The Charnel House at Bouqras

IS HOUSE 12 AT BOUQRAS A CHARNEL HOUSE?

Deborah C. Merrett and Christopher Meiklejohn


Abstract

Near Eastern Neolithic mortuary practices and the
construction oI ritual space are explored through a
taphonomic analysis oI the human skeletal remains
recovered Irom a burnt house at the Pre-Pottery Neolithic
B site oI Bouqras (ca. 6,000 bc) on the Middle Euphrates.
LiIe history oI the mud brick house is reconstructed,
linking the archaeological context oI Bouqras to broader
issues in Early Neolithic Levantine cultural development.
The skeletal remains oI Iive individuals Irom Bouqras
House 12 were examined macroscopically with respect to
skeletal completeness, pattern and extent oI exposure oI
bone Iragments to Iire, stratigraphic position relative to
the house Iloor and rooI debris, and orientation oI the
limbs. Results indicate that only one individual died at or
near the time oI the house Iire. The others were on the
rooI oI the house and at diIIerent stages oI decay at the
time oI the conIlagration.
We argue that, at the end oI its use as a dwelling Ior the
living, House 12 continued in use as a charnel house, a
ritual space Ior the preparation oI the deceased Ior Iinal
interment. This analytical approach illuminates the
activities oI the surviving members oI a community
Iollowing a death. In addition, these results are Iully
consistent with, and extend our knowledge oI, the
multidimensional nature oI Early Neolithic Levantine
burial practices.


Key words: Mortuary practices, ritual space, house
burning, taphonomy, Neolithic, Syria


Introduction

This paper Iocuses on a core issue in the bioarchaeology
oI the Neolithic Near East: the nature oI burial practices
and their relationship to phenomena such as the isolation
oI crania and the reconstruction oI plaster Iaces on some
oI them. In this paper it is not so much the speciIic
interpretation oI isolated crania that concerns us but the
more general topic oI rituals surrounding death, a
discipline that Ialls within such terms as the
'anthropology/archaeology oI death (Chapman et al.,
1981; Boddington et al., 1987; Campbell and Green,
1995) and 'mortuary rituals (Kuijt, 1996, 2000;
Verhoeven, 2002). Within this broad topic we argue Ior
the presence oI what can be reIerred to as a charnel house
at the Syrian Neolithic site oI Bouqras, a 'house or place



in which the bodies or bones oI the dead are deposited
(derived Irom Late Latin carnale, a 'Ilesh-house -
OxIord Etymological Dictionary).


Setting Up the Problem

When the human remains Irom Bouqras were Iirst
published (Meiklejohn et al. in Akkermans et al., 1983) it
was noted that they all came Irom the burnt House 12 in
Level III. The nature oI the discoveries: large quantities
oI charred rooI beams, evidence oI burning on the
remains oI all Iive individuals, and no evidence oI
purposeIul burial, resulted in the provisional conclusion
that all died as a result oI the Iire. This conclusion was
used as the basis Ior discussion in the precursor oI this
paper (Merrett and Meiklejohn, 2000). As will be seen
below, we believe that the evidence suggests that House
12 was a special purpose building dedicated to the
preparation oI the dead prior to their Iinal interment, and
that only one oI the individuals appears to have died at
the time oI the Iire. The others were in various states oI
postmortem decay and preparation.

Special practices beyond simple burial oI the dead have
long been recognized within the Near Eastern Neolithic.
Skull burials were Iirst recognized at Erq el Ahmar
(Neuville, 1951), and those with plastered Iaces were Iirst
recovered at Jericho (Kenyon, 1953). Secondary
interment and what is now reIerred to as skull caching
apparently began as skull removal in the late NatuIian
(Neuville, 1951; BelIer-Cohen and Hovers, 1992) and has
been interpreted as an expression oI ideology, worldview
and daily practices in the Levantine early Holocene rather
than solely within the context oI social organization and
hierarchy per se (see Ior example Kuijt, 1996, 2000;
RolleIson, 2000; Hodder and CessIord, 2004). In the
1960`s, James Mellaart suggested that speciIic wall
paintings at atal Hyk, containing vultures and
headless human bodies, indicated the exposure oI the
dead Ior excarnation prior to burial (Mellaart, 1964,
1967). However, this conclusion was never supported by
analysis oI the taphonomy oI the skeletal remains Irom
the site.

Recently the accumulating evidence suggests that Near
Eastern burial practices are multidimensional in nature.
Archaeological contexts include the placement oI human
127
The Charnel House at Bouqras

remains below plastered house Iloors, in courtyards and
on the Iloors oI buildings, in rubble oI abandoned
buildings, and in what appear to be special purpose rooms
(a by-no-means exhaustive list includes van Loon, 1966;
Kirkbride, 1967; Ferembach and Lechevallier, 1973;
Cauvin, 1974, 1994; Kenyon, 1981; Hershkovitz et al.,
1986; Nissen et al., 1987, 1991; Kozlowski, 1989;
zdo!an and zdo!an, 1989; Schirmer, 1990; Watkins,
1990, 1992; Bar-YoseI et al., 1991; de Contenson, 1992;
Hauptmann, 1993; Akkermans and Verhoeven, 1995;
BelIer-Cohen and Arensburg, 1997; Stordeur et al., 1997;
Coqueugniot, 1998, 2000; Goring-Morris, 2000; Moore
and Molleson, 2000; RolleIson, 2000; Akkermans and
Schwartz, 2003). The last case would seem to most Iit
what might be reIerred to as a charnel house. However,
this last concept has tended to be identiIied simply by
high numbers oI burials per house and 'distinctiveness
oI the architecture within which burials have been
recovered. Discussion oI the situation Irom the
perspective oI burial taphonomy and speciIic osteological
analysis can only be Iound in the explicit comment on the
situation at Abu Hureyra (Moore and Molleson, 2000)
and as a speculative Iootnote on the circumstances at Sabi
Abyad (Akkermans and Verhoeven, 1995:99). The
charnel house concept was expanded on Ior the Sabi
Abyad individuals (Verhoeven, 1999, 2000) and
mentioned as one component oI the Neolithic suite oI
burial practices (Akkermans and Schwartz, 2003). We
believe that this latter approach has the potential to
illuminate activities oI the surviving members oI a
community Iollowing a death, such as the treatment oI
the deceased to assist them along the path toward primary
and secondary burial.

An additional Ieature oI Near Eastern mortuary practices
extends to the nature oI the architectural structures with
which human skeletal remains are associated. There is no
obvious relationship between degree oI architectural
specialization and the presence oI burials. In some sites
burials are absent in both domestic and non-domestic
architecture, Ior example at Hallan emi (Rosenberg and
Redding, 2000), while at Mureybet, although distinctive
buildings were identiIied, burials were Iound only within
domestic architecture (Cauvin, 1974). At some sites,
burials are absent in non-domestic but present in
domestic architecture as at Ain Ghazal (RolleIson, 1986,
2000) and Nevali ori (Hauptmann, 1987). At others
such as Dja`de (Coqueugniot, 1998, 2000) and Jericho
(Kenyon, 1981) burials have been recovered Irom both.
Furthermore, at sites without obviously diIIerentiated
architecture such as Nemrik 9 (Kozlowski, 1989), Abu
Hureyra (Moore and Molleson, 2000) and Qermez Dere
(Watkins, 1990, 1992), multiple burials have been
observed in some buildings. Indeed, Banning (1998:226)
suggests that all Pre-Pottery Neolithic B (PPNB) houses
are essentially sacred spaces wherein persons, both living
and dead, reside.

One Iurther element that plays a role in the case oI
Bouqras, and needs discussion here, involves burials and
their relationship to burning or burnt structures. At
Bouqras, as seen Iurther below, all oI the recovered
skeletal materials occur within a single burnt house.
Apart Irom Bouqras, human remains have been Iound in
association with burnt buildings at Abu Hureyra (Moore
and Molleson, 2000), Ain Ghazal (RolleIson, 2000),
Beidha (Kirkbride, 1967), atal Hyk (Mellaart, 1964,
1967; Stevanovi", 1996), ayn (Le Mort et al., 2001),
JerI el Ahmar (Stordeur, 2000), Nemrik 9 (Kozlowski,
1989) and Sabi Abyad (Akkermans and Verhoeven,
1995; Verhoeven, 1999, 2000; Akkermans and Schwartz,
2003). However, attempts to reconstruct the role oI Iire in
mortuary practices oI past human societies in the
Epipalaeolithic and Neolithic Near East have met with
limited success, suggesting that exposure oI human
skeletal remains to Iire is associated with the accidental
burning oI the building but not necessarily with
cremation (Moore and Molleson, 2000; Le Mort et al.,
2001). Thus the burning oI a building takes on meaning
other than the simple Iacilitation oI cremation. This
contrasts with Verhoeven`s (2000) interpretation oI the
situation at Sabi Abyad where house burning is thought
to be associated with village abandonment and to it's
Iunction as a Iuneral pyre Ior the two individuals
recovered Irom above the rooI rubble oI House V oI the
Burnt Village. Within the combined context oI variable
means oI handling the dead and the issue oI human
remains and burnt structures we move to the context oI
the site oI Bouqras.


Tell Bouqras

Tell Bouqras overlooks the Iloodplain oI the Euphrates
River immediately downstream Irom the junction with
the Khabur River (Figure 1). It is sited on the edge oI the
early-middle Neolithic precipitation isohyet demarcating
200 mm precipitation per year, below which irrigation is
necessary Ior horticulture. It was occupied at a time when
the region enjoyed both summer and winter precipitation
(Blanchet et al., 1998). The site was Iirst excavated by de
Contenson and van Liere in 1965. A three-year campaign
was later undertaken Irom 1976 to 1978 by a team Irom
the Universities oI Amsterdam and Groningen under the
direction oI H.T. Waterbolk and M.N. van Loon, during
which time the material discussed here was excavated.
For a more detailed discussion oI the history oI the site
see Akkermans et al. (1981, 1983).

Bouqras marks the southern margin oI pre-irrigation
agricultural communities in the Euphrates Valley.
Botanical remains recovered consist oI primarily wild
cereals (although some domesticated cereal grains were
recovered), peas and lentils, as well as Pistacia and Ficus
(van Zeist and Waterbolk-van Rooijen, 1985). Sheep
128
The Charnel House at Bouqras


Figure 1: Location of Bouqras in the Near East relative to other sites mentioned in the text.


constituted eighty per cent oI the identiIiable ovicaprid
remains (Clason, in Akkermans et al., 1983), a proportion
similar to that obtained Irom Abu Hureyra 2 (Legge and
Rowley-Conwy, 2000:463), occupied at the beginning oI
the Bouqras sequence. Architectural and artiIact analyses
are consistent with the radiocarbon date (uncalibrated) oI
6,400 5,900 bc (GrN-8258 GrN-8264), indicating that
Bouqras was occupied at the very end oI the PPNB,
though there seems to be some disagreement as to
whether the upper levels oI Bouqras are late PPNB (Le
Miere in Akkermans et al., 1983) or early Pottery
Neolithic (Verhoeven, 2000:65).

The surviving portion oI the site covers 2.75 hectares,
with a maximum 4.5 m oI deposits. The human remains
discussed here come Irom phase III (oI 10 occupation
levels) in the southwest part oI the site, dated to ca. 6,000
bc (see Figure 2). The skeletal remains were recovered
Irom within the large architectural Ieature, House 12,
which was destroyed by Iire. Fire damage was also
present in the adjacent buildings Houses 13 and 25 and
part oI area A (Akkermans et al., 1983:344; van Zeist and
Waterbolk-van Rooijen, 1985:134). This contrasts with
Verhoeven`s statement (2000:61) that only buildings 12
and 13 were involved.

Most arteIacts at the site were recovered Irom Houses 12,
13, 16 and 17 (Figure 2). Their close proximity to each
other and to a large open area (A) suggests their spatial
diIIerentiation within the site. Close association between
burnt houses oIten with numerous burials and open areas
or plazas has also been observed at ayn (Davis, 1991,
cited in Hole, 2000), Nemrik 9 (Kozlowski, 1989) and
Beidha (Byrd, 1994). The arteIacts in House 12 were
recovered primarily Irom those rooms most heavily
damaged by Iire (Rooms 3 and 4; see Figure 3). Bone
Iigures oI humans and animals are similar to those Irom
the later burnt house at Arpachiyah ca. 5,000 bc
(Campbell, 2000). In addition, three gypsum vessels in
the shapes oI a bull, a hare and a hedgehog, and basalt
hand stones, one representing a turtle, others incised with
images oI a leopard and geometric designs, were
recovered. From the adjacent burnt house (13), a
Iragment oI the upper body oI a human Iigurine was
129
The Charnel House at Bouqras
Iound (Ior Iurther details and images see Akkermans et
al., 1983). Houses on the opposite side oI Area A also
produced a variety oI indications suggesting ritual use.
House 16 produced a partial human Iigurine similar to
that Irom House 13. A human Iace, Iinished in red ochre,
had been modelled in relieI on a wall buttress opposite
the hearth in its largest room. In House 17, a clay head
was Iound (Akkermans et al., 1983:Pl. 40c). On a
plastered wall oI one room was a mural oI
ostriches/cranes painted in red ochre.


House 12

House 12 in level III oI the occupation is broadly similar
in plan to others at the site indicating a standardized
building layout. It contained 7 identiIied rooms (Figure
3), and contained the only skeletal remains recovered
Irom Neolithic levels oI the site (Akkermans et al., 1981,
1983)(a Roman or Byzantine intrusive burial was
recovered in 1977 (Individual 7 |UA/1977|) (see
Meiklejohn, Molgat and Hill, in Akkermans et al., 1983).

Although a large square hearth is present in Room 2,
bins, ovens and cupboards are absent, suggesting that the
house, iI initially used as a dwelling, was no longer used
as such at the time oI the Iire. Each room along the SW
wall oI the building contains a niche that may Iurther
suggest a ceremonial Iunction Ior the building.

An alternate interpretation is that the absence oI domestic
items may indicate abandonment prior to the Iire. This is
consistent with evidence Irom many PPNB sites in Israel
and Syria, where skeletal remains have been recovered
Irom apparently abandoned buildings (Kirkbride, 1967;
Bar-YoseI et al., 1991; Kuijt, 1996; BelIer-Cohen and
Arensburg, 1997; Moore and Molleson, 2000).

