The Domestication of Culture: Nation-building and Ethnic Diversity in Indonesia Author(s): REIMAR SCHEFOLD Reviewed work(s): Source: Bijdragen

tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Vol. 154, No. 2, GLOBALIZATION, LOCALIZATION AND INDONESIA (1998), pp. 259-280 Published by: KITLV, Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27865430 . Accessed: 01/03/2012 08:52
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REIMAR SCHEFOLD

of Culture Nation-building and Ethnic Diversity in

Indonesia

The Domestication

problem: what keeps the different groups together; what turns the state into a nation? Such a situation is of course by no means specific to Southeast Asia. to an overview by the Indonesian According anthropologist Koentjaranin grat (1993:3), the world now contains just a handful of countries that are more or less ethnically And the fact that ethnic diversity homogeneous. can threaten national even in a modern state ismore acute unity today than ever. If in the sixties the opinion prevailed that expressions of early cultural diversity were increasingly doomed to vanish in themelting pot of a 'global village', today such catchwords as Basque, Catalan, Flemish and Franco-Canadian should suffice to show the outdatedness of such an And can by no the leaders of these separatist movements assumption. means as conservative are be dismissed folklorists; they politically committed and appeal to young groups of adherents. all these examples relate to newly aroused ethnic resistance However, to states with a long national history. In most Southeast Asian countries the situation is different. They emerged from colonialism and inherited
1

All the present states of Southeast one characteristic Asia have in common: not one of them is based on a cultural tradition.1 In homogeneous all these countries, members of different ethnic groups, having their own and their own cultural heritage, live within the national languages borders. Often other members of these groups are found in neighbouring countries as well. In some states one group is clearly dominant and is confronted by a number of numerically and spatially marginal peoples. This is true, for instance, of Thailand, with its contrast between the Thai of the various hill tribes whose area extends into proper and the members the adjacent countries. In other cases, two large ethnic groups balance each and the Chinese in Malaysia. In the Philip other, such as the Malays contrast, a large number of linguistically related ethnic groups pines, by live side by side, without any one of them holding a pre-eminent position. But whatever the constellation, all these countries share the same

A first version of this paper was presented in a lecture at the Afro-Asiatisches Institut in in 1995.1 would like to thank Will Derks, Peter Nas, Gerard Persoon, Dian Schefold and Vienna Nico Schulte Nordholt for their valuable and Lachlan Mackenzie for his English suggestions translation.

BKI154-

(1998)

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movements

against each other and, in that way, to render them harmless. In many Southeast Asian the administration could countries, moreover, make use of a specific historical feature: even in precolonial times these areas had forms of national organization with a centralist government. In the first years after decolonization, communal pride in having achieved and often fought vigorously for independence could give rise to a feeling of togetherness that seemed to guarantee a national future. But once the euphoria died down and economic and political problems had to be the fragility of this monocausal enthusiasm solved, suddenly became flared up and crystallized apparent. Contradictions quite opposite to the

boundaries that were imposed from outside. In the colonial era, unity was ensured by external pressure. In that situation, internal ethnic diversity was no cause for concern; on the contrary, such diversity could serve as a welcome instrument in the endeavour to play off indigenous anticolonial

expectations inspired by the theories of the melting pot and the global village precisely along those lines that had been regarded as being to extinction: old ethnic affiliations gained new importance and doomed were in revitalized traditional forms. A gap began to open expressed between the political tried to maintain and strengthen the elite, which idea of national unity, and the different local groups whose confidence in a common state became more and more overshadowed by attachments to the awareness familiar In this process, inherited of ethnic community. develop to neighbouring relatedness the national groups outside territory could into a direct threat to the future of the political boundaries.

Theories of ethnicity
as to possible reasons for this phenomenon, differed, however, Opinions was soon to be labelled 'ethni which, after Glazer and Moynihan (1963), 'The (1973:277) offered a psychological city'. Clifford Geertz explanation: to looks and way-of-life power of the "givens" of place, tongue, blood, an individual's notion of who, at the bottom, he is and with whom, shape

foundations of person is rooted in the nonracial indissolubly, he belongs continue to be The fact that such ethnic 'primordial attachments' ality'. maintained all processes ofmodernization through corresponds to a natural In the new and barely consol emotional need for social self-assertion. form a these attachments idated states of the Third World, however, as they threaten to undermine national solidarity. Since potential danger, Geertz regards them as an innate phenomenon, he sees only one solution. It no sense to wish out of attachments the reality of primordial makes existence. The only realistic reaction consists in contriving to 'domesticate'
them.

