Vroeg-Middeleeuwse ringwalburgen in Zeeland

(Early-Medieval circular fortresses in Zeeland)

Robert M. van Heeringen, Peter A. Henderikx & Alexandra Mars (red)

Authors: J. Buurman, R.M van Heeringen, P.A. Henderikx, I. Joosten, H. Kars,
H.W. van Klaveren, R.C.G.M. Lauwerier, B. Oele, A. Pol, F. Verhaeghe.
Goes/Amersfoort 1995. ISBN 90-72138-41-4

English summaries
pages 229-239

1. History of the study

- The natural landscape and the first human presence on the salt marshes
- Archaeological evidence of occupation along the coast
- Historical data on the period 810-839
- Historical data on the period 839-892
- The Zeeland fortresses: size and construction
- Dating of the construction of the fortresses
- The function of the fortresses
- Historical data on the tenth century
- Occupation within the fortresses
- The finds
- Historical data on the eleventh and twelfth centuries
- Developments from the thirteenth century to the present day

2. Summaries of the material studies

- Medieval Coins from the Beach at Domburg
- Plant Remains from a Sewer of the Fortress at Middelburg
- The Early Glazed Pottery found in Oost-Souburg
- Slag and Ironworking in Oost-Souburg
- he Stone Objects from Oost-Souburg
- Objects of Bone, Antler and Horn from Oost-Souburg
- Distribution and Function of Bone Three-pronged Objects
- Stock breeding in Oost-Souburg

1. General summary
This book is the culmination of the research
project launched in 1990 by the State Service for
Archaeological Investigations (ROB) on the early
medieval occupation history of Zeeland in
general, and more particular on the circular
fortresses and their later occupation.
An attempt has been made to present all the
archaeological and historical information
currently available, as well as the relationship
between them. The book also contains the final
elaboration of the results of the excavations at the
fortress of Oost-Souburg, and a series of studies
concerning the material culture that give us a
better insight into how the early medieval society
in Zeeland functioned.
The main results are reviewed briefly below.
History of the study
As shall be explained below, the province of
Zeeland has at least five fortresses that were
constructed in the last quarter of the ninth century.
Their locations, where traces of some of them are
still present below ground, are all typified by the
toponym burg in the present place name:
Oostburg in Zeeuws-Vlaanderen, Oost-Souburg,
Middelburg and Domburg on the island of
Walcheren and Burgh on the island of Schouwen-
Duiveland. A sixth fortress might be located near
to the village of Kloetinge on the island of Zuid-
Beveland .
In 1935 the historian J. Huizinga published a
historical-topographical study which drew
attention to the fortresses on Walcheren and their
relationship with the earliest history of the island.
He convincingly linked the circular site on the
border of the late medieval town centre of Oost-
Souburg and of the double circle located within
the street plan of Middelburg with the
construction of fortresses in the Early Middle
Ages, which is mentioned in the historical sources
fort the Flanders and northern France region.
Huizinga presented sound arguments for the
existence of a burg at Domburg, although its
precise location could not be determined. He
called upon archaeologists to substantiate or
dispute his conclusions. The archaeologist W.C.
Braat of the Archaeological Museum in Leiden
took up the challenge. With a series of trial
excavations carried out between 1939 and 1952
he demonstrated conclusively that there had been
fortresses and moats at Oost-Souburg,
Middelburg and Burgh. The dating of the few
finds roughly concurred with the historical dating
to the ninth or tenth century.
In 1969 it became necessary to conduct an
archaeological investigation into the western half
of the fortress at Oost-Souburg. The investigation
was carried out by the ROB and was led by the
then provincial archaeologist, J.A. Trimpe Burger.
The excavations continued until 1971 and
produced a wealth of information, particularly
about the later settlement situated within the
ramparts.
In view of the historical significance of the
fortresses location, the first, preliminary
publication of the excavations in 1973 referred to
the study published in 1965 by H. van Werveke,
who had assumed that the Zeeland fortresses
formed part of the line of defences that extended
from northern France to Zeeland. This theory was
based largely on a historical reference to
fortifications erected prior to 891 (castella ibi
recens facta) near St. Omaars in the estuary of the
river Aa in northern France.
From 1990 to 1994, the ROB undertook a new
project, led by provincial archaeologist R.M. van
Heeringen, focusing on the early medieval
occupation history of Zeeland. The fortresses
were one of the main subjects of study. The
project involved a problem-oriented archaeo-
logical investigation designed to increase our
knowledge of the fortress sites. To this end,
necessary rescue excavations were carried out at
Burgh, Domburg, Middelburg and Oostburg. One
of the most remarkable results of the field work
was the discovery of the fortress at Domburg, and
possibly a fortress at Kloetinge. Another aspect of
the project involved collating all the available
information on the occupation history.
Independently of the ROB project, the historian
P.A. Henderikx recently undertook a study of the
early medieval occupation history of Walcheren.
He has argued that the northern French, Flemish
and Zeeland fortresses did not actually form a
chain along the coast, but in fact can be divided
into groups. They were concentrated in places
where the seafaring Normans generally entered a
country: at points where large rivers flowed into
the sea. For instance, the fortress at Oostburg is
situated on one of the two estuaries of the Zwin,
and the other Zeeland fortresses are on the estuary
of the river Scheldt, which flowed towards the sea
along what is now the Eastern Scheldt. This new
interpretation of the historical facts once more
underlines the need for an indepen-dent
archaeological dating of the construction of the
Zeeland fortresses.
The natural landscape and the first human
presence on the salt marshes
With the exception of a narrow strip comprising
beach barriers and Older Dunes along the coast,
the whole of Zeeland was flooded after the
Roman period. Geologists refer to this as the
Dunkirk II transgression phase. Early medieval
occupation, in the sixth and seventh centuries, has
been established only in the elongated dune
landscape along the coast. As a result of erosion,
in many places this original landscape can be
reconstructed only on paper. In the course of the
ninth century, and possibly as early as the end of
the eighth century, a number of areas of marine
sandy clay and clay had silted up to such a level
that people were able to settle on them. Initially,
visits to the 'new land' would have been only
temporary. But since the huge salt marsh area was
naturally highly suitable for the raising of sheep,
in particular, and the mineral subsoil was found to
be very fertile for arable use, the human presence
there soon became a permanent feature. The
prospect of salt extraction would also have
attracted newcomers. Unfortunately, we have no
precise archaeological dating for this pioneering
phase on the salt marshes.
The oldest archaeological traces are layers of
manure of unknown date, which have been
observed under a number of small terps that can
be roughly dated to the tenth century although
their exact age is uncertain. The layers of manure
might indicate places where sheep were kept.
No settlements are known from this period. One
may assume, by way of a working hypothesis,
that the activity observed does not pre-date the
ninth century. However, there are references to
salt marsh meadows and salt extraction in eighth
century texts. It seems obvious to assume that the
huge salt marsh area was especially exploited
from the occupa-tion centres along its edges, thus
from the Wa1cheren and Schouwen dune area,
and from the Flemish sandy area..
Archaeological evidence of occupation
along the coast
There was an important settlement in the Older
Dunes at Domburg from the sixth to the early
ninth century. The remains of this settlement and
the associated cemetery(ies) were visible for 600
m along the high tide line on the beach in 1866.
Remains of wooden houses and numerous graves
with coffins were recorded by amateur
archaeologist avant la lettre I.C. Frederiks from
Oostkapelle. Unfortunately, no attention was paid
to the dating of any of these remains or their
interrelationship. Attention was subsequently
focused mainly on washed up coins and other,
mainly metal, objects. Few of the other artefacts
found, including fragments of pottery and stone
objects, were collected. Study of the coins, more
than a thousand in number, has shown that the
settlement existed from the sixth to the ninth
century. The settlement might be the Walichrum
mentioned in the sources; the name literally
means 'wet sandy ridge'. The name Walcheren
eventually came to be applied to the entire island.
As an emporium, the settlement was involved in
long-distance trade between the Frisian area and
England, among others, and its status can be
compared with that of Dorestad in the central
Netherlands river area. A renewed study of the
youngest coins, Carolingian denarii, carried out
by the numismatist A. Pol of the Cabinet of Coins
and Medals in Leiden, has suggested that
Wa1cheren had become less important by the
mid-ninth century. Clearly, this may well have
been linked to the historically recorded Viking
attack on Wa1cheren in 837.
As we stated above, the island had a seditio, or
military settlement, although no evidence of
physical defences were found under the
settlement remains on the beach. There is at any
rate no link with the fortress at Domburg. These
defences lie around a kilometre to the south-west
and are almost half a century younger.
There must also have been a significant site on
the island of Schouwen, since similar finds were
found on the beach on the other side of the
Scheldt estuary. Identification with Scaltheim
mentioned in the early medieval sources however
is nothing more than speculation.
Historical data on the period 810-839
From the end of the seventh century the Zeeland
coastal area formed part of the Frankish empire.
Little is known for certain about how the emperor
Charlemagne (768-814) and his successor Louis
the Pious (814-840) ruled the province of
Zeeland, situated as it was on the periphery of
their empire. In principle, the emperor delegated
some of his power to a count, who held sway over
a certain area of one or more pagi (countships).
We know the name of one countship in the
Zeeland coastal area, the pagus Rodaninsis. This
countship, which was situated in what is now
Zeeuws-Vlaanderen, was named after the river
Rodana, for which Aardenburg (Rodenburg) was
also named.
The countship occurs in historical sources
between 707 and 840. We also know the name of
a count, Eggihard, who was mentioned in 837 in
relation to the island of Wa1cheren.
The king possessed a number of estates which
were managed by bailiffs. The management of the
countship and the king's lands was probably in the
hands of one person, the count. The sources also
refer to homines franci, who played a role in the
military defence of strategically located areas.
The Vikings first attacked the Frankish empire in
810. Charlemagne had watches set up along all
the estuaries, including the Scheldt estuary, and
built ships to stop the Vikings landing. In 811 he
even visited Ghent personally to inspect the
progress of the work.
In 820 thirteen Viking ships appeared off the
Flemish coast. The defence system appears to
have worked, since the Vikings were forced into
retreat by men who had entrenched themselves in
a praesidium (a fortified guard post). One can
deduce from a report in 834 that the custodia
maritima, the coast guard, was still intact in the
Flemish coastal area after this campaign.
When the war for the succession of Louis the
Pious broke out, the attacks by the Normans also
became more frequent. From 834 to 839 the entire
coastal area was pillaged and many Frankish
trading settlements were destroyed, including
Dorestad in the central Netherlands river area,
Witla in the Maas estuary, and Antwerp and
Walcheren (Walichrum) on the Scheldt.
Unfortunately, we are unable to deduce with
certainty from the written reports whether the
settlement of Walcheren was made physically
capable of defending itself prior to the attack in
837. There is mention of a seditio on Walcheren;
in Medieval Latin, this word can refer either to
the presence of a military settlement, a garrison,
or to a reinforced garrison. The surviving text
does however indicate that there was some kind
of military settlement on the island of Walcheren.
Eggihard, the count of the area, Hemming, a
Danish leader fighting for the Franks and other
high-ranking individuals are mentioned.
Historical data on the period 839-892
After the death of Louis the Pious in 840, the
Frankish empire was divided into three parts by
the Treaty of Verdun in AD 843. The border
between West Francia (the Kingdom of west
franks) under Charles the Bald and the Middle
Kingdom under Lothair I was the river Scheldt,
although in Flanders (which included the present
province of Zeeuws-Vlaanderen) the border
turned slightly towards the south. Present-day
Zeeland formed part of the Middle Kingdom,
apart from the area around Aardenburg and
Oostburg, which belonged to West Francia. After
the division of the empire, regional rulers
increased their power, as evidenced, for instance,
by the creation of the county of Flanders under
Baudouin I of Flanders (862-879). His successor,
Baudouin II (879-918), was the first truly
powerful example of these new regional rulers,
whose county included the Oostburg area.
Little is known about public authority in the
Zeeland area governed by Lothair I. Since the
time that Lotharius granted Walcheren as land in
fief to the Norseman Harald (841), most likely
under pressure from adverse political conditions,
it can be assumed that the imposition of central
authority in the region was not wholly effective.
After the death of Lothair II, Lorraine was
divided by the Treaty of Meersen in 870.
For a short time, the Zeeland coastal area then
became part of West Francia under Charles the
Bald. After his death in 877, Zeeland finally, and
permanently, became part of East Francia (under
the Treaty of Ribemont in 880). It was ruled by
Charles III the Stout ( 882-887), Arnulf (887
-895), Zwentibold (895-900), Louis the Child
(900-911) and Charles III the Simple (911-923).