Room 4 sustained the most severe Iire damage.
Examination oI the rooI rubble indicates that the rooI was
comprised oI logs 510 cm in diameter, covered with a
layer oI mud plaster. Analysis oI mud rooI construction
indicates that without intervening rooI support posts,
rooms wider that 3.5 m would not have been covered
(Ragette, 1974:25, cited in Akkermans et al., 1983). The
width oI Room 2 (3.25 m), which approaches this
theoretical limit oI rooI span, may have been covered
rather than being an open courtyard (see below Ior
signiIicance concerning the Iate oI individual TD
recovered Irom the Iloor oI Room 2).



Figure 2: Southwest region of the site showing architectural features of Phase III. The location of House 12 is
indicated relative to other burned houses (13 and 25) and houses containing artefacts of possible
ritual or ceremonial functions (16 and 17). From Akkermans et al. (1983:345), with permission.
130
The Charnel House at Bouqras




Figure 3: House 12 showing location of the human remains. From Akkermans et al. (1983:367), with permission.



Human Skeletal Materials and Methods

Skeletal remains Irom 5 Neolithic individuals termed TA
to TE recovered Irom House 12 were examined. A sixth
individual (TF), consisting oI Iire damaged cranial
Iragments and recovered Irom Room 6 oI House 12 (see
Akkermans et al., 1983, p. 369), was not available Ior
study. The sample consists oI two young adults, one
adolescent and two children (Table 1).



Table 1: Demographic parameters of Bouqras
skeletal remains

Individual Age
(Years)
Sex
TA ~ 30 Possible F
TB 12-15 ---
TC 6-8 ---
TD ~ 25 F
TE ~ 8 ---



Both adults are young. TA has erupted 3
rd
molars and
minimal cranial suture closure and is probably aged about
30. A tentative identiIication as Iemale was given (there
are no inIracranial remains beyond cervical vertebrae).
The largely complete TD was probably younger,
approximately 25 years oI age, and deIinitely Iemale.
This individual was carrying an unborn 21 to 28 weeks
Ioetus at the time oI death. The adolescent, TB, was 12 to
15 or slightly older. TC and TE were both 6 to 8 year old
children with TE probably older. No stratigraphic
evidence oI purposeIul burial was observed during
excavation.

The skull and cervical vertebrae oI TA, cranium oI TE,
and the almost complete skeleton oI TB were recovered
in Room 1, the almost complete skeleton oI TD Irom
Room 2, and the skull and incomplete inIracranial
remains oI TC Irom Room 3 (see Figure 3). Evidence Ior
the present analysis is derived Irom the archaeological
and stratigraphic context, the location oI the human
remains within the building and relative to rooI debris,
the skeletal elements present Ior each individual,
orientation oI the limbs (TD) and pattern and extent oI
heat exposure oI the bone Iragments (Table 2).

131
The Charnel House at Bouqras

Table 2: Location of skeletal remains relative to floor of House 12 and degree of skeletal completeness

Individual Location relative to house floor Remains
TA 8 cm above Skull + cervical vertebrae
TB Skull on floor
Legs 15 cm above
Fragmentary, all parts of skeleton represented
TC 30 cm above Skull + very fragmentary Infracranial
TD On floor, beside hearth
Burned fabric 25 cm above
Almost complete skeleton + foetal remains
TE 20 cm above Cranium


Analysis of Skeletal Remains

Room 1:
The remains oI three individuals were recovered Irom
within Room 1 (Figure 3). The crania TE and TA were in
opposite corners oI the room, while the relatively
complete remains oI TB were centrally located.

Juvenile TE was recovered Irom the southwest corner, 20
cm above the Iloor on Iill consisting oI mud brick, plaster
debris and charcoal, suggesting that cranium TE was on
the rooI prior to rooI collapse. Although most oI the
ectocranial surIace oI the cranium is covered with a thin
Iilm oI charcoal/soot, the bone is not discoloured.
Charcoal is notably absent Irom the right maxilla and
occipital where the cranium was in close proximity to the
walls, indicating that the cranium was in situ on the
rubble when the soot reached the southwest corner oI
House 12. House 12 may well have been in a state oI at
least partial disrepair when the Iire occurred.