of this The weakness of automatism. sumption

theory lies exactly 'primordialistic' It is certainly true that 'in a world

in the pre of growing

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261

an immediate and often unconscious ethnicity provides impersonality, of identity and community' (R. Cohen 1994:62). However, fellowship and with ethnic attachments by no means become manifest everywhere and exclusivity. Even if the assumption of the development equal intensity there can be no doubt that in of a 'global village' has not been validated, based on of taking part in a world-culture many cases the attractiveness across all boundaries causes any urge to emphasize mass communication to fade away. Where such manifestations do ethnic manifestations on the other hand, they do not simply indicate an emotional and appear, forms are disap indiscriminate clinging to familiar traditions. Certain it clear in a way that makes while others are being accentuated pearing, that their selection is combined with the attribution of new and powerful our inquiry into the causes of ethnicity shift in This makes meanings. are responsible for the actualiz circumstances another direction: What ation of ethnic attachments? authors who have dealt with this question,2 a few From the numerous can be derived. First it emerges that ethnicity can be shared conclusions self-aware local communities believing they expected to appear wherever cultural traditions are interacting in a larger social context possess specific and where, moreover, modern, rapidly changing conditions and increasing of potential alternatives facilitate the perception external communication interests are to the traditional group attachments. If political or economic and describe the at stake in such cases, participants will try to demarcate traditionally, they expect group to which they belong and from which, and redefinition of specific cul support, through an ethnic accentuation that is typ of boundaries this accentuation tural features. It is precisely need for security but rather the ical. It reflects not just a psychological pursuit of real interests. cannot entirely even this 'instrumentalistic' However, argumentation motives. of psychological with the assumption Indeed, from an dispense of view emphasis on one's own group is by no means always objective point a rational solution. Distinct individuals within one group may have diver between groups are not gent personal aims and goals, and ethnic differences in interest. If interest serves as the chief with oppositions synonymous a coalition with individuals of behaviour, determinant sharing the same

groups would be a more logical answer than the aspirations in neighbouring to the collectivity of one's own community (Epstein 1978:94). appeal in the new the ethnic reactions to the problems In order to understand or a compromise between both theoretical positions, primordialistic states, the familiar ethnic itself. In many instances, instrumentalistic, suggests social category for community represents the most reliable and accessible the first choice, as itwere, in the search for support for each individual,
2 Barth 1969; A. Cohen the survey in Eriksen 1993. 1974; Glazer and Moynihan 1975; Koentjaraningrat 1993; see also

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This 'primordial' choice, however, has to prove its personal aspirations. at least to such a degree that its emotional advantages worth continuously can withstand and failures. Only then can the occasional disappointments traditional bond with one's group of origin maintain its pre-eminence, across all internal differences, in the interrelationship with other ethnic groups. Under such circumstances each group will do everything to underscore to the primordialistic the proven ethnic frame. Contrary view, this pro cess does not mean an automatic resumption of what is considered to be traditional. Those

their original cultural (whatever representations that are felt to express the identity of the community most significance) convincingly and obviously will receive particular emphasis. They emerge in a process of selection, alteration and redefinition. The resulting 'marks of cultural distinctness' Barth's famous although rather deprecatingly termed 'cultural stuff - in this way become forceful ethnic symbols (Barth It should be added that ethnic forms of attachment do not represent an exclusive situation among the new category. After all, in the complex one of the potential manifestations of socio-cultural states, ethnicity is but of life can

1969:15;Brass 1985:17; Schefold 1988a).

ways

take the place of ethnic bonds, and such ties can reach context as well. I shall briefly return to this point the national beyond when dealing with possible between group loyalties and relationships tendencies towards globalization. The problem states should by now have become for Southeast Asian clear. Their multi-ethnic the abolition of the external uni composition,

diversity (Liddle 1970:16). Religious affiliations or regionally shared

fying power structure, the greater confidence in local rather than national - all this demands a support, the possibility of alliances across the borders new legitimation of a national of the state. It requires the activation
consciousness.

The cultures of Indonesia In this article I examine the dialectics between Ethnicity and Nationalism of Indonesia. At first I shall go into some of the through the example and then describe the growth of nation country's cultural peculiarities, in the years before and during the struggle for independence. alist ideas

the developments Subsequently, during the postcolonial period will make it possible to recognize various ways to deal with these dialectics; the tribal cultures will varying treatments of what are in fact rather marginal be held up as an illustration. a new variant of the in Indonesia The ethnic situation provides at the outset of this article. Hildred Geertz (1967:24) examples mentioned over three hundred cultures with more than two hundred distinguishes

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to one linguistic group, the Austronesian language family. The speakers of to the Archipelago more than 5,000 years ago, these languages immigrated a Neolithic culture, traces of which probably from Taiwan. They possessed can still be encountered in the traditions of all Indonesian peoples. today Contacts with the Southeast Asian continent some two and a half millen these too nia later brought about more complex, Bronze Age conditions; over most of the islands of the Archipelago. individual Each in its own way under specific local and did of course develop Indonesia definitely cannot be denied a historical influences, but Ancient certain homogeneity. times with the impact of Hinduism, to change in historical This was spread culture

these estimates, however, do not include the complex situation languages; in Irian Jaya. Nevertheless, if viewed from the origins, the population forms a unity similar to that of the Philippines. With the exception of some regions in the eastern provinces, all the languages of Indonesia belong

islands and Islam, which reached the world of the Indonesian Buddhism as a result of the spice trade. These from various sources, especially influences are among themajor causes of the great cultural diversity which areas were is so apparent to everyone travelling through Indonesia. Many intact. affected only superficially, with old tribal structures remaining are simple agricultural societies in the interior of large islands: Examples or the on on Kalimantan the Dayak the Batak on Sumatra, Toraja the same applies to the peoples on several smaller, remote Sulawesi. Much or the such as theMentawaians islands on the edges of the Archipelago, in theMoluc in the west and the inhabitants of numerous Niasans regions cas in the east. In many coastal areas and on Java and Bali, by contrast, were founded such as those that have survived kingdoms of various sizes some communities, on Bali. In other regions Islam prevailed; until recently in western Sumatra, converted to Islam as theMinangkabau such Malays first having without stage. All gone through a clear Hindu-Buddhist in the words of the Dutch anthropologist J.P.B, an ideal 'ethnological field of study', a diverse de Josselin de Jong (1935), that intercultural research can area with so much historical homogeneity a fundamental assume and local variants can be studied as relatedness one another tomutual advantage. transformations and compared with the prehistoric situation resembles the conditions we sketch Whereas at the outset of this article, historical ed for the Philippines develop a situation that was more reminiscent of Thailand. ments gradually led to to secure a major sphere of influence The first kingdom in the Archipelago in eastern Sumatra after the was the Buddhist, trade-oriented Srivijaya those on Java and seventh century. Other important kingdoms, especially on agriculture; these were strongly influenced by Hin Bali, were based and in the refined lifestyle duism, which was evident in their world-view the middle of the fourteenth century, the empire of elite. Around of their these facts make Indonesia,

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reached from its fertile base in Java, this its greatest power; Majapahit controlled all interinsular commercial traffic in the Archipelago kingdom and even beyond, from settlements on the coasts of the Southeast Asian continent towestern New Guinea. infra The pre-eminence of Java as the island with the best developed structure and the greatest density of population survived long afterMaja into smaller ceased to exist and the kingdom had disintegrated this time, however, new centres began to form on the coasts, in western these centres specialized in trade and Indonesia; especially were strongly oriented towards Islam. In the course of this development, the influence of one west Indonesian people spread throughout the Archi pahit had units. At

the Malays. pelago: The Dutch era, first under the United East Indies Company and later as the colony of the Dutch East Indies, was concentrated on Java. initially that, in the outer regions, there were only a few bases for trade. Beyond Not until the turn of this century did the entire territory of the colony fall under Dutch administrative control. The native rulers, after some initial of more and more of their power and made resistance, were deprived on Dutch allowances. With the dependent exception of the Javanese elite the population had very limited access to the higher levels of western And yet it was in these very elite circles that the call for education. national emancipation itself heard. firstmade Nationalist One currents in colonial times

the I will use as a representative example, was personality, whom aristocrat Soewardi 1986; Ricklefs 1981). He Javanese (Poeze Soerjaningrat was a of the Indische Partij (Indies Party), which was founding member established in 1912 and immediately banned in the following year, a party which pursued for Indonesia under joint Indo-European and independence to the Netherlands Indonesian He was banished government. during the First World War, where he came into contact with many other Indonesian soon he became or nationalists involuntarily, and living there voluntarily well known for his publications and lectures. After his return to Indonesia, he founded a system of education under the name of Taman Siswa ('Garden of Pupils') with a range of schools independent of the government inwhich into the basis of the national heritage was to be cultivated and developed a new national character. Although general Archipelago-wide issues were on Javanese traditions. also taught, the emphasis lay clearly ideas came from Criticism of the Javanese orientation of nationalist an originally Islamic quarters. The Muhammadiyah, Javanese again a foundation, linked nationalist thinking to a call for national conversion to a reformed Islam. When the Second World War broke out, this move

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265

alist groups in Indonesia (Van Niel 1967:296). It is interesting to examine how all these different nationalist move of ethnic problem, namely the multiplicity ments confronted Indonesia's The the one dominant apex small and middle-sized Java. groups facing time the numerous point must immediately be made, however, that at that For traditional tribal societies hardly played any role in the discussion. to know that they were under it was enough the colonial government, clear that they should be 'civilized', but there was no control. It was for them. Apart from customs that were subject to specific programme itwas largely left to the local admin criminal law, such as headhunting, to intervene in traditional istrative officials to decide how extensively (Persoon 1994:48). For the Indonesian 'civilizing' measures lifestyles with were in effect a negligible these groups nationalists quantity. What were and hierarchically the dozen-odd counted peoples organized large or sometimes even Christian affiliation. with an Islamic, Hindu-Buddhist on Sumatra the the Javanese and the Sundanese, On Java that meant Acehnese on Sulawesi the Buginese and theMina and theMinangkabau, of Bali, and the like. Their nationalist the inhabitants hasans, repres to scholarly recognition of the relatedness of the Indo entatives appealed them the Austronesian nesian family and considered languages within of Srivijaya and Majapahit selves the legal heirs to the great kingdoms

and other had several hundred divisions, with schools, hospitals, institutions from Sumatra to Kalimantan. Islam movement More the Sarekat radical was (Islamic politically in its and socialism fundamentalism which alternated between Union), to achieve national In Holland itwas the left endeavour independence. wing parties that could most be counted on to sympathize with the idea of and socialist ideas were present in all nation Indonesian independence,

was for a national to the need cautious language approach the East Indies, Javanese was In the Dutch symptomatic of the problem. has several most people. This language language spoken by far and away to the status of the person that are used according different vocabularies it particularly difficult to learn. But the nation addressed, which makes for not choosing alists had another argument Javanese as the national so would further accentuate what was already a serious language: doing of the Javanese sector of the populace, who concern, the preponderance of Indonesia. This could deter made up almost half the entire population a union. An alternative was avail in from participating the other peoples the Malay able in the Malay portion of the popu language. Although a lingua franca in rather small, their language had become lation was as a consequence of their strong involvement large parts of the Archipelago associated with any with trade, and therefore was no longer exclusively could gain a the Indonesians region. By choosing Malay, particular The

(Leirissa 1995:109).

