Correction Officer Stress (1977-2007): A Review of the Literature

William J. Morgan, Jr.*

William J. Morgan, Jr. is ABD at Capella University, a criminal justice professor at Erie Community College, and
a correction officer in the New York State Department of Correctional Services.

Abstract: This article examines the literature for correction officer stress for the years 1977-2007. Topics include
all general forms of correction officer’s stress, such as stress from inmates, administration, media, public, and the
organization. Stress consequences from working in the correctional environment are many and dire that has far
reaching affects for not only officers but their families and the organization. Recommendations are made for
future directions in the study of correction officer stress.

KEYWORDS: Correction Officer, Correctional Facility, Officer Stress, Organizational Stress

elements of correctional work (Kallestad, 2006; Mills,

INTRODUCTION
On a daily basis, inmates outnumber the
correction officer where the ratio can be as high as
100:1. The administrative rules created by
correctional agencies are often ambiguous and leave
the officer with little autonomy to manage the dorm,
cell block, messhall, recreation yard or other area
observed. Violence can erupt at anyplace and at
anytime. An officer may be called upon to use force
on an inmate to protect a co-worker, self-
preservation, or an inmate. Correctional
administration makes the decision to back the use of
force in a split second decision. Based on reports in
the media that portray correction officers negatively,
public scrutiny may further close officers into an
already closed subculture; the officer may be
suspended without pay for months until an
investigation is complete and may lose his or her job
based on the testimony of an inmate (Hansen &
Sinclair, 2005). Health and stress-related problems
may occur and affect the personal life of the officer.
Similar situations happen over a number of years and
have a major impact upon the officer, their family,
and occupation. Male correction officers employed in
a correctional facility for females have the added
stress of accusations of sexual misconduct,
demonization by the media based on accusations of
sexual misconduct, lack of support from
administration, and organizational stress, which are
_________________________________________
*Address correspondence to the author:
William J. Morgan, Jr.
Erie Community College
45 Oak Street
Buffalo, New York 14203
(716) 851-1246
Email: morganw@ecc.edu
2007); this is contrary to a U.S. Bureau of Justice
Department Statistics report that approximately two-
thirds of rape cases reported that female correctional
staff engaged in sexual misconduct with male inmates
(Green, 2006). However, the focus of this paper is
general stress for correctional officers as delineated in
the following pages for the years 1977-2007.
Correction officer stress
The literature proposes sources of stress for
correction officers (Anson, Carlson, & Thomas, 2003;
Black, 2001; Finn, 2000, 1998; Morgan, Van Haveren,
& Pearson, 2002; Paoline, Lambert, & Hogan, 2006;
Philliber, 1987; Rosefield, 1983; Tewksbury &
Higgins, 2006; Tracy, 2004; Ulmer, 1992). For
example, officers may experience role conflict resulting
from emotional dissonance and interactions with
inmates, as proposed by Tewksbury and Higgins, or
that correction officers are portrayed as brutes in the
news and popular media (Finn, 2000; 1998). No two
correctional organizations or facilities are managed the
same but parallels can be drawn between the current
literature of stress and state correction officers (Craig,
2004; MacKenzie & Mitchell, 2005; Wener, 2006).
Research conducted by Morgan, Van Haveren, and
Pearson (2002) explored previous studies of correction
officer stress and the inconsistent results that followed;
a future study recommendation suggested the
exploration of how correction officers cope with work-
related stress. Specific examples of stress experienced
by correction officers are outlined below.
The causes of stress are inconsistent and complex
although all sources have been explored in prisons
(Slate & Vogel, 1997). Several authors (Cheek &
Miller, 1982; Cullen, Link, Wolfe, & Frank, 1985;
Finn, 1999; Griffin, 2006; Grossi & Berg, 1991;
Huckabee, 1992; Inwald, 1982; Keinan & Malach-
Pines, 2007; Lasky, Gordon, & Srebalus, 1986;
Marston, 1993) suggested that unique and powerful
stressors are a product of work in the correctional
environment, particularly for those who maintain
security and safety. According to Rosefield (1983),
10 major categories of stress, out of 32 primary
stressors, were identified in a study by the North
Carolina Division of Prison and listed in descending
severity. This list wraps correction officer stress into
a neat package, to include inmate perpetrated stress,
organizational, administrative factors, and outside
sources of stress. The first category is general stress,
with the most significant sources emanated from
inmates. The second source originated from role
definition during a crises and expectations of job
performance. Third, stress resulted in poor control
due to overcrowding, understaffing, and the need for
structure in the correctional facility. Fourth, stress is
increased when a forum is not provided for officers to
voice concerