southern Cameroons together 86, 214 sq. km) is a very burning issue: 6.1 Southern Cameroons struggle for self-determination was prompted by the blatant and
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arrogant breaches of trust by the Francophone partners in the United Nations-imposed union. French Cameroun became independent on January 1, 1960 and assumed the name of la Republique du Cameroun. At the termination of the Trusteeship Agreements, the United Nations decided that British Cameroons should achieve her own independence by joining with either the Federation of Nigeria. These two unacceptable and ugly alternatives pushed them into an unholy union with la Republic du Cameroun.
6.2 The aspiration of the peoples of the Southern Cameroons was to establish a unique Federation on the continent of Africa, and to evolve a bicultural society in which the distinct heritage of each of the partners to the union would flourish. During the past 46 years, however, our common experience in the union leaves us in no doubt that, far from attaining these ends, we have become a people with a problem, an annexed, oppressed, state-terrorised, dehumanised and exploited people; and treated as a captive people by successive Francophone-led dictatorships which trampled under foot the union accords with callous indifference. The Federation was unilaterally, illegally, unconstitutionally, and fraudulently abolished and French gendarmes and proconsuls invaded and occupied the territory. And the country was renamed simply as la Republique du Cameroun, the same name French Cameroun assumed at independence on 1 January 1960. (* The Buea Declaration).
6.3 Since then our interests have been disregarded, and our participation in national life has been limited to non-essential functions. Our natural resources have been ruthlessly and wantonly exploited without any benefit accruing to our territory and its peoples. The development of our territory has been negligible and confined to areas that directly or indirectly benefit francophones. Through manoeuvres and manipulations, we have been reduced from partners of equal status in the union to the status of a subjugated people. And this we cannot accept. Our peoples have been subjected to all forms of horrendous human rights abuses and state terrorism against which the United Nations Human Rights Minorities Sub-Commission, the US Department of State, Amnesty International, the Commonwealth, and the European Union have all at various times indicted the dictatorship in la Republique du Cameroun for such wanton abuses.
7. ANGLOPHONES SEARCH FOR DIALOGUE AND JUSTICE SYSTEMATICALLY FRUSTRATED, IGNORED AND DENIED WITH CONDESCENDING IMPUNITY. 7.1 Memoranda presented to President Paul Biya on the Anglophone Problem: 7.1.1 The peoples of the Southern Cameroons have bent over backwards to make the illfated union work but their search for dialogue and justice has been systematically frustrated and ignored. Anglophone renaissance gathered momentum at the time of the Cameroon National Union (CNU) New Deal Congress in Bamenda in April 1985 with a flurry of uncoordinated activities among Anglophone groups notably in Douala, Bamenda, Kumba and Yaound. The North-West and South-West Elites resident in the Littoral province addressed the first of several memoranda to the Head of State and Chairman of the CNU Congress in Bamenda, signed by 94 Anglophones, about the humiliating and revolting colonial status that is gradually but systematically being imposed on Anglophone Cameroon by the Administration and calling for a return to the Two-State Federation Anglophone Cameroon voted for in the United Nations-imposed plebiscite of 11 February 1961. The memorandum concluded : 194
We do believe that if our aspirations for a true Cameroonian Nationalism, based on mutual trust and respect for each others basic freedoms, justice, dignity and peace, are to be preserved, our two cultures must be allowed to develop side by side in a spirit of complementarities NOT of competition. Let us learn from lessons of history.
7.2 The New Social Order was prepared in Bamenda by Anglophone intellectuals and professors, among them late Professor Bernard Nsokika Fonlon, Fon Gorji Dinka, Dr. Carlson Anyangwe, Dr. Clement Ngwasiri, John Fru Ndi and signed by Fon Gorji Dinka now in exile, for presentation at the CNU Congress by Professor Fonlon. The presentation was botched. The New Social Order called for a return to the TWO-STATE Federation with proposals for a Con-federal System of government based on four stages: the Municipal, the Provincial, the State and the Con-federal. 7.3 On June 11, 1985, another Memorandum submitted to President Biya by the Elites of the North-West province resident in Yaound and Parliamentarians attending the 1985/86 Budgetary session was signed by 30 Anglophones highlighting the Problems of English speaking Cameroonians, State Security and National Unity. They appealed to the President and his Government more than ever before to leave no stone unturned in their quest for solutions to problems specific to Anglophone Cameroonians among which are justice and democracy, pre-conditions for unity, peace and progress. 7.4 On August 20, 1985, at a meeting in Kumba from 14th to 19th August, 1985, the English speaking Students of the North-West and South-West provinces addressed an Open letter to all English-speaking Parents of Cameroon concerning governments plans to reform the General Certificate of Education (GCE). It concluded, inter alia: Realising that, with government indifference, the smouldering discontent in the Englishspeaking region of the country can only end up in war; knowing we are those who thus will miss the peace and security we love; conscious of the pains and sorrows that are inseparable appendages of war; we call on our parents to press for a peaceful and permanent solution before it is too late. They then called on their parents to assume squarely your responsibilities before history in view of the gravity of the countrys situation. 7.4.1 They also called for the release of Fon Gorji Dinka and finished up by quoting His Holiness, Pope John Paul IIs address to President Biya at State House on August 15: Injustice committed by certain regimes concerning human rights or the legitimate demands of a section of the population which is refused participation or common responsibilities beget revolt of regrettable violence but which justice would have foreheld. 7.5 The irony of it all is that those who were prepared to compromise the Anglo-Saxon system of education in 1985 for purely egoistic interests are today lording it over AngloSaxon institutions of higher learning in the territory which were wrenched from the regime through our collective will and sacrifice of compatriots who defied intimidations, blackmail and water canons.. 7.6 In February 1991, a Committee of Anglophones resident in the Littoral Province, chaired by Dr. Arnold Boh Yongbang, defied the injunctions of the Secretary of State for Internal Security and addressed another Memorandum this time to the Fons and Chiefs,
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Political Party leaders, Religious Leaders and the People of the former West Cameroon. The Memorandum carried 65 signatories, on the need for Anglophones to put up a united front in the event of a National Conference. The theme was: A society becomes great not by the victories of its factions over each other but by its reconciliation.
7.6.1 This document eventually served as the rallying point for Anglophones at the Tripartite Conference in Yaound in November 1991, when four learned Anglophone jurists, namely, Barrister Sam Ekontang Elad, Dr. Simon Munzu, Mr. Benjamin Itoe, and Dr. Carlson Anyangwe (EMIA) were appointed to serve on the Technical Committee for the Drafting of the Constitution (TCDC).
7.6.2 The four submitted a Memorandum on the Anglophone Problem (the EMIA document) to the TCDC in an attempt to redress the grievances and injustices which over the years have been done to English-speaking Cameroonians through a succession of fraudulent and abusive manipulations of the countrys constitution which has generated a sense of bitterness and revolt among Anglophones of all ages, geo-ethnic origins, all social, intellectual and professional backgrounds. The four spared no effort in raising the Committees consciousness of the problem, of its magnitude, and of the pressing and inescapable need to find a satisfactory and lasting solution to it from the awareness that the cohesiveness of the Cameroonian nation in the years to come will, to a large extent, depend on how the public authorities of the country handle the grievances which Anglophones have expressed and continue to express. 7.6.3 The memorandum recommended the restoration of Anglophone Cameroon to its statehood within a Federal Republic of Cameroon comprising the two states that unified in 1961, each of which may be divided into two or more provinces / regions with decentralised powers to administer themselves in certain areas of jurisdiction. 7.6.4 It is regrettable, indeed unfortunate, that the Francophone members of the TCDC, and particularly Professor Joseph Owona, the Committees Chairman, chose to show the most blatant hostility, contempt, intransigence and insensitivity to reason towards the proposals put forward as a basis for the satisfactory resolution of the Anglophone Problem. To them the unitary form of the state was immutable and no longer debatable. 7.6.5 It is also unfortunate that Francophones have tended to treat the legitimate aspirations of the Anglophones for a return to the Territorys statehood then as a bid to secede, thus confirming our contention that the West Cameroon State was indeed annexed in 1972 by East Cameroun and integrated into the territory of the latter. To francophones, federation is synonymous with secession. Even then, West Cameroon was not condemned to remain annexed to East Cameroun on some ill-conceived notion of national integration or any other pretext.
7.7 The 4 Anglophone members of the TCDC refused to succumb to Professor Owonas tactics of intimidation and blackmail. This indeed was the genesis of the ALL ANGLOPHONE CONFERENCE that held in Buea, the historic capital of the Southern Cameroons, from April 2 3, 1993. 7.8 In December 1991, the CAMEROON ANGLOPHONE MOVEMENT (CAM), the watchdog of the Southern Cameroons struggle for her inherent and inalienable right of 196
self-determination and independence, was born with Chief Dr. H.E.N. Enonchong as its first Chairman. On December 5, 1991 CAM produced the first Memorandum Relative to Constitutional Reform, signed by 3904 Southern Cameroonians throughout the length and breadth of the territory, and forwarded it to the (TCDC) Technical Committee for the Drafting of the Constitution. CAM was renamed the Southern Cameroons Restoration Movement (SCARM) in 1996 and since October 2003 joined the protagonists for the total independence of the UN Territory of Cameroons formerly under United Kingdom administration co-ordinated by Professor Martin CHIA ATEH.
8. THE ALL ANGLOPHONE CONFERENCES, AAC I & AAC II. 8.1 The blatant confiscation and usurpation of the presidential election results that had been clearly won by an Anglophone through a democratic process was the immediate cause of the ALL ANGLOPHONE CONFERENCE of April 1993. The conference was convened by the 4 Anglophone members of the Technical Committee for the Drafting of the Constitution (TCDC) appointed by the Tripartite Conference in Yaound in November 1991. The Conference brought together in unprecedented numbers a cross section of Anglophone Cameroon without concerns as to tribe, religion, political party affiliation and social status, from the nooks and corners of the Territory for the purpose of preparing Anglophone participation in the announced National Debate on Constitutional Reforms. 8.2 The Conference elected a Standing Committee and produced THE BUEA DECLARATION. It declared the preparedness of Anglophones to participate in the announced Constitutional Talks. It reiterated: - that Anglophone Cameroon shall not be bound by undertakings given at the Constitutional Talks by any Anglophone not mandated by the Anglophone Standing Committee; - That the Anglophone delegation at the said Talks shall conduct negotiations in close observance of the terms of the Anglophone Draft Proposals regarding the return to the Federal Form of government; - That the imposition of the Unitary State on Anglophone Cameroon in 1972 was unconstitutional, illegal and a fraudulent fundamental breach of faith; - that the only redress adequate to right the wrongs done to Anglophone Cameroon and its peoples since the imposition of the Unitary State was a return to the original form of government of the reunified Cameroon; - that the survival of Cameroon in peace and harmony depended on the attainment of this objective to which we mutually pledge our lives, well-being, careers and freedom. 8.3 The Standing Committee of the All Anglophone Conference produced Draft Federal Constitutional Proposals, which were also translated into French and submitted to the Technical Committee for the Drafting of the Constitution, but was summarily rejected by the Chairman of the said committee, Professor Joseph Owona.
8.4 The Second ALL ANGLOPHONE CONFERENCE (AAC- II) held in Bamenda from 29th April to 1st May, 1994, despite frantic intimidating efforts by the regime to prevent the Conference from holding. The Conference replaced the Standing Committee with the ANGLOPHONE NATIONAL COUNCIL (ANC) and came out with the BAMENDA PROCLAMATION which: - noted with a deep sense of dissatisfaction that the Biya Government had remained totally indifferent to the Buea Declaration as concerns the pre-plebiscite accord, the Constitution of Cameroon, road infrastructure and check-points in Anglophone
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Cameroon, the policy of divide-and-rule pursued in respect of Anglophone Cameroon, the marginalisation of Anglophones, human rights abuses, the violation of civil liberties and the disregard of the due process of law, discrimination against Anglophones in education and training, Francophone exploitation and domination of Anglophones and the international isolation of Anglophone Cameroon. - reiterated its view that any union between Anglophone Cameroon and Francophone Cameroun would not last, develop and prosper unless it is built on a solid foundation and sustained in a clear atmosphere of openness, trust, mutual respect and a sense of belonging by all. - reaffirmed its attachment to the Buea Declaration and warned that should the government either persist in its refusal to engage in meaningful constitutional talks or fail to engage in such talks within a reasonable time, the Anglophone Council shall so inform the Anglophone People by all suitable means. It shall, thereupon, proclaim the revival of the independence and sovereignty of the Anglophone territory of the Southern Cameroons and take all measures necessary to secure, defend and preserve the independence, sovereignty and integrity of the said territory. - To this end, the Conference adopted THE BUEA PEACE INITIATIVE (BPI) as our negotiating position with la Republique du Cameroun in keeping with the motto: THE FORCE OF ARGUMENT, NOT THE ARGUMENT OF FORCE.
8.5 In August 1994, the Anglophone Council transmuted to the SOUTHERN CAMEROONS NATIONAL COUNCIL (SCNC) to better situate the Southern Cameroons as the nation state that it is rather than simply the linguistic expression of a people in bondage. 9. President Paul Biya Convenes his rubber-stamp Constitutional Consultative Committee: 9.1 On December 15, 1994, Mr. Biya convened what he called a Constitutional Consultative Committee made up of his partys cronies and loyalists to which the Anglophone Delegation, as defined by the Buea Declaration, was not invited. Anglophones invited to the Committee as independent personalities included the late Dr. John NGU FONCHA (the architect of the unification of the British Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun), the late Honourable Solomon TANDENG MUNA (the person generally believed to have sold the Anglophones to Ahidjo for thirty pieces of silver), His Eminence Christian Wiyghan Cardinal TUMI (the Catholic Archbishop of Douala), the Right Reverend Henry Anye AWASOM (the Moderator of the Presbyterian Church), Barrister Bernard A. MUNA (a former president of the Cameroon Bar Council), and Barrister Luke K. SENDZE (the then incumbent Bar Council President). All these personalities withdrew from the Committee charging that the composition of the Committee and its terms of reference fell far short of the aspirations of a majority of the Cameroonian people in general and the People of Anglophone Cameroon in particular. Also invited was the SDF Chairman, Ni John FRU NDI, who turned down the invitation.
9.2 However, surrogate Anglophones belonging to the ruling Cameroon Peoples Democratic Movement (CPDM) party, without the mandate of the peoples of Anglophone Cameroon, took part in the Committee which also ignored the Draft Proposals for a Federal Constitution already submitted by the ALL ANGLOPHONE CONFERENCE (the Southern Cameroons Peoples Conference). The Committee went on to adopt an integrationist constitution ignoring with arrogance and total impunity guarantees for 198
Anglophone Cameroons autonomy as demanded by the Commonwealth Summit in Limas sol, Cyprus, in October 1993 as a condition for Camerouns admission into the Commonwealth. The Committee was chaired by Honourable Simon Achidi ACHU, a collaborative Anglophone and Prime Minister at the time. As expected, the regime later dumped him after using him to further enslave the peoples of the Southern Cameroons.
10. Appeals to the Commonwealth. 10.1 The Biya dictatorship applied to join the Commonwealth at the Kuala Lumpur Summit in 1989. At the Harare Summit in 1991 when the Harare Principles on democracy, good governance and Human Rights were enunciated, the regimes record was, to say the least, appalling on all counts. In June 1993 the Commonwealth Secretary-General, Chief EMEKA ANYAOKU, paid his first official visit to the Cameroons during which the dictatorship only permitted him a whistle-stop visit to the Southern Cameroons. But before he left London for Yaound the Cameroon Anglophone Movements (CAM) application for Membership for the former British Southern Cameroons was on his desk. During the Commonwealth scribes whistle-stop visit to the Southern Cameroons, he was denied all contact with the AAC I Standing Committee and CAM leaders; but this did not prevent the leadership of these organizations ambushing him at the SONARA Club in Bota and handing him their petitions opposing la Republique du Camerouns membership of the Commonwealth. The presence of the army of occupation notwithstanding, the populations of the territory turned out in their numbers with placards denouncing the annexation of the territory by la Republique du Cameroun and France and asking for Commonwealth membership for the Territory. At the end of his visit the Commonwealth scribe acknowledged at a press conference that he had received two applications from the Cameroons for membership of the Gentlemens Club. 10.2 At the Limas sol Summit in October 1993 an AAC I Standing Committee/CAM delegation made up of Barrister Sam Ekontang Elad and Dr. Arnold Boh Yongbang, lobbied and persuaded Commonwealth Heads of Government to make Camerouns admission conditional on the regime in Yaound introducing constitutional reforms that would guarantee the autonomy, specificity and cultural distinctiveness of the nearly 6 million English-speaking peoples of the Southern Cameroons who were the ones interested in Commonwealth membership in the first place, improving the appalling human rights situation in the country and generally abiding by the terms of the Harare Declaration on democracy, human rights and good governance. As a people who have suffered the most at the hands of francophone leaders in la Republique du Cameroun as a result of human rights abuses, state terrorism and political marginalisation, we saw the Harare Declaration as a powerful tool to be used to force la Republique du Camerouns compliance with the Limas sol conditionality before Commonwealth admission could be considered. 10.3 During the Commonwealth Eminent Persons fact-finding Mission to the Cameroons in July 1995 to assess la Republique du Camerouns compliance with the Limas sol conditionalitys, they recognized, even by Baroness Lynda Chalkers own account to the House of Lords on 19th October 1995 areas where further improvements were still needed such as, constitutional reforms, local elections, press freedom, human rights and the independence of the judiciary. In spite of this evident non-compliance with the Limas sol conditionalitys, the Commonwealth Secretariat, with the complicity of Baroness Chalker and the Canadian Government conspired to admit la Republique du Cameroun, with glaringly dubious credentials, into the Commonwealth with fanfare; and invited the head of state of that country, who hardly speaks any English, and who is a staunch
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advocate of la francophonie, which declared war on Anglo-Saxon cultural imperialism at their Mauritius summit in October 1993, to the Auckland CHOGM. Such demonstration of callous insensitivity to the very complex and highly explosive political situation which prevails between the Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun was not intended to culturally de-isolate the Southern Cameroons. We clearly understood that it was used to frustrate the political aspirations of the peoples of the Southern Cameroons a second time by the same Tory Government that messed up Southern Cameroons independence 46 years ago. 10.4 And after crooking its way into the Gentlemens Club, the regime in characteristic Machiavellian style has trampled underfoot the Harare Declaration dishing out spiteful doses of undemocratic and anti-Commonwealth rhetoric again with arrogance and impunity. The annexation of a people violates not only the letter and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of human Rights, the AU Charter on Human and People's Rights, but also the Harare Principles of the Commonwealth on democracy, human rights and good governance.
10.5 In light of such serious and persistent violations of the fundamental rights of the People's of the Southern Cameroons by la Republique du Cameroun, the challenge was up to the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) and the CHOGM to destitute la Republique du Cameroun of its membership of the Commonwealth and return the seat to the Southern Cameroons whose right it was to that membership in the first place. La Republique du Cameroun has never shown any acceptance of Commonwealth norms and conventions. Rather she has sought to use her membership of the Commonwealth to strengthen her annexation and stranglehold on the Southern Cameroons and to frustrate our aspirations to re-assert our inherent and inalienable right of self-determination and independence and to confiscate Commonwealth largess for the benefit of francophones...
11. Appeals to the Organisation of African Unity/African Union (OAU / AU): 11.1 In November 1994 and April 1996, an SCNC delegation met with Dr. Salem Ahmed Salem, then OAU Secretary-General, in Yaound respectively during his first official visit to the country and in the run up to the July 1996 OAU Summit when Mr. Paul Biya would assume the Chairmanship of the organisation. The OAU Secretary-General underscored the legitimacy and justice of a return to the two-state federation where the interests of the two peoples and cultures would best be realised and protected as is the case in his own country Tanzania (between Tanganyika and Zanzibar). When he raised the Anglophone Problem with the President, Mr. Paul Biya accused him of meddling in the internal affairs of Cameroun. In fact Mr. Biya became an absentee-chairman of the OAU during his tenure of office because he was avoiding Dr. Salem Ahmed Salem who kept reminding him about the Anglophone Problem.
12. Appeal to the United Nations against Annexation: 12.1 On June 1, 1995, a 9-man delegation of the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) and the Southern Cameroons Restoration Movement (SCARM) led by none other than the late Dr John Ngu Foncha, the man who, as Premier of the Southern Cameroons, was pressured by the United Nations and the United Kingdom into an unholy union with la Rpublique du Cameroun against his governments demand for full independence in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, filed a petition at the 200
United Nations Headquarters in New York against the annexation of the Southern Cameroons by la Rpublique du Cameroun and France asking the United Nations to grant the Southern Cameroons the independence that was denied her in 1961. Dr. John Ngu Foncha, at the ripe age of 84 years, was back at the United Nations to personally bear testimony to the facts: that the forced cohabitation into which the United Nations was misled by the United Kingdom into pushing his government in 1961 had not worked and will never work; that even though threatened by violence, the peoples of the Southern Cameroons were taking the risk of freedom, asking to be given a place in the social, political and economic life of their country commensurate with their dignity as free human beings; that the peoples of the Southern Cameroons had decided to exercise their inherent and inalienable right of self-determination to free themselves from the bondage of neocolonialism, oppression, exploitation, foreign occupation, and annexation by la Rpublique du Cameroun and France.
13. The Conspiracy to annex the British Cameroons to its contiguous neighbours: 13.1. The conspiracy of the United Nations, the United Kingdom Government, France and la Republique du Cameroun in the events that culminated in the annexation of the territory to its two contiguous neighbours have all been highlighted. His Honour J.O. Field, Commissioner of the Southern Cameroons, in a Secret Despatch of 29 August, 1960, to Mr. Iain Macleod, British Colonial Secretary, assessed the situation as follows: Most people in the Southern Cameroons do not want to be administered by the Republic, they do not want to have anything to do with a French-trained army or police (which they fear), they do not want a French system of law, they do not want the French language, they do not want to risk being pushed around by Republic officials and they do not want policy dictated to them by Republic politicians. Least of all, do they want the British connection to be completely severed or to be cut off from British help. ... They fear being pushed into Nigeria as much as they fear being pushed into the Republic.
13.2 The conspiracy began to unfold when the 994th Plenary of the United Nations General Assembly met to adopt the Trusteeship Council Fourth Committees Draft Resolution A/C.4/L.685 on the implementation of the results of the Plebiscite. The United Nations General Assembly went out of its way to amend that draft leaving out any reference to the Commission of experts and the Federal character of the Union.
13.3 In 1972, the Federal State for which the people of the Southern Cameroons had voted was unilaterally, unconstitutionally, illegally, fraudulently, and unceremoniously abolished by President Ahmadou Ahidjo, by decree N. DF72-270 of February 6, 1972, instituting a unitary state, which he named the United Republic of Cameroon. 13.4 On February 4, 1984, President Ahmadou Ahidjos hand-picked successor, Mr. Paul Biya, by Decree N. 84-001, also unilaterally, unconstitutionally, illegaly and unceremoniously again changed the name of the country from the United Republic of Cameroon to simply la Rpublique du Cameroun, the same name French Cameroun assumed when it became independent on January 1, 1960, and was admitted to membership of the United Nations Organisation. By that wanton act Mr. Biya seceded la Republique du Cameroun from the Union with the Southern Cameroons.
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13.5 The high regard given by the Organisation of African Unity/African Union (OAU/AU) to territorial boundaries existing on their achievement of national independence includes the territorial divide between the former British Cameroons and the Federation of Nigeria on one hand and between the former British Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun on the other. La Republique du Cameroun, since the signing of the union accords in December 1960, has exhibited callous bad faith and breaches of trust. Having seceded from the union with the Southern Cameroons in 1984, la Republique du Cameroun resorted to state gangsterism and terrorism reminiscent of the Apartheid regime in South Africa, which has caused unspeakable hardships for the peoples of the Southern Cameroons - all in an attempt to intimidate and subdue, subjugate and dehumanise, exploit and impoverish, annex and assimilate the peoples and their territory in keeping with their hidden agenda.
14. THE SIGNATURE REFERENDUM: 14.1 When the SCNC delegation returned home from the United Nations on 28 June 1995, it carried out a countrywide tour of the two Anglophone provinces representing the Southern Cameroons in the union. The massive popular support received throughout the territory made it imperative that the support should be harnessed for the record. 14.2 Everywhere the delegation went they heard speeches calling for the total and the immediate independence for the Southern Cameroons and a review of their relationship with la Rpublique du Cameroun. The Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM) decided to conduct a Signature Referendum throughout the territory with financial support from compatriots in the Ivory Coast (Cote dIvoire) through the good offices of compatriot Nfor Nwayuke Susungi then with the African Development Bank (ADB) in Abidjan, The question put to referendum was: DO YOU WANT THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS TO ACHIEVE FULL INDEPENDENCE BY PEACEFUL SEPARATION FROM LA RPUBLIQUE DU CAMEROUN? 14.3 An analysis of the results shows that a total of 315.000 signatures were collected from the peoples of the Southern Cameroons of voting age through out the territory. Considering the fact that the voter turn-out at the January 1996 Municipal Council Elections was 419.000 in the territory (the turn-out had been 420.000 for the presidential elections in October 1992), the total number of signatures obtained represents a 75% voter participation. Only 100 signatories said NO to independence: 99.97% voted in favour of independence. This represents the mandate of the peoples of the Southern Cameroons for their independence. The actual signatures obtained have been submitted to the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights in Banjul, The Gambia, in the case by the Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation (SCAPO) and the SCNC against la Republique du Cameroun now pending before the Commission. 14.4 Five Anglophone activists, namely: Wilson Arrey from Eyumojog in the South-West Province, Abel Apong from Ngwo in the North-West Province, John Kudi from Esimbi in the North-West Province, Chryspus Keenebie from Ngie also in the North-West Province, Jacques Njenta from Nkambe in the North-West Province, were arrested in September 1995 in connection with the Signature Referendum exercise among the predominantly North-West workers in SOCAPALM plantation in the outskirts of Douala on the instructions of Mr. John Niba Ngu, the then General Manager of SOCAPALM, and whisked off to the maximum security prison in Kondengui in Yaound in la Republique du Cameroun where they were held incommunicado, without charge or trial, for over five 202
years. Barrister Joseph MBAH NDAM stumbled on them by chance during his defence of the 61 Anglophone detainees at the military tribunal in June 1999. It took the regime five whole years to bow to international pressure, specifically from the Swiss-Cameroon Solidarity Group in Bern, Switzerland; led by the ebullient Rev. Markus Wyss, one time principal of CPC Bali, before those FORGOTTEN FIVE were finally and unceremoniously released on 6 November 2000. They were suddenly released on November 6, 2000, by a collaborative Anglophone Supreme Court Judge, Justice George Gwanmesia, who originally signed their incarceration warrants in the first place, ostensibly on the instructions of Mr. Paul Biya. The gates of the prison were simply thrown open and the FIVE were told to walk out and go home with the warning to stay clear of the SCNC for Cameroon remains one and indivisible. Nobody thought it necessary to give them some money for transport to their various destinations.
15. THE WAY TO PEACE 15.1 When one country (the Federation of Nigeria on one hand and la Republique du Cameroun on the other) forcibly and/or fraudulently assumes total and unwarranted jurisdiction over another country (the former British Cameroons), exercising complete dominion over it and denying it the right to govern itself, this is annexation; it is colonisation. The annexationist state may co-opt quislings or collaborators from the annexed territory into its administration, army, police, and gendarmerie. It may even give the vote and offer its citizenship to the natives of the annexed territory. All that changes nothing. It does not make the colonised territory a part of the colonising state but, in fact, confirms the fact of annexation.(* Carlson Anyangwe). 15.2 The only office which states, by some written or unwritten law, tend to reserve for their true and genuine nationals is that of Head of State. This fact was dramatically brought home to citizens of the Southern Cameroons (Anglophone Cameroon) after the presidential elections of October 1992. One of us, Ni John Fru Ndi, who presumed to be entitled to accede to the office of president of la Republique du Cameroun was told by the ruler ship (France) that the office was a reserved domain for citizens of la Republique du Cameroun only. FRU NDI, a bona fide citizen of the Southern Cameroons, is a stranger in la Republique du Cameroun. 15.3 The same is true of Mr. ABUBAKAR ATIKU, President Obasanjos running mate, who was denied to run for the presidency of the Federation of Nigeria in the recently concluded presidential elections in that country ostensibly because of alleged financial impropriety. The real reason he was denied to run for the presidency of Nigeria is that he is a bona fide citizen of the former British Northern Cameroons and consequently a stranger in Nigeria. ..
16. Let us go back and pick up the threads of Fr. Antoine Chonangs interview with His Eminence Christian Wiyghan Cardinal TUMI in October 2003: Fr. Antoine: We talked about the 1992 elections which, according to well informed sources, were won by the opposition. But how can we explain the silence of western embassies especially France that is generally quick to denounce injustices here and there in the world? His Eminence: It would appear that it is because of France that the situation did not change.
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Fr. Antoine: That is? His Eminence: Instead of denouncing this civil coup dEtat, France was an accomplice. A French Minister said publicly: an Anglophone shall never be in Etoudi. (ETOUDI is the presidential palace in Yaound).
17. FRAUS OMNIA VITIAT: It has been argued by the annexationists that the Plebiscite Covenant by which the peoples of the Southern Cameroons voted to join la Republique du Cameroun is a binding instrument or treaty. Various Southern Cameroons liberation movements, from Fon Gorji Dinka of Ambazonia, through the Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM) now the Southern Cameroons Restoration Movement (SCARM), to the SCNC, the Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL), and now runner up SCAPO, were misled by this argument and so waged to struggle for the liberation of the territory from a wrong perspective. That, notwithstanding, the principle at law as for as fraud is concerned is fraus omnia vitiat, that is, fraud vitiates all treaties and agreements rendering them null and void ab initio. The Plebiscite Covenant under the prevailing circumstances, which violates the principles of international law embodied in the UN Charter, is therefore void and no longer valid. 17.1 Southern Cameroons liberation movements have each shown how the United Nations General Assembly by amending the Fourth Committees Resolution A/C.4/F/685 violated the Plebiscite Covenant. They have also shown how la Republique du Cameroun, through fraud, corruption, coercion and state terrorism have systematically and progressively violated the inherent and inalienable rights of the territory and peoples of the the Southern Cameroons and consequently the Plebiscite Covenant. 17.2 The peoples of the Southern Cameroons went into the United Nations-imposed union with la Republique du Cameroun in good faith. Their hopes of building ONE NATION-TWO PEOPLES were shattered by the bad faith, dishonesty, fraud, and fundamental breaches of trust underpinning a hidden agenda of the Francophones to annex and assimilate the territory and its peoples, willy-nilly, into Francophonie. 17.3 The peoples of the British Southern Cameroons have been denied their right of equal belonging in a union they voted to join under agreed terms, in addition to the denial of those rights prescribed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They have been made to toil for the francophone majority to reap the fruits; and they have to fight and blackmail one another for the crumbs. This is camouflaged slavery at the dawn of the third millennium. This has made the Southern Cameroons unable to contribute as a people to their political, economic, social and cultural progress and play a meaningful role in the community of nations as it should have been doing if it where an independent nation on its own. The peoples of the Southern Cameroons want to reassert that challenge with the human resources made up of a population of over 6 million and endowed with an abundance of natural resources that are either untapped or being exploited to maintain a French tele-guided dictatorship in place to continue to protect the economic interests of the neo-colonialists and France.
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18. The Philosophy of the Force of Argument, Not the Argument of Force: 18.1 The SCNC took a hard look at the fratricidal conflicts plaguing the African continent; from Mozambique to Angola, from Sudan to Somalia, from Liberia to Sierra Leone, from the Casamance to Algeria, from Rwanda/Burundi to the Congos. We thought that we could slowly but confidently educate the United Nations and the Organisation of African Unity (now the African Union) by using the weapon of THE FORCE OF ARGUMENT to show why the Southern Cameroons has to become an independent nation. Recent events in the territory brought about by the Biya regimes arrogance and intransigence, refusal to dialogue, its institutionalisation of fraud (electoral and economic) and corruption, the telling of lies as a means of governance, and the derailment of the democratic process seem to point the way to THE ARGUMENT OF FORCE, the universally accepted solution to the conflict now prevailing between the Southern Cameroons and la Rpublique du Cameroun.
18.2 The Way to Peace, therefore is not to prepare for war (as Mr. Paul Biya would Want us to believe): 18.2.1 The Federation of Nigeria and la Rpublique du Cameroun should respect the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights as well as the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights and in particular, Article 4b of that Charter on the respect of borders inherited at independence.
18.2.2 When la Republique du Cameroun became independent on 1st January 1960, the Southern Cameroons Autonomous Territory was not part of la Republique du Cameroun. In a similar vein, when the Federation of Nigeria became independent on 1st October 1960, the Northern Cameroons Autonomous territory was not part of the Federation of Nigeria since the UN had separated the UN Territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration from the latter before 1st October 1960.
19.3 The Way to Peace, therefore, - Requires both the Federation of Nigeria and la Rpublique du Cameroun to renounce the use of force as an instrument of policy in their dealings with the peoples of the UN Territory of the Cameroons formerly under United Kingdom Administration. - It also requires the United Nations to supervise and ensure the proper implementation of United Nations Resolution 1608 (XV) using its Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution; and not hide behind the state practice of non-interference in the internal affairs of member states. - Through its own programme of Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution, the United Nations is well placed to intervene in the conflict between the Southern Cameroons and la Rpublique du Cameroun and to ensure its peaceful resolution and so avoid another disastrous shooting war in Africa. The United Nations also has established mechanisms with which to promote and protect the universal and internationally protected code of the human rights of minorities, indigenous peoples and other
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vulnerable groups against discriminatory and abusive practices and to assist governments in carrying out their responsibilities. - The Special Committee of 24 on Decolonisation should re-visit the British Cameroons file in order to see for themselves that the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples was not implemented in the case of the peoples of the British Cameroons at the termination of the Trusteeship Agreement.
20. The Millennium Goals: 20.1 It would be recalled that when the 147 Heads of State and Government together with representatives of 191 nations assembled at the Millennium Summit in New York, from 6-8 September 2000, and adopted the United Nations Millennium Declaration, they reaffirmed their faith in the United Nations and their commitment to the principles and purposes of the Charter as indispensable foundations of a more peaceful, prosperous and just world. They also rededicated themselves to the right to self-determination of peoples who remain under colonial domination and foreign occupation and to the respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms. 20.2 The cause of the peoples of the UN Territory of the Cameroons formerly under United Kingdom Administration is not only a just one; it is irrefutable as the facts are compelling. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the A.U. Charter on Human and Peoples Rights all put the case of self-determination for the annexed, oppressed and exploited peoples of the Southern Cameroons beyond the pale of the so-called internal affairs of la Rpublique du Cameroun and egocentric solidarity with France. Self-determination is a human right.
21. The Concept of the UN Territory of the Cameroons formerly under British Administration and Light at the end of the Tunnel at last. 21.1 For nearly 46 years, the peoples of the Southern Cameroons in particular had predicated their struggle for self-determination and independence on the premise that there was a legal union between the Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun. That was a false premise. Southern Cameroons liberation movements spent a collective 46 years waging our struggle from a false premise: first, that there was a legal federation in international law between the Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun; and second, that the Southern Cameroons could become independent in its own right. This Cameroon Territory concept has rendered the Southern Cameroons liberation movements irrelevant. 21.2 The break through came on 21 March 2003; one of us, Professor Martin CHIA ATEH, a diligent researcher into the workings of the United Nations system, with the support of UNESCO and the United Nations University of Peace, both scientific organs of the United Nations, revisited the Southern Cameroons file and came out with the startling revelation, which he addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations Organisation on: The Non-Execution of UNO Resolution 1608 (XV) paragraphs 4a & 5 of 21 April 1961 on the Future of the Trust territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration: No Treaties of the Union were worked out between: a) the Government of the Federation of Nigeria and the Autonomous Territory of Northern Cameroons; b) the Government of the Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun.
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UNO Resolution 1608 (XV) states: para 4: Decide que les plebiscites ayant eu lieu separement avec des resultants differents, lAccord de tutelle du 13 Decembre1946 relatif au Camerounsous administration du Royaume Uni prendra fin, conformement a laliena b de Article 76 de la Charte des Nations Unies et en accord avec lautorite administrante, dans les conditiones suivantes: a) En ce qui concerne le Cameroun Septentrional, le 1er Juin 1961, au moment ou le Cameroun Septentrional sunira a la federation de Nigeria en tant que province Separee de la Region du Nord de la Nigeria; para 5: Invite lAutorite administrante, le Governement du cameroun meridional et la Republique du Cameroun a entamer durgence des pourparles afin de prende, avant le 1er Octobre 1961, les dispositions necessaires pour que soient mises en oeuvre les politique concertees et declarees des parties interessees. 994eme sance pleniere 21 Avril 1961. [Translation: para 4: Decides that since the plebiscites took place separately, yielding Different results, the Trusteeship Agreement of 13th December 1946 relating to the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration should end pursuant to Article 76(b) of the United Nations Charter and in agreement with the Administering Authority under the following conditions: a) As concerns the Northern Cameroons, on 1st June, 1961, when the said Cameroons would join the Federation of Nigeria as a separate province of the Northern Region of Nigeria; Para 5: Calls on the Administering Authority, the Government of the Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun to immediately open talks in order to make necessary arrangements, before 1st October, 1961, for the implementation of the policies agreed on and declared by the interested parties. 994th Plenary session 21 April 1961].
21.3 Northern Cameroons Autonomous Territory: 21.3.1 The above Article 4a required that an Agreement (or Treaty) of the Union between the Government of the Federation of Nigeria and the autonomous Territory of the Northern Cameroons with the United Kingdom as Administering Authority of the Northern Cameroons Territory (part of the Trust territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration) be worked out before 1st June1961. The Agreement (or Treaty) was to protect the interests and rights of the inhabitants of both Northern Cameroons and those of the Federation of Nigeria. The worked out Agreement (or Treaty) should have been ratified by the Northern Cameroons Autonomous Territorial Assembly and the Parliament of the Federation of Nigeria, and the Agreement (or Treaty) should have been registered and a copy deposited in the Secretariat of the Secretary-General of the United Nations
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Organisation in application of Article 102(1) of the United Nations Charter. That Article 102(1) states: Every Treaty and every international agreement entered into by any member of the United Nations after the present Charter comes into force shall as soon as possible be registered with the Secretariat and published by it. 21.3.2 The Federation of Nigeria, itself already independent on 01/10/1960, had become a member of the United Nations Organisation (UNO) on 7th October 1960 (UNO Res.1402 (XV) of 07/10/1960). So it was aware of the above Article 102(1) of the United Nations Charter. 21.3.3 Unfortunately, the agreement (or treaty) was never worked out. What is found today is the following: since 1st October 1960, the late Tafawa Balewa, the then Prime Minister of the Federation of Nigeria, in a ceremony at Mubi formally took possession of the Northern Cameroons Autonomous Territory. The Northern Cameroons Autonomous Territory has moved through the following appellations in Nigerias administration, namely: from Northern Cameroons Autonomous Territory to Sardauna Province, then Gongola State and part of Bornu State, and today it forms parts of the following states of the Federation of Nigeria:- Bornu State, Adamawa State, Taraba State. 21.3.4 So the extension of the administration of the Federation of Nigeria to the Northern Cameroons Autonomous Territory was from the onset 01/06/1961 illegal and illegitimate in international law and a violation of Article 102(1) of the United Nations Charter. It was an invasion. It was a violation of the Northern Cameroons right to SelfDetermination and Independence. So the present administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo/ President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua of the Federation of Nigeria on the Northern Cameroons Autonomous Territory is still illegal and illegitimate in internal law and a violation of the United Nations Charter.
21.4 Southern Cameroons Autonomous Territory: Paragraph 5 under reference above required that a Treaty of the Union between the Government of the Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun with the United Kingdom as Administering Authority of the Southern Cameroons (part of the Trust Territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration) be worked out before 1st October 1961. The Treaty was to protect the interests and rights the inhabitants of both the Southern Cameroons and those of la Republique du Cameroun. The worked out treaty should have been ratified by the Southern Cameroons Territorial Assembly and the parliament of la Republique du Cameroun, and the Treaty should have been registered and a copy deposited in the Secretariat of the Secretary-General of the United Nations Organisation in application of Article 102(1) of the United Nations Charter which states: Every Treaty and every international agreement entered into by any member of the United nations after the present Charter comes into force shall as soon as possible be registered with the secretariat and published by it.
21.4.1 La Republique du Cameroun, itself already independent on 1st January 1960, had become a member of the United Nations Organisation on 20/09/1960 (UNO Res. 1476 208
(XV) of 20/09/1960). So it was aware of the above Article 102(1) of the United Nations Charter.
21.4.2 Unfortunately, the Treaty was never worked out. What is found today is the following, namely: 1. On 1st September 1961 in Yaound, la Republique du Cameroun, Mr. Ahmadou AHIDJO, the then President of la Republique du Cameroun revised his constitution of la Republique du Cameroun of 21 February 1960 and imposed it on the peoples of the Southern Cameroons and their Territory on 1st October 1961. This is what Article 1, paragraph 1, and Article 59 of Mr. AHIDJOs Constitution of the Federal Republic of Cameroon which came into effect on 1st October 1961 state: Article 1, paragraph 1: The Federal Republic of Cameroon is formed, as from 1st October 1961, of the territory of the Republic of Cameroun, henceforth called East Cameroun, and the Territory of the Southern Cameroons formerly under United Kingdom Administration, henceforth called West Cameroon. Article 59: The present provisions, by which the constitution of the Republic adopted on 21st February 1960 by the Cameroonian people is revised, shall enter into force on 1st October 1961. The revised constitution shall be published in French and in English, the French text being authentic.
21.4.3 Mr. Ahidjos federal constitution of 01/10/1961 on Southern Cameroons Territory was a violation of paragraph 5 of UNO Res.1608 (XV) of 21/04/1961 for a Treaty of Union to be worked out between the Southern Cameroons Territory and la Republique du Cameroun.
21.4.4 The United Kingdom signed an EDICT on 27/09/1961 ending its administration of the Southern Cameroons Trust Territory without ensuring that a Treaty was worked out between the Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun in execution of both the above UNO Resolution and the Trusteeship Agreement signed on 13 December 1946 with the United Nations Organisation in New York.
21.4.5 So Mr. Ahidjos extension of his administration to the Southern Cameroons Territory was from the onset 01/10/1961 illegal and illegitimate in international Law. It was an invasion. It was a violation of Southern Cameroons right to Self-Determination and Independence. So the present administration of Mr. Paul Biya on the Southern Cameroons Territory is still illegal and illegitimate in international law and a violation of Article 102(1) of the United Nations Charter.
21.4.6 The United Nations Secretary-General who should have ensured that UNO Resolution 1608 (XV), paragraph 5, of 21/04/1961 was executed, H. E. Dag Hammarskjold died in a plane crash in Africa in September 1961. His successor, H.E. U
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Thant, was appointed Acting Secretary-General in November 1961. So in September 1961 and October 1961 there was no full Secretary-General of the United Nations Organisation who could have ensured the full and legal execution of the UNO Resolution 1608 (XV), paragraph 5, of 21/04/1961 on Southern Cameroons future.
21.5 The Former Trust Territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration: Northern Cameroons and Southern Cameroons together. 21.5.1 The Northern Cameroons and the Southern Cameroons together comprise the former UN Trust Territory of the Cameroons under British Administration (86,214 sq.km.) for which a Trusteeship Agreement was signed on 13/12/1946 between the General Assembly of the United Nations Organisation and His Majestys Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Article 1 of the above-mentioned Trusteeship Agreement defines the Territory as follows, namely: The Territory to which this Agreement applies comprises that part of the Cameroons lying to the west of the boundary defined by the Franco-British Declaration of 10 July 1919, and more exactly defined in the Declaration made by the Governor of the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria and the Governor of the Cameroons under French Mandate which was confirmed by the exchange of Notes between His Majestys Government in the United Kingdom and the French Government of 9 January 1931. This line may, however, be slightly modified by mutual agreement between His Majestys Government in the United Kingdom and the Government of the French republic where an examination of the localities shows that it is desirable in the interests of the inhabitants. Article 3 of the same Trusteeship Agreement defines the role of the Administering Authority as follows, namely: The Administering Authority undertakes to administer the Territory in such a Manner as to achieve the basic objectives of the international trusteeship system Laid down in Article 76 of the United Nations Charter. The Administering Authority further undertakes to collaborate fully with the General Assembly of the United Nations and the Trusteeship Council in the discharge of all their functions as defined in Article 87 of the United nations Charter, and to facilitate any periodic visits to the Territory which they may deem necessary, at times to be agreed upon by the Administering Authority.
22. The Way Forward Today. 22.1 The quest for Self-Determination and Independence of the Peoples and Territory of the former British Cameroons is an incontrovertible and a burning issue. The UN should ensure that the Self-Determination and Independence of the Peoples and Territory of the former British Cameroons is Rectified and Regularised in accordance with Article 76, paragraph b, of the Charter of the United Nations Organisation. 22.2 The recent Nigeria - la Republique du Cameroun Mixed Commission on their border problems provided an opportunity for the former British Cameroons independence issue 210
to be raised and regularized. Why? Because since UN Resolution 1608 (XV), paragraph 5, of 21 April 1961 was not implemented in accordance with International Law, both Nigeria and la Republique du Cameroun had no legal right to claim Sovereignty over the Bakassi Peninsula of the UN Territory of the Cameroons formerly under United Kingdom Administration. This is in accordance with Article 102 (2) of the Charter of the United Nations which states: No party to any such Treaty or International Agreement which has not been registered in accordance with the provisions of paragraph 1 of this Article may invoke that treaty or agreement before any organ of the United Nations. 22.3 La Republique du Cameroun and Nigeria should withdraw their illegal and illegitimate administrations from the UN Territory of the Cameroons formerly under United Kingdom administration immediately and progressively. They should also encourage the peoples of the former British Cameroons to continue to work for their sovereign selfdetermination and independence through the United Nations Organisation to ensure international peace and security. Exiled Southern Cameroonian citizens should be called back home. And All SCNC prisoners of conscience should be released and damages be paid to the families of the dead. 22.4 This means that a UN Transitional Administration should takeover the Territory of the former British Cameroons to ensure that the peoples of the Territory prepare themselves for their Sovereign Independence and Future Government and Administration of their Territory. The presence of the UN Administration on the Territory will not only ensure international peace and security but will also reduce the tensions between the peoples of the Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun in particular on the one hand, and the peoples of the Northern Cameroons and Nigeria on the other. Legitimacy and legality of the former British Cameroons independence will be endorsed. East Timor became independent recently. A war is not necessary. 22.5 And so the peoples of the former British Cameroons, the Northern Cameroons and the Southern Cameroons together, have requested the Secretary-General of the United Nations Organisation, H.E. Kofi Atah ANNAN, and his successor, H.E. Ban Ki Moon, to make use of their good offices, drawing upon their stature and impartiality, in the interests of preventive diplomacy, to bring to the attention of the Security Council and the United Nations General Assembly: A) The non-implementation of UN Resolution 1608 (XV), paragraph 5, of 21 April 1961 on the Future of the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration. B) The urgent Rectification and Regularisation of the Self-Determination and Independence of the Territory in application of the UN Resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960 Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. C) The Admission of the State of the UN Territory of the Cameroons formerly under United Kingdom Administration after independence to the United Nations Organisation as a full member in application of Article 4 of the Charter of the United Nations. 22.6 Just as UNO Resolution 1349 (X111), paragraphs 1, 2, and 3 of 13 March 1959 gave independence to the state of la Republique du Cameroun on 1st January 1960 and an Assembly elections were conducted and it (Resolution) recommended that la Republique du Cameroun be admitted as a member of the United Nations Organisation in application of Article 4 of the Charter of he United Nations, and just as the Federation of Nigeria which became independent on 01/10/1960 was admitted a member of the United Nations Organisation by UNO Resolution 1402 (XV) of 07/10/1960, so too the Peoples of the former UN Trust Territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom
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Administration today want a United Nations resolution Granting them Independence and Admission as a member to the United Nations Organisation in application of Article 4 of the Charter of the United Nations.
22.7 Attached is the September 1960 United Nations map of the former Trust Territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration (86,214 sq.km.) United Nations Map No. 1269 (1).
23. CONCLUSION 23.1 There comes a time in the affairs of men when a long-suffering people must either stand up and be counted or for ever hold their peace; a time when a people must face the destiny which they have always known that they would face someday; a time when a man must take a deep breath and do what he has to do; a time when the faint-hearted can perform acts of courage beyond expectations; a time when a man must take a bold leap into the uncertainty of the unknown in order to escape from the certainty of a past best forgotten; a time when there is nothing to fear but fear itself; a time when a slave must break out and take the risk of freedom or forever remain in bondage; a time when you must reach out for that abstract goal for which you must be willing to sacrifice your life; it is the time to live free or die. (*N. N. Susungi). 23.2 That moment finally came for the people of ex-British Southern Cameroons on December 30, 1999, when Justice Frederick ALOBWEDE EBONG, a bona fide citizen of the Southern Cameroons and Chairman of the Strategic Committee of the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC), set up by the Prince Esoka NDOKI MUKETE leadership of the organisation, on behalf of the annexed and colonised, oppressed and brutalised, dehumanised and exploited peoples of the Southern Cameroons, in desperation proclaimed over Radio Buea the Restoration of the Sovereignty and Independence of the Southern Cameroons, our chosen course for Self-determination, to forge our destiny and build our own country in Freedom, Justice and Peace. That proclamation too was misleading in that the Southern Cameroons is but a part of the former UN Trust Territory of the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration for which the United Kingdom signed a Trusteeship Agreement with the United Nations on 13 December 1946, and undertook to lead to self-determination and independence. The Southern Cameroons, therefore, can only become independent together with the Northern Cameroons in application of the Charter of the United Nations and the Trusteeship Agreement. 23.3 That proclamation, misleading though it was, prompted the United Nations Secretary-General, H.E. Kofi Atah ANNAN, to visit the Cameroons on May 1-3, 2000 a visit that was heavily state-censured. At the end of the visit Mr. Kofi ANNAN prescribed dialogue to defuse the potentially explosive situation prevailing in the country. The peoples of the Southern Cameroons have been knocking on the door of la Republique du Cameroun for dialogue for the past 46 years but successive francophone-led dictatorships have responded with all forms of violent intimidations and barefaced state terrorism. How then do we dialogue with the deaf?
24. The Way to Independence for the Peoples of the UN Territory of the Cameroons 212
formerly under United Kingdom Administration: 24.1 The way to Independence for the peoples of the former British Cameroons (Northern Cameroons and the Southern Cameroons together) is in the hands of the UN. The UN should follow the same path it took to grant independence to other UN territories. It must be noted that the British Cameroons is a particular UN Territory as it had been annexed respectively by Nigeria (in the case of the Northern Cameroons), and by la Republique du Cameroun and France (in the case of the Southern Cameroons) through an unorthodox independence-by-joining that the UN granted the Cameroons under United Kingdom Administration in 1961.
24.2 The former British Cameroons today is in the same situation as the three Baltic States (Estonia, Lestonia, Lithuania). It should be recalled that the latter three states were granted independence by the League of Nations, and the independence was later suppressed by the Soviet Union which then annexed them on the grounds that as small neighbouring states, it was their weakness that allowed the German troops to crush them very easily and then crossed their international boundary with the Soviet Union into St. Petersburg. But with glasnost and perestroika brought by Mikail Gorbatchov, these states regained their lost independence through the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) and the UN. 24.3 Another way out for the Northern and Southern Cameroons is that the UN may simply implement the UNGA Resolution 1514 (XIV) of 14 December 1960 on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Territories and Peoples.
25. Finally, I should like to end this write up with these quotations from Pope John Paul II The Great. During His address at Unity Palace, Yaound, on the occasion of His first official visit to the Cameroons, 15 August 1985, the Holy Father said, inter alia: Injustices committed by certain regimes concerning human rights or the legitimate demands of a section of the population which is refused participation or common responsibilities beget revolt of regrettable violence but which justice could have foreheld. Addressing the General Assembly of the United Nations in New York on the occasion of its 50th Anniversary of the Organisation on October 1995, the Holy Father said, inter alia: A pre-supposition of a nations rights is certainly its right to exist; therefore, no one neither a state nor another nation nor an international organisation is ever justified in asserting that an individual nation is not worthy of existence. It seems to me that on both occasions the Holy Father was addressing the Anglophone Problem in the Cameroons. - Finis Maps of the British Cameroons:
"Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea
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www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 11:44AM (+02:00)
STATEMENT FROM THE SCYL SECRETARY GENERAL

Thirteen years ago, the founding fathers of the Southern Cameroons Youth League establish on the landscape of Africa, an organisation that will challenge in a forceful way the occupation of the Southern Cameroons . Thirteen years after, the struggle for the restoration of the independence of the Southern Cameroons though tumultuous, has nevertheless been placed in an irreversible pedestal in the political landscape of the world. The SCYL remains hopeful that in the coming months, the struggle for the independence of our homeland will reach a tipping point. The SCYL maintains its resolve in the arm struggle against the occupying regime and urge its supporters to reject any nave proposition by detractors in confronting one of the most brutal nations in Africa . We have set our vision as follows: The SCYL seeks to establish a sovereign, independent and viable State that will lend itself the primary objective of securing for its people a functional democratic system grounded on the will of the people, the rule of law, the respect of human rights with the people at the centre of every developmental effort of the human capacity. Second, The SCYL seeks to harness and exploit equitably the God given resources of The Southern Cameroons principally for the benefit of its citizenry. Third, it seeks to make morality a cornerstone of cohabitation Fourth, because we believe the destiny of our people to be tied to the destiny of the continent of Africa , a viable Southern Cameroons State will formulate and execute policies that have at its core the reawakening of the Pan African spirit which many fought and died for. A new Pan-Africanism that will seek to build bridges across the continent, re-orientate the African psyche and elevate the continent as a global player. I wish every SCYL activists across the globe a wonderful thirteen anniversary and urge them to redouble their effort in the restoration campaign. I am also announcing the readmission of Comrade Wesley Tiku into the SCYL family and reinstating him as the SCYL Head of Missions for North America . He shall have the duty of engaging in a philosophy of liberation diplomatic initiatives on behalf of the SCYL and the Southern Cameroons . The SCYL believes any individual assign a job of conflict management and resolution must be equipped with the skills not only to reach out to foreign authorities but also the humility to reach out to sister organisations and individuals. On the report by the Dutch government While the SCYL acknowledges certain credibility problems with respect to the way the
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protection regime base on the Geneva Convention and the 1967 Protocol has been handled with respect to Southern Cameroonians seeking protection, we however reject the premise of the research outcome of the Dutch government base on two reasons; Any credible research must fulfil two basic fundamental principles; replicability and reliability. The parameters of the Holland research has failed to fulfil any of the above parameters The hypothesis which led into the enquiry was politically motivated and meant to foster a policy that is base on a harmonised asylum regime that has watered down the spirit of the Geneva Convention and redefined the protection regime which central European nations have been the greatest beneficiaries I have asked the International Secretariat in collaboration with the SCYL Holland bureau to represent our position to the government of Holland and to make them understand, they will be welcome to play an important role seeking to resolve the present impasse between our people and La Republique du Cameroun. National Secretary General Ayaba Cho Lucas 'Concerning nonviolence, it is criminal to teach a man not to defend himself when he is the constant victim of brutal attacks.' Malcom X "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 09:49AM (+02:00)
SCYL REACTION
Monday, May 26, 2008
SCYL REACTION TO THE INTERVIEW GRANTED BY ELAD EKONTANG
The Southern Cameroons is a nation under occupation and its people continue to endure some of the worst blights of discrimination and impunity from the occupying regime. As a nation under occupation, it will be insane on our part to pusue an agenda seeking to address an international dispute as set by the occupying power, tailored by them and masterminded with the sole intention of maintaining the occupation. As a people with an inalienable and inviolable right to self-determination, the right to govern ourselves and dispose of our resources the way we see fit is one embedded in international law that governs the peaceful coexistence of all people. Successive individuals, groups of individuals and organisations have treated the Southern Cameroons anti-colonial drive as though it was some domestic issue that should and would be resolved by some constitutional arrangement that will be decided by the occupying power at a time and place of their choosing. This is an errenous supposition that has been propagated partly base on ignorance and propaganda
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purposes to profit the occupier. The Southern Cameroons is a nation under occupation and as a colonised people and like any nation and people under a brutal and arrogant foreign dominion, the only domestic resolution to such a conflict would be one determined and directed by the occupied people and under such a regime, only a solution that conpletely changes the allignment of forces in an irreversible manner would be accepted as the most effective exit strategy. Otherwise the only alternative resolution of such a conflict would be one under the arbitration of a neutral international body with a specific mandate to end the occupation through dialogue. Mr. Ekontang Elads supposition that a constitutional arrangement that will seek to restore a federation that was unsupervised and imposed upon our people would resolve a question of occupation smarcks of ignorance. He should also be reminded that European unity was never achieved by Napoleon or Hitler because their quest was rooted in arbitrary actions guided by force that undermined the inherent will in a people to be part of the process of governance. This is the same errenous view that has characterise the search for an elusive unity in Africa. The SCYL strongly believes that unless the right to self-determination becomes the cornerstone in the pursuit of security, stability, prosperity and unity the unity of Africa will be marred by unresolved internal rivalries and cross border conflicts.
The SCYL wish to remind Ekontang Elad that in a Union between England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland with great devolution of powers in which the Scots basically manage their domestic affairs and the Prime Minister of the Union is a Scot, the Chancellor of the Exchequer is a Scot, the defence minister is a Scot, Scotland is still threatening the Union. If Scotland endowed with all these powers within a Union that it has so much economic and political latitude is sill threatening to establish a republic, what then of the Southern Cameroons, conquered, exploited, its people murdered, denied the basic right to vote, discriminated and treated as slaves? Mr. Ekontangs recognition that the time is long past when the occupying power could pursue both a short and long term policy of oocupation base on impunity without a respond from our people, should also serve as a reminder to the occupier to always expect a respond of escalating proportions from our people The SCYL rejects Mr. Elads naive stance as baseless and rooted in illegality, shortsightedness and fear by a generation that has never stood and achieve anything for our people. He should also be reminded that history has it recorded that liberation struggles though have been generally fought and won from the ground have almost entirely been micromanaged from abroad where the leaders can operate without manipulation and corrupt tendencies of the occupier; a trait which some of his colleagues like Munzu fell preyed to
The SCYL reminds our people that Elad never retired; he opted out of the struggle because of fear and to pursue opportunities and crumbs promised by the occupier. Old men like Mandela stood their grounds and exited the race like men with honour. If he thinks he is old, he should resign as chairman of COIC
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The SCYL calls on our people not to be persuaded by such naive stance and ignorant propositions from someone who should have known better the premise of the fine print of the Bamenda Proclamation, the london communique which he undersigned and the purpose of the 1995 UN trip and others which he led. The Southern Cameroons struggle against the last colonial vestiges of the occupying regime will be fought bravely and won. This is a pledge we made at the AAC2 in Bamenda, it is a pledge SCYL leaders made every day as we hoisted the UN flag in Elads compound in 1995 and it is a pledge we made to fallen comrades and all those who continue to suffer because of the failure and naivity of men like Elad. The SCYL reminds men like Elad that the Southern Cameroons will institute a form of retributive justice to bring to the dock all those who in times of great need took side with the aggressor Secretary General SCYL Ayaba Cho Lucas
Anglophones Have No Future - Elad Ekontang Interviewed By Ernest Sumelong & Elvis Tah Barrister Elad Ekontang, one of the front line activists of the All Anglophone Council, AAC, and the Southern Cameroon National Council, SCNC, says Anglophones have been absorbed, marginalised and do not have a future. The British trained lawyer and SOBAN says he believes in the creation of a federal system of government in Cameroon. In this interview granted The Post, Ekontang talks about the All Anglophone Council, the SCNC and explains why May 20 should not be celebrated. Excerpts:
You played a front line role in the All Anglophone Conference, AAC, which subsequently led to the formation of the SCNC. What motivated the Anglophone course? In the 80s and early 90s, there was this trend in the country to move away from one party. There was the trend towards democracy building in the country and President Biya brought up this issue in the early 90s about revising the constitution. He called on Cameroonians to contribute towards the idea of constitutional revision. This led to the Tripartite Conference, summoned by the government where three arms of the state, the civil society, political parties and the government. I was one of the representatives of the political parties, the Liberal Democratic Alliance, LDA, led by Mola Njoh Litumbe. At the Tripartite Conference, I was selected as one of the eleven candidates to revise the constitution. At the sessions of this technical committee for the constitutional revision, all the Anglophone representatives like Benjamin Itoe, Dr. Carlson Anyangwe, Samuel Munzu, and I had similar views. They were not exactly the same but they were similar in the sense that we all thought that good governance in Cameroon would be enhanced by adopting a Federal system of government. We put out a paper which was widely accepted, a mere declaration. There was this
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scepticism on the part of the francophone members of the commission that Federation was not a great idea and that it could lead to national disintegration. So, we decided to put that idea to test by summoning the AAC. It needed a great deal of preparations and we worked hard for it. Dr. Anyangwe, I and many others like Mr. Francis Wache, late Albert Mukong, Dr Arnold Boh Yongbang etc met and drafted the Buea declaration which defined our grievances and called on the government of La Republique to address them. So that was my involvement with the All Anglophone Conference, AAC. The AAC took place in 1993; I graduated from school in London in 1972, so you can see that between 1972 and 1993, we are talking of a period of about 22 years. What were some of the successes of the conference? I will say that the conference made very many achievements. Since that conference, Cameroon has not been the same. There had been in the past, a certain tendency to ignore the sentiments of Anglophones. We had arguments like West Cameroon had come to join their fatherland but after that conference, it was realised by everyone in the country that Anglophones have an important part to play in this country. They have their grievances that efforts to marginalise them will not work and that there must be a talk, otherwise we are heading towards a major catastrophe in this country. So, I will say that the AAC achieved a great deal. You see, it is so unfortunate that the 1996 Constitution, which was the product of our work and anticipated the creation of ten regions, has not been fully put into operation. In fact, we had a very decisive role at hand. Look at Parliament, you have question time and the significant role for the opposition; all those ideas are ideas which the chairman of the commission Prof. Owona did bring from his interaction with us. It shows such ways of doing as calling on ministers to be accountable to parliament or asking for people in government to declare their assets are the results of the pressure mounted on the regime by AAC Efforts you people made were really commendable; but what has become of the SCNC today? The SCNC is actually in many splinter groups. Part of this splintering movement has been as a result of government's machinations. When I led the group, we wanted to have the second AAC in Bamenda but the regime went on air on the day we were to have the meeting and put out the most scandalous announcement that we had postponed the meeting. In fact, the regime has always looked for ways and means to splinter this movement and it has succeeded to a large extent. Because our people are poor and weak, you know it is so easy if you have the power to divide and rule. And so our people are hungry, some of them have ambitions, some don't even know what we are talking about and so we are having situations today where you have a group led by Ambassador Fosung, another led by one person, but recently I read an article that Dr. Anyangwe and some other splinted persons had come together. I wish them luck. Now, where do you stand, to which of these groups do you belong?
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I do not belong to any of the existing factions. There is no need for me to belong to any of them. The ideas of the SCNC are clear, legitimate and were founded in history. It is not something to carry a tag that I belong to this or that faction. I believe sincerely that the people of the Southern Cameroon have been marginalised. I sincerely believe that the Federation was a good thing, it was meant to harmonise true inherited cultures (French and English). But one of these cultures, that is the people over there have said that they have a monopoly of that which is right and they are dominating the English speaking people. I believe in the SCNC course and I believe in what it stands for. I may not belong to any particular faction today because maybe the leadership and the vision may have been dented but the vision remains clear for everyone to see and I remain a disciple of the vision. You might not belong to any of the factions but you may believe in one of them. Which of them do you recognise as an SCNC body? You have SCNC in North America, in Britain, in Germany, in South Africa, all of them are well intentioned but for that course to triumph, the battle ground is inside this country. There is no doubt that people like Dr. Carlson Anyangwe have the integrity, vision and the capability of leading the movement but they are far. You have to live in the country to make the ordinary Cameroonian appreciate the injustices they are facing everyday. But to succeed, some thing has to be done to the Francophones, some of them may sympathise with our colleagues in the sense that they don't know what is happening to us, and they don't know that their regime is oppressing fellow Southern Cameroonians. One has to be here, that is why I have a lot of regard for what Dr. Anyangwe and his team are trying to do, but I think it looks a bit far fetched. It is here in the country that the heads had to be hammered together to produce a solution to resolve this problem. One of the issues the SCNC has been advocating for is secession. Do you see Southern Cameroon seceding one day? Is the SCNC worthy of carrying the Anglophone course and succeed in their "liberation struggle"? If you believe in the vision of late Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, late Nnamdi Azikiwe; they saw Africa as a block. Frankly speaking, in today's world where China is emerging as a major power, India, the United States, Europe, it doesn't make a lot of sense imagining that because of all these deprivations Africans have suffered, there can be any force to reckon with. So, I really think that further fracturing these smaller unique states we have is not going to help the Africans. I think that Cameroon should remain as it is and join other African groups so that we become a contending force in the world. The idea to secede is as a result of the intransigence of La Republique to dialogue or accept that there is something to be listened to. When I was in the SCNC, we sent hundreds of memoranda to the regime. We passed through the Pope, through the Cardinal, the Bishops to tell the Head of State that there was something wrong which he has to address.
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There were fake moves here and there particularly when Achidi Achu was still Prime Minister, but all those things led to no concrete effort to address this problem. I think that the failure of the regime to face the issue squarely or try to hide its head in the sand by trying to ignore the Anglophone problem has led the Anglophone nationalists to take the posture that if the regime is unwilling to negotiate with them, then the other option, what we called the zero option, which of course meant secession, should be the only option. I have even used that rhetoric if it is the only way to make the regime to listen, I don't see anything wrong with that. You have lived several epochs; the independence, the unification and the present day political era. How do you see the political trend in Cameroon today? In the then Southern Cameroon, you had a thriving democracy. This is in the sense that I saw an opposition leader, Dr. Foncha defeat a government in power, Dr. Endeley; it was legitimately done and there was a change. However, in East Cameroon, the system of government had been consistent. You find that what Ahidjo did is almost what the present President is fulfilling. Even though there has been talk of liberalisation, democracy and all that,this seems to be in the heavy hands of the regime. It has been very consistent and I think that the ordinary Southern Cameroonian has to conform in a way of doing things which they have never anticipated when they joined La Republique. For the Francophones, not much has changed. There is the direct progression from where they were in 1960s in the system of government, the changes of the world has not affected them much, they still look up to France as motherland and they continue to do things the way they have been doing. But in the Southern Cameroon, we have been absorbed, marginalised and we have no future. The political progression in this country has been very consistent as far as Francophones are concerned and the avenue for Anglophones to legitimately express their aspirations isn't there. Can we attribute the issue of corruption to the poor development of politics in Cameroon? I mean does the political system have an influence on corruption? When President Biya came to power in 1982 he brought the idea of rigour and moralisation. It was great, the whole country jumped and I tell you the truth, had he stood an election then, he probably would have gained 99 percent of the votes. Since then, things have been consistent in their decline. The corruption has been wide spread and when we see isolated cases of people being apprehended and sent to Kondengui, it is too little, too late because the whole system of government is terribly unsafe and we can't rely on it. Corruption is so endemic. Transparency International had us as one of the most corrupt countries not long ago. The political climate which is so highly centralised relies on patronage and ethnicity. For the regime to survive it depends on a clan. The clannishness, selfishness, tribalism and all the other factors have given birth to the endemic corruption because who will punish who when all in power are brothers?
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How do you consider May 20 celebrations? Is it celebrated in the right context? I don't know why we should celebrate May 20. It was the date arbitrarily chosen by a particular leader at a particular time. He adopted an illegal formula to rig the constitution and abolish a state which was there and which voluntarily joined La Republique. And having made the declarations that there should be a Referendum, he went on to proclaim that May 20 was a National Day. A national day should have a base in the history of the people. It should resonate with the people's culture and past. Talk of February 11, yes; on that date Southern Cameroonians voted to join La Republique. Talk of October 1, yes; East Cameroon and Southern Cameroon became one nation. But for May 20, I think it is unfortunate that we should celebrate the error, the misjudgements, and the arrogance of one man and then convert such a day as a national day We have noticed that you have been silent for a while. You have not been very vocal concerning political issues in this country, why the silence? First of all, every old man should know that he has become old and learn to retire gracefully from the stage. Secondly, I am engaged in the efforts of trying to help the less privileged Cameroonians; you know I am the chairman of the Board of Directors of the Cameroon Opportunity Industrialisation Centre, COIC. This is an organisation which is trying to help fellow Cameroonians to gain skills and make them employable and become entrepreneurs. It is a very fulfilling venture which depends a lot on government's subventions to succeed and I am grateful that government is aiding such a noble course. It would be inconsistent with the aspirations I have for young people like these to make a mark of their own in life for me to go on a political stage and air my political believes which in any case, are believes of the past. Today you have very many young men with vibrant and current ideas and they are taking the stage, we stand behind them and we wish them God's blessings. So it isn't good for one idea, no matter how good it is, to corrupt the world. I have taken a rear sit; it doesn't mean that I am not there.
"Concerning nonviolence, it is criminal to teach a man not to defend himself when he is the constant victim of brutal attacks." Malcom X Visit us online: www.scylforfreedom.org, www.internationalsecretary.blogspot.com Visit our youtube site: www.youtube.com/scylforfreedom "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 08:27PM (+02:00)
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VISIT OF SCYL NATIONAL CHAIRMAN TO EUROPE

Monday, November 10, 2008
The National Chairman of the Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL) will be making a historic visit to Europe come November 14th, 2008. This visit to Europe which is the first of its kind since the chairman was rescued from Prison in July 2003 to Abuja Nigeria and then Mary-Land in the USA is historic because, he will not only be visiting the the different SCYL Missions but will also pave the way for the first REHCOCO Summit since 1997. His time schedule which is kept secret by the SCYL International secretariat will take the National Chairman of the SCYL Chairman Ebenezar Dereck Mbongo Akwanga Jr. to Belgium, Germany, Norway and The Netherlands. In Belgium, he will hold meetings with the SCYL and the SCNC, while he is scheduled to meet with the German and SCYL authorities in Germany. He will make a stop over in Norway where he will be joint by the National Secretary General of the SCYL Comrade Lucas Cho Ayaba. The Netherlands meeting will be the sumit of his tour where he is expected to make a policy statement at a National Executive meeting of the SCYL which will be attended by all National Exective members, Member of the REHCOCO, Members of the SCYL International Secretariat and representatives of Missions, coordinators and all SCYL Chairpersons in Europe and the UK as well as progressive members of the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC). The chairman is expected later in the day to make a visit to the Dutch Parliament, The Dutch Ministry of Immigration and Naturalisation, The Dutch Directorate of Immigration, The Dutch refugee council and still to be confirmed, the Dutch partij Sociaal (SP). The chairman will be treated to a banquet and he will fly to the UK where he is expected to fly back to the USA. The complete schedule for his visit will be provided in details only to the sworn on oath Executive members of the SCYL. 222
On behalf of the REHCOCO Julius Che International Secretary of the SCYL "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 10:16PM (+01:00)
SDF Saga-Colonel James Chi Ngafor speaks out