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language of their own without affecting the balance between the various As early as the period of the First World War, parts of the population. was being used at nationalist a Pan Malay political meetings. During Indonesian youth convention in 1928, Malay was declared the new national language as part of an affirmation of the unity of fatherland, nation and - name Bahasa Indonesia language, to be known by the ethnically neutral At more or less the same time Sukarno, a Javanese, and Mohammad a an anticolonial each founded national Minangkabau Malay, This led to the internment of both notables, which lasted until the party. invasion. The Japanese, with their general prohibition of the Japanese Dutch to the further development contributed of Bahasa Indo language, that political would nesia, but disappointed expectations independence In the summer of 1945, shortly before the quickly be recognized. Japanese a group of drew up a constitution and capitulation, leading nationalists formulated the Pancasila, the five principles of a national ideology which to its author Sukarno, authentic expressed, according pan-Indo nesian values; its formulations continue to be used to the present day. On 17 of the same year, Sukarno and Hatta declared Four August independence. was officially years later, after many battles, Indonesia's independence recognized by the Netherlands. In the 1945 constitution and the attendant official clarification, the aim of national unity was linked to a call for the promotion of a national culture in which the character of the entire Indonesian people was to be 1995). Traditional expressed (Yampolski regional forms were not to be dis indeed they were, as we saw above, seen as historically inter regarded: in their origins. On the contrary, the local connected were 'peaks' (puncak) to furnish the shared basis, as was stressed at the same time, provided, in such a fashion as to be able to represent a they were advanced unifying asset for the new nation. They were to be supplemented by new and even foreign elements. Itwas not further explained where these peaks were to be found or what the advancement should look like. As we shall see, this was interpreted in very different ways in later years. Hatta, Post-independence The was problems: the case of Minahasa

(Indonesian language) (Johns 1967:413).

form adopted by the new state that was officially established in 1949 a construct in which the Netherlands believed that its interests were best guaranteed: that of a federation of sixteen states in the framework of a loose Dutch-Indonesian union. But it quickly became apparent that the not viable nation was in this form. During the years of the young revolution,

the inner frictions in the Archipelago had been muted in the the economic and admin joint struggle for independence. Now, however, istrative problems to pile up, and ethnically-based began regional and

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Sula religious conflicts led to local uprisings inwestern Java, Kalimantan, wesi and theMoluccas. In reaction, the federation was transformed in 1950 into a unitary state, the Republic of Indonesia. But even after this change was made, a series of internal there was ten disputes with separatist dencies that were extremely threatening for the future of the state. The form taken by these disputes confirms the general reflections presented at the outset of this article. Whether Islamic or Christian in orientation, all ran along ethnic lines and were all connected in their distrust of they the dominant position of the Javanese sector of the population. As an example, let us consider the group ofMinahasan tribes in northern Sulawesi Schefold and Schouten, all 1995). The Mina (see Leirissa, Nas, hasans inhabit a volcanic area of some 5,000 square kilometres, one of Indo nesia's most fertile regions. Originally into independ they were organized ent and fairly autonomous territorial communities based on kinship, all tracing their descent from a common mythical pair of ancestors. A statue of

led to Minahasa army. All these developments ultimately being nick the 'twelfth province named of the Netherlands'. the Nevertheless, Minahasans to preserve some fundamental characteristics of also managed

this couple stands in the centre ofManado, themost important modern city inMinahasa, the ethnic unity of the people. The Minahasans symbolizing have always been regarded as very bellicose. Individual competition was of great significance in their culture, expressed in a hierarchical series of as in headhunts. lavish rivalry-based festivities as well increasingly bestowed influence and prestige upon successful individuals, Competitions but in the Minahasans' view the interests of the entire community also benefited. The early decades of the nineteenth in century saw radical changes these traditions under the influence of the colonial government and Prot estant missionaries. Initially these changes met with strong resistance, but in mid-century there came a sudden reversal. The population that had as 'heathen' converted in droves to been dismissed and to a Christianity their external forms of life to the Dutch large extent adapted lifestyle. They turned to growing cash crops and thereby experienced a considerable economic upturn. Many Minahasans entered the service of the colonial

their traditional culture. The specific pattern of their old way of life, on individual its emphasis with and competition in a achievement framework of collective This fact interest, can still be recognized today. to the Minahasans' as a contributes decisively self-awareness people with a strong ethnic identity. this self-awareness, two movements may be distinguished in Regarding the years prior to independence. One was chiefly oriented to strengthening a united organization ethnic identity by pursuing forMinahasan auxili aries, most of whom were stationed in Java in the service of the colonial and army. A consequence of this was the foundation of a government

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Reimar Schefold

Council, which was supported by the government. The other led by G.S.S.J. Ratulangie, movement, joined forces with the nationalist and strove to have their organization, the Persatuan Minahasa groups into the national uprising. Here too, Union), (Minahasan incorporated that the desire to preserve the spe it was never questioned however, contribution was entirely legitimate. cificity of the Minahasan was in the preparation also involved of the Indonesian Ratulangie declaration of independence. It was partly because of his influence that the idea of ensuring Islam a special role in Indonesia was dropped - in view of the various religious denominations in Indonesia this would have been a fatal burden for the young republic. During the revolution many Minahasans side by side with Indonesian nationalists. After this, fought to earth as economic and political however, they were brought down felt that the development of their The Minahasans accumulated. problems was being neglected to the benefit of Java, and they began publicly region to demand more autonomy. Minahasan at national level added fuel to this fire. President Developments to emasculate Sukarno began to assume increasingly more power. Desiring the political parties with the help of the army under the slogan 'Guided even the honest and cool-headed he alienated democrat Democracy', a Hatta. As a Minangkabau in effect formed Hatta Malay, periphery to the dreaded Javanese dominance based counterbalance (although he did not stress this himself, it should be pointed out; see Cribb and Brown

1995:72). Hatta resigned in 1956. In 1958 the struggle for a new polity led to a state of affairs on civil war in Sumatra and Sulawesi. bordering Padang were and Manado, the biggest cities of Minangkabau and Minahasa, bombed by government This resulted in a kind of armistice. But it troops. was not until in the late sixties under about changes were brought that a fresh start could be made. Soeharto's presidency Sukarno Ifwe and national culture

on behalf of nation-building consider Sukarno's political measures are struck by the fact that he as a from a cultural point of view, we of Javanese did not really know what to do about the ethnic multiplicity for the first Indonesia. His old friend and collaborator on the preparations Soewardi the abovementioned constitution, (who in the Soerjaningrat stressed in the meantime had adopted the name Ki Hadjar Dewantara) such early fifties that the national culture should only adopt and develop as express a national spirit; other elements should regional achievements not be 1995:704). This clearly reflects Indonesia's (Yampolski supported negative experiences of federal structures and of the centrifugal tendencies of ethnic loyalties. Sukarno himself was primarily concerned with the even advocated the active significance of national values and goals. He

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life and the successful handling of the complex issue of New Guinea was Guinea released after (western New ultimately by the Dutch considerable international pressure was applied). Another fail-safe stra the creation of a new national enemy through the imple tagem was mentation of a confrontational policy towards Malaysia. The multi-party of the early years had always been associated with particular system which began in ethnic bases, but during the Guided Democracy period, 1956, functional groups gained special importance at the national level. In on a national laid increasing the following years Sukarno emphasis and lavish state rituals; he which became visible inmonuments ideology, stressed such pan-Indonesian values as mutual assistance and unanimous and propagated the cultivation of agreement through patient consultation, a national that excluded decadent western influences (Feith personality much of this ideology was rooted in Sukarno's 1967:366-70). Undeniably, for, yet it Javanese past. This is something he may scarcely be reproached is all too understandable that beyond the island of Java this aspect of the new tensions (Liddle 1970:214-6). Guided Democracy period caused sec The cultural traditions of the great Islamic, Hindu and Christian was tors of the population were not directly affected by these processes. There no room for them in the state rituals, with their propagation of achievements. traditional leaders from local aristo national The many and had received with the Dutch cratic families who had colloborated their support as counterforces to the nationalist aspirations were relieved himself an of their political roles. From time to time Sukarno proclaimed and in so doing he liked to point to his own advocate of mixed marriages, descent from Balinese ancestors through his mother (Dahm 1964:36). Old to from colonial times designed transmigration (resettlement) programmes on the islands of Java and Bali were alleviate given overpopulation contribute to national additional importance in the hope that they would ideal was an utterly new culture, purified of the old integration. Sukarno's from its specific ethnic roots (Liddle feudal traditions and liberated there was no At least initially, however, Ramstedt 1970:224; 1994:213). the ethnic expressions; limitation of peaceful of any active question role of traditional artistic forms, forwhich a pan-Indonesian development
foreseen, was even stimulated.

of particular ethnic characteristics, as we shall see presently. suppression The most of pro important and certainly the most successful means national values was the energetic of the school moting improvement system, which had been far from spectacular under Dutch rule. Naturally the new system ^vvas based on the Indonesian it had the same language; structure throughout Indonesia, and even the uniform, which was identical for all schoolchildren, asserted unity. In the political sphere, important included the elimination of residues of Dutch participation in eco steps nomic

was

Only

the descendants

of Chinese

immigrants formed an exception

in this

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Reimar Schefold

In the early part of this century, under colonial rule, the Chinese status: they were Chinese citizens, but were legally enjoyed a privileged as Dutch Chinese regarded subjects. entrepreneurs played an important as middlemen in the trade between the European and the indigenous part were scarcely involved in the Indonesian populations. They struggle for tomaintain in the their strong position yet they managed independence, of the republic. These two facts made to the them vulnerable economy reproach that they were exclusively concerned with their own advantage. As a consequence there were periodic, sometimes bloody reprisals. Chinese who had neglected to obtain Indonesian for a time citizenship were to leave the rural areas and settle in the cities. To this day, all required lation. inhabitants of Chinese descent are under heavy ethnic traditions and assimilate. 'isolated society' pressure to give up their

regard, as they continue to do today (see on the following Cribb and Brown 1995; Koentjaraningrat 1975; Skinner 1967). Their numbers are currently estimated at some four million. Because of their origins, they are neither in the and they differ widely ethnically nor linguistically homogeneous, are assimilated to which into the local Indonesian popu degree they

The

of the tribal cultures

A special case is themultitude of peoples who had not been affected by the influence of the great religions and who have hitherto been mentioned only in passing. These are the traditional tribal societies whose members in Indonesia are estimated to number well over a million today. Itwas on these politically that the efforts towards national defenceless groups were concentrated. cultural standardization they came in Significantly, as masyarakat the course of time to be characterized terasing, collectively 'isolated

indicates how their special position was society'. This expression this was a category of ethnic groups whose isolation cut them interpreted: off from the mainstream of social development and who had therefore remained backward (Persoon 1994). As a result, they were incapable of how primitive and wretched their self-sufficient way of life recognizing task tomake this clear to them and to really was. Itwas the government's

guide

inmany ways displaying the Stone Age heritage of the ancient Indonesia, Austronesian immigrants (Schefold 1988b). In nineteenth-century descrip tions they were frequently idealized as 'amiable savages', a name inspired as much by the impression of a simple and harmonious way of life as by and richly their exotic appearance floral decorations with loincloths,

them to a more modern form of existence. From the outset, respons for them was given to theMinistry of Social Affairs. ibility I first arrived on theMentawai When islands to the west of Sumatra in 1967 to do fieldwork, themethods of this policy of change were distinctly are one of the most archaic groups in The Mentawaians recognizable.

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This was to change in the Sukarno era. The Mentawaians hardly corres to the image of the national Indonesian and every personality, ponded was undertaken to adapt them to it as soon as possible. In 1954 a thing their traditional religion, which was decree was promulgated prohibiting to decide said to be heathen; all the inhabitants were given three months to convert to Christianity or to Islam. Anyone who whether wanted they did not choose within this period was threatened with punishment by the or by mission teachers, and with this were governmental Coupled lay at irregular intervals along the with a church and a school. At the police

patterned tattoos. In the early twentieth century the islands fell under the The traditional headhunt influence of the Dutch colonial administration. was forbidden and the payment of a modest poll tax was required; strictly otherwise there was little interference in their way of life.

was burned. his ritual equipment measures to turn the longhouses that rivers into tidy, surveyable villages same time, external features such as glass-beaded jewelry, the long hair of the men, loincloths, tattoos and the custom of chiselling the incisors to a point were forbidden as marks of un Indonesian All

primitiveness. were in Indonesia the accessible terasing groups masyarakat measures of this kind. The administrative affected by was, apparatus efficient enough to achieve the desired radical however, not everywhere success. In some parts of Mentawai, traditional communities were able to more liberal conditions arose which I their way of life until the preserve come to presently. Yet there is no doubt that the negative evaluation shall of ethnic identity, engendered by the feeling that itwas a potential threat a devastating effect on the masyarakat to national terasing unity, had from groups. Cultural expressions which could very well have adapted within tomodern circumstances were suddenly cut off and lost for ever. for the traditions of the masyarakat terasing groups was Contempt inmatters of the national attitude typical of Sukarno's progress-oriented culture. Strictly speaking, itwould have been the obvious step to seek in basis for the unity of the entire the indigenous those very traditions the association from Sukarno's perspective, Indonesian people. However, 'feudal' or 'tribalist' structures was of these traditions with old-fashioned more for the depre this is probably also the explanation essential. And with the official view of their isolated position. A comparison catory definition of the 'Indigenous Cultural Communities' (ICC) in the Philip is given a is instructive in this regard. There the same phenomenon pines turn: the historical differentiation of the ICC from the majority positive to the resistance of the Filipinos is seen as a sign of their successful social and cultural inroads of colonization (Dante M. Aquino, political, personal communication). In the 'New Order' that came about after President Soeharto's was at first little change in attitude towards tion of office, there assump the small

272

Keimax Schefold

Indonesian society (Persoon nomically and to enable them to join modern and benefit the A special directorate was founded to develop 1994:69). isolated tribal communities. This directorate, as well as the Ministry of set up projects and resettlement pro Forestry and other authorities, the tribal areas so that these goals could be attained. grammes throughout a few years ago, a Only government plan to transmigrate Javanese bach was backed up with elors from their overpopulated island to Mentawai and foreseeable mixed the argument that the resultant interaction would this undeveloped marriages indigenous people. How help uplift in dealing with theMentawaians had since become more experienced ever, the authorities. They had founded their own regional organization, whose to the fate of those plans, which furious reaction certainly contributed were quickly shelved. At the same time, however, in certain areas there were also signs of of the Indonesian tolerance. The first of the five principles increasing in an almighty national the Pancasila, declares the belief ideology, to be an inalienable characteristic of all Indonesians. Alongside divinity

con ethnic communities. Their different lifestyle, branded as backward, as unworthy of a modern state. One tinued to strike the government particular argument supporting that view was initially the idea that such societies could easily fall prey to communist thinking. weakly organized were to improve them intellectually and eco formulated Programmes

of the and Buddhism, the Hinduism Catholicism Islam, Protestantism, is also one of the five religions (the so-called agama) which are Balinese on this basis. Purely local beliefs, the kepercayaan, are, by recognized to be religions. As a result the bearers of the contrast, not considered animist tribal traditions are registered in accordance with the develop as belum or 'not yet in possession of a ment-oriented thinking beragama, in the religion'. Consequently, they do not have their own department of Religion It is up to the five official (Persoon 1994:111). Ministry to an agama and thereby to lead religions to convert the areligious peoples them to the fulfilment of one of the duties of every Indonesian citizen. a few large tribal religions have Since the late sixties, however, as a variant of Hinduism to present themselves and thereby managed in achieve official recognition after all. This has been true of the Toraja in Kalimantan certain Dayak and the Karo Batak in Sulawesi, groups traditions of Sumatra. In fact some Sanskrit words occur in the mythical all these peoples, words that testify to a Hindu influence, albeit usually a one. These rather superficial three tribal religions, together with the have been united in one group under the banner ofHindu Hindu-Balinese, Bali. It remains to Dharma anchored in a joint training centre inDenpasar, be seen to what extent they will be able to retain their specific identity or will prevail. whether syncretistic tendencies towards standardization forHindu A few other tribal religions have also applied as candidates

The Domestication of Culture

273

but negotiations have not yet been concluded. The most serious Dharma, issue will probably turn out to be the decision on the position of the num erous Javanese mystic movements, the aliran kebatinan, which have adherents to the highest government circles but have hitherto right up been classified merely as kepercayaan, as beliefs, and have only received attention in the Ministry of Culture. The strongest to their opposition official recognition comes from the ranks of the of orthodox representatives Islam. However, if a simple 'belief here succeeds for the first time in for the status, this could have wide-ranging achieving legal consequences tribal religions. Soeharto's 'New Order'

absolute power from various movements. Sukarno's attempt, against the will of the army, to combine nationalist, Islamist and communist forces and to play them off against each other failed. This led to the attempted putsch by the communist party and ended in the victory of the military
leaders.