After 925, 'Zeeland' Lorraine became part of the
Holy Roman empire. Again, a lack of
contemporary written evidence means that we
have no information regarding the actual power
relationships in the Zeeland coastal area.
During the periods 850-864, 879-885 and 891-
892 the Scheldt area was repeatedly attacked by
Vikings. At the beginning of the first period, most
of these were lightning attacks made by ship.
Having entered the country via the Eastern
Scheldt, the Vikings set St. Baaf's Abbey in Ghent
on fire in 851. In 859 and 860 they plundered the
area to the east of the river in Lorraine, and the
area upstream towards France. They attacked
Flanders from the sea in 850, 860, and 864. There
are few sources about the coastal defences. Any
reports that do exist refer to West Francia, the
Flemish countship. There must have been
fortifications in Bruges, and it is also known that
Charles the Bald charged Count Adalelmus, count
of Laon, with the defence of the Flemish coast in
853, but it is not known how he carried out the
task.
In July 879 the huge Norman army crossed to the
continent after their defeat in England. They first
sacked the Flemish coastal area and then sailed up
the Scheldt to plunder Brabant. They set up camp
for the winter six times between November 879
and October 885, in Ghent, Kortrijk, Asselt,
Conde, Amiens and Louvain. By this time they
had changed their battle tactics. Since most of the
wealthy places near the river had already been
pillaged, they used horses to venture further
inland. Their forays mainly took them south and
east, where they fought many battles with the
local population. For instance, in November 880
the Normans defeated from their camp at Kortrijk
the Flemings and Zeelanders. The chronicler of
this incident stated that the Normans were
particularly vengeful towards the Zeelanders,
perhaps because of earlier skirmishes, although
this is not known for certain. In the period 890-
892 the Normans were mainly active on the
Seine, Oise, Somme and the upper reaches of the
Scheldt in northern France. The Scheldt was
almost certainly used as an access route for the
fleet, although no records have survived. Records
of one of their journeys overland, in April 891,
include a detailed description of the fortress of St.
Omaars. Besides describing the ramparts, the
author also mentions that on the way to Lorraine,
in the West Francia coastal area they marched past
the castella ibi recens facta. These 'recently
constructed fortifications' cannot possibly be one
of the Zeeland fortresses because, with the
exception of Oostburg, they were all in Lorraine.
If we consider all the voyages made by the
Vikings between 879 and 892 of which records
have survived, the fleet must have passed the
Scheldt estuary upstream and downstream, in
both directions, at least four times. Since during
that period the Vikings spent the entire year in the
Scheldt valley, it must have been a great effort for
them to gather enough food and horses for their
cavalry. It is very probable that the chronicles
make no mention of these forays, since no
treasure would have been plundered or important
places attacked - the very things that interest
chroniclers. And this is where the islands of
Zeeland come in. It is quite likely that the
Zeelanders did not appreciate the regular visits by
Vikings in search of provisions, and therefore
built the Zeeland fortresses. The Bayeux Tapestry
(ut cibum raperentur) shows clearly how the
Vikings went about collecting food.
The Zeeland fortresses: size and
construction
Structures that have been interpreted as the
remains of early medieval fortresses have been
found at five locations in Zeeland. There is
historical and geographical evidence to suggest
that a sixth fortress may have existed. The
defences all have the same construction, with
circular ramparts of varying diameters. In cross
section, the outer ramparts range, in ascending
order of size, from 144 meters in Oost-Souburg,
200 m in Burgh, 220 m in Middelburg and
Oostburg and 265 m in Domburg. The possible
fortress site near Kloetinge could contain a
fortress with a diameter of some 200 m.
The inside and outside of the ramparts are made
of regular piles of clay sods. The centre usually
comprises unstructured sandy clay or sand. There
may have been a palisade on top or just inside the
ramparts. Only in Burg was such a palisade well
documented during an excavation. However, the
radiocarbon dating does not exclude the
possibility that the palisade was constructed later,
during the occupation of the fortress site.
The total width of the rampart base varies from 4
to 12 m. Various phases of the ramparts are often
visible, although it is not clear whether these
building phases should be interpreted as localised
repairs or as a pars pro toto of an entirely new
fortress. It was possible to calculate that there was
an interval of some 50 to 70 years between the
two phases at Domburg. The excavated fragments
of the Domburg fortress contained at least one,
and possibly even two, building sacrifices .
Archaeological evidence and later maps show that
all the fortresses had a system of two paths that
crossed at right angles in the centre. These paths
lead to the passages through the ramparts, each of
which lead to a narrow bridge over the moat.
These bridges have been confirmed archaeo-
logically by the discovery of the west and south
passages in Oost-Souburg and by the north-
western passage in Middelburg. The structure of
the ramparts of the Zeeland fortresses concurs
largely with a description of the construction of
similar defences built between 878 and 882
around the Church of St. Omaars. These ramparts
consisted of fuste, gleba et cespite, or 'posts, earth
and sods'. The earth and clay sods used for the
construction of the Zeeland fortresses came from
outside the fortress sites themselves. The method
of construction was extremely efficient. The
ramparts were built and a wide, shallow moat
containing water was created at the same time.
The archaeologically determined width of the
moat varies from 30 to 50m.
Dating of the construction of the
fortresses
It is essential that the Zeeland fortresses will be
dated as accurately as possible, since as we have
seen, the dating based on the castella ibi recens
facta text (Miracula Sancti Bertini) can no longer
be regarded as applicable to the situation in
Zeeland. Thanks to the favourable conditions in
the Zeeland coastal area, a great deal of organic
material, such as wood and animal bone, has been
preserved.
A dendrochronological dating of an oak plank
from a coffin in the rampart of the fortress of
Domburg has been obtained and the radioactive
carbon content of twenty samples of organic
material from the ramparts and the later
occupation of the different fortresses has been
determined. The results of the measurements must
be calibrated to establish the precise age of the
samples. In around AD 900 there was a deviation
in natural radiocarbon levels in the atmosphere,
and in consequence there are several possible
absolute datings for a number of results.
Nevertheless it proved possible to draw further
conclusions from comparison between the datings
and with the archaeological context of the
samples. This indicated that all the fortresses were
almost certainly built in the same period, in the
last quarter of the ninth century. In those cases
where there is information about the dating of the
later occupation of the fortress sites, it appears
that, with one exception, the occupation began in
the early tenth century. The exception is the
fortress at Domburg, which was largely covered
with dune sand in the second half of that century.