Except from the Post On-line Newspaper The Post: Colonel, you were arrested alongside 22 SDF and taken to Kondengui in connection with the murder of Gregoire Diboule. Can you tell how you were arrested? Colonel James Chi Ngafor: It was around 10 am when I was preparing to go to Bamenda for the SDF convention when gendarmes came to me and told me they were doing findings about the fight that took place at the SDF headquarters in Yaounde. I took my car and accompanied them. When we reached the gendarmerie, the Colonel in charge asked me to sit and wait. I waited till evening when he asked me to go home and come back the next morning. From that May 26 to 31, 2006, it was only a day to when we were taken to court that I was asked some questions on what happened. The colonel said he is obliged to send us to court because there is so much pressure on him and he does not want to carry out any investigations under pressure. So, he sent us to the State Counsel. While at the State Counsel's office, we sat there for the whole day and nothing was said to us. In the evening, we were taken to the central police station where we were detained. Throughout the 48 days we spent in the cells, nobody interrogated us nor told us anything. After five days, I decided that we are going to go on strike because there were no toilets where we were detained and keeping 23 people under such inhumane conditions was unacceptable. We were later moved to the gendarmerie where we stayed a month and I decided again to go on strike with my people. Then the colonel who was there got frightened and said if we go on strike and somebody dies, they will be accused of killing an SDF militant in the gendarmerie. So, Kwangue Kwangue, the State Counsel, took us to court and back to the gendarmerie. After about eight days we were taken to court and then transferred us to Kondengui without disclosing our charges. We hear that Kondengui is a different world. Could you tell us some of your experiences in prison? Kondengui is hell on earth. You can imagine a prison that was made for 800 people and at one time it harbours some 4500 inmates. I was sleeping on a little bed of 40cm wide and 180cm long in a room of 4mx4. They could say we were in the VIP quarters because we could afford our food and could arrange for our quarter to be cleaned. But, what about the others? If you go to Kondengui you would hear of Kosovo. Here, you find about 1300 people in a little quarter. A room that is supposed to take a maximum of 20 people is packed with 80 inmates, with three people lying on a little bed of 40cm wide. Sometimes, inmates are designated to rooms merely for identification as
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they will spend years around the veranda and outside under the shed because there is no space to step in. You can imagine what is happening in a quarter of 1300 people with three toilets. These same toilets serve as bathrooms. The trafficking there is just terribly, it's not worth describing. The trafficking of what? Trafficking of everything; trafficking of cocaine and marijuana. At times, it is done with the knowledge of the warders. There, you find homosexuality at its peak. Those that have money go to those that do not have anything and arrange sex deals with them. The money can be only FCFA 100. The inmates are fed only once a day around 11 a.m. or midday and with nothing but palm full maize painted in palm oil. In Kondengui, if you haven't got anybody, you will die. There is not even a stretcher to carry the sick to hospital or the dead. They are carried on benches to a dispensary which has no drugs. You find moving skeletons in the name of people. Fortunately, the Catholic mission and an organisation that caters for prisoners have been of enormous help. They select those who are sick and give them special meals about once in three or four days. How many people did you see die in front of you? I saw a minimum of four or five a week. If an inmate dies and does not have parents or relatives somewhere close, after 24 hours, the corpse is transferred to Soa. I think they have a dumping ground, a public cemetery where they bury the dead inmates. This is because there is no mortuary. Did you have any contact with some ministers who were arrested and brought to Kondengui? Yes, I had contact with some of them. We stayed together. Atangana Mebara, Abah Abah and Desir Engo were my next door neighbours. Engo is an old man who has been there for about 11 years. He has integrated himself with the whole lot. We sit together on the same table; share the same things such as books. Atangana Mebara is a very good fellow. Mounchipou Seidou was not staying with us but he stayed in a quarter reserved for ministers. But when they came, Mebara was very receptive and I told him immediately that I had learnt to play tennis in prison. The next day we were playing tennis together. Polycarpe Abah Abah was at first, a bit lukewarm but less than a week, he opened up and we were making sports together. Olanguena, who is very religious, was just next door to me but was later removed and sent to Quarter Seven. He was still reserved and would not come out for sports like the others with who we spent together. We also went to church together. If you come to Kondengui as an unbeliever, you are likely to leave as a believer. Some people even leave the place as pastors. What about Titus Edzoa? He is in the gendarmerie till today. He was in Kondengui briefly and was removed. Ondong Ndong and Roger Belinga are all in the gendarmerie. They have never been brought to Kondengui. They are better at the gendarmerie because each of them has a room and a toilet unlike the common toilets we have in Kondengui. Did they tell you why they were arrested? No. That is one peculiarity in Kondengui. You hardly talk of what brought you to the prison because everyone feels that people already know what happened. Never ask anybody what brought him/her to prison because people will hardly talk about it. We only talk of ordinary things, discuss about life and try to console each other. What was your day like in Kondengui? Since the Chief Prison Superintendent is a relative to one of my wives, by the time I arrived, everything was arranged for me. I had practically no problem. In the morning I took my bath, got a cup of coffee and went for sports. At mid-day food is brought, one eats and keeps some for the evening. Then, I watch television. We were free to make all 224
types of sports. I learnt how to play tennis while in Kondengui. Surely, after your prison experience, you must be regretting having joined the SDF. No. There are things that happen in life and I cannot say I regret because what I have come to know while in Kondengui has completed my experience in life. If I had not been there, there are so many things that I would not have known. I do not regret at all. Are you bouncing back as the SDF Caretaker Committee Chair for the Centre Region?No. For the moment, I am taking no decision since we are still in court. However, I doubt very much whether I can still bounce back. Does it mean you are not going to hold any executive post in the party again? I will wish to wait until the end of our court case to decide. It also depends on circumstances. Even if at all I have to do it, it might not be in the Centre Region because I am intending to leave Yaounde. "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 11:51AM (+01:00)
On the Visit of His Holiness Pope Benedict XV1 to Cameroon

Saturday, March 28, 2009
Open Letter to President Paul Biya : On the Visit of His Holiness Pope Benedict XVI By Vincent N. Feko The time could not have been more opportune than that of this eventful visit of the Holy Father, to write this letter on behalf of the silent majority of Southern Cameroonians and other British Cameroonians for whom I have had the pain and honour to play the role of spokesman in various capacities in various Liberation Movements. It was a wonderful initiative on your part and that of the Episcopal Conferences of the Bishops of Cameroun and the Central African Region, to invite His Holiness to Cameroun, a reminiscence of 1985 and 1995 in the pontificate of Pope Benedict XVIs predecessor. By graciously accepting the invitation like his predecessor did, out of the tens of thousands that pour into the Vatican from Africa and the rest of the world, the Holy Father has done great honour to Cameroun and Central Africa, as it is the Pontiffs maiden visit to the African continent. As a religious and political leader, his visit to a country would obviously have both a religious and political dimension, with mans aspirations as the focal point. Among the myriads of his aspirations are: truth, justice, freedom, and peace. He is ever in search of these and more because, man, made in the image of God, has been deprived of these virtues by his neighbour. A sizable portion of the Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation, Ecclesia in Africa, launched in Yaounde in 1995 by Pope John Paul II of blessed memory, has addressed these issues. Your Excellency, Pope Benedict XVI, like his venerable brother and predecessor John
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Paul II, is not coming to find out how best you are running the state of Cameroun. But, as a religious and political leader, he is concerned not only with the spiritual nourishment of the soul, which never dies, he is also concerned with the well-being of the body or flesh which, though ephemeral, symbioses with the soul until death takes it away. For these reasons, questions of: truth, justice, freedom, and peace of his flock, are very dear to the heart of the Holy Father and the Church. That is why the announcement of his peace, justice, and reconciliation mission to Cameroun, has been of great concern especially to those who have suffered injustice, violence, and deprivation of various forms in La Republique du Cameroun(LRC). On these issues, the Pontiff might have received petitions from aggrieved sources including those of Southern Cameroons. The Pontiff would, true to the reconciliation objective of his visit, be pleased to hear the other side of the story from none other than you, Sir, the custodian and medium of incarnation of the Republican institutions.
For instance, on the plight of Southern Cameroons, which is calling for the Territorys decolonization on grounds that the entity has never been a part of LRC; the Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation(SCAPO) and the Southern Cameroons National Council(SCNC) have filed two law suits against the Government of LRC , at the African Commssion on Human and Peoples Rights(ACHPR) in Banjul, The Gambia, registered as Communications 266/2003 and 337/2007. The Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation(UNPO) is handling a similar case at the level of the United Nations Human Rights Council(UNHRC) and the UN. Your Excellencys Government is playing its role as defendant on the floor of these institutions and the case is advancing, albeit slowly. But the Republic of Cameroun is awash with speculation and rumour-mongering that the SCNC and other Southern Cameroons Liberation Movements are secessionist/terrorist Organizations and they have, unbelievably, become objects of witch-hunting by the political Police and other law enforcement agents. On account of this struggle for the truth, justice, freedom, and peace, not only for the people of Southern Cameroons but also for their brothers of LRC; a few Southern Cameroonians have been shot and killed point blank, many have died in prison out of torture and starvation, many more have died from suffering and deprivation of various forms, and the list continues. Thousands of Southern Cameroonians especially the youth are refugees in foreign lands. For those who have chosen to remain in the country and talk and act by way of civil disobedience, their life hangs in the balance. While the Camerounian public and those concerned including the international community, await governments white paper to clear the air on these issues, His Holiness would, most certainly, welcome Your Excellencys briefing. By choosing to visit Cameroun in the Lenten Season, a season of Christian mortification and reconciliation, and in that spirit, meet, talk, and pray with people of divergent religious opinions including the Moslems who, not long ago, expressed their indignation over a papal statement they misinterpreted and just fell short of denouncing him; Pope Benedict XVI is sending a powerful message that he means to engage in true and profound reconciliation and not anything cosmetic for public gullibility. The ardent desire of a host is to leave a lasting impression on the mind of his guest. I can think of no better way of leaving such an impression than by laying your cards on the table as you examine these issues and more with your guest, who is answerable to Our Lord, Jesus.
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SOUTHERN CAMEROONS CONFERENCE AND DINNER EVENING

Saturday, March 28, 2009
Fellow Southern Cameroonians : We cordially invite you to attend a maiden Southern Cameroons Conference and fundraising dinner evening scheduled to hold in Oslo , Norway on the 16th May 2009 under the auspices of the SCYL The purpose of the conference is fourfold: To launch the Southern Cameroons struggle in the Scandinavia . The Scandinavia remains an important political region in terms of conflict management and resolution. Oslo has been the seat of the Nobel price and a strong foot hole for many groups campaigning for their right to self-determination. We intend to tap into this rich experience of others to foster our campaign for an independent homeland. Setting up an adhoc team. The conference will discuss the possibility of setting up an interim body to lead the struggle in Norway and exploit possible ways of networking with other Scandinavian countries. Discussions patterning to ongoing discourse on transforming foreign units Fundraising for a Communication Gadget. The Yaound regime has monopolised the airwaves since 1961 and has used this monopoly to manipulate public opinion, engage in deceit and outright negative propaganda against our people and struggle. Possessing the possibility to communicate our message and reach out to our people is fundamental if we intend in changing perception about the rational of the struggle.
Conference Chairperson Terry Yong St. Hans Haugn Studentby Bjerrre gaad 21 Oslo, Norway Date: 16th May 2009 Time: 16.00hr Other Contacts: Mary Muh(99787057) Agbor Derec(99267139) Terry Yong (46065652) "It is in truth not Glory, nor riches, nor honour that we are fighting, but for Freedom- for
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that alone which no honest man gives up but with life itself" Declaration of Arbroath; Scotland 1320 Visit us online: www.scylforfreedom. org, www.internationalse cretary.blogspot .comVisit our youtube site: www.youtube. com/scylforfreed om, www.publishedauthor s.net/bookayaba/ index.html __._,_._ "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 04:36PM (+01:00)
A CALL FOR URGENT ACTION

Friday, April 10, 2009
From left to right: Nfor Ngala Nfor (Vice National Chairman of the SCNC), Mr. Jack Lantum (Pioneer Chairman SCNC /SCYL Netherlands coalition), Mr Wete Henry Sebastian (Member SCNC /SCYL Netherlands)
Mr Wete Henry Sebastian born on the 07-11-1971 is a Southern Cameroonian and an active member of the SCNC /SCYL Holland Bureau. He was arrested at the Schiphol International Airport some seven years ago and was later granted political asylum in the Netherlands on merits of his case as a refugee fleeing pursecution from the Southern Cameroons. However, his request for a permanent status as a refugee under the United Nations convention was later denied and for about seven years going, his case has suffered so many rejections and he was later expelled from the asylum centre. He later moved to The Hague, where he has been living from hand outs from fellow Southern Cameroonians and the Catholic Church. In 2006, a certain Dutch socio-medical therapist in the name of Arie van der Zwam after a careful study of the case did advise the Dutch immigration department (IND) to reconsider Mr Wete's application base on his medical problems. The advies even went further to requested an abode for Mr Wete in one of the waiting centres but was never implemented. 228
Some two , weeks ago, The International Secretariat of the SCYL learnt that Mr. Wete Henry Sebastian has been arrested by the Dutch immigration Police and he is currently on a deportation role. Mr Wete Henry Sebastian has for the last seven years been an active an contributive member of the SCNC / SCYL Netherlands Branch. His determination to fight the regime in Cameroon has not only been based on his open demonstrations and petitions here in the Netherlands, but has been felt on the many souls and sympathisers he has enlisted for the Southern Cameroons cause. One such open petitions was the demonstration infront of la Republique's Consulate in The Hague where names and photos of SCYL /SCNC protesters were secretly sold to the then Consul General Mr. Ateba in which he later forwarded to the foreign ministry, police Delegation and the Gendarmerie Headquaters in Yaounde. An urgent action and appeal is needed from Southern Cameroonians at Home and in the Diaspora to abort the repatriation of Mr. Wete Henry Sebastian. The Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) and the UN Human Rights Commission, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International should take note and act immidiately. Mr Wete Henry Sebastain faces the risk of arrest, torture and eventual detention if he were to be repatriated to La Republique du Cameroun. Your appeals should be addressed to the Dutch Minister for Immigration. www.justitie.nl, The Secretary General of the House of Representatives of the States General Mr. J.E. Biesheuvel-Vermeijden (e-mail: j.biesheuvel@tweedekamer.nl, Honourable Jan de Wit of the SP @ 0031703183044-FAX: 0031703183803 or e-mail @ : kamer@sp.nl , Lawyer v/d Paslot : +31487512181, Fax +31487516060, The SCYL International Secretariat: +31621993396 scylinfo@yahoo.co.uk Your urgent action will make the difference in saving a fellow citizen without a nation, but being forced to accept the nationality of his occupiers. Representing the Southern Cameroons People SCYL International Secretary "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 07:47PM (+02:00)
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'PARDON' LOST NIET ALLE SCHIJNENDE SITUATIES OP

Thursday, April 16, 2009
YOUR URGENT REACTION WILL BE APPRECIATED Stella Yonkwe is and remains a victim of la republique du Cameroun's grid and man made laws on immigration. This young lady from the Southern Cameroons and haar 3 years old daughter since entring into the Netherlands have not only been denied the right to stay, but were equally forced into the streets and have since then became a burden to one evangelical church in Zwolle the Netherlands. Stella was introduced to the International Secretariat in The Hague by one Mr Meno of an evangilical church in Zwolle. She came knocking at the doors of the church after she lost her right to stay in the Netherlands and was pushed into the streets. Having no where to go and knowing no one then, she was helped to find haar way into this community of believers who for the last years have been able to provide for her and her child. Every attempt to put resoon on her case both by the church, the International Secretariat and the Dutch refugee council has yeilded little hope. On our last appeal, we are calling on Southern Cameroonians across the globe to throw their weight behind this case which contravenes the very essence of the UN Convention on refugees and asylum. Your mails, telephone calls and faxes to the addresses below maybe a catalys in rekindeling a new hope and strength in a case that has already gotten so much write-ups and newspaper publication. Just be one hope in a sea of many by opening a door that has been closed to give this girl and her 3 years old daughter the dignity and opportunity they deserve. Stelle Yonkwe is now serving as the only women executive member in the SCYL Netherlands Bureau. Those who can read Dutch may go through the Netherlands version of this publication made available by a leading Dutch Newspaper and the Refugee council in the Netherlands (Vluchtelling Werk) Use these contacts for your reactions. Your appeals should be addressed to the Dutch Minister for Immigration. http://www.justitie.nl/ The Secretary General of the House of Representatives of the States General Mr. J.E. Biesheuvel-Vermeijden (e-mail: j.biesheuvel@tweedekamer.nl Honourable Jan de Wit of the SP @ 0031703183044-FAX: 0031703183803 or e-mail @ : kamer@sp.nl , The SCYL International Secretariat: +31621993396 scylinfo@yahoo.co.uk
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'Pardon' lost niet alle schrijnende situaties op door onze redacteur Hans HopmanZWOLLE - Een kerkelijke asielzoekerswerkgroep uit Zwolle vindt dat met een generaal pardon, voor asielzoekers van vr 2001, niet alle problemen zijn opgelost. Ze weet van diverse recente gevallen die ze "tragisch'' noemt. maandag 25 december 2006 08:03 Overmorgen, op eerste kerstdag, doet asielzoekster Stella Younkwe uit Kameroen openbare belijdenis in de Ichthuskerk van Zwolle-Berkum. Daarna laat de 26-jarige vrouw haar in oktober geboren dochtertje dopen. Dit blije moment wordt overschaduwd door een procedurele fout van haar advocaat in het aanmeldcentrum in Ter Apel. Daardoor is haar verhaal als politiek vluchteling ongeloofwaardig verklaard door de Immigratie- en Naturalisatie Dienst (IND). Ze loopt kans uitgezet te worden."Ook de asielprocedure onder de nieuwe Vreemdelingenwet loopt niet goed'', vindt Menno Veldman van de asielzoekerswerkgroep in Zwolle-Berkum. "Er zit een aantal verschrikkelijke pijnpunten in.''Dat de huidige minister van Vreemdelingenbeleid Hirsch Ballin het begrip 'schrijnend' moet definiren, zoals de Raad van State hem deze week verplichtte, noemt Veldman een verbetering. Want hij betwijfelt de uitspraak van Hirsch Ballins voorganger minister Verdonk dat de procedures van de nieuwe Vreemdelingenwet 'zorgvuldig' zijn. Buiten schijnwerpersDe Kameroense Younkwe klopte maart dit jaar, op een dinsdagavond, aan bij de Ichthuskerk. Veldman noemt haar een "tragisch'' voorbeeld van hoe met nieuwe 'gevallen' van asielzoekers wordt omgegaan. "Een groep die wat buiten de schijnwerpers is geraakt door de huidige grote aandacht voor het generaal pardon.''De Zwolse asielzoekerswerkgroep is voortgekomen uit een lokaal interkerkelijk platform, dat de opvang van asielzoekers in de kerkdiensten regelde. De Ichthuskerk verschafte onderdak aan een Engelstalige bijbelstudiegroep voor asielzoekers, die nog altijd functioneert. De werkgroep valt onder de diaconie, die zorg draagt voor de financin: momenteel kost de hulpverlening en begeleiding zo'n 12.000 euro per jaar. Elk jaar krijgt de circa vierhonderd leden tellende gemeente voorlichting over dit werk onder vluchtelingen. "Stella is een echte politieke vluchteling'', vindt Veldman. Maar in het aanmeldcentrum 'Ter Apel' werd ze niet geloofd. Ze kwam de eerste 48 uur van interviews, waarin wordt getoetst of je toegelaten wordt tot de normale azielzoekersprocedure, niet door. Haar regelrechte reisroute van Kameroen naar Amsterdam werd als ongeloofwaardig afgedaan, omdat Parijs de gebruikelijke tussenstop ontbrak. Haar advocaat had dit manco wel opgemerkt in het IND-gespreksverslag, maar was daarna vergeten de correctie door te geven. Waar Veldman zich vooral boos over maakt is dat de rechter in zijn marginale toetsing uitsprak dat deze fout niet bij de IND mag worden gelegd. "Daaraan is te zien dat 'de zwakke' - Stella die helemaal vertrouwde op haar advocaat niet wordt beschermd.'' Verder oordeelde 'Ter Apel' dat ze niet aannemelijk heeft kunnen maken lid te zijn geweest van een 'foute' politieke partij, is gemarteld en ook werd gezocht door de politie. Veldman kan zich niet aan de indruk onttrekken dat de
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desbetreffende IND-medewerker "meer op zoek is geweest naar argumenten om zijn negatieve beslissing te onderbouwen, dan op zoek te zijn naar de waarheid''. Inmiddels heeft een vroegere buurman van Stella vanuit Kameroen gemaild dat de politie sedert haar verdwijning nog steeds jacht op haar maakt en daarvoor verschillende malen bij haar moeder aan de deur is geweest, en dat haar familie nu hun huis is ontvlucht en al tijdenlang is ondergedoken. "Waaruit haar levensgevaarlijke situatie blijkt'', vindt Veldman. Haar advocaat onderzoekt nu of onder andere deze nieuwe informatie de basis kan vormen voor een tweede asielaanvraag.Veldman vindt dat de IND ook onvoldoende rekening heeft gehouden met haar persoonlijke situatie. Stella was "emotioneel erg in de war'', omdat ze vlak voordat ze ondervraagd zou worden er net achter was gekomen zwanger te zijn. "Ze was verkracht in het huis van de man die haar uit het land had gesmokkeld.'' Veldman concludeert "dat haar geen recht is verschaft''. Meerdere contactenDe werkgroep heeft momenteel contact met een kleine tien asielzoekers, waarvan de meesten onder de nieuwe Vreemdelingenwet vallen. Maar er zijn ook 'gemengde' probleemsituaties: "We kennen een meneer die nog onder de oude wet in Nederland is gekomen, en hopelijk onder het generaal pardon valt. Hij heeft een vrouw leren kennen, waaruit twee kinderen zijn geboren. Moeder en kinderen hebben wel een definitieve asielzoekersstatus. Met haar trouwen gaat niet, omdat hij geen identiteitspapieren kan overleggen. Zijn kinderen kunnen niet op zijn naam worden ingeschreven.'' De werkgroep heeft verder nog contact met een uitgeprocedeerd Syrisch echtpaar waarvan de man al rond de zeventig jaar is. De vrouw is wat jonger. Zeven jaar woonden ze in een asielzoekerscentrum in Almere. Toen dat sloot, werden ze naar Zwolle verkast. Na sluiting van 'Zwolle' moest het binnen twee dagen overhaast vertrekken naar een centrum in Azelo (bij Hengelo). De Zwolse werkgroep zorgde voor vervoer. In het kamertje daar kunnen net twee bedden, een koelkastje en een paar stoelen staan, zag Veldman. Hij hoopt dat ook zij onder het generaal pardon zullen vallen, want deze mensen zijn inmiddels murw geslagen."Asielzoekers zijn over het algemeen fiere mensen met veel eigen initiatief en optimisme. Maar de manier waarop er met hen wordt omgegaan en de jarenlange onzekerheid maakt ze ontmoedigd en verbitterd. We zien ze dan ook vaak niet meer in de kerk komen. Mede omdat ze Nederlanders zijn gaan wantrouwen. Ze zeggen dan: 'Misschien zijn jullie wel spionnen van de IND'.'' Bron: Nederlands Dagblad Naburige berichten BanenOffensief in de praktijk:.. Woningen voor vreemdelingen 'Pardon' lost niet alle schrij.. Nieuwe kans voor asielzoekers Website voor eerste hulp bij i.. ArchiefEr zijn in totaal 5024 berichten. Bekijk het laatste maandoverzicht. "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius che, 1997 Buea 232
www.scylforfreedom.org /southerncameroonsig.org "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 07:02PM (+02:00)
FRAUD IN ENAM EXPOSED AS COURT PASSES RULING