Young adult TA is represented by cranial and vertebral
remains, the same skeletal elements absent Irom the JerI
el Ahmar individual recovered Irom Building EA30 oI
that site (Stordeur, 2000:46)(Ior signiIicance see below).
TA was Iound 8 cm above the Iloor level in the northwest
corner oI the room. The mandible and vertebrae were
recovered nearby, but not in anatomical position. Much
oI the leIt side oI the cranium was missing and the
vertebral remains were not available Ior study. The only
evidence oI heat exposure to the cranium is a ring oI
black, Iire burnt bone that spans both parietals and the
superior margin oI the occipital on the ectocranial
surIace. The limited burning oI the cranium suggests that
it was resting on Ilammable material, perhaps matting
similar to that Iound under juvenile TB. Although
Akkermans (in Akkermans et al., 1983) suggests the
carbonized woven material may have been matting on the
Iloor, our interpretation here is that skeletal remains on
the rooI oI the charnel house were resting on the mats.
Blackening oI the bone extends to the endocranial surIace
where the region oI burning crosses the right lambdoidal
suture. The skull and cervical vertebrae oI individual TA
were possibly on the rooI at the time oI the Iire, awaiting
suIIicient decomposition to allow removal oI the
mandible and Iinal treatment similar to that proposed Ior
TE. Thus, we argue that, prior to the Iire, both the skull
and neck oI TA and cranium oI TE were on the rooI oI
House 12 awaiting secondary burial, possibly in a skull
cache. Because the skeletal elements oI TA were not in
strict anatomical relationship aIter the Iire, disarticulation
could have been imminent, and thus TA may have almost
reached the same stage in the mortuary continuum as TE.

The articulated skeleton oI adolescent TB was recovered
Irom the northern end oI the corridor portion oI the Room
1 (Figure 4). While the legs, nearby cobbles, and a
whiteware vessel were Iound on carbonized woven
matting above a layer oI rooI rubble 15 cm above the
Iloor, the skull was Iound directly on the Iloor.

Although the skeletal elements oI TB were in anatomical
position at the time oI recovery, much oI the Iacial
skeleton was Iragmentary. The right zygomatic bone and
the zygomatic process oI the Irontal were present but had
separated post-mortem. The Irontal was black in colour
on all surIaces including the surIaces oI the zygomatico-
Irontal suture. In contrast, the zygomatic surIaces oI the
same suture showed no colour changes indicative oI Iire
exposure. Blackening oI both bones oI this suture would
be expected iI articulated during the Iire, as was seen in
the lambdoidal suture oI TA. The Iacial skeleton oI TB
must have been partly Iragmentary at the time oI the Iire.
Separation oI the Irontal and zygomatic bones may have
occurred during rooI collapse beIore the Irontal was
exposed to the Iire.

II TB were on the rooI at the time oI the Iire, retention oI
anatomical position oI the bones during rooI collapse
indicates that the skeletal elements were still held
together by ligaments. Thus TB had not progressed along
the excarnation trajectory as Iar as TA and TE. Further, iI
TB were initially on the rooI, several scenarios could
account Ior the diIIering relationships oI the cranial and
inIracranial skeleton to the Iloor oI the room. In the Iirst,
the amounts oI mud plaster on the rooI may have varied,
with none remaining beneath the skull (again suggesting
the state oI disuse oI House 12 as suggested above
through analyses oI TA and TE). AIter the rooI collapsed
and the logs had decayed, the skull would end up in direct
contact with the Iloor. Whereas, iI mud plaster were
present on the rooI below the rest oI the body, the legs
132
The Charnel House at Bouqras

would come to rest above the rooI plaster rubble. Taken
together, the evidence presented Ior the three people
recovered Irom Room 1 suggests that the house was no
longer habitable; rather its Iunction had changed to that oI
a charnel house.

In an alternate scenario, the rooI may have tilted during
collapse, as witnessed in AIghanistan by Gordon (1953)
during the early decades oI the last century. TB may have
slid, the head coming to rest on Iloor, while the rest oI the
body remained on the remnants oI rooI logs and mud
plaster. In either scenario, all three individuals recovered
Irom Room 1 (TA, TB and TE) were on the rooI at the
time oI the Iire.

Room 2:
TD, a pregnant young adult Iemale, was Iound Iace
down, in contact with the Iloor oI Room 2 in Iront oI the
raised hearth (Figure 5). The ectocranial surIace oI leIt
Irontal and parietal are blackened, indicating a large
portion oI the leIt side oI the woman`s skull was exposed
to the Iire. Much oI the remainder oI the skeleton was
covered in soot but not blackened. A Iragment oI charred
textile was recovered 25 cm above the skull, suggesting
the presence oI a rooI above Room 2. The rather
awkward looking angle oI the limbs is likely to have
resulted Irom contraction oI some oI the Ilexor muscles
on exposure to heat. This would create the semi-pugilistic
pose (Bass, 1984). However preservation oI splaying oI
the limbs suggests that either rigor mortis had set in
beIore the Iire or that the limbs were pinned in position
by the weight oI the collapsed rooI, thereby preventing
extreme muscle contraction once the Iire reached Room
2. This situates the time oI death oI TD at the time oI or
shortly beIore the Iire and Iurther indicates that Room 2
was indeed rooIed.




Figure 4: Adolescent TB in situ during excavation. Photo: Amsterdam Archaeological Centre/University of
Amsterdam, with permission.
133
The Charnel House at Bouqras



Figure 5: Individual TD. Photo: Amsterdam Archaeological Centre/University of Amsterdam, with permission.