The fortresses in Zeeland- Lorraine were
therefore probably built in the reign of Charles III
the Stout or of King Arnulf of East Francia. We
do not know to what extent they were constructed
on the orders of the local power in the Zeeland
coastal area. The fortress at Oostburg, on the West
Frankish side, could have been built under the
'authority of Count Baudouin 11 (879-918) of
Flanders. However, it would be more obvious to
assume that the fortresses were built on the orders
of the powers that be in the area, given the
manpower needed for their construction.
The function of the fortresses
No occupation remains on the old ground level
within the fortresses have been found. It is
therefore assumed that they were built as
vluchtburgen (refuge places) to offer a safe haven
for the population and - more especially -
livestock when danger loomed. We have assumed
that the population at the time of the construction
of the fortresses consisted of shepherds, at least in
the salt marsh area around Oostburg, Oost-
Souburg and Middelburg.
It is uncertain whether the fortresses ever did
actually sustain a Norman attack. Apart from the
attack on Walcheren in 837 - when the known
fortresses had not yet been constructed - a few
vague reports have survived from the tenth
century which refer to Walchenars who were
defeated, and their land despoiled. At this time,
too, the area was apparently still important
enough to the Vikings for them to continue
visiting. However, the tenth-century sources also
make no mention of defences.
Fortresses of this kind were not unknown outside
the province of Zeeland, in the Netherlands and
neighbouring countries in the Early Middle Ages.
A revival in the construction of wood and earth
defences in fact occurred throughout north-
western Europe from the eighth century. The
defences were advanced for their time, and could
well withstand attacks from men on foot or
horseback, armed with bows and arrows. The
reasons for their construction differed from place
to place. Of course, the primary need for
protection in times of unrest and strife played a
role, but the construction of such defences might
also have been connected with power politics
among local rulers.
Real refuge places for civilians and fortresses that
were constructed around a pre-existing settlement
or the king's or count's base both occur. Other
defences can best be interpreted as strongholds,
while buildings were added to others whose
strictly geometrical pattern could point to military
use. The Danish fortresses are an example of this.
Historical data on the tenth century
In the course of the tenth century the fortress
settlement of Middelburg developed into the
central settlement on the island of Walcheren
eventually becoming the regional centre for the
whole of Zeeland to the south-west of the Scheldt
(Zeeland Bewestenschelde). During this century
Zeeland Bewestenschelde was one parish, under
the church at Middelburg later known as
Westmonster. This church was probably
established in the mid-tenth century. On
Schouwen and the neighbouring island of
Duiveland, too, there must have been one or two
parishes.
The abbeys owned a lot of land, the majority of
which was used for pasturing sheep. For instance,
in 949 Count Arnulf I of Flanders presented some
of his land to St. Peter's Abbey in Ghent,
including pasture for 120 sheep at Morena. This
place is near to, or was actually, the settlement
immediately bordering the fortress at Oostburg.
Emperor Otto 11 placed St. Baaf's Abbey in
possession of pasture for 900 sheep on Schouwen
in 976. The area must have relied for a large
proportion of its income on the production of
wool or worsted, known better in other written
sources as pallia Fresconia, or Frisian worsted. In
972 Otto 11 gave the provintia UUalacra,
Walcheren, to his wife Theophanu as a gift
(morgengave). Forty years later, in 1012, King
Henry 11 rewarded Count Baudouin IV of
Flanders with Walcheren. Zeeland to the east of
the Scheldt (Zeeland Beoostenschelde) came
under the influence of the counts of Holland. In
985 King Otto III gave Dirk 11 everything he had
previously had in fief in the villa Sunnimeri.
The time of the great Norman invasions was over
by the tenth century, although they probably
visited the Scheldt estuary several more times. Of
the fortresses, in the tenth century only Oostburg
is mentioned in passing in 949 in connection with
the above-mentioned gift from Arnulf I.
Occupation within the fortresses
Occupation has been established in all the
fortresses. In the cases where it was possible to
see signs of occupation, it was preceded by a
raising of the ground level using clean sandy clay.
Apparently the sites were suitable for occupation
only once they had been raised to a minimum
height above the water table. The water table was
of course associated with the average high tide,
since the land was still undiked. Systematic dike
building did not begin until the mid-twelfth
century. The reports of the huge storm surge of
1014, which according to a Ghent analyst cost the
lives of many inhabitants of Zeeland, show that
even the artificial raisings were probably not
always adequate. It is difficult to establish by
archaeological means the amount of time that
elapsed between the construction of the fortresses
and the moment at which the raising and first
occupation commenced. The dating of the pottery
is too inaccurate for this purpose. However, one
can argue that the occupation would not have
begun any more than a generation later. With the
exception of Domburg, the occupation ceased in
the last quarter of the tenth century.
The large-scale investigation at Oost-Souburg has
revealed details of the internal structure of the
western half of this fortress settlement. In the first
occupation phase the houses were built on
individual sandy clay platforms. These podia were
raised along a system of axes that crossed at right
angles in the centre of the site. The systematic
raisings automatically created ditches along the
system of paths which were covered with wooden
trackways. These 'ditches' carried rainwater
through a wooden drain or sewer via the passage
through the rampart to the moat. Remains of the
drain were found in Oost-Souburg, and in
Middelburg the wooden sewer was found in situ
in the north-western passage. It is not possible to
determine which houses were in use at the same
time. However, it is highly likely that the
excavation reflects the building over the entire
occupation period, lasting around 75 to 100 years.
There would therefore have been some four to six
buildings in use at the same time in the western
half of the fortress site.
The buildings constructed on the podia are all
rectangular, but display little uniformity. Those
with walls more than 1 m thick made out of clay
sods are undoubtedly among the oldest. No
doorways or inner walls were found, and there are
no divisions that might indicate the presence of
stalls. Large, rectangular pits were found in many
buildings, however. These might have been used
for storing sheep dung, and the rooms they are in
may have been used as sheep stalls. Round
hearths made of clay sods were found in most of
the houses. Some of these hearths contained
smithing slag and have therefore been interpreted
as smithy furnaces.
It can be shown, on the basis of the age at which
pigs were slaughtered and the presence of bone
skates, that people lived in the settlement in the
autumn and winter at least. Given the fact that
spindle whorls were found - wool spinning being
traditionally women's work - and that horse
breeding and the growing of arable crops such as
barley, wheat and linseed have been established, it
is likely that the fortress settlement was occupied
all year round.