There are signs that just such a is truly in the offing. The development reasons for this are and lead us back to our original questions. complex era it had become the Sukarno evident how dangerous ethnic During attachments can be for the state. Tolerating expressions of cultures regional had been unavoidable when required for political peace, yet this had been countered by increasing emphasis on common national achievements. Final the Sukarno government itself became a victim of claims to ly, however,

President Soeharto's 'New Order' to find (Orde Baru) was designed of restoring the threatened unity. At first forced ways integration still seemed the best option as far as the tribal communities were concerned, in view of their alleged to communist ideas. particularly susceptibility After the bloody repression of the putsch, however, communism soon ceased to constitute a present danger. In this regard, the 'New Order' state could consider itself consolidated. What was now becoming more threatening to internal peace was the claim to predominance of another force on the national Islam. As a counterweight, fundamentalist traditional level, Indonesian pluralism in a new, more attractive light. suddenly appeared One consequence of this reorientation has been a greater tolerance of non official religions. This automatically means more openness to other phe nomena in the cultures at issue. Yet it is clear that this new orientation creates a dilemma: as a result of greater tolerance, ethnic attachments may be re-energized, and their danger has by no means been is forgotten. What the position of the national culture under Soeharto?

274
Ethnic diversity and national

Keimax Schefold culture

to this dilemma is strongly reminiscent of The New Order's solution formulation cited in the section on theories of ethnicity Clifford Geertz's at the beginning of this article. It is senseless to wish ethnic attachments out of existence. The appropriate reaction for a nation consists in 'domestic an important role in related idea that has played ating' them. One in recent years refers to the situation-dependent in Indonesia discussions in the theoretical also mentioned character of all group attachments, These attachments arise in above section 1986, 1993). (Koentjaraningrat and nuanced for and may be differently demarcated specific circumstances to the context. Even in persons with ethnically each individual according to the ethnic strong roots, social identity therefore need not be limited of reference may take priority depending on component. Other social fields

to keep their off their access to a broader base, they were obliged of them limits. Many somewhat within ethnic attachments which in those ethnic organizations official positions therefore declined in the big cities, have brought together immig formany years, especially rants from the same region. On the other hand, they liked being honorary this was a typical compromise between public aspira members; perhaps tions and primordial attachments (Persoon 1986:188). In themelting pot of the large cities, whose share of the population has one might expect similar tendencies. Research shot up since independence, ethnic identity, the mixed that despite habitation, shows, however, close individual

the circumstances. The task of the state consists in ensuring a place for itself in these fields in all public matters. The and decisive is unassailable of reference which no longer a problem opposition of ethnic and national attachments is then a manner appropriate to the of rival loyalties but of giving expression (in in different needs of the state) to the fact that each individual operates contexts. It is only natural that all tasks that are connected with tra ditional expressions of the community and that give the individual a sense of security and 'roots', are assigned to the domain of the immediate ethnic it is the state For the fulfilment of the other aspirations, environment. that assumes responsibility. The state must prevent people from becoming confined in intra-ethnic relations and must seek to establish a national as a matter of course all solutions to general economic identity such that are sought at state level and every citizen, in solid and social problems of the country. embraces the cause of the development arity, For the national elite, ideas like these were by no means new. It was had emanated. As of independence from their circles that the declaration a group, this elite consisted of representatives of various ethnic origins; for each one of them, the composition of theirmost reliable band of followers of the objectives of the members often had an ethnic slant. Nevertheless If they did not want to this elite were oriented to the state as a whole.

The Domestication ofCulture

275

to the area of origin drawing borders against other people and attachment are still central issues in the lives of immigrants. And this is even more true of the large sector of the population living in rural areas. Other than there is only one way of counteracting force, fragmentation: applying the the credibility of the pan-Indonesian component within increasing national culture. is now no in contrast to the Sukarno period, this component However, seen as the sole legitimate frame of reference for Indonesian ethnic longer the pan-Indonesian 1993). Today, component groups (see Koentjaraningrat cul up-to-date regards its task as formulating, collating and developing the that apply to social issues within in those domains tural elements Such common elements may be of framework of the state as a whole. an increasing tendency, even for pan foreign origin. There is, however, ethnic roots from available to prefer a derivation Indonesian concerns, Indonesian autochthonous ones) (Sellato 1993). The (that is, ultimately roots should free themselves of outdated is that these only requirement to the spirit of the to be adapted traits and allow themselves archaic director of the National Suwati Kartiwa national (1994:VIII), ideology. formulates this with utter clarity: the elements of of Indonesia, Museum traditional culture that deserve to survive are those which 'exemplify the of our people'; other items, by contrast, 'truly do not need to be uniqueness preserved any longer'. In this tendency, the official clarification attendant on the constitution itself of 1945 has gained new currency. The state as a nation legitimizes that its inhabitants, of whatever class, rep through the 'imagination' resent a solid cultural community (see Anderson 1993). The starting point of is a political construction this ideological entity; the character of the the features of ethnic construction itself, however, closely resembles at the outset of this article (see Eriksen formation mentioned identity The problem remains, of course, that the pan-Indonesian component of of primordial attach the national culture cannot rely on the obviousness ments that are so typical of small-scale ethnic groups. The task therefore consists in creating an equivalent for such attachments without getting into of leads to a revaluation conflicts with ethnic loyalties. This logically in the Indonesian that has been achieved setting. The jointly everything and of the political of Srivijaya and Majapahit traditional glorification of those eras, the history of the struggle for and artistic achievements and its heroes including at least one representative of each independence - the national the of Pancasila, if at all possible ideology province the results that is rooted in the people, of a national language advantages of Indonesian development programmes, all this is now supplemented by an and the communications for international recognition. Worldwide appeal such as great values and achievements, of particular global propagation

1993:100).