Room 3:
Juvenile TC, recovered Irom 30 cm above the Iloor
(indicating location on the rooI at the time oI the Iire), is
comprised oI a skull and Iragmentary inIracranial
remains. There are colour changes ranging Irom
unaIIected to black, brown, and grey-white. The Irontal
and anterior margins oI the parietals are black, the central
Iorehead and leIt supraorbital margin brown-grey. The
anterior teeth are charred, whereas the posterior teeth
were not exposed to suIIicient heat Ior colour changes to
have occurred. Though the mesial halI oI the deciduous
right maxillary second molar is charred, the distal halI is
unexposed to heat. This change in heat exposure occurs


at the transition Irom labial to buccal, that is, at the distal
margin oI the mouth. Extant cheek tissue protected the
posterior teeth Irom the Iire, while the anterior teeth were
exposed. The overall poor preservation oI the skeleton oI
TC is consistent with the degree oI mineralization oI
juvenile bone and TC`s close proximity in Room 3 to the
region oI most extensive Iire damage (Room 4). It
appears that TC was Ileshed and on the rooI oI House 12
at the time oI the Iire. The presence oI Iacial soIt tissue
and the anatomical relationship oI the skeletal elements
indicate that TC`s death occurred closer to the time oI the
Iire than that oI the individuals recovered Irom Room 1.

134
The Charnel House at Bouqras

Discussion

At Bouqras we have a situation with all oI the individuals
recovered Irom a single burnt structure and no
stratigraphic evidence oI intentional burial. Each oI the
individuals exhibits some evidence oI exposure to Iire,
but each was in a diIIerent stage oI decay at the time oI
the Iire. Four oI the Iive were on the rooI when the Iire
occurred and the house was in a state oI at least partial
disrepair, illustrating similarities to practices conducted at
the burnt houses oI Arpachiyeh, Yarim Tepe II
(Campbell, 1995) and Beidha (Byrd, 1994). The practices
described here Ior Bouqras Iit well within the middle
Euphrates multidimensional continuum oI belieIs and
mortuary practices. They can be compared to patterns at
the sites oI JerI el Ahmar (early PPNA), Abu Hureyra and
Dja`de, occupied at the beginning oI the Bouqras
sequence, and Sabi Abyad inhabited 800 to 1000 years
later.

In contrast to Abu Hureyra, where evidence Ior assisted
excarnation was observed (Moore and Molleson, 2000),
we have no evidence Ior cut marks and deIleshing. When
added to the analysis above and the assumption that
conditions oI decomposition had not signiIicantly
changed between the earliest and latest deaths we propose
the Iollowing temporal sequence. We suggest that the
sequence started with TE, Iollowed by TA, TB, and TC,
and ended with the death oI TD at or just beIore Room 2
rooI collapse. In other words, the situation is
incompatible with a series oI accidental deaths as a direct
result oI the Iire. Though the Iire is a single event the
individual burials represent diIIerent circumstances and
processes. A clear parallel is Iound in cases such as the
'skull building at ayn (zdo!an and zdo!an,
1989), the 'charnel room at Abu Hureyra (Moore and
Molleson, 2000) and the 'maison des morts at Dja`de
(Coqueugniot, 1998, 2000). In these cases skeletal
material has been Iound in a room and/or building with
no other obvious Iunction than to house human remains,
at least at the time when the bodies were placed within
the structure.

In speciIic terms, there is a clear similarity in the pattern
shown by Bouqras TD and the individual Irom Building
EA30 oI JerI el Ahmar (Stordeur, 2000). Both were
recovered Irom burnt buildings. In both cases the arms
and legs are splayed, suggesting response to the burning
Iollowed closely by being pinned by the weight oI
collapsing material such as the rooI. While Le Mort and
colleagues (2001) do not think that enough evidence was
collected at the time oI excavation to support this
hypothesis Ior the JerI el Ahmar individual, the parallel
with Bouqras TD suggests otherwise. In the JerI el
Ahmar individual the skull and cervical vertebrae are
absent. Though there are a skull and some vertebrae near
the wall oI the same room, it is not deIinite that they
belong to the inIracranial remains. This suite oI missing
bones (skull and cervical vertebrae) parallels those
recovered Ior Bouqras TA, suggesting that TA represents
the head and neck oI an individual buried elsewhere on
the site but not recovered in the excavations.

In more general terms many burial contexts have been
identiIied Irom the Near East including both primary and
secondary treatments oI the dead. A wide slate oI choices
Ior preparation oI the deceased was available to Neolithic
peoples oI the Near East, although all options were
probably not appropriate in each speciIic case. Among
them are the type oI treatment oI the dead such as those
discussed above; excarnation oI whole bodies (TB and
TC) and heads (TA and TE Ior skull caching) and locus
oI treatment activities within a house |on rooI (all but
TD)|.