The finds
No finds are known from the time of the
construction of the fortresses, with the exception
of wooden posts from the ramparts at Burgh and
Domburg, a vague posthole on top of the rampart
of the Middelburg fortress and two irregular
burials. The other find material can be linked with
the occupation of the inner sites, which almost
immediately followed the construction of the
fortress.
Most of the material naturally comes from the
large-scale investigation at OostSouburg. Since
the find material from the other fortresses is
virtually identical, only the OostSouburg material
is discussed here. In terms of numbers, the most
important category of finds from Oost-Souburg is
the sherds of earthenware pots. Since very few
tenth-century find assemblages have been
discovered in the Netherlands, the pottery from
Oost-Souburg is an important point of reference
for the study of the development of form,
distribution and dating of ceramic types in the
transition from the early to High Middle Ages.
Around half of the total of sherds are from coarse
grey pottery. This is also known as
Kugeltopfware, after the type of sagging base
prevalent among this pottery. But not all the jars
have this type of base. In fact, geographically
Zeeland marks the transition from the actual
Kugeltopfware of the north to the grey ware of the
south. Although the origins of the 'local' pottery
found at OostSouburg are unknown, it is assumed
that it was produced nearby in the area. In the
case of the Zeeland findspots, this might also
mean that it came from production centres further
up the Scheldt.
The second important category of pottery is
Pingsdorf ware, which comes from Pingsdorf in
the German Rhineland. More than 40% of the
sherds are of this type. In relation to the findspots
outside Zeeland this is a very high proportion,
which suggests that this high quality product was
easily available, probably by means of the port of
Middelburg. However, a more well-founded
explanation for the high percentage of Pingsdorf
ware must wait until further, urgently required,
research has been carried out.
The other types of pottery found in Oost-Souburg
occur only in low percentages. They comprise, in
descending order of abundance, white pottery
with a yellow-green glaze, reliefband, Paffrath,
red-fired, Hunneschans and Badorf ware. Braat's
suggestion that the white pottery with yellow-
green glaze from Oost-Souburg represents an
early group that pre-dates the Andenne
production, has long been the subject of doubt.
A further study by F. Verhaege, a senior
researcher for the National Fund for Academic
Research in Belgium, has clearly shown that this
category of pottery opens up interesting prospects
for the study of the origins of glazed pottery in
north-west Europe. The white pottery with
yellow-green glaze found at Oost-Souburg
probably originated in Hoei in the Belgian Meuse
valley. The groups of reliefband, Hunneschans
and Badorf ware are the youngest representatives
of these categories of imported ceramics, which
are so characteristic of the Early Middle Ages.
The Paffrath ware, which generally dates from
later, is one of the earliest occurrences.
Not only a lot of the pottery was imported. All the
stone implements - querns and whetstones and a
bowl or bucket - came from outside the Scheldt
region. The analysis of the type of stone shows
that the querns came from the Eifel in Germany,
while the whetstones come from Scandinavia.
The iron, too - whether objects, semi-finished
products or raw iron - must have been imported,
as is shown by the slag that was studied by Ms C.
Joosten as part of a larger study on the early
medieval iron industry on the Ve1uwe.
In a number of cases, the distribution of iron slags
and further study of the slag material were used as
a basis to show that some of the hearths found
were used for smithing iron. This traditional
activity will mainly have involved manufacturing
or repairing the implements used in the
settlement. These included simple knives, many
of which are included in the find material.
The category of bronze objects makes a fairly
poor impression and consists of a series of simple
fibulae. These items were almost certainly made
elsewhere. A round bone fibula might well have
been made in the settlement, and might serve to
illustrate the difficulty of obtaining metal
equivalents. The study of the objects of bone,
antler and horn have shown that at least some of
them, such as the combs and spindle whorls, came
from outside the Scheldt region. This is suggested
by the wide variety of types and the fact that the
raw material, red deer antler, cannot have come
from Walcheren. The salt marsh landscape is not
suitable for red deer, and no red deer remains
were found among the slaughtered animal
remains within the settlement.
If one looks at all the objects found from the
tenth-century settlement in Oost-Souburg, one is
forced to conclude that many of these objects
must come from elsewhere. Clearly, the
settlement was dependent on trade or barter in
order to obtain these goods. The most obvious
place for the exchange of goods was of course
Middelburg, which probably already had port
facilities in the tenth century. Exported products
will have included sheep's wool (possibly spun),
salt, and perhaps horses. The opportunities for
surplus agricultural production would not have
been great in the brackish landscape, where there
was a great risk of flooding. Imported products at
any rate included quality pottery and querns from
the Belgian Meuse valley and the Rhineland. Both
areas were then part of the Holy Roman empire,
to which Zeeland also belonged in this period.
Historical data on the eleventh and twelfth
centuries
In 1012 King Henry 11 rewarded Count Baudouin
IV (988-1035) of Flanders with the villa Walcras,
thus adding Zeeland Bewestenschelde (the area
between the Eastern- and Westernscheldt) to
Flanders. The punitive expedition carried out by
Robrecht de Vries, the brother of the count of
Flanders in 1067 indicates that the inhabitants of
Middelburg and Walcheren were not always
obedient. The Count was defeated and the
inhabitants of Walcheren subsequently became
embroiled in skirmishes among themselves. We
know this because abbot Thiofried of Echternach
wrote of it in 1103 in his biography of Willibrord.
Thiofried also described how he tried to settle the
dispute, travelling to Middelburg by ship for this
purpose. This is also the earliest indication that
Middelburg had a harbour or roads. Until the end
of the first quarter of the twelfth century Zeeland
Bewestenschelde belonged to Flanders, after
which the Count of Flanders presented the Count
of Holland with the whole of Zeeland Bewesten-
schelde.
In the eleventh century, many village settlements
arose, almost all of them with their own church.
Since the presence of a parish church was a
precondition for an independent trade, the local
lords played a major role in founding churches.
This is indicated among other things by village
names, which were composed of an individual's
name with the suffix -kerke (church), such as 's-
Heer-Arendskerke on ZuidBeveland.
The fact that in the eleventh century Zeeland
Bewestenschelde was owned by the Count of
Flanders and the Count of Holland alternately
indicates that, in practice, the area found itself in
a kind of power vacuum. Internal defences were
therefore organized by the local lords, each of
whom built a motte-and-bailey castle, generally a
simple moated timber-earth defence. At one time
there were over 135 such small timber-earth
castles in Zeeland. Nowadays no more than 30
survive, which are known by the somewhat
confusing name of vliedberg (refuge mound).
The population also had to fight a constant battle
against the water. Floods - those in 1014 and 1134
were recorded as particularly serious - led to the
building of dams and dikes. Much of this work
was done by the large Flemish abbeys. The
written sources are not terribly informative when
it comes to the old fortress sites in the eleventh
and twelfth centuries. The following information
is, however, available about the individual fortress
settlements.
Oostburg The mother church of the north-
eastern part of the countship of Flanders, the
Church of St. Eligius, would appear to have stood
directly to the south of the fortress site in 1038. It
was a private church belonging to the count,
which makes it likely that the fortress, too,
belonged to the count. The centre of the
settlement was probably already outside the
fortress by 1038.
Middelburg In 1123 the count placed the
northern part of the fortress site at Middelburg at
the disposal of the Abbey of Our Lady and in the
mid-thirteenth century, the area directly to the
west was given to a monastery of the Order of
Friars Minor. The manifestations of the count's
social and judicial power were then concentrated
within the fortress. In addition, the fortress also
functioned as a spiritual centre. The actual trade
settlement would appear to have had two centres
at that time: one to the south-west of the fortress
around the Westmonster Church established there
in the tenth century, which had a market function.
And one immediately to the north-east of the
fortress, centred around the Noordmonster
Church, which had been founded at the end of the
eleventh century, and which was the focus of port
activities.
Oost-Souburg The old parish church of the
village of Souburg was a daughter church of the
Westmonster church in Middelburg. The Souburg
parish covered a large part of south Walcheren.
Part of this area probably originally belonged to
the count. The church stood at some distance from
the fortress in what would later (after 1250)
become known as West-Souburg, possibly at the
central manor house, on the counts estate. The
parish was first mentioned in 1162, but the church
probably dates from the first half of the eleventh
century. The church at Oost-Souburg dates from
1250, when the parish of (West-) Souburg was
split into an eastern and western section.
Domburg When, in around the year 1000, the
parishes of Oost- and Westkapelle were created as
divisions of the parish of St. Maarten, which that
time covered the whole of Walcheren, the fortress,
which had partially disappeared under the sand,
was used as the border. The site of the fortress
was assigned to the territory of Oostkapelle. In
the course of the eleventh century, a settlement
called Dumburgh infra castellum, 'Dune fortress
within the fortress' arose on the site of the
fortress. The name suggests that the fortress must
still have been partially visible.
Subsequently, a settlement known as Dumburgh
extra castellum, 'Dune fortress outside the
fortress', was established directly to the west of
the former fortress site, in the parish of
Westkapelle. In both places village churches were
created as divisions of the parishes of Oostkapelle
and Westkapelle. The names Domburg binnen
(within) and Domburg buiten (outside) the
fortress occur for the first time in a charter
establishing the abbey of Middelburg in 1235.
Burgh Little mention is made of Burgh in the
written sources, except that in 1219 a local lord
by the name of Wolfert van Burgt was appointed.
The parishes of Burgh and Haamstede were first
mentioned in the second quarter of the thirteenth
century. Both parishes are divisions of the mother
church of western Schouwen; Haamstede is
probably the eldest of the two. The mother church
probably stood to the west of Westenschouwen,
and is mentioned in a written source concerning
possessions of the Lorsch Abbey in 776.
Kloetinge It is known for a fact that one of the
oldest dikes on Zuid-Beveland, dating from the
mid-twelfth century, bisects the presumed fortress
site. The relatively low location of the site
possibly explains why no settlement arose at the
fortress site in the tenth century. This is why the
natural character of the place where the settlement
was founded eventually determined its name. The
name Clotinge means something like 'place
characterized by an elevation'. The village was
first mentioned in the sources in 1216.
Developments from the thirteenth century
to the present day
After the period when the towns and villages were
established, the state of the fortress sites changed
little. The fortress at Domburg, hidden by dune
sand, was forgotten. The circular form of the
fortress of Middelburg can still be seen within the
street plan of Middelburg. The fortress sites at
Oost-Souburg, Burgh (and Kloetinge) have
continued to be used for agriculture. Finally, the
uninhabited fortress site at Oostburg was
incorporated into the construction of town
defences in the early seventeenth century.
In 1860 the round fortress at Oost-Souburg was
still regarded as the site of a castle built against
the Flemish invasions.
The true nature of the fortresses has only been
revealed by the interest of twentieth century
archaeologists and historians. The investigations
prompted by this interest have shown that many
remains of the fortresses are still present in the
soil, remains which have much to tell, as
demonstrated by this book.
The sites of these, more than a thousand year old
defences, will in future enjoy the status of
'archaeological monuments'. A good example of
the benefits of this new status was the
reconstruction in 1994 of the fortress rampart at
Oost-Souburg in the municipality of Vlissingen.
With its double role of archaeological monument
and local park, this site has taken the lead among
the fortresses in terms of their role in the
preservation of archaeological monuments and
the cultural and historical life of the province of
Zeeland.
 2 Summaries of the material studies
Medieval Coins from the Beach at
Domburg
Arent Pol
On the beach at Domburg many early medieval
coins have been picked up in the last few
centuries. The finds include quite a few
Merovingian and other gold pieces (tremisses)
from the sixth and seventh centuries, but the bulk
of the coins found there are Merovingian, Anglo
Saxon and Frisian silver coins (denarii and
sceattas) struck over a period of three-quarters of
a century around the year 700. This large
discrepancy need not come as a surprise, for the
rate of production of the coins in the second
group was much higher than that of the gold
coins. The picture, however, changed in the
Carolingian period. While the silver coins
(denarii) continued to be struck on a large scale
until far into the second half of the ninth century,
there is a considerable decline in the incidence of
finds on the Domburg beach: coins struck before
840 abound, whereas coins struck after that date
are much more scarce. This seems to confirm the
supposition that 'Domburg' was severely hit by
the Viking attack of 837, because a similar break
does not occur in the general pattern of finds in
the Netherlands around that date.