Friday, April 17, 2009
Court Rules On Anti-Corruption Journalists TodayMonday, April 13, 2009 By Kini Nsom -The Post Newspaper The Yaounde Magistrate Court will, today, Monday, April 13, deliver its verdict on attempted blackmail charges against two journalists.
Zacharie Ndiomo Flash, Publisher of Le Zenith and Armand Ondoua of Le Regional are being detained at the Kondengui Prison in Yaounde following their arrest in October last year. The duo was arrested when they reportedly began investigating alleged corruption that shrouded the competitive entrance examination into the National School of Administration and Magistracy, ENAM. Going by the journalists, police nabbed them after they attempted quizzing ENAM's Director of General Affairs, Patrice Tsele Nomo, on allegations that he perpetrates corruption at the institution. They were first detained at the judicial police in Yaounde for two weeks before being transferred to Kondengui. They were later charged with attempted blackmail. The journalists are facing trial with their informant, Ekombo Nkoumou Tsala, who claimed he worked with the ENAM Director in the corruption network. He testified that he played the middleman to the Director in the racket in which candidates allegedly bribed their way with FCFA 2.5 million each to be admitted into the school. The scandal was only blown open when some candidates who had reportedly paid the money did not find their names in the list of successful candidates as was allegedly promised by the Director. The matter only leaked to the press, The Post learnt, when the Director refused to refund the money.
Testimonies In a court session on March 23, presided over by Justice Awawa, Justice Esama and one other Judge, some witnesses testified against the ENAM Director. One Mrs. Solange Ngandi, a soldier, told the court that she gave FCFA 2.5 million to ENAM Director of General Affairs for his nephew and niece to be admitted into the school. She said she gave the bribe because it is public knowledge that recruitment into professional schools in Cameroon, especially ENAM, is no longer on merit. The lady, who is a warrant officer in the army, said the Director in turn asked for FCFA 2.5 million. The Director in question denied the testimony but admitted that he knows the woman. On
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March 31, the Editor of Le Zenith, Christophe Minko, testified that he booked an audience for his colleagues to meet the Director. He said the Director accepted and gave them an appointment only to call police to arrest them. The lawyers of the two expressed disappointment that the journalists were being treated as criminals, whereas police arrested them when they were doing just their job. Observers are watching to see which way the scale of justice would swing as the court passes judgement today. Meantime, human rights activists have condemned the incarceration of the journalists. They qualified their trial as a desperate attempt by corrupt officials to render their alleged corruption network at ENAM sacrosanct. Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /www.scylforfreedom.org/ "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 12:41PM (+02:00)
SCNC NORTH AMERICA INVITATION

Saturday, April 18, 2009
DEAR COMRADES, "There comes a time in the affairs of men when a longsuffering people must stand up and be counted or forever hold their peace".(AAC1 Buea 1993) . The SCNC-USA April Conference slated for Sunday, April 26th 2009 @ Howard University Blackburn Centre is just a week away (see attached flyer). The SCNC-USA hereby invites members of the SCNC, Southern Cameroonians and Sympathizers of our struggle to this historic event. Due to many high-profile objectives and projects in the agenda to be discussed, at the conference, the time is set @ 2:00pm prompt. We are all aware that the southern cameroon masses at the home front understands what is at stake in our History and are more than willing to participate in the liberation our homeland from captivity. It is time for us to come together and be part of this history making moment. Be sure to bring some essential ideas or questions to contribute to make SCNC USA live up to its expectations. You will SURELY be meeting new faces,and a host of other Very Important Personalities. OUR STRUGGLE for self determination is unquestionable and emphatically anchored in law, morality, right reason and history. When one country ( La Republique du Cameroun) forcibly and/or fraudulently assumes total and unwarranted jurisdiction over another country (Southern Cameroons), exercising complete dominion over it and denyimg it the right to govern itself, this is anexation, it is colonization no matter how you slice it.UN Resolution 1514(xv) of Dec. 14th 1960 solemnly proclaimed the necessity of bringing to a speedy and unconditional end to colonialism in all it's forms and manifestations. While we await with the profoundest anxiety for this occasion,we look forward to seeing everyone on Sunday 26th of April 2009 @ 2:00pm Prompt. Enowtabong Egbe PRO. "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" 234
Posted by Julius Che at 10:17PM (+02:00)
Comments
1. Re: SCNC NORTH AMERICA INVITATION
- Anonymous
April 18, 2009
The journey seem far , but salvation is closer and the Southern Cameroons must be free and the time is now. Put all hands on deck to fuster and promote the initiatives of the joint SCYL, SCNC-USA, Ambozonia and the British Restoration Government to help us sail through. More powers.
2. Re: SCNC NORTH AMERICA INVITATION
- Anonymous
May 03, 2009
It takes a defiant few to restore hope to a deprived and disenfranchised people. That few threads where very few dare even think of; they are neither equiped with supernatural powers nor what Thomas Sankara described as a certain degree of madness. They are rational men and women who refuse to settle for anything less than total freedom. That group of men are found every around the world but in our land, they belong to the SCYL. Founding member
Crisis in the University of Buea

Wednesday, April 29, 2009
UNREST, VICTIMISATION, AND UNJUST SUSPENSION OF STUDENT LEADERS IN THE UNIVERSITY OF BUEA -The students had complained through their elected representatives to Students' Council a series of worries which upon examination the union council deemed justified and summed up into twelve points. - The students had challenged their students' representatives to help the situation of no classes as a result of the lecturers strike. - The students' councilors evoked the need to put the excesses and lapses of the President UBSU (University of Buea Students' Union) to check. - The President UBSU Paul Shipuh did not end there. The announcement of the lecturers strike prompted the students' union president to move around students' vicinity asking students to go to class while distributing hand-bills with part of it read "Some misguided students are asking others to join lecturers strike" Lecturers are intelligent and mature enough to handle their affairs.." In effect SYNES UB chapter issued another communiqu which read "some students are spreading rumours that lectures are going on. They are sell outs to the administration" This made the Union President to issue out another communiqu calling our lecturers misguided. As a result of the unanimous call from democratically elected Students' Representatives
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to Union Council Central bureau requesting the prompt arrest of the aforementioned irregularities and discrepancies, the chairman of Council, on Wednesday 15th April 2009 summoned an urgent extra-ordinary council session to hold on Thursday 16th April 2009. We understand the published agenda -"students' position in respect to lecturers strike'' posed a real threat to university administration; reason why the Vice Chancellor in a statement to the Council Chairman denied any meeting holding on/off campus on the above agenda. Consequently Students' Council elected bureau had to revise the agenda to read "The state of affairs of UBSU" so that Council session actually held. In the said session, solid resolutions were reached as follows: - Councilors officially presented and overwhelmingly affirmed collective action towards a firm articulation of the twelve point's memorandum. - Council frown at the deliberate misrepresententatio</ wbr>n of the Students' Union position vis--vis a matter as sensitive as lecturers strike by paul shipu President.. - As regards the earlier misdeeds of the President UBSU ( which had before then earned him a warning letter from Union Council), Councilors generally elected the suspension of the President's Signature for a week, set up an investigation Committee to probe allegations. - Finally Union Councilors elected leaders into some vacant offices as instructed by the VC to drop areas of electoral irregularities The Vice-Chancellor, once more, had betrayed himself as Shipuh Paul's protg. On Monday 20th April, 2009, the Vice Chancellor arbitrarily and unlawfully suspended the Chairman of Students' Union Representative Council and appointed the Chief of Judicial Bench as his own chairman. It should be noted, the said appointee was co-signatory to the resolution suspending the signature of the president. We are putting it to the Vice Chancellor that, there is no precedence to this unconstitutional manipulation; that the Vice-Chancellor should not be seen to meddle in the management of Union affairs; that he should never ever be perceived as stepping into the shoes of the all powerful general assembly of the University of Buea Students' Union. We therefore reiterate that the suspension of the Chairman of the Union Council is a non event. Because Dialogue must prevail before action, On Tuesday 21st April, 2009, SRC bureau and some councilors went to the VC to seek audience and to dialogue as to the suspension of the Chairman SRC and to summit the twelve- point's memorandum, the V C was categorical that he had no ears to listen to the student leaders. This caused a nonviolent strike action, the UBSU President short listed 19 student leaders to the ViceChancellor to face disciplinary panel of which one is a graduate of December 2008 batch and some were not even in town Due to the militarization of the students campus, the student leaders in a considerable majority boycotted the said panel. The disciplinary panel went ahead to indefinitely suspend from the University Community Students leaders (14) whose crimes was the genuine representation of the interest of their various constituencies in what has become the twelve-points memorandum. We take it that this is only a diversion from the students out-cry. It should be recalled here that according to the University text, a panel will pass a judgment on students in absentia after it must have held thrice in the student's absence but it was not the case with the purported suspension of fourteen student leaders. It should be recalled that the lecturers Union ( SYNES) whom some lecturers were part of the panel had written to the University administration to exercise maximum restraint with regards to all proposed disciplinary sanctions against any group of students while setting up an independent panel of academic and non academic staff to probe into the problems and recommend solutions for a lasting peace on campus. On Wednesday 22nd April, 2009, the Union Council deposited the twelve-point 236
memorandum at the security post of the central administrative block for the second time since the Vice-Chancellor had refused to receive the student leaders. The 12 points memorandum includes: 1. The production of draft transcripts, free of charge for students as previously agreed. 2. The ready provision of Students' answer booklets after exams to ensure clearance of examinations controversies 3. The enforcement of the prefectoral order for the homologation of rents just as it is currently done in other universities beginning with the hostel on campus by the University administration. 4. The address of the so many cases of intimidation and victimization of students and student's leaders. 5. The timely and defined period for the production of attestations and certificates. 6. Improvement of security on the university campus most especially in the girls' hostel. 7.The assistance (financial and material) to students on research work as provided by the BMP system. 8.That the university administration should re-organize the positioning and revisit the closure of businesses and photocopiers on campus. 9.Insufficient restaurant tickets and nonfunctioning of campus toilets. 10.The purported decision by the vice chancellor suspending the students' council chairman and appointing his own chairman is an intrusion into UBSU management and out of the jurisdiction of the vice chancellor. We therefore call on the VC to drop such decision. The vote holders are councilors, the chairman only signs on behalf of council 11.The disciplinary panel put in place to try student leaders who stood for student's interest be dropped. 12.The university administration should create an avenue for dialogue for students for total and complete peace to reign on campus. On Friday the 24th of April 2009, the students went to school to continue their peaceful strike action but met with about seven trucks of police officers heavily armed as well as noticed that, they have been suspended indefinitely and banned from the university campus. They were chased off and five of the students were arrested right on campus amongst which one was a student leader, they were beaten, brutalized, masked, handcuffed and whisked away. One of them Otang Felix, was bleeding profusely as a result of the beatings. We presently do not know their well about. Currently, there is a terrible man hunting of the other student leaders. These are a gross violation of Human rights. We call on the University community especially the students whose stewards we are, to dissociate themselves from disciples of the divide- and- rule policy. In this light, we therefore condemned the unfounded utterances of the Vice Chancellor and his errand boy, Shipuh Paul (UBSU President under investigation) to decease from painting their wrong picture of the yellow party/ red party wrangling. We remind our students that all those leaders stigmatized as ''election losers'' all occupied (and still do) high offices of responsibilities within the faculties and council even prior to the executive election (red and yellow party) in February 2009 We call on Cameroonians of good faith and friends of Cameroon to support us as we promise to remain steadfast to the students cause until justice is done. Long live University of Buea students, Long live UBSU
Signatories (those suspended indefinitely) Name

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Position UB Number Level/Programme Signature Mua Atumked Chief of Bench UB027800 400/EPY Ako Claude Enobi Council Member ED08A243 200/EPY Martin Bessong Tiku UB019453 Graduate/His Nkongho N Nkongho Faculty President UB029183 400/EPY Nkwelmesue Nzounkwelle Chief of Bench SC08A528 200/ENV Agbor Nkeze Karl Council Member UB021952 400/ENV Wabi Frankline Kere Council Member UB024194 300/Geology Humphry Takang Bate Council Member UB025901 400/Accounting Nguve Fred Woka Chairman UBSU Council UB025562 400/ Acounting Ayuk Felix Otang Chief of Bench UB024487 238
400/Accounting Enow Peter Chief of Bench UB030201 400/Pol. Science Tabi Ebob Council Member UB026697 400/Economics Kenyu Serge Herve Chief of Bench UB026955 400/ Soc n Ant Tata Kwawi Mbinglo Faculty President UB027523 400/ Soc n Ant "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 11:15AM (+02:00)
LIMAN OUMATE MALLOUM IN DETENTION

Tuesday, May 05, 2009
Detained Rebel Leader Vows To Topple Biya Regime
Friday, May 01, 2009 By Kini Nsom The self-proclaimed leader of a rebel group, the Movement for the Liberation of the People of Cameroon, MLPC, Liman Oumate Malloum, currently in detention in Yaounde has vowed that he will seize power from the Biya regime . Liman Oumate, who hails from Mayo Sava Division in the Far North Region, was arrested in Marazaine Hotel in Maiduguri on April 22, in a security ruse mounted by the President of the National Assembly, Hon. Cavaye Yeguie Djibril and Vice Prime Minister in charge of Justice, Amadou Ali. ''I will topple this government in two years. Nelson Mandela of South Africa and Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria went to prison before taking over power in their various countries,'' the rebel leader is quoted to have said after his arrest. Doctors are said to have examined the man and concluded that he is mentally sound Liman shot into the limelight last January 23 when he distributed tracts in the villages along the Cameroon-Nigerian borders, notably Kouyate and Kizi Kerawa in the Kolafata Sub-division of Mayo Sava Division.
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Written in English, the tracts called on the Cameroonian authorities to quit power. The rebel leader declared that the deadline for him and his forces to take over power and name a new government was April 30.That dream was thwarted when he fell into the security dragnet last April 22. According to L'Oeil Du Sahel, a weekly newspaper published in the North, Hon. Cavaye and Amadou Ali tricked Liman into the dragnet of security agents when he asked them to give FCFA 300 million to drop the struggle. The duo used two middlemen, one Brahim Blama and Bakoura who agreed with the rebel that the money would be delivered to him on April 22 in Maiduguri. On April 21, Cavaye and Amadou Ali sent the MP for the area, Hon. Abba Malla to Maiduguri accompanied by an agent of the secret police in Kolafata and one soldier with a sealed letter to the Governor of Borno State in Nigeria. In reaction, the Governor, Ali Sherif Modu, put at their disposal elements of State Security Services, SSS. Accompanied by the intermediary, Brahim Blama, the rebel leader was in the Marazaine Hotel sipping a sweet drink. The people in the company of the SSS presented to the rebel leader a brief case filled with bread, with some FCFA banknotes spread on top of it. They invited the man to take a look at his money. As he stepped away leaving his glass of drink, the Cameroon secret police reportedly doped his drink. When the rebel leader returned and sipped his drink once more, he slumped asleep. He was later bundled and packed into a car. Reports say the security men searched him and did not see even a toy gun on him. All they are said to have seen was a Cameroonian passport and 1,975 naira that is equal to FCFA 5,750. It was, however, reported that Nigeria Security Service along the border raised another problem near the frontier village of Amichide. They argued that the arrest violated the Geneva Convention because extradition agreement exists within the two countries. L'Oeil Du Sahel reported that the argument was finally resolved at about 8 pm. One of Cavaye's aides gave the elements FCFA 2 million. The rebel leader was brought to Yaounde.
Source: http://www.thepostw ebedition. com Julius che, 1997 Buea www.scylforfreedom.org /www.scylforfreedom.org/ "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 11:13PM (+02:00)
Legal Status of the Southern Cameroons

Saturday, May 09, 2009
http://www.scribd.com/doc/124051/Legal-Status-of-the-Southern-Cameroons Julius che SCYL INFORMATION SERVICE / INTERNATIONAL SECRETARIAT www.scylinfo.wordpress.com "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 02:14PM (+02:00)
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SCNC PRESSE RELEASE

Sunday, May 10, 2009
SOUTHERN CAMEROONS NATIONAL COUNCIL (S. C. N. C) U.S.A JUSTICE - UNITY DEMOCRACY
817 Silver Spring Ave suite 306. Silver Spring MD 20910 Tel: 240:515:5170 301:588:6070
PRESS RELEASE BLACKBURN CONFERENCE Basking in the glories of the recent silver linings of the Southern Cameroons' liberation struggle, Southern Cameroonians in general and members of the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) in the DC metro area and its environs in particular converged at the Blackburn center of Howard University in the nerve center of world politics to take pulse of the state of the struggle and design a template to move the struggle to another phase. Emboldened by the recent developments the impressive crowd that turned out reflected on the theme: The advent of a new political dispensation. With a distinguished panel of discussants led by the Secretary General of the SCNC USA who set the framework for the discussions with a caustic yet insightful diagnosis of the problems bedeviling the liberation cause presently. As his stentorian voice bellowed through this ultra modern auditorium, one could feel the palpable guilt running through the enthralled crowd almost moved to tears each in his/her own measure ready to utter the mea culpa in acknowledgment of the role played in stalling and stultifying the struggle. In sum the whys and wherefores of the current malaise were identified as the contemptuous dearth of passion for the cause fomented by the scandalous want of requisite leaders who so far have displayed an incredible gamut of lacunae, resulting in different cleavages that have invariably sapped the energy of the struggle. One of such cleavages the enemy has used to great advantage is that of the so-called North West/South West schism. For their penance, the speaker strongly recommended that militants extol the example of the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front that moved in rapid succession and secured the liberation of today's independent Eritrea. The Vice Chairman of the SCNC-USA, Mr. Howard Njeck articulated with an unusual finesse the need for visionary leadership as a therapy for a reeling movement which lurches from execrable acts of malfeasance to self aggrandizement, including frequent unbidden appearances of cranks whose rants on a way forward for the liberation struggle have been substantively inadequate and unhinged. Barrister Harmony Bobga a Bamenda based Human Rights' lawyer currently lead counsel for the Southern Cameroons' case at the African Commission for Human and Peoples Rights schooled the anxious crowd with the rudiments of the legal instruments being availed of.
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Dr. Kumbongsi of the Restoration government took to the rostrum and started off by lavishing praises on the current leadership of the SCNC- USA in its transparent management of finances an exemplary feat worth celebrating. Having brainstormed on these cutting edge issues the assembly resolved as follows: - celebrates the African Union's decision to scrape the agenda item surreptitiously suggested by La Republique - salutes the forthright action and unassailable show of resilience demonstrated by some elderly Southern Cameroonian statesmen on their recent mission trip to the African Union Border Commission - condemns the impunity and perniciousness of La Republique in its wanton arrests and detention and carnage of innocent Southern Cameroonians On Unity - Strongly recommends that the old order marked by personality cults that have fueled divisions and torpedoed the cause, must give way to the new and younger generation - Advance work on establishing a unity template that accommodates and incorporates different initiatives without sacrificing the sacrosanct ideals of the struggle - Launch and vigorously sustain a massive membership drive especially of Southern Cameroonians in the Diaspora - Warmly welcomes the concrete attempts at unifying the base such as the Abuja entente last December 2008 during the African Commission on Human and Peoples rights On the State of the Struggle - Vehemently condemns the recent statement of UNPO calling for the return to federation and calls for caution and vigilance in the pursuit of avenues to realize the desired goal - Heartily congratulates the Home Front on its courageous engagements on the ground and especially in coming out tall and strong even in the face of virulent attacks by the notorious agents provocateurs and detractors of the struggle - Tenaciously yet cautiously supports the legal briefs lodged with the African Commission on Human and Peoples rights and reminds the commission that justice delayed is justice denied and so should act fast. On Finances: - Recognizes the need is enormous, fundraising challenges daunting but surmountable - Supports the home front in its current sensitization mission and promises a more robust approach to fundraising to support different liberation initiatives. - To adapt to contemporary trends especially in fundraising and make the organization relevant to the needs of Southern Cameroonians living in the diaspora in line with the 242
dictum while in Rome do as the Romans. The SCNC must therefore seek ways and means by which she can improve on the livelihood of her members through job training initiatives and business ventures that can attract government funding. Done in DC this 26th day of April 2009 in anno domini --------------------JUDE A OZUGHEN
Secretary General SCNC-USA Cc The President Designate of the Federal Republic of Southern Cameroons H.E Justice Frederick A. Ebong Chief Alexander Taku Fuasonganyi, Member of the Standing Committee. Barrister Peter B. Nyoh, Legal Adviser of SCNC-USA Professor Carlson Anyangwe, President of the Restoration government of the British Southern Cameroons, Chief Ayamba Ette Otun, National Chairman of the SCNC, Cameroon Mr. Derrick Njoh, Chairman of the SCNC-USA "Human rights are about the curtailment of the abstract and super state power, ie the limitation of absolute power corrupting absolutely" Julius Che, 1997- Buea.
http://www.scylforfreedom.org/http://www.stichtingeffe.blogspot.com/http://www.internatio nalsecretary.blogspot.com/ "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 06:05PM (+02:00)
20th May Celeberations: Fake or Real