OI importance to the present discussion is the creation oI
ritual space within houses and the use oI structures as
charnel houses. Such structures vary in their degree oI
architectural distinctiveness, their duration oI use and
Iinal treatment at the time oI abandonment. Through the
designation oI a building Ior the preparation oI the
deceased Ior burial, liminal spaces are created wherein
the dead reside between the time oI death and their
interment (Moore and Molleson, 2000). This integrates
living people with their ancestors by combining secular
and sacred spaces within the village (Goring-Morris,
2000:130), promotes community cohesion by
maintenance oI the sacred in the public eye`, and thereby
elicits community participation (Kuijt, 1996). II we
extend this process to Bouqras we may actually witness
community participation in action, within the ritual space
oI House 12.

At sites such as ayn, Nevali ori, Ain Ghazal and
Beidha, ritual spaces are recognized through the presence
oI unusual architectural Ieatures (Hole, 2000). At some
sites, ritualization oI space is indicated by 'charnel
houses, distinctive architecture or burnt buildings in
close proximity to open areas or plazas, Ior example at
Nemrik 9 (Kozlowski and Kempisty, 1990), ayn
(Davis, 1991, cited in Hole, 2000), and Beidha (Byrd,
1994). The Iigurines and burial contents, evidence oI
destruction by Iire and location adjacent to the plaza area
A (Figure 1), corroborate Bouqras House 12 as a ritual
space. The two isolated skulls in Bouqras House 12
exhibit intentional cranial deIormation (Meiklejohn et al.,
1992) indicating the continuity oI ritual skull treatment
with other sites in the early Neolithic (Akkermans and
Schwartz, 2003:142). Thus symbolic treatment was
clearly not restricted to the dead, and as we will see
below, not restricted to people. For those speciIic
buildings previously used as dwellings, the last phase oI
house liIe could have become the physical locus
designated Ior the Iinal journey oI the deceased.

The charnel room at Abu Hureyra was in use over a
substantial period oI time (Moore and Molleson, 2000).
Burials covered by newly plastered Iloors occurred
135
The Charnel House at Bouqras

several times in the liIe oI the charnel room beIore its
Iinal destruction by Iire. In the southwest corner oI
Bouqras, where excavation extended only to the Iloors oI
level III, we cannot exclude the possibility that other
burials remain under the Iloor oI House 12 paralleling the
sequence oI events at Abu Hureyra.

The issue oI burning takes this one step Iurther. There are
a number oI cases where burning is Iound with a
concentration oI skeletal material within a room or house.
A clear issue is whether the burning is intentional and, iI
so, what is the speciIic intent. A suggestion has been
made Ior ritual or symbolic killing oI the house Ior atal
Hyk (Stevanovi", 1996), ayn (Le Mort et al.,
2001), and in the diIIerent geographical context oI the
Balkans (Stevanovi", 1997). Such a suggestion might
also be supported Ior House 12 by the evidence that the
rooI may have been in disrepair, seen in the evidence that
the articulated burial TB was located partly on the Iloor
and partly on rooI rubble. In addition, the house had no
evidence Ior bins, ovens or cupboards, and as argued
above, this supports the hypothesis oI abandonment or
alteration oI Iunction oI House 12 beIore its Iinal
symbolic death.

At Abu Hureyra, where there has also been the
suggestion oI a speciIic charnel house based on analysis
oI the skeletal evidence (Moore and Molleson, 2000), the
burning oI the house suggests interruption oI preparations
Ior Iinal burial. However, that Iire is interpreted as being
accidental. In this case, accidental could mean simply that
this was not meant to be purposeIul cremation. However,
it would be purposeIul iI the Iire`s primary purpose were
to cause death to the house, paralleling the death oI the
people contained, and combining the Iinal journey oI the
dead with the Iinal destruction oI a house. A parallel
instance is that oI Le Mort and colleagues (2001) who
suggest that the ayn skull building was intentionally
set on Iire to cause building destruction, but not
intentional cremation. Though the evidence Ior such a
conclusion is unclear these are ideas that can be applied
to the Bouqras building.

A Iinal key aspect oI the above discussion has to be the
question oI whether the accidental burning oI a mudbrick
house is a probable occurrence. In other words, would
this be a Iamiliar hazard oI early Neolithic villages. II so,
then accidental burning would be a common event and
implying ritual or symbolic signiIicance would require
clear supporting grounds. Experimental archaeology
(BankoII and Winter, 1979; ShaIIer, 1993) tests the
Ieasibility oI burning wattle and daub houses that are
Ireshly built Ior the purpose. These studies suggest that it
is diIIicult to burn and cause Iull-scale destruction oI
architectural structures that are plastered with generous
coatings oI mud. However, wooden support beams in
dwellings that have been lived in would have had years to
dry out, thus Iacilitating their incendiary potential iI
exposed, Ior example in abandoned buildings.
A rather extraordinary Iirst-hand account oI the process is
the paper by Gordon (1953), based on personal
experience in AIghanistan in the 1920s, which asserts that
it is extremely diIIicult to burn down a mud brick
building. These were presumably not Ireshly built with
green rooI timbers, as was the case in the experimental
Iires above. Setting a mud brick house on Iire requires
preparation in addition to application oI a Iire source. The
building must be Iilled with a supplementary Iuel source
since the only combustibles in the houses are the wood
rooI supports that are covered in layers oI mud. Action is
necessary to increase air circulation and oxygen supply
since the houses oIten have no windows and only one
door. We would thus summarize that accidental burning
is an uncommon and unlikely event and deIinitely not a
common hazard. PurposeIul action is suggested.