Plant Remains from a Sewer of the
Fortress at Middelburg
Janneke Buurman
During the excavation of the early medieval
fortress at the Balans in Middelburg the remains
of a wooden sewer containing undisturbed sludge
were found. This sludge has been dated to the last
phase of use of the sewer in the first half of the
tenth century. The sludge was subjected to an
archaeobotanical investigation to allow a
reconstruction of the vegetation and
environmental conditions in and near the fortress
and to provide an insight into the plant component
of the food. A sample from the sludge was sieved
using meshes of 1.0, 0.5 and 0.25 mm. Seeds and
fruits appeared to be very well preserved in an
uncarbonized condition. Some carbonized plant
remains were also present. Pollen analysis was
also carried out on two small samples from the
sludge. ...
It appears that the plant species could not have
grown together, but must originate from very
different vegetations. Plants which grow on the
highest parts of the salt marshes are particularly
well represented in the sludge. They indicate the
presence of extensive natural grasslands suitable
for grazing. The pollen analysis also shows a very
open vegetation. The animals might have been
kept in the settlement within the fortress during
the night, so that dung passed into the sewer from
the stables. The plant remains may also derive
from bedding, hay or sods originating from the
high salt marshes. Plants from ruderal habitats
may have grown in the fortress itself on dung
heaps, roadsides, waste ground, neglected
gardens, etc. Barley, wheat and linseed/flax were
grown on the highest parts of the salt marshes.
Whether or not oats were also cultivated is not
clear. Rye may have been imported. The seeds of
arable weeds, together with some chaff remains,
may derive from the waste from crop processing
activities. These weeds may also have grown in
vegetable gardens in the fortress. The
environment was very suitable for animal
husbandry, but the archaeobotanical investigation
of the sludge from the sewer shows that arable
farming was also practised.
The Early Glazed Pottery found in Oost-
Souburg
Frans Verhaeghe
This contribution discusses the early white-fired
pottery with yellow lead glaze which was
associated with the settlement within the late
Carolingian circular fortress at Oost-Souburg and
dates to the period 900-975. The small, but
nevertheless indicative, amount of these wares
represents 4.6% of the total sherd assemblage and
may well include two separate fabric groups, both
tempered with quartz-like inclusions: a fine-
grained fabric with a smooth surface, reminiscent
of the typical Andenne-type wares and a slightly
coarser fabric with a more pimply surface. The
finds comprise a coherent group of specific types
of tableware: medium-sized to fairly large, ovoid-
shaped spouted pitchers with small strap-handles
on the shoulder and an reverted rim which often
has a lid-seat (at least six and possibly twelve
examples), conical lids (four examples) and small
globular-shaped drinking vessels (at least seven
and possibly twelve examples). Many of the
vessels are decorated with block or diamond
rouletting or with applied strips (some with thumb
impressions); only a few are decorated with
bosses or incised lines. Cooking pots seem to be
totally absent from the assemblage, but the
fragmentary state of the finds makes definite
conclusions in this respect difficult.
Technical and typological features indicate that
the finds are closely comparable to others from
Alkmaar, Antwerp, Bruges, Douai, London and
elsewhere, a fact which, in addition, confirms
their chronology. The origins of such features are,
however, more difficult to identify. A brief survey
of the main finds in France, England, Belgium
and the Netherlands makes it possible to
emphasize that white-fired glazed wares occurred
fairly regularly from the late ninth century
onwards, having been produced in many regions.
Two possible sources are identified for the Oost-
Souburg and related finds: north-western France
(including the Paris area) and the Belgian Meuse
valley. A reassessment of some of the earlier finds
suggests the Meuse valley as the more likely
provenance and kilns may quite possibly have
been located in or near the town of Hoei.
The evidence re-establishes the credibility of W.E.
Braat's somewhat intuitive hypothesis for the
existence of an early, pre-Andenne group of
glazed wares, characterized by a more lavish use
of glaze.
The interpretation of the finds in terms of socio-
economic patterns remains difficult. These
quality, or even luxury, items do not necessarily
indicate the presence of an elite, though they do
point to a certain degree of well-being. Together
with the fairly large amount of other imports
found at Oost-Souburg, mainly Rhenish red-
painted wares, they also suggest that the site had
close links with the new urban network of
international exchange which emerged after the
Viking invasions and after the demise of the
major emporia such as Dorestad.
Many questions related to the production and
socio-economic significance of these wares
remain unanswered pending further research
(including science-based approaches). Similarly,
more detailed comparative work on other early
finds of this type is needed, particularly in
Flanders and in the Netherlands, including
attempts at ranking the relevant sites. Together
with related finds, the Oost-Souburg examples of
early glazed wares do point to tenth-century
processes of innovation and behavioural patterns
which were far more complex than was
previously generally believed. They also show the
dangers of linking white-fired, glazed sherds
intuitively to the well-known Andenne-type
products and of using them indiscriminately as
reliable chronological guide-fossils for the late
eleventh and twelfth centuries.
Slag and Iron-working in Oost-Souburg
Ineke Joosten
Excavations in the early medieval fortress at
Oost-Souburg produced 16 kg of slag and 1 kg of
furnace lining which was associated with the
settlement from the tenth century. Macroscopical
and chemical analyses of the slag material
showed that it originated exclusively from
smithing activities and not from iron production.
A perforated clay disc, fired on the outside and
vitrified on the inside, was also found. This had
been used as a bellows protector. In order to
investigate the provenance of the iron, a
metallographic study of some of the iron objects
from the site was undertaken. The slag inclusions
in the iron objects were known to carry the
chemical characteristics of the ore from which the
iron was produced. Analysis of these inclusions
with a micro-probe indicated high phosphorus and
low manganese contents. Such a chemical
composition is thought to be the 'fingerprint' of
bog iron ore.
The Stone Objects from Oost-Souburg
Henk Kars
The stone object assemblage excavated at Oost-
Souburg (900-975) comprises fragments of fifteen
querns, around 30 whetstones and one fragment
of a bowl or bucket. The querns, which are
typologically comparable to early medieval
querns (as described earlier), are all made of
tephrite deriving from the Mayen quarries in the
Eifel region of Germany. Amongst the
whetstones, one rotary whetstone of new red
sandstone (Buntsandstein) was identified. This
sandstone type also derives from the Eifel region,
most probably from a quarry south of Aachen.
The other whetstones are bar-shaped and mostly
heavily used; three of them have a hole bored
through them. Most of these whetstones are of
quartz phyllite. Whereas one may have come
from south-eastern England, most are probably
from quarries in Telemark, southern Norway. The
relatively high frequency of good quality
whetstones at Oost-Souburg is linked to forging
activities.