Monday, May 18, 2009
This question comes to my mind and that of every objective Cameroonian especially those from West of Mungo. Should 20 May be celebrated as a national day in Cameroon? What has become of 1 October which was the day the two Cameroons (East and West) finally became one following the 11 February 1961 plebiscite? Should 1 October not be a better day to be celebrated as a national day since it was the Reunification day that brings in mind the history and culture of the two Cameroons?
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A day which we could take stock of our activities and events and see how it could be improved upon. But what comes to mind? Anyone who dares to mention the above date is seen as the enemy of the state but history teaches us the facts and there is no way we can run away from history. Politicians and historians have just decided to twist our history in their favour distorting the real meaning and facts of 1 October 1961, the supposed national day. A National Day should have a base of the history and culture of its people and so 1 October teaches us that it was the day that finally saw the 11 February 1961 plebiscite come into fruitful in what was known as the Federal Republic of Cameroon or better still the re-unification. Thus this day formed the basis of our history and is supposed to be the national day rather than 20 May, in which, the referendum on 20 May 1972 was considered as a fake one with a 99.9 percent Yes vote arbitrarily chosen by a particular leader (late president Amadou Ahidjo) at a particular time. This was illegal because he rigged the Federal Constitution and abolished a state which voluntarily joined la Republique and went further to proclaimed May 20th a national day unilaterally in violation of article 47 of the Federal Constitution (which prohibited any action that would threaten the existence of the Federation) and so by this very act, 20 May should not be celebrated as a national day because it has no basis for the Anglophones. A National Day should also be able to resonate with the peoples' culture and past but what have we seen of late? The Assimilation, annexation and the distortion of history that touches the life and culture of the people of West Cameroon. National Integration Historians have made us to understand and believe that 20 May 1972 came as a result of National Integration after achieving Re-unification on 1 October 1961. The power-that-be at the time was just trying as much as possible to wipe away anything that brings to mind Southern Cameroons' past and history and which of course we can't hide from it. What has national integration got to do with Re-unification? Which one should Cameroonians better celebrate Re-unification or national integration? What has been achieved by the people of West Cameroon since they joined their brothers of East Cameroon on the platform of national integration? Does national integration mean the annexation, enslavement and occupation at the peaceful, democratic and loving people of West Cameroon where inhabitants have been reduced to a tribal nomenclature of Anglophones? Students and Cameroonians at large have been forced and fooled to believe that the real pillar of what is known today as Republic of Cameroon was laid down in 20 May 1972. This day was single handedly conceived by late president Amadou Ahidjo on the pretext of national integration which has been closely followed by his successor H.E Paul Biya. But the truth shall always prevail and shall remain supreme since La Republique du Cameroun has never demonstrated the honestly that its annexation of West Cameroon has not only been an insult but a violent violation of dignity and respect for human rights for the people at West Cameroon. Historians and politicians have decided to toy with the destiny of the people of Southern Cameroon. Conclusively let Cameroonians learn to celebrate the real meaning of their history and 244
forget about this cock and bull story.. Let 11 February be celebrated as a plebiscite day; a day when Southern Cameroon voted to join East Cameroon and not the Youth day as postulated by the regime. Let 1 October be celebrated by all Cameroonians as a National Day; a day when the agreement of 11th February 1961 plebiscite finally came into fruitful in what is known as Re-unification rather than witch-hunting anyone who dares celebrate it. Cameroonians should learn to respect the real meaning of their historical independence dates as it happens in other countries. And finally Anglophones would feel better and integrated in the nation if the so called regional balance is strictly followed and applied, when English language is not looked down at and when Anglophones are not considered as second class citizens and a host of others to boost what is known as national integration. Bara Mark Bsc(Hons) Microbiology University of Buea "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 12:05PM (+02:00)
Was there any real lesson for Cameroon in South Africas general el...
Wednesday, May 20, 2009
Deficit of political will in Cameroon! Was there any real lesson for Cameroon in South Africas general elections? The lesson for Cameroon from the recent general elections in South Africa was not so much that they were free and fair but that the S.A. government had willed that elections be so. A similar will for credible elections has also recently been expressed in successful elections in other African countries. How is it that Cameroon is still unable to summon a similar will? Still, the absence of political will has permeated the entire fabric of the Biya regime, making Cameroon more and more of a shadow of its more successful early start in Africa. The will is that human faculty that decides. It is a decision that gives purpose and prescribes a course of action. But having a will does not always mean using it, and doing so in a purposeful way. Where the will is withheld from where it was expected, its absence denies progress. It is common to hear it said that most of Cameroons problems arise from the absence of a political will, meaning Paul Biyas unwillingness. As soon as he got to work a fortnight ago, Samuel Fonkam Azuu, ELECAMs board chair went off to Pretoria, on invitation, to witness South Africas general elections that took place the same week. The question on many lips as he left was what he had expected to learn from the elections which passed off so well. Not surprisingly Fonkam didnt make a statement upon his return, given his publicised departure. That quiet return was only understandable. The real lesson from the recent and other elections in South Africa was
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not how transparent they were and have always been. The real lesson for Cameroon is the political will that decided that elections would at all times be transparent and reflect the voters will. No doubt Fonkam Azuu didnt have to be personally present in Pretoria to learn that fact. Before the South African elections there were local elections in Senegal in which the ruling socialist party of Adoulaye Wade lost hands down. The government was defeated in almost all major towns, including Dakar the capital. Where did Senegal find the political will to organise transparent elections? Even before then Ghana had had a credible election that led to a change of president. The new man happened to be an opposition candidate who won by a razor-thin margin. How did the Ghanaians summon the will to run a credible election? The same question can be asked of Sierra Leone and Liberia who emerged from long years of civil war to summon the political will for clean and clear elections whose outcomes reflected the peoples will? After the controversy about the strong CPDM membership of ELECAM, sources close to the electoral organ say the members have expressed determination to do all in their power to have future elections in Cameroon transparent. Isnt that understandable; perhaps even encouraged by the government? Wasnt that the same scenario before the flawed legislative elections of July 2007? With everything clearly not going well with the preparations Paul Biya encouraged Marafa, the MINATD chief directly responsible for the elections, to try with all his intelligence to fool western diplomats to believe that all was fine and that the elections would be free, fair and transparent.
Regime bashing We know what became of the elections and particularly the western diplomats bashing of the regime over the elections that were a lost opportunity for democratic advance in Cameroon. The point about transparency in an election is that it is first and foremost a decision taken by the government, and in the case of Cameroon by Paul Biya. Until that will is expressed the rest counts for nothing. This is a fact that Fonkam Azuu must reckon with. No matter how over brimming may be his and his colleagues goodwill to work honestly, the truth of the matter is that they are already compromised; their hands are much too tied for them to act otherwise. What can they do to change Paul Biyas unwillingness to have transparent elections? Had the president lived up his promise to have transparent elections in Cameroon he would have created, as he also promised, an independent election management organ as different from ELECAM. ELECAM is as such a counterfeit of the real thing. The very structure and functioning of ELECAM point to the result expected of it. And to make assurance doubly sure Paul Biya further appointed members who did not only belong to the CPDM party but also owe it a debt of gratitude for their careers and other big favours rendered them in the past. If Paul Biya is as clear as crystal in what he wants, 246
let him also acknowledge that no one is fooled. Not even the determination of ELECAM members to be honest makes sense to anyone. The inescapable conclusion is that ELECAM is a translation of the absence of Paul Biyas will to have credible elections in Cameroon. Isnt it foolhardy and even dangerous for Fonkam Azuu and his colleagues to think and even say that they can change things through the use of their goodwill? The reason for the presidents unwillingness to have credible elections is every Cameroonians knowledge. Paul Biya and his CPDM party will be the instant losers in any credible election in Cameroon. They have remained so long in power and done so poorly that the voter wants a change.
And isnt it only fair game to have a change after 29 years (by 2011)? The problem of the presidents unwillingness to change things for the better is not limited to elections. Paul Biya is unenthusiastic about reforming other key institutions such as freeing the courts which continue to be under government control. It is also not understandable why Paul Biya is reluctant to clean the system of human rights abuse. Why does he refuse to free the national commission for human rights to fight the extensive abuse of citizens rights that are mostly perpetrated by law enforcement agents? Furthermore, why does the president refuse to order the systematic emptying of prisons that are three-quarters full of detainees who have spent months and years uncharged or untried? How does that hinder Biyas grip on power?
Ahmadou Ahidjo And that is still not all about the lack of political will in Cameroon. Disturbingly, Paul Biya does not have a good record of socioeconomic development. This newspaper is by no means an admirer of Ahmadou Ahidjo. He established many of the prejudices and injustices that have since shaped the Cameroon of today. Yet it must be admitted in fairness that in spite of his self-imposed limitations, he did his best. For almost all of his twenty-two years as president, Ahidjo kept the economy growing at a steady 7% of GDP. He had many wrong priorities. He invested too much in developing a mammoth public sector at the very high cost of the private sector that he deliberately neglected because he feared that he would in the process benefit and strengthen Anglophones and the Bamileke of the West, which two groups had an early start in business. Ahidjo did not build roads nor did he pay enough attention to primary and secondary education. His emphasis on food self-sufficiency was good but he would have put this in the hands of the private sector. All said, Ahidjo put Cameroon far ahead of other African countries, especially the Francophone ones, when it came to economic development. He called his economic model the contradictory name of planned liberalism. Flattered by foreign press reviews and fellow Africans, Ahidjo even dreamed of an economic take-off (after Rostows stages of economic growth) when he organised a huge
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celebration in 1970 to honour ten years of independence. When he retired in 1982 he handed over a healthy economy at 7% growth rate, a robust treasury and a negligible foreign debt. Under Paul Biya much of Ahijos initiatives were abandoned and un-replaced. Decline set in almost immediately followed by a steep recession that lasted about twelve years. Economic growth has been much too feeble to pull the country out of the effects of the decade-long free fall of the economy. Growth rate, once at about 5% in the late 1990s, has since been falling steadily and presently stands at 3.2%. The reality of that rate is that Cameroon is in socioeconomic decline. With the recession came poverty, the acceleration of unemployment, disease, crime and the galloping cost of living which further intensified misery. Since 1997 the government acknowledged poverty as a national problem but has so far been unable to resolve it. The answer to the fast shrinking economy and all those unhappy consequences would have been a bold stimulus package to give the economy the means of growth and expansion. That, we are sorry, is unlikely to come in the near future. For that to happen there must first be a strong will to move the economy in the right direction.
Shock therapy Last year the government was unmoved by a nation-wide anti-government uprising by the masses against deplorable existence, what many still consider was shock therapy. The measures adopted were too few, too superficial and ineffective. It will probably require a greater shock to shake the government out of its lethargy. The absence of political will seems to have permeated the entire Biya system. Even after long years of complaints about a grossly inefficient administrative system the government has refused to budge on the matter. It takes more than a year for a foreign company in Cameroon to begin business. The same absence of political will is at the origin of the absence of cohesion among the countries of the central African sub-region. The unwillingness to apply signed and ratified conventions makes CEMAC a wasted effort. It takes a truck of goods from Douala port sixty days or more to travel to neighbouring Chad, twice as long as the freight time of the goods from Shanghai! At stake is the nonrespect of conventions and corruption. It may not appear obvious yet it is Paul Biyas failed political will that is still fundamental to the decline of Cameroons football. A month ago Cameroonians suffered a rude shock when Togo beat the Indomitable Lions in the CAN/World Cup football series. The unexpected defeat sparked fears that Cameroon might not again qualify for the 2010 World Cup which it failed to do in 2006, the first time in about two decades! The defeat also served to bring home the painful reality, which had been much avoided in the past, that at last Cameroons football was clearly on the decline.
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Not only is the government in a leaden slumber, its strict centralised and sluggish administrative structure denies any decision taking at any level other than at the very top. That makes the government unable to act in time on any situation. The result is that the government never anticipates or takes charge of any situation until the full damage has come home. In the final analysis the lack of political will to modernise Cameroon in all key areas of socioeconomic development have held the country much too far behind on its development. The early lead that Cameroon had over other African countries even with the faltering efforts of Ahmadou Ahidjo has been erased. At international conferences it is common to meet fellow Africans who remember Cameroon as the leader others looked up to, lament over the failure of Cameroon. Why does Paul Biya deny Cameroon its necessary modernisation? Why would he define his political survival in so narrow and self-centred way that imperils the nations progress?
Source: The Herald
Julius che SCYL INFORMATION SERVICE / INTERNATIONAL SECRETARIAT "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 09:36AM (+02:00)
UK MP welcomes Asylum Seeker Deportation Delay

UK: MP Welcomes Asylum Seeker Deportation Delay Stockton North MP Frank Cook has welcomed the decision to delay the deportation of an asylum seeker who could face death if he is returned to his native Cameroon. Anselme Noumbiwa has lived in Stockton since 2006, when he fled from the West African country. He claims he was tortured and faces death if he returns because he refused to marry his dead father's wives. window.google_render_ad(); Mr Cook called on Immigration Minister Phil Woolas to halt the deportation, due to take place on Friday, so the latest evidence in the case can be considered. He said: "Quite rightly the plight of Anselme has caused enormous concern in the Stockton area, especially amongst his many friends in the local churches where he worshipped before being taken into detention prior to deportation. "I have made the strongest possible representations to the Government about the need to reconsider the deportation decision.
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"If he were to be forced back to Cameroon, it would be a disgrace and a shocking betrayal of our long-held tradition of providing comfort and shelter to those facing persecution, torture or worse." Originally published in the Northumberland Gazette See also: Deported African chief Anselme Noumbiwa back in North and Someone Please Explain why Mr Noumbiwa needs to be outside Cameroon, let alone in the UK? Julius che SCYL INFORMATION SERVICE / INTERNATIONAL SECRETARIAT "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 09:56AM (+02:00)
IS DEPORTATION WORTH THE ANSWER

Someone Please Explain why Mr Noumbiwa needs to be outside Cameroon, let alone in the UK? Got tipped off about a plea to stop the deportation of an Illegal Immigrant/Asylum Seeker. I must say I smell an opportunistic rat. Anselme Noumbiwa fled Cameroon in 2006 because he was at risk of punishment for not adhering to the tribal traditions of the *Bamileke people. As the son and heir to the tribal Chief, Anselme was expected to assume his father's role, which included 'marrying' his many wives. When his father died in May 2006, Anselme refused to become the new Chief because polygamy contravened his Christian beliefs. In an attempt to force Anselme to comply with tradition, the village elders subjected him to the most degrading and terrifying torture. Now, the Bamileke people are one tribal group in Cameroon concentrated in the western provinces and not part of the National Government AFAICT. There is no central Chief, but many many small tribal fiefdoms, often at the village level, though their villages are said to be large and compact, so let us call it a town. Even so, I suspect we are not talking about an event involving all 2m Bamileke! Cameroon is previously a French colony. Ergo, Mr Noumbiwa would surely be aiming for France. No? Fact is there are countless people who wish to move to the UK. Many are following the legal channels, often paying large sums in Visas and waiting their turn under due process. To keep pandering to stunts and, on the face of it, rather dubious, non-sequitur claims by Asylum Seekers rather insults the very term. It costs a fortune. It delays valid claims. It brings disrepute to valid Asylum Seekers fleeing genuine State or organised terror that would affect one across that nation. You know, like opposition leaders or activists, 250
suffragettes, human rights activists or Gay Iranians. I suspect that Mr Noumbiwa could quite happily live his life no worse off than his fellow Cameroons if he just lived away from his tribal homeland. You know, like in the nearest City. So, the Cameroon Government is a shit, bleats the supporters' website. Well, by that logic all the population of Cameroon should be permitted to stay in the UK. The best way for Cameroon to be fixed is for the Cameroons to stay and fix it themselves. Nobody else is going to do it. This case appears to me to be like my pleading Asylum to live in Switzerland because da Slough Massive beat me up. Fact is, while we have various people supporting what appears to me to be a rather tenuous claim for Asylum, we had countless Gurkhas being denied entry or being deported. I know where my focus has been. Joanna Lumley committing an act of knife crime. There is a queue. A very long queue. British people like queues for the very reason that they are fair. Fill out your form. Get in the right queue. Stay in line. Wait your turn. No criminal record, honest intent and skills to offer? Right this way, if you please!
Julius che SCYL INFORMATION SERVICE / INTERNATIONAL SECRETARIAT "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 10:01AM (+02:00)
Gang of Diploma Frauders and Regime Thieves in Cameroon