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Reimar Schefold

technological, sporting and artistic feats, turn every Indonesian success into a national event. This shows that processes of globalization need not 'undermine' the state as a matter of course, as is occasionally assumed Of course this is not to deny that there are examples in (Kloos 1995:122). Indonesia in which this is actually the case; these will be discussed the double-rooted motivation of Indonesian Obviously, identity could in peaceful conditions in which the ethnic question was not only emerge attended by aggressive conflict. Under President Soeharto's New Order, this prerequisite was fulfilled more successfully than at any point since Indonesian The government has utilized this situation in an independence. manner astonishing by taking the initiative itself. With a view to 'do took the bull by the mesticating* ethnicity, the authorities suddenly cultural expressions, instead of being merely horns, as itwere. Regional to take tolerated, were given active support in a way that was designed the wind out of the sails of any adherents of separatist ideas. One import ant symptom of this one (albeit a relatively marginal policy politically speaking) was greater tolerance of tribal traditions. But what must be striking to anyone visiting Indonesia recently is the well-nigh patronizing view gives that in the government's tendency to champion everything to the cultural pluralism of the country. It is hardly positive expression is selective, reducing what are in fact ethnic surprising that this patronage and political correctness are way of life to folkloristic elements. Morality under control; tourist-friendly this 'aestheticized' the formal manifestations repetition and easy access presently.

Indonesian and other television shows folk dances evening, art forms. Government in the provinces adopt formal regional buildings elements from traditional local architecture. In all the provincial capitals are museums being set up to exhibit the cultural heritage of the region. One has its own Nusantara interesting detail is that each of these museums are made local artifacts and between room, 'where visual comparisons Every

form (Acciaioli ethnic diversity does now spectacle, nesian identity. It is not opposed to the national its glittering riches. displaying

are adapted to the desire for in 1995). However, (Yampolsky 1985), oriented as it is to outward appear as a central element of Indo

culture, but is part of it,

those from elsewhere in Indonesia, [...] with the implication that, for all the clearest its variations, is one' (Taylor 1994:79). Perhaps Indonesia is of the idea of cultural diversity as a national phenomenon expression Taman Mini in Jakarta, an open-air museum with more or less faithfully The of house forms from the entire Archipelago. reconstructed examples is clear: ethnic diversity is ultimately also a component of the message in the heart of the nation, in the 'mother national culture; it is anchored as the Indonesians refer to their capital. city' (ibu koto), The motto 'Let's go Archipelago' of Visit Indonesia Year 1991 expressed

The Domestication of Culture

277

the very same line of thinking (Sellato 1993). No longer are Java and Bali the only pre-ordained destinations. The riches of Indonesia are expressed its archipelagic 'riches' in this context can However, through diversity. well also be taken literally. The fact that the marginal cultures very are also attractive to tourists is cer within the plurality of Indonesia an unwelcome of the new tolerance. Nowadays concomitant tainly not to the Mentawai sail every week until several Islands, which ships had been very difficult to reach. There the tourist can meet recently

in loincloths performing ceremonies in full view of the tattooed shamans in the seventies. that would still have been punished something public the day, the children of these shamans wear their school uniforms During and learn about the goals of the national development programmes. Double an easy business. identity is not of ethnicity will stand To what extent the folkloristic domestication a It represents in the test of time is hard to predict. rapprochement the in form. In this way people will be less likely to recognize externals, fact that all the decisive questions of public life have been removed from and have been entrusted to the state. The artifice, ethnic responsibility one might say, of double identity consists in its partly referring to different to a cultural

claims of the distant central government has If in such cases ethnic in separatist campaigns. been finding expression an to global support minorities want to stand up for their rights, appeal for Indigenous Peoples, for instance) may open (through theWorld Council to promote their interests (Eriksen up new, international opportunities faction with the hegemonic

domain, with both its ethnic and its national but with only the national component relevant to a normative components, and political domain as well. can take. An strain this imbalance It remains to be seen how much of economic problems or regional-chauvinistic blunders made aggravation seem currently to by political leaders could rekindle the ethnic fires which In the behind the multiform been folkloristic checked have fa?ade. extreme west and the extreme east, in Aceh and in Irian Jaya, dissatis domains:

regional forces. to curb all such endeavours. To date President Soeharto has managed His successor will inherit a heavy responsibility in any case. In this sense, coat of arms sounds almost like an the Sanskrit motto on the Indonesian incantation: Bhinneka tunggal ika, 'Unity in Diversity'.

from other groupings, however, like 1993:126; Kloos 1995:128). Opposition Islamic groups, no longer has any clear ethnic the goals of fundamentalist base. Yet this example, too, indicates that global networks will be at least as the uniting of as important for the future of subnational communities

278 Keimax Schefold

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