The most intriguing find is the fragment of
soapstone that must have been part of a large
bowl or a bucket. Although soapstone finds are
rare in the Netherlands, they are more common in
areas with natural deposits of soapstone, such as
southern Scandinavia and the Alpine regions. On
the basis of a comparison between the material
from Oost-Souburg and that from the early
medieval trading site of Haithabu near Schleswig
in Germany, it is concluded that the Oost-Souburg
specimen originally derived from either southern
Norway or Sweden.
Objects of Bone, Antler and Horn from
Oost-Souburg
Roel C.C.M. Lauwerier
The 129 objects found in the fortress of
OostSouburg, mainly combs, needles, needle-
shaped objects, spindle whorls, three-pronged
objects, skates, and spikes from skating sticks,
give a picture of the rich variety of object types
and decoration current in the tenth century. All the
combs are composite types and, except for one,
are all made of antler. They can be roughly
divided into four types with very diverse patterns
of decoration. The fact that red deer was not
indigenous on the island of Walcheren, in
combination with the presence of semi-finished
comb tooth plates and waste from antler working,
leads to the conclusion that antler was imported as
raw material for the on-site production or repair
of combs. This does not exclude the possibility
that finished combs could also have been
imported from elsewhere. The very variety in
comb types found, however, makes it unlikely
that a specialised craftsman worked within the
fortress. The variability, the half-finished state of
some objects and the waste material can be better
explained by assuming that the combs are the
products of itinerant craftsman who sold their
wares in the fortress. In addition, it is possible
that combs were acquired via the market. There is
no evidence to suggest that the handled combs
from Oost-Souburg were imported from Friesland
or England, as has been put forward for handled
combs found elsewhere.
As with the combs, the antler spindle whorls, or at
least the raw material for their production, must
have been imported from elsewhere. The varying
dimensions and weights of the spindle whorls
points to the spinning of threads of different
thicknesses. The absence of loom weights, in a
period when the technique of knitting was not yet
known in north-western Europe, suggests that the
inhabitants of OostSouburg probably traded wool
in its spun form. The thirteen needles found are
all made from the long bones of mammals. As
well as needles used for stitching together very
coarse material, or those used in the making of
beehives or for mending fishing nets as eyeless
needle shaped objects have been found. These
were possibly used as hairpins, styli, or utensils
for either needlework or leatherworking.
The discovery of production waste means the
three-pronged objects were certainly made within
the settlement. The function of these objects is
unclear. Since the inhabitants of OostSouburg
lived, in part, from the production of wool, one
could speculate that these comb-like objects had
something to do with its processing.
The bone skates from Oost-Souburg were all
actually used as skates rather than sledge runners.
They were made from various bones (the radius,
metacarpus and metatarsus of horse and cattle)
and can be categorized into different types. Some
types were made to be used without the need for
securing ties. Other types were clearly used with
ties. Yet others were possibly only tied on at the
heel so that they couldn't slip away. Another
possibility for this latter type is that they were
also used without ties and the naturally occurring
or drilled hole under the heel merely allowed the
skates to be bound together with a cord. These
coarsely-made objects in which, for example, the
holes were made with a knife or another sharp
tool and not with a drill, were clearly not
professionally made but rather home produced.
The same is true of the coarsely-finished spikes.
These are probably spikes from skating sticks
which were used for pushing off while skating. A
few sawn-off horn-cores indicate the use of horn.
Distribution and Function of Bone Three-
pronged Objects
Herman W. van Klaveren
During the excavations at the site of the early
medieval fortress of Oost-Souburg ten specimens
of worked animal bone were found, which belong
to a single, three-pronged, artefacts. Similar
artefacts are known from parts of the Netherlands,
Belgium, France and Germany. Their name and
function are unknown. The number of specimens
found is steadily increasing.
The most common material used in their
production is a cattle metapodium; other bones do
however occur. The form is tapering and
resembles a 'D' in cross-section. It carries from
two to four, usually three, teeth on top; the
rounded side is mostly decorated in a simple way.
Wear is clearly visible, but only on the outside.
An enquiry was made into the limited available
data concerning their distribution, context, dating
and possible function. Dating falls roughly
between the late ninth and the twelfth century or
possibly even somewhat later. These artefacts can
occur in any kind of settlement of this period and
area. Their name and function could not be
deduced from archaeological records. Written or
pictorial evidence or parallels from other periods
in bone or any other material are not known. They
might have served some purpose in the working
of perishable materials such as leather, wool, flax
and the like.
Stock breeding in Oost-Souburg
Roel C.G.M. Lauwerier
The information in tables 23 and 24 gives a
survey of the bone material found in the tenth
century circular fortress of Oost-Souburg. No
sieved samples were taken which means that little
information is available pertaining to fowling and
fishing activities. The remains of red deer are all
parts of antler and are mostly found in the form of
worked tools. The meat of red deer was not eaten
by the inhabitants of the site and the animals do
not appear to have been hunted since they were
probably not indigenous to Walcheren. The
worked antler objects, or the raw material, would
therefore have been imported from elsewhere.
Cats and dogs were also not eaten by the
inhabitants. The bones indicate great variability in
the size and appearance of the dogs. The biggest
dog, perhaps a watchdog or sheepdog, had a
height of 65-68 cm. The smallest dog, with a
height of only 23-25 cm, had legs bent like a
dachshund and was possibly used for hunting
foxes. The horses, with a height of about 138 cm,
were rather small. As well as being used for riding
and as draught animals, the horses were possibly
bred for the market. Horse meat was not eaten,
but the bones were used for making bone skates.
The cattle, with a mean height of 115 cm, were
mainly kept for their meat, but possibly also for
milk. A number of sheep were clearly slaughtered
young for their meat. The greater part of the flock,
however, was kept primarily for wool and only
consumed after some years. The sheep were
probably not milked. Goats were kept for this
purpose on a small scale, as is indicated in the
bone assemblage from the circular fortress of
Middelburg, dating from the first half of the tenth
century. For purposes of consumption, beef was
far more important than mutton: expressed in
weight, probably three or four times more
important. The contribution of pork to the diet
was markedly small. The overall picture given by
the bone assemblage for the inhabitants of
OostSouburg is, in the first place, not that of a
group of shepherds, but much more that of
stockbreeders. It is concluded that there must
have been a surplus of animal products. Horses
were possibly bred for the market and the
inhabitants sold, amongst other things, wool,
including spun wool, indicated by the presence of
spindle whorls and the absence of loom weights
on the site.