Thursday, May 28, 2009
While some of us had to burn the mid night candle, went through strike actions just to had a better education; While some of us like Cho Lucas Ayaba, Nwana Benedict, Akwanga Ebenezar, Julius Che and others had to fight and at some times being jailed just because we wanted some good education, While some of us were expelled from school just because we wanted a reduction in school fees or wanted to be the mouth piece for the students; while some of us had to walk the streets of Molyko and Bamenda under the threat of fierce looking gendarmes and police officers just because we wanted a GCE Board and an Anglosaxon University, While some of us were pushed into exile; Some of our brothers through the support of God Fathers stayed in their houses and were awarded degrees and certificates with honour after having sat for no examination nor were they registered students of any school and or University in Cameroon
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These theory just go to butress the nature of corruption which has been institutionalised by La Republique du Cameroun on all aparatus in state hierarchy. Not only is it a shame and disgress to The Education system, it is equally a human rights abuse to some of us who went through thick and thin just to get education the hard way with no jobs and yet frauders and thier God Fathers mount the podium of Authority in the public service right inside the Presidency of the Republic where their boss and chief frauder Paul Biya lives, and the State controle ministry created to bring transparency in all sectors of public service This writer in Question: Julius Che, between the periode of 1996 and 2002 sat for three supritendent (commisseioner) of police examination and two Cycle A ENAM concours and passed all the written examinations but could not be selected becuase he had no God Father, and was classified to be a member of the SDF (opposition) the secessionist Southern Cameroons Youth League SCYL or simply being an Anglophone regarded as a second class citizen to other Francophone candidtaes. Below is the List of gang of Certificate and Diploma thieves. It begins with the name of the Department, then the name of the thieve and ends with the name of the fraude certificate or diplma in its abbreviation FSCL: Stands for First School Leaving Certificate GCE O/L & A/L: Stands for General Certificate of Education Ordinary and Advanced Level Licence: Stands for Bachelors Degree Maitrice: Stands for Pre-Master Degree Probatoire: Stands for GCE 1 A/level pass in Technical French Education BEPC: Stands for GCE Ordinary level for French secondary Education BAC: Stands for GCE Advanced Level for French High School Education Ministry N a m e s Certific a te Suprme Sta te Control 1 Mefir Mouminou Cepe Argriculture and Rural Development 2 Abba Goni Karagama Cepe 3 Alain Ousmane Bello Bac 4 Blobaguibimo Roger Bepc 5 Frankline Agbor Ayuis Cap 6 Manyo Roland Bertrand Bepc 7 Mbomezom Hlne Bac 8 Moussa Eyango Aggee Cepe 9 Ndom Jean Pierre Bepc 10 Nkou Alembe Madeleine Cepe 11 Tchipang Cepe 12 Ze Jeanne Samanta Cepe Ministry of Social Affairs 13 Ango Jean Paul Cap 14 Bah Gallus Bah Fslc 15 Bella Jeannine Batrice Cepe 16 Bessetegne Thrse Bepc 17 Dang Jeanne Cap 252
18 Essiane Ella Lopoldine Cap 19 Eyono Marie Brigitte Bepc 20 Fifen Ousseni Cepe 21 Lenoun Angeligue Ladouce Bepc 22 Mamende Eliezer Bepc 23 Mbadi Brigitte Aurelie Bepc 24 Nnang Dieudonne Cepe 25 Relindis Vasona Fslc 26 Tawe Emmanuel Yembe Fslc 27 Tsogo Virginie Carine Bepc 28 Yangne Honorine Dorothe Probatoire 29 Yombi Guehoada Cepe 30 Zang Manga Engelbert Rody Licence Territorial Administration and Decentralisation 31 Afoubou Elisabeth Marinette Bepc 32 Anyangwe Thresia Akwi Gce O/L 33 Evina Ango Marthe Probatoire 34 Ibis Andre Victor Cepe 35 Manga Anisette Virginie Epse Fouda Onana Bepc 36 Manga Eveline Cepe 37 Mba Liliane Franche Probatoire 38 Mbarga Foe Marcelle Bac 39 Memoli Amlie Angeline Bepc 40 Ndzie Ossongo Simonie Cepe 41 Ngo Mbo'o Zogo Elisabeth Bepc 42 Ngo Noo Lydie Francois Bepc 43 Ngono Agns Cepe 44 Noa Nkolo Clment Bac 45 Nomo Jean Claude Cap 46 Oyono Manick Epse Evina Bepc Communication 47 Deffo Ne Peka Suzanne Flore Bepc 48 Epounde Jean Claude Cepe 49 Youbi Marinette Probatoire 50 Aboubakar Garba Bepc 51 Mbourno Jacqueline Cepe 52 Wiga Mboutwe Chantal Cepe 53 Mendouga Mbomo Marie Madeleine Matrise Culture 54 Onana Francois Cepe 55 Ekwoge Ne Ntoko Marfarete Dione Gce A/L State Prperty and Land Tenure 56 Ahmed Hassan Cepe 57 Elandi Benot Robert Bepc 58 Brahim Ahmadou Yya Bepc 59 Mbang Ccile Chantal Bepc 60 Nkono Tobie Marcel Cepe 61 Nkoubard Aristide Olivier Bepc
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62 Tsemo Djoum Adle Maitrise Defence 63 Abga Andre Marie Joseph Bepc 64 Bekima Paul Max Licence 65 Kassi Herman Sylvie Cepe 66 Mekongo Mbie Benot Cepe 67 Meyanga Ne Mvondo Mvondo Denise Probatoire 68 Ndere Marie Claude Bac 69 Ndzala Paul Richard Bac 70 Ngala Joseph Cepe 71 Ngo Njiki Rosalie Daaas 72 Njayou Ne Chagnouet Njingoumbe A. A. Probatoire 73 Shubesi David Ngongalan Cap 74 Tanayen Anthony Cepe Urban Development and Housing 75 Abane Jules Jonas Cepe 76 Abomo Marie Solange Bac 77 Bella Ernest Cepe 78 Bikok Hiag Dieudonn Probatoire 79 Bistsong Ne Tangha Leunkwi Annie . Matrise 80 Cyrille Eve Manedong Tsafack Bac 81 Halilou Cepe 82 Jocelyn Azinkeng Lefangha Probatoire 83 Messina Mpesse Sidonie Probatoire 84 Meyong Marguerite Flore Cepe 85 Minyem Bilemle Bienvenu Bepc 86 Moki Lisinge Charles Cepe 87 Ndanga Paulin Cepe 88 Ndigene Sylvestre Matrise 89 Nkene Naomie Cap 90 Nyivan Nang Bepc 91 Oumar Ildoko Bepc 92 Tchouta Kwengoua Gertrude Aurelie Licence 93 Tegueyem Georges Augustin Bac 94 Tiogo Vincent Matrise 95 Tumamo Mirelle Sandrine Bac Bepc 96 Yengue Berthe Mell Rose Cepe Water and Energy 97 Francis Fokum Tekum Cap 98 Kolieghu Nee Leumaleu Kametcha L. L. Licence 99 Manso Rgine Mbah Capacit 100 Tele Jacques Cepe Employment and Vocational Training 101 Abdouraman Haman Bepc 102 Afom Meye Fridoline Bepc 103 Domfang Simo Vickie Myriam Bac 104 Koudoum Kengne Romaric Bepc 105 Lombo Moukoko Rose Dominique Bepc 254
106 Mvondo Mezang Maurice Jrme Matrise Environment and Nature Protection 107 Djouaka Ne Djoutsop Nandjou S. Laure Matrise 108 Sadjo Ousmanou Bepc Economy Planning and Regional Development 109 Atada Ne Ngono Assoula Christine Bepc 110 Ateba Marie Josephe Victorine Bts 111 Domdii Viviane Nadine Blanche Bac 112 Elandi Elandi Honorine Laure Bepc 113 Elanga Florent Bepc 114 Eloundou Augustin Cap 115 Engolo Arthur Yannick Cepe 116 Etoga Paul Hubert Cap 117 Foe Ne Edoa Zanga Marie Laure Cap 118 Massara Wahiele Solange Bepc 119 Mazo'o Crescence Nadine Bepc 120 Mbogba Jacques Bepc 121 Mengue Ernestine Viviane Bepc 122 Mfegue Guy Martin Bepc 123 Minko Mi Ngondena Jean Cyrille Bac 124 Djip Ii Justin Boniface Probatoire 125 Ngo Gwet Sarah Delphine Probatoire 126 Nyunai Pierre Pelot Bepc 127 Obiang Christian Michel Bac 128 Ondoa Mintunou Nicole Marie Bepc 129 Tankeu Esae Dut 130 Thomas Etomonda Ntanji Cap Secondary Education 131 Aoudou Guy Roland Cepe 132 Henry Njoh Mwambo fslc 133 Mbah Ne Ngah Meliga Salom Licence 134 Ngale Emmanuel Mbella Lieve Fslc 135 Tonye Paul Cepe Higher Education 136 Anamba Danielle Marie Paule Bepc 137 Atangana Joseph Clarisse Bac 138 Atangana Mballa Faustin Bepc 139 Belibi Tschoungui Faustin Parfait Dea 140 Bengono Luc Dieudonn Nicaise Cepe 141 Bevinya Mpouadina Etienne Bac 142 Bissa Boniface De La Grce Bepc 143 Edzoa, Ne Nga Mbida Florentine Bepc 144 Lipe Yacouba Matrise 145 Marie Thrse Adzaba Cepe 146 Mbala Barnab Paul Probatoire 147 Mballa Paul Barnab Probatoire 148 Mekongo, Ne Medji Rgine Cepe
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149 Ndjana Leba Georges Laurent Bepc 150 Nganana Xaverie Bepc 151 Ngtjele Jeannine Nicole Probatoire Finance 152 Abam Ne Bate Tambe Juliana Probatoire 153 Abate Zoua Marie Cline Bepc 154 Abe Messi Marthe Probatoire 155 Abega Atedjoe Hyacinthe Jean Licence 156 Bega Atangana Martin Claude Probatoire 157 Abena Serge Bac 158 Abiesse Jules Bepc 159 Abomo Sylvie Beatrice Bepc 160 Abondo Abondo Zephyrin Bac 161 Aboudi Patrick Marcel Licence 162 Ada Hermine Irene Bac 163 Adamou Malam Bello Bepc 164 Afanda Sandrine Cap 165 Ahmadou Tidjani Bepc 166 Akamba Tangono Clmentine Bac 167 Alayi Tobe Bepc 168 Alegue Dieudonn Bepc 169 Alima Sama Marie Matrise 170 Ambassa Thierry Bepc 171 Amos Cham Kum Probatoire 172 Amougou Abeng Odile Hlne Probatoire 173 Amougou Jean Secondin Probatoire 174 Amougou Pierre Mdard Bac 175 Amvembe Jonathan Cepe 176 Assah Flix Cepe 177 Assene Joseph Dsir Probatoire 178 Asseng Pascal Bac 179 Atanga Vivian Njweng Gce O/L 180 Atangana Ambassa Paul Christian Yves Bepc 181 Atangana Many Roger Cap 182 Atangana Mendong Adrienne Marie C. Bepc 183 Atangana Ne Avebe Nkotto Sophie Meyo Bepc 184 Atangana Ne Avebe Nkotto Sophie Meyo Bepc 185 Atsama Marie Thrse Bts 186 Ava Esso Sylvie Bepc 187 Avouzoa Owono Rosalie Probatoire 188 Awono Biloa Thomas D'aquin Bepc 189 Awono Lebongo Jean Cepe 190 Awoutou Andegue Damien Matrise 191 Ayissi Suzanne Bac 192 Banag Bout Alain Bertrand Bepc 193 Bandakouassimo Jrmie Probatoire 194 Baniny Gisele Marguerite Bac 195 Beas Nee Ngo Malet Clarisse Bac 196 Bekolo Godefroy Probatoire 197 Belibi Pascal Florent Martial Licence 198 Bella Mimbe Thierry Bts
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199 Belle Ndzana Agathe Honorine Bepc 200 Bezengue Mebang Antoine Jean Bac 201 Bidoula Nkoulou Calvin Serge Licence 202 Bidzogo Alice Marie Bts 203 Bikele Awono Ambroise Bac 204 Bikwe Timothe Cap 205 Bila Eveline Olive Bac 206 Bilo'o Suzanne Barbara Nadge Bepc 207 Bisso Abessolo Stphane Matrise 208 Bwelle Job Bepc 209 Divine Gwandi Licence 210 Djambou Maurice Matrise 211 Djekonoh Pierre Cepe 212 Djouh Tsogo Virginie Bepc 213 Dongmo Nguetsop Jeannette Hortense Bts 214 Dzou Etoundi Lucien Armand Bepc 215 Eba Medou Jeanne Merline Florence Bac 216 Eba Ngandjok Marie Rosie Bac 217 Ebode Andre Francois Matrise 218 Eboko Gabriel Probatoire 219 Ebozoa Tsila Francois Cepe 220 Edou Bekala Guillaume Licence 221 Edou Gilberto Cepe 222 Effa Martial Bac 223 Ekassi Thrse Capacit 224 Ekee Tono Cap 225 Ekoudi Effengue Marceline Probatoire 226 Ekoundi Ebanga Rgine Cap 227 Ella Marcellin Grgoire Cap 228 Elongue Awanga Prudence Bepc 229 Emini Jean Bts 230 Emvoudou Elizabeth Bepc 231 Enganimoul Georges Patrick Probatoire 232 Eppee Mbango Elisabeth Bts 233 Essama Eugnie Clotilde Bepc 234 Essane Eveline Arlette Bac 235 Essiane Bessala Samson Bepc 236 Essimi Ayissi Marie Clotilde Probatoire 237 Esso Fono Maryon Bepc 238 Essola Christine Bac 239 Essomba Essomba Dsir Probatoire 240 Essombe Andre Bepc 241 Etene Louis Claire Bepc 242 Eto'o Jean Probatoire 243 Etoua Ondo Charles Valre Probatoire 244 Etougou Berthe Gertrude Capacit 245 Etoundi Nama Agathe Bac 246 Etoundi Ne Noubissie Nkemboe Nicole Bts 247 Etoundi Simon Probatoire 248 Evengue Avela Elise Monique Probatoire 249 Evina Caroline Bts
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250 Evina Nkoumou Gabriel Probatoire 251 Evoundou Jean Probatoire 252 Eyango Soppo Augustine Arline Bepc 253 Eyike Ne Sophie Germaine Bisso Licence 254 Foe Zame Doline Bepc 255 Fokoue Nouze Bony Anthony Licence 256 Fono Eya'ane Jean Probatoire 257 Fouda Thrse Mispa Epse Mouthe Cap 258 Hamidou Ibrahim Licence 259 Hassana Madi Bepc 260 Ilounga Mekoulou Hortense Bac 261 John Tabot Takor Cepe 262 Kongnyuy Clementina Shiynyuy Gce O/L 263 Koungou Sverin Ferdinand Bac 264 Kpessi Marie Irne Bepc 265 Kwepa Nemzou Nathalie Rose Bac 266 Ladem Celine Mirabelle Bts 267 Letchou Biouele Isabelle Tatiana Licence 268 Likound Moussi Simon Pierre Probatoire 269 Limalla Ngbwa Marie Christiane Bepc 270 Litouyou Aliyou Bepc 271 Londi Nicaise Bepc 272 Magon Chantal Bepc 273 Makongo Rene Ne Se Retrouve Nulle P. Probatoire 274 Manda Abega Michel Bac 275 Manga Membile Emmanuel Licence 276 Manga Zambo Ndzie Ahanda Francine M. Matrise 277 Manguele Matrise 278 Marie Asso'o Bac 279 Mballa Ne Ngawa Marie Salom Cap 280 Mbarga Alice Marie Paule Probatoire 281 Mbarga Effa Jean Pierre Bepc 282 Mbarga Owono Martin Cepe 283 Mbazoa Anastasie Cepe 284 Mbazoa Marie Josphine Probatoire 285 Mbe Mbe Luc Aim Bepc 286 Mbeka Nko'o Etienne Bts 287 Bengono Nyatte Agns Leonie Bac 288 Mbeti Bikolo Philippe Capacit 289 Mbezele Marie Louise Bac 290 Mbida Gaston Capacit 291 Mbita Ondo Chapelin Bepc 292 Mbo Mireille Dsire Bts 293 Mboe Alain Martin Bepc 294 Mboe Marie Chantal Flise Licence 295 Mbogo Essame Luc Thierry Capacit 296 Mboy Mireille Matrise 297 Me Mayo Bepc 298 Mebiame Mebiame Eric Christian Licence 299 Medang Majest Cepe 300 Medjo M'adjomo Alain Ryter Bac 258
301 Mefoumane Mvondo Catherine Bac 302 Meka'a Hippolyte Parfait Probatoire 303 Melounou Atba Prudence Bepc 304 Melounou M'owono Matrise 305 Menanga Tlesphore Achille Bac 306 Mendouga Marie Ruphine Licence 307 Mengue Carine Nathalie Cap 308 Mengue Fono Salom Bepc 309 Mengue Mbarga Delphine martial Bac 310 Mengue Olame Isabelle Flore Matrise 311 Menguele Ngotta Francoise Yvette Bepc 312 Mentom Atangana Crescence Nadine Bepc 313 Menyie Jeanne Claudine Bac 314 Messi Marie Louise Falone Cepe 315 Messono Angle Bepc 316 Metouna Thrse Marlyse Capacit 317 Meva'a Serge Herve Probatoire 318 Mimbe Ewole Yolande Bepc 319 Mimbo Fo Marie Julienne Bac 320 Mindzie Marie Anne Bepc 321 Minfouma Onana Clarisse Ernestine Licence 322 Minko Francois Capacit 323 Mintyene Angounou Ren Bepc 324 Missboum Maimouna Solange Bac 325 Modo Zeh Marcellin Tobie Capacit 326 Mohamadou Bac 327 Mokom George Mbuh Gce A/L 328 Monde Kentouma Bepc 329 Moneyekombo Abondo Pierre Paul Probatoire 330 Mounchingam Adamou Probatoire 331 Mousseni Pierre Julien Bepc 332 Mulo Gladys Bac 333 Mve Germaine Vedette Astride Bac 334 Mvomo Ngabeloui Jeanne Hortense Bac 335 Nambele Narcisse Licence 336 Ndo Ezo'o Adle Bepc 337 Ndo Ndo Vincent Bepc 338 Ndoh Agns Carole Bepc 339 Ndondo Abate Jean Pierre Licence 340 Ndono Enguele Rachel Cepe 341 Ndzedza Okounou Marie Laure Bts 342 Ndzie Zambo Marie Salom Bepc 343 Negou Ne Kemmegne Sindjouong H. Cepe 344 Nga Messi Henriette Florence Probatoire 345 Nga Micheline Rosette Cap 346 Nga Mvomo Marthe Judith Bac 347 Ngack Donatien Dsir Cap 348 Ngah Marie Bernadette Cap 349 Ngambo Jacqueline Chelcy Cap 350 Ngamessi Franoise Bepc 351 Ngawono Marie Thrse Bepc
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352 Ngazibi Sabine Bepc 353 Ngbwa Jean Georges Bepc 354 Ngo Kaki Hortense Licence 355 Ngo Ndenga Brigitte Bepc 356 Ngo Nkit Suzanne Nadge Bepc 357 Ngo Nsadack Marguerite Soleil Bepc 358 Ngondo Dorothe Marcelle Cap 359 Ngu Aponde Lonard Cepe 360 Nguenda Obama Probatoire 361 Nguewo Jaurs Valds Gce O/L 362 Nguidom Engele Celvie Licence 363 Nguina Alice Cap 364 Nguini Abega Simon Pierre Bts 365 Ninou Huguette Sandrine Deug 366 Njock Marie Agns Bts 367 Njoh Ewane Gabin Duclair Licence 368 Nkolo Akoutou Nadine Edith Probatoire 369 Nkolo Virginie Bepc 370 Nkotto Simon Cepe 371 Nkou Salomon Sylvre Bac 372 Nkoulou Eyamo Josette Plagie Probatoire 373 Nkoum Josphine Bac 374 Nono Ne Tcheufa Njiele F. C. L Bepc 375 Nonyou Mbadi Joseph Cepe 376 Noubissi Sando Licence 377 Nsang Parfait Magloire Matrise 378 Nsizo'a Ndanga Marie Louise Probatoire 379 Nsom Eyenga Ne Sapouma Loung E. Licence 380 Ntilla Etienne Matrise 381 Ntoh Ebwel Nicole Patricia Matrise 382 Ntollo Marie Huguette Bepc 383 Ntolo Medjo Ruth Bac 384 Ntolo Ntsama Hubert Bruno Bepc 385 Ntsama Bella Stphane Bepc 386 Ntsama Nataniel Cepe 387 Nyadang Pauline Probatoire 388 Nyake Cline Flicit Bepc 389 Nyangon Patient Bac 390 Nyangono Mka Corine Sylvie Matrise 391 Oba'a Sasse Eugne Probatoire 392 Omgba Marcelline Probatoire 393 Omgba Omgba Henri Dieudonn Bac 394 Omgbawa Achille Probatoire 395 Onana Aloys Olivier Capacit 396 Onana Benjamin Jacques Bac 397 Onana Lucien Bienvenu Cepe 398 Ondoua Akoa Rolland Licence 399 Otsa Otsa Alvine Florette Bepc 400 Ousmane Oumar Bepc 401 Owandja Asse Alexandre Bac 402 Owona Denis Licence 260
403 Owona Elise Ghislaine Sandrine Licence 404 Owoundi Luc Alfred Debussy Probatoire 405 Oyo Essombo Chantal Cap 406 Oyono Essame Ren David Bac 407 Same Nsame Tclaire Matrise 408 Siewe Ne Charlotte Momokye Licence 409 Taiga Jean Pierre Capacit 410 Tang Meke Evelyne Nicole Matrise 411 Tanga Ndzomo Generaud Eric Bepc 412 Tchakounte ne Tchambou Cheukam P. Bts 413 Tchatchouang Njampou Clovis Bac 414 Tchafa Njibanb Agata Chantal Bepc 415 Temgoua Fabien Bac 416 Tombi Pierre Probatoire 417 Touye Dieudonn Dsire Cap 418 Tovi Cathrine Licence 419 Zang ne Mimbo'o Gisele Augustine Capacit 420 Ze Lucienne Cap 421 Zili Dany Jean Calvin Bepc 422 Zinga Ambomo Jules ambroise Matrise 423 Zobo Bienvenue Vittale Matrise 424 Zollo Samuel Claude Licence 425 Zomo Georgin Mistral Bac 426 Zoua Ndoro Thamar Bepc Forest and Fauna 427 Ambadiang Onana Maurice Cap 428 Ayuk Maurice Otup Cepe 429 Bessong ne Takang Sussan Enow Matrise 430 Diangi Edwin Tande Cepe 431 Maza Roger Bepc 432 Moussa ne Mbesso Solange Bepc 433 Ngnie Motouom Yollande Michel Bepc Public Service and Administrative Reforms 434 Andela Lebogo laurent Alexis Cepe 435 Mebenga Mebenga Joseph Cepe 436 Nkwenty Bernadette Nangwi Cepe 437 Nyondje Ayoka Jean Paul Cepe Ministry Mines and Technological Development 438 Assuomboe Tsogo Barbare Bepc 439 Bitouni Alexis Probatoire 440 Bouba Ousmanou Bepc 441 Ekena Nko Eugenie Solange Bac 442 Kouba Flicit Bac 443 Manty Lies Yolande Bepc 444 Mbazoa Owona Ruphine Cap 445 Mbek Ondoua Charlotte Bac 446 Ngono Marie Claude Bac 447 Mbeh Bekala Philomne Sorel Bepc 448 Manfred Menyoli Woleta Fslc 449 Manguissal ne Mangoung Blondine Cepe
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450 Sime Antoine Sverin Bac 451 Vondou Pierre Eptise Comptable II 452 Abida Joseph Probatoire 453 Ango Patrice Cepe 454 Barama Barnabas Cepe 455 Dangmo Djidiha Bepc 456 Dimbeck Laurent Probatoire 457 Djenabou Bepc 458 Enekeyene Clestine Cap 459 Etongue Robert Etongiue Cepe 460 Habibatou Bepc 461 Harouna Ousmana Bac 462 Kpwe Isidore Wong Cap 463 Makouet Anne Bepc 464 Mekano Abdoulaye Bac 465 Melingui Rose Rose Matrise 466 Metso Tsang Judith Bac 467 Mohaman Toukour Bepc 468 Mvondo Mvondo Charlotte Capacit 469 Ndengue Bindzi Marguerite Chantal Bepc 470 Ngah Salome Samedi Cap 471 Ngo Makani Rgine Eliane Bepc 472 Ngo Njog Lonie Cline Cap 473 Nkongo Jean Calvin Bepc 474 Ntanengam Zenabou Bepc 475 Nzomo Claire Capacit 476 Oumarou Yaya Matrise 477 Oumate Mahama Cepe 478 Sop Andr Hilaire Bepc 479 Soppo Ngombe Fanny Bepc 480 Tendongmo Edward Asaba Cepe 481 Tientcheu Tchamebe Raphael Bts 482 Towo ne Tchemeleu Koitchap Franoise Cap 483 Zeh Eulalie Probatoire Womens Empowerment and the Family 484 Akono Nathalie Romaine Bepc 485 Awono Jean Narcisse Cepe 486 Bassog Minthou Joseph Cepe 487 Biock Luc Edouard Bepc 488 Bitomo Cyriac Jean Cap 489 Celine Ngoke Elume Gce O/L 490 Edou Edou Michel Cepe 491 Ekole ne Vivian Pembe Njemo Cap 492 Evelyn Oben ne Oben Cepe 493 Ngane Jean Cepe 494 Ngo Ngue Marie Herve Bepc 495 Ntuba Michael Aduma Gce A/L 496 Sohna Bout Samning Mathias Probatoire 497 Tongne Lobe Cepe 498 Wayang Andr Cepe 262
Scientific Research and Innovation 499 Haman Aminou Matrise 500 Kouamo Djomo Josiane Bepc 501 Mandeng ne Ngo Pouth Marie Thrse Bepc 502 Ngo Bayock Marie Ruth Cap 503 Njikam Anne Bepc 504 Ntjam Franois Bac 505 Tchanga Ada Valerie Cepe 506 Tsopgo Demonou Bienvenu Tango Probatoire External Relations 507 Ngamli Amadou Bepc 508 Ntamack Lydie Sidonie Probatoire 509 Sepeuwou Mbomo Nadge Bac Public Health 510 Abani Abanchime Adam Cepe 511 Akamba Mbia Honorine Cepe 512 Anang Eveline Youh Cepe 513 Anzie Nzhiou Christianne Cepe 514 Asmaou Boubakary Bepc 515 Ateba Alphonse Bepc 516 Belomo Martine Pelagie Bepc 517 Bessala Lucien Cap 518 Beyala Blandine Iveline Cepe 519 Bidima Salome Bepc 520 Bikie Sylvie Yolande Bepc 521 Biloa Ekassi Nina Madeleine Cepe 522 Boyomo Boyomo Patric Bepc 523 Edouka Megale Aniston Loque Cepe 524 Ekoungou Charles Sylver Cepe 525 Elimi Bodo Pangrace Vianie Bepc 526 Embolo Olinga Simonie Jeanne Bepc 527 Enyegue Philomne Dsire Bepc 528 Etenga Nguena Valerie Cap 529 Hamadou Gembo Zenebou Bepc 530 Itoe Peter Melako Cepe 531 Manga Nsoudou Agns Bepc 532 Mballa Marie Huguette Cepe 533 Mbock ne Nkomba Ebelle Hleine C. Bac 534 Mbono Eloundou Stphanie Bepc 535 Memiafang Kayo Ccile Cepe 536 Meyie Mengue Franoise Cepe 537 Mfini Virginie Bepc 538 Monjoa Mbella Helen Cepe 539 Mpouet Marie Michele Bepc 540 Nchare Linedjoum Timothe Cepe 541 Ndzana Ndjodo Lucien Bepc 542 Ndzana Ndzomo Bepc 543 Nforbuteh Joseph Asangwa Cepe
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544 Ngo Bandon Ccile Bepc 545 Njei Elias Ambe Cepe 546 Njie Alexander Ngombe Cepe 547 Nkata Valerie Cepe 548 Nkwechu Daniel Nkweje Cepe 549 NNoh Jeanne Locadie Cap 550 Ntomb Luc Bepc 551 Nwellem ne Yet Kawah Jibas Cap 552 Nyenti Gilbert Enow Cepe 553 Olle Afane Jean Marie Cap 554 Sunjo Jannet Kibong Cepe 555 Tangono Mbida Joceline Cepe 556 Tankouo Blaise Cepe 557 Tema Patience Cepe 558 Theresia Ewokolo Njie Cepe Transport 559 Andomo Calixte Clarisse Cepe 560 Che Mbu Cletus Cepe 561 Edjane Epane Marina Ange Probatoire 562 Etetere Koulousse Alice Monique Bts 563 Gnamesse Bidjanga Angle Aime Bepc 564 Kamdoum Djeumeni Ccile Capacit 565 Menye Embolo Philomne Bepc 566 Mohamadou Baba Bepc 567 Noah Didier Bepc 568 Salong Mot Dieudonn Bac 569 Yatahat Jean Cepe 570 Ze Serge Francis Bepc Tourism 571 Bidzogo Tsamga Noelle Dorothe Matrise 572 Mairamou Abdoulaye Probatoire 573 Malai Fidle Probatoire 574 Mengue Judith Graldine Bts Public Works 575 Ambassa Joseph Elise Bac 576 Atonzong Leopold Cap 577 Belinga Mbarga Rose Nathalie Probatoire 578 Douma Jeanne Gisle Bepc 579 Essosso Boniface Cepe 580 Etoundi Ambassa Joseph Elise Bac 581 Gilbert Fokagu Fozieh Cepe 582 Heunga Anni D'Arc Bepc 583 Kibong Ezekiel Tunglu Cepe 584 Medjo Aristide Jol Bepc 585 Minko Olinga Angle Marie Nol Bac 586 Mogoum Tagne Julienne Nadine Probatoire 587 Ngono Aki Sylvie Sraphine Bepc 588 Nguatem John Cepe 264
589 Nkongue Ebongue Quy Ernest Probatoire 590 Noah Ekobena Clment Bepc 591 Nyebe Mbia Jean Marie Armand Bepc 592 Ondoa Awoumou Didier Cap Labour and Social Security 593 Abeng Franoise Jeannine Cap 594 Atcham Jean Leonard Probatoire 595 Maie Marguerite Bolo Licence 596 Mballa Roger Cepe 597 Ntomba Bela Aloys Bepc 598 Nyassame Marthe Cepe 599 Omgba Olama Simon Pierre Bepc Presidency of the Republic 600 Abba Hassan Bepc 601 Abbas Cepe 602 Abbe Abbe Jean Christian Bac 603 Akamba Abanda Agns Bepc 604 Ako Elisabeth Cepe 605 Akoa Akoa Guillaume Bepc 606 Akoa Anicet Romo Pachelli Cepe 607 Alima Monique Mimosette Bepc 608 Ambomo Sraphine Cepe 609 Angoa Epoko Serge Cepe 610 Anguissoh Alama Rosalie Marie Cepe 611 Antibo Ndom Irine Pamela Bepc 612 Anya Aim Albain Alain Probatoire 613 Aoudou Lahi Ibrahim Bepc 614 Ateba Marie Paule Bepc 615 Ateba Ngono Thomas Cepe 616 Atyame Betolo Mireille Bepc 617 Avoto Mindjomo Janvier Antoine Cepe 618 Aya'a Aya'a Christian Franck Probatoire 619 Aye Monique Probatoire 620 Aye Wouapet Francine Cap 621 Ayi Amougui Brice Romo Bepc 622 Banah Christine Chantal Bepc 623 Bekono Daniel Cap 624 Bekono Tagui Christophe Probatoire 625 Belinga Ndongo Zacharie Bac 626 Bena Belinga ne Edima Agathe J. Probatoire 627 Beng Mbeng Serge Armand Bepc 628 Bengono Blaise Didier Cepe 629 Bessala Appolinaire Junior Bt 630 Betima Bitti Andr Verlain Bepc 631 Bodio Kpwolom Emmanuel Bepc 632 Bombe ne Mvongo Christine Laurette Cap 633 Danko Marie Corinne Cepe 634 Degradot Mbarga Marie Salome Cepe 635 Djanal Thomas Cepe
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636 Djibo Dandy Cepe 637 Djidjoua Baba Cap 638 Djomo Minyono Marie Claire Cepe 639 Djoukouo Signe Danielle Cepe 640 Dopta Flix Bepc 641 Edzoa Ngono Marie Joseph Bepc 642 Ekoman Monti Didier Cepe 643 Ekoto Ango Jeanne Bepc 644 Ekoto Vronique Nadge Bepc 645 Ekouma Alphonse Placide Cap 646 Elanga Zouame Jean Paul Probatoire 647 Emembe Lydie Irne Cepe 648 Elouna ne Nnomo Blandine Probatoire 649 Eloundou Mvolo Andr Ernest Bepc 650 Eloundou Onomo Ferdinand Cap 651 Amah Mballa Elisabeth Solange Bepc 652 Enama Enama Ambroise Bepc 653 Endom Mback Louis Bepc 654 Enyegue Enyegue Jacques Cap 655 Enyouma Madeleine Bepc 656 Essama Clment Bepc 657 Essengue Alima Andr Marie Cap 658 Essissima ne Obama Obara Marie S. Bt 659 Essogo Owona Germain Gervais Cepe 660 Essoma Anya Benjamin Cepe 661 Essomba Ndengue Gilbert Bepc 662 Essong Sangon ne Nga Etolo Rosalie Cepe 663 Essono Damien Cepe 664 Eto Bitti joseph Bac 665 Etoundi Jacques Cepe 666 Eva Paul Steve Cepe 667 Evina Nkoumou Serge Olivier Bepc 668 Evina Charles Arsne Cepe 669 Ewane Atangana Pauline Pulchrie Cepe 670 Ewane Olaoni Alfred Bepc 671 Eyono Daisy anielle Bepc 672 Feulifack Tsetagho Paul Gabriel Cepe 673 Fimba Mbida Antoine Bt 674 Foe Ndi Frdric Cap 675 Fouego Jiazet Jol Bac 676 Foumane Ebo'o Cepe 677 Foumou Theo Eduardo Cap 678 Guigou Ndiomo Cap 679 Haman Franois Bepc 680 James Tabe Orock Bac 681 Kame Max Bepc 682 Kede Mose Armel Cepe 683 Koa Blaise Cepe 684 Kokra ne Bilo'o Suzanne Barbara. N Bepc 685 Komzoh Gouah Nicaise Andr Cap 686 Kouoh Guy Edgar Bepc 266
687 Lebolo Appolonie Bepc 688 Lemana Elise Marie Bac 689 Manjia Rachidetou Cepe 690 Mballa Benot Guy Charles Herv Cap 691 Mbea Mbea Benjamin N. Cap 692 Mbolo Mbeza Lucie Cepe 693 Medjo Atangana Anne Marie Cepe 694 Medjo Derrick Cepe 695 Mefo Atangana Marie Laure Bepc 696 Mekongo Ohana hilippe Boban Probatoire 697 Mekongo Ombiono Louis Florent Bth 698 Mekoulou Eloa Raphal Probatoire 699 Mekoulou Tlesphore Dieudonn Cepe 700 Melingui Marie Louise Cepe 701 Mendouga Baltazar Armand Rodrigue Cepe 702 Mengue Joseph Rufine Bienvenu Probatoire 703 Menounga Augustin Cap 704 Mentsale Frangine Sidonie Dipl d'infirmier Adj. 705 Menyengue Tsala Jean Calvin Cepe 706 Messi Ndengue Godfroy Bepc 707 Messina Hlne Sandrine Cepe 708 Metini ne Dinwamwa Nsombo Annie Bepc 709 Meyo Meva'a Chantal Cepe 710 Mgbwa Medou Henri Salome Bepc 711 Minkala Ntsang Jean Marie Cap 712 Minkoulou Maurice Camille Bepc 713 Monsang Luc Ailier Cepe 714 Moaboulou Moaboulou Omer Stphane Bepc 715 Momendeng Salomon Bepc 716 Mvilongo koumeda Ren Dieudonn Cepe 717 Nang zanga Osias Bac 718 Ndedi Kouamkang Dieudonn Licence 719 Ndeme Ayangma Louis Marie Cap 720 Ndengue Thierry Achille Licence 721 Ndi Fouda Joseph Roland Probatoire 722 Ndjendon Ernest Cepe 723 Ndongo Alima Jean Lucien Cap 724 Ndongo Ekani Joseph Martial Cepe 725 Nessom Michel Christian Bepc 726 Nga Christian Bepc 727 Ngah Essomba Albertine Angeline CEPE 728 Ngambi Ayissi Clestin Cepe 729 Ngangoula Minyega Thrse Cepe 730 Nganti Amougou Elisabeth II Cap 731 Ngo Biem Cathrine Mabelle Cap 732 Njankouo Salifou Cepe 733 Nkae Effa Thrse Bepc 734 Nkah Ebode Denise Honorine Bepc 735 Nkah Nkoua Angle Fortune Bepc 736 Nkodo Gallus Anicet Cepe
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737 Noa Abena Simon Grard Cepe 738 Noah Ngono Salome Cepe 739 Ntede Grme Cap 740 Ntock Bidoung Victor Cepe 741 Nyatong Ngalli Florence Bepc 742 Oba Armand Cepe 743 Okala Oyie Nicolle Bac 744 Ongba Fegue Simon Eric Bac 745 Onana Joseph Endoxie Cepe 746 Ondoua Zambo Albert Christian Cepe 747 Owoundi Obang Jean Dsir Cepe 748 Sadang Franois Parson Bac 749 Samba Andjongo Bertrand Probatoire 750 Sen Thrse Probatoire 751 Soua ne Mbama Marie Rose Thcle Bac 752 Talom Gilbert Vitalyce Cap 753 Tatsinkou Hedge Guillaume Cepe 754 Tchouigoua Kapya Clarisse Laure Probatoire 755 Tel Labou Hortense Cepe 756 Tina Franois II Cap 757 Tsimi Onana Etienne Bertin Cap 758 Tumenta Clovis Johnson Cepe 759 Vouri Dieudonn Cepe 760 Yene Belibi Ernest Bienvenu Bac 761 Yombi A Zock ne Mbani Ngoa Rachel h. Bepc 762 Zambo Andr Bepc 763 Zanga Ndjock Avom Antoine Cap 764 Zibi Alain Michel Cap The Prime Ministers office 765 Bete Rebecca Cap 766 Heuda Innocent Cepe 767 Leguemo Nadine Cepe 768 Mbela Jean Baptiste Cepe 769 Mekalo Ernest Phnicien Probatoire 770 Mindjimba Ayong Franois Didier Bepc 771 Ngambe Nessonkou Grard Cap+Permis 772 Nkoumou Mendo Jeanne Sylvette Cap 773 Nomo Appolinaire Bac 774 Obongono Christian Olivier Licence 775 Tchanang Domkam Lucienne Bp 776 Tonfack Elise Naemi Bepc 777 Zanga Atangana Robert Bepc Julius che SCYL INFORMATION SERVICE / INTERNATIONAL SECRETARIAT http://www.scylinfo.wordpress.com/ "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 06:47PM (+02:00)
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Chief Ayamba and Nfor Nfor behind Bars in Mamfe-Cameroon