Summary and Conclusions

In this paper we have suggested that House 12 at Bouqras
was a charnel house dated to the terminal PPNB. Five
burials Irom this house were available Ior analysis,
representing the only location in the village where
skeletal remains were discovered. Each oI these exhibits
some evidence oI exposure to Iire. However, each was
also in a diIIerent stage oI decay, indicating a complex
taphonomy Ior the building. In brieI, the Iollowing
generalizations can be made Ior the Iive, in sequence.
Individual TA lay just above a Iloor, possibly as a skull
on the rooI, awaiting enough decomposition to allow
removal oI the mandible so that the cranium could be
placed in a niche or corner in a similar manner to TE
(below). The TB articulated skeleton was apparently on
the rooI at the time oI the Iire. The cranium oI TB was
partly Iragmentary, perhaps resulting Irom the Iall
through to the room Iloor level below. TC, a skull and
Iragmentary inIracranial remains, appears to have been
Ileshed. The degree to which it was recovered above the
Iloor suggests that it was on the rooI at the time oI the
Iire. TD was on the Iloor and probably Ileshed at the time
oI the Iire, with the Iire peri-mortem. This is the only case
oI death possibly directly associated with the Iire. TE was
deIleshed. This suggests the ultimate Iate that would have
occurred to TA had the Iire not occurred when it did. The
pattern is also Iully consistent with burial practices in
other regions oI the Levant at the time.

Because there is no evidence Ior purposeIul burial Ior any
oI the Bouqras individuals, the evidence suggests part oI
a process oI ritual preparation oI human remains Ior
secondary ceremonial treatment. This appears, in all
likelihood, to have been interrupted by the Iire. There are
thereIore clear similarities to the earlier occupied sites oI
JerI el Ahmar (Stordeur, 2000) and Abu Hureyra (Moore
and Molleson, 2000), and the later site oI Sabi Abyad
(Akkermans and Verhoeven, 1995; Verhoeven, 1999,
2000).

136
The Charnel House at Bouqras

Since it is very diIIicult to burn down a mud brick house,
the burning oI Bouqras House 12 was, in all likelihood,
intentional. This still leaves the question: why was the
liIe oI House 12 terminated beIore all oI the bodies were
Iully prepared Ior secondary burial . . . unless this is a
Iurther aspect oI the diversity oI PPNB mortuary
practices. We suggest that unknown and probably
unknowable circumstances necessitated the 'early ritual
death oI Bouqras House 12. Otherwise Bouqras TD
might have ended up headless as was the JerI el Ahmar
individual.


Acknowledgements

We would like to thank the organizers oI this volume Ior
giving us the opportunity to honour Pat Smith at the time
oI her retirement. The Bouqras sample came to the
University oI Winnipeg through the auspices oI Drs.
Peter A. Akkermans, then oI the Institute Ior Pre- and
Protohistory oI the University oI Amsterdam. The
opportunity Ior this contact was made while CM was
visiting researcher at the Institute oI Human Biology,
University oI Utrecht. The analysis reported here was
initiated by DCM as part oI the work Ior the Ph.D.
degree, and was supported by Doctoral and Postdoctoral
Fellowships Irom the Social Sciences and Humanities
Research Council oI Canada. An initial version oI this
paper was read at the 28
th
meeting oI the Canadian
Association Ior Physical Anthropology in Burlington,
Ontario, in October 2000.

Both oI us would like to thank Dr. Hans Curvers oI the
University oI Amsterdam Ior inIormation provided over
the past several years about the Bouqras Project. Dr. Peter
M.M.G. Akkermans oI the University oI Leiden has
provided us with invaluable inIormation that has helped
the completion oI this paper. For permission to use the
photographs Irom the Bouqras excavations we thank Mr.
Andre Numan oI the Amsterdam Archaeological Centre,
University oI Amsterdam. For permission to use the
Iigures Irom the 'Bouqras Revisited article oI 1983 we
thank Dr. Julie Gardiner oI Wessex Archaeology, editor
Ior the Prehistoric Society. We would like to thank Dr.
Michael MacKinnon oI the University oI Winnipeg Ior
his close read oI the Iinal version oI this paper. CM
would like to personally congratulate Pat on her
retirement. It is now more than 36 years since we Iirst
met while gathering data on skeletal material in the old
basement storage area at the British Museum oI Natural
History on Cromwell Road.


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