Saturday, June 06, 2009
Press Release Mamfe High Court Slams Five Months Jail Sentence on Chief Ayamba E. Otun, Nfor Ngala Nfor and Enow Enow John. The Mamfe High Court on 27th May, 2009 sentenced the National Chairman and National Vice Chairman of the SCNC, Chief Ayamba Ette Otun, Nfor Ngala Nfor as well as another activist Enow Enow John, to five months imprisonment for running the SCNC, which they said is a foreign organisation. Chief Ayamba, Nfor Nfor, Enow Enow, were arrested along five others in Mamfe on Sept 27th, 2002. They were charged with importing arms from Nigeria and for writing and circulating a book The Truth of the Matter, which according to them contained false information. During the prolonged trial which suffered about 30 adjournments in seven years, the original charges were dropped and recently the new politically motivated and trumped up charge of running a foreign organisation was preferred on them, a charge which was eventually used for their conviction. Barrister Eta-Bessong Junior, Counsel for the accused, has filed an appeal against the sentence at the South West Regional Court of Appeal in Buea, calling on that Court to reverse the judgement, conviction and sentence. After the conviction, Mr. Fedelis Chinkwo - SCNC Secretary General, traveled to Mamfe where he found Chief Ayamba, Nfor Nfor and Enow John in very high spirits and in good health in their prison cells although molested by hardened criminals. When Chief Ayamba, Nfor Nfor and others were arrested in September 2002, they were severely tortured and Nfor Nfor was urgently compelled to undergo two major surgical operations within a week. Albert W. Mukong, another suspect now of blessed memory, died in July 2004 as a result of severe torture inflicted on him while in detention. Communication 266/2003 of the ACHPR
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It will be recalled that Chief Ayamba and Prince Mbinglo Humphrey had just returned home from Banjul The Gambia, where the ruling on Communication 266/2003 was highly anticipated. The said ruling was however not delivered in Banjul because they were told it must first be presented to the AU Summit before the complainants and respondents are served. We have every reason to believe that the ruling will certainly be presented at the next AU Summit due to be held in July 2009. SCNC is not a foreignorganisation What puzzles us is the fact that la Republique du Cameroun has always been represented in the matter of the said Communication 266/2003 by a government Minister Mr. Dion Ngute and eight lawyers, whereas back in local courts of la Republique du Cameroun the SCNC leaders are jailed for leading a foreign organisation. We want to ask by which authority la Republique du Cameroun should call the SCNC a foreign organisation when in effect we know that there are two distinct Cameroon states! The SCNC is a nationalist Southern Cameroonian liberation movement with well-defined objectives and methods of approach. Calling the SCNC as a foreign organisation indicates the annexationist ambitions which la Republique du Cameroun has over Southern Cameroons and confirms the prophetic words of Marino Busdachin (UNPO Secretary General) who on the occasion of the release of Nfor Ngala Nfor from detention in 2007, predicted that politically motivated charges could be framed on the SCNC leadership in order to get them imprisoned. This is what has just happened. While we call on SCNC activists and supporters both at home and in the diaspora to stay calm and wait for the outcome of the judicial process, we appeal to the international community to bring pressure to bear on la Republique du Cameroun to stop any further acts of intimidation, arbitrary arrests, illegal detention, torture and harassment of peaceloving Southern Cameroonians who are simply clamouring for their inalienable rights to sovereignty, justice and freedom. Done, in Bamenda, this 29th Day of May 2009 Julius che SCYL INFORMATION SERVICE / INTERNATIONAL SECRETARIAT http://www.scylinfo.wordpress.com/ "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 11:36PM (+02:00)
Southern Cameroons Mourns

Monday, July 20, 2009
Posted on May 3, 2010 by Julius Che He lived a Southern Cameroonian and Died a Southern Cameroonian. May the Soul of Pa Zacharia Khan live in perfect peace. The SCYL will never forget you for standing by us and dying by us.
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Full photo galery can be followed at www..com/memorium 52.065602 4.305858 Posted in Uncategorized | Tagged A Publication of the SCYL International Secretariat | Leave a comment "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 08:34PM (+02:00)
Cameroon, a country in decline and delapidated

Wednesday, June 16, 2010
Cameroon: A country not measuring up to its vast potential By HARRIET ISOM In May I went back for a week to my last posting in the Foreign Service Cameroon in Central Africa. I served there as U.S. Ambassador from 1993 to 1996. I wanted to see how this country of such great potential had changed or not in the intervening 15 years.
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Read further.Cameroon Source:main. asp?SectionID= 14&SubSectionID= 50&ArticleID=109155< 52.065602 4.305858 Posted in Julius Che | Leave a comment "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 10:10AM (+02:00)
the U. N calls it Unity, we call it Occupation

Friday, June 18, 2010
"Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 12:57AM (+02:00)
African Catholic Community Den Haag

Sunday, July 25, 2010
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Congregation
Reverend Father Justice Barfour
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The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 10:11AM (+02:00)
Implementation of Civil and Political Rights in Cameroon:

Wednesday, July 28, 2010
Geneva, 21 July 2010 - Between the 19th and 20th of July, during its 99th session, the UN Human Rights Committee examined the implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in Cameroon. This was the fourth periodic review of Cameroon, the previous review dating back to 1999.
Solidarit pour la promotion des droits de l'Homme et des peuples (PRODHOP), Gender Empowerment and Development (GeED) and the Centre for Civil and Political Rights (CCPR Centre) seized the opportunity to submit a report on the situation of Human Rights in Cameroon. This report highlights that violations of freedom of expression and discrimination are widespread both in the legal sphere and everyday life. In addition, the Committee expressed serious concern as to laws that criminalize homosexuality, and the Committee did not consider the assurances made by the government as satisfactory. "The prohibition on homosexuality in Cameroon is not a prohibition on an activity, but an identity, thus the entire Covenant is triggered in this issue. The principle of universality is being undermined", says one of the experts. Moreover, the Committee repeatedly expressed their concern for the independence of Elections Cameroon (ELECAM) that is in charge of the supervision and organization of elections in Cameroon. "In the upcoming elections, ELECAM should be replaced with an Independent National Electoral Commission", says Maximilienne Ngo Mbe, representative of PRODHOP. Furthermore, the Committee frequently underlined the importance of women's rights and that the draft Code of the Family should be adopted without delay. Tilder Ndichia, representative of the GeED, further emphasized the importance of anti-discriminatory laws: "the Code of the Family that addresses discrimination of women needs to be 274
adopted as soon as possible, since women are both legally and factually in a very unfavourable situation in today's Cameroon". The Human Rights Committee has repeatedly stressed the right to enjoy the freedoms of association and expression, which remain matters of concern. Human Rights associations have identified several restrictions to these rights imposed over the past months in Cameroon, which illustrate the current problems. Many journalists are detained in Cameroon and government officials use strict libel laws to suppress criticism. The safety of human rights defenders is also a great concern of the civil society. The conclusions and recommendations of the Human Rights Committee will be made public at the end of the session. Cameroon must implement these recommendations as rapidly as possible in order to comply with its international obligations. our website A PDF version in English or French "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 02:00PM (+02:00)
Lake Nyos 24 Years after a presidential disaster

Sunday, August 22, 2010 1986: Hundreds gassed in Cameroon lake disaster
top.contentBuilder.createInlineImage(document, 80000, "http://colowww.sharedbook.com/proxy/serve/is/article/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fcolowww.s haredbook.com%2Fserve%2Fis%2Fretrieve%2F%3Furl%3Dhttp%253A%252F%252Fsc ylinfo.files.wordpress.com%252F2010%252F08%252Flake-nyos_scenic.jpg", 0, 0, "", "JuliusChe", "", "center", "", "sb_api_scriptId_80000", "http://colowww.sharedbook.com/serve/is/retrieve/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fscylinfo.files.wor dpress.com%2F2010%2F08%2Flake-nyos_scenic.jpg", "", "aligncenter size-full wpimage-2457"); Retrospect of 21 August 1986, Nyos of the Menchum Division of the North.West Region of Cameroon. At least 1,200 people were feared dead in Cameroon, West Africa, after a cloud of lethal gas escaped from a volcanic lake. The tragedy happened at Lake Nyos, about 200 miles (322 km) northwest of the capital, Yaound, during the night. Most of the victims died in their sleep. The gas killed all living things within a 15-mile (25km) radius of the lake, and the area is still highly contaminated. Cause unknown It is not yet known what caused the gas to escape the lake, which lies in a volcanic crater. Government officials say the most likely cause is a volcanic eruption in Lake Nyos which created a fissure, leaking gas into the atmosphere. But independent scientists say this is unlikely, as the volcano is believed to be extinct. Cameroon radio is reporting that gases are continuing to escape from the lake. Rescue teams wearing gas masks have been rushing cylinders of oxygen to the remote area to help any who may have survived (WWW.BBC.COM)
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Download in PDF Re-visiting Lake Nyos 24 years after a presidential disaster
View photo album 52.065602 4.305858 P o s t e d i n F r e e d o m M a g a z i n e | T a g g e d : http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/august/21/newsid_3380000/3380803.stm , Cameroon, Lake Nyos, Yaound | Edit | Leave a Comment Bamenda in ruins Posted by Julius Che on August 11, 2010 Photos Courtesy of: www.aukevanderhoek.com This is the sad story of a town abandoned to itself and people. A view of Bamenda left rot and abandoned by the regime as punishment for its political convictions and steadfast to exercise change at the helm of a rottined system. Despite its ruins, the force of nature came visiting to help strengthened its vigour in the wake leading up to the visit of an August guest Mr. Dr. Rev. Paul Biya, President of La Republique du Cameroun. Download album of shame:Bamenda in Political and Physical ruins or Bamenda in Political and Physical ruins
Dowmload: Bamenda in ruins
"Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 12:35AM (+02:00)
What is the meaning of re-unification

Monday, August 23, 2010
Was it legal or not? 1. As 1st October 2011, the 50th Anniversary of Reunification draws closer, the question in the minds of Cameroonians in general and Southern Cameroonians in particular is what exactly is the significance of that date and the meaning and relevance of the term reunification. The term is supposed to signify the occasion on 1st October 1961, when the British Southern Cameroons and the French Cameroun Republic came back together to form one nation after being separated back in 1919 and put for adoption to be raised by different colonial foster parents (the United Kingdom and France) for 42 years. 2. At no time since the seminal event of that reunion 49 years ago, has the gulf between the two communities been as wide as it is today. Organized groups in the former British Southern Cameroons have emerged which want nothing to do with the former French Cameroun Republic . But in 50 years the two 276
communities have intermingled and become highly interwoven across the territory. Not less than 1 million people of Southern Cameroons origin now live and work in the territory of the former French Cameroun Republic . A smaller number of people from the former French Cameroun Republic now live and work in the former Southern Cameroons . Family ties now cut across the two communities with children and grandchildren who cannot say where they really belong. Download in PDF What is the Meaning of Reunification, What is the Meaning of Reunification.2
Cameroon_France_USA_Treaty USA_CAMEROON_NIGERIA_Boundary_1974 "Annexation is just another form of colonisation" Posted by Julius Che at 07:54PM (+02:00)
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Dedicated to all fallen heroes of the Southern Cameroons

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HUMAN RIGHTS AND FREEDOM

Proposed Abstract on Intercultural Learning and Education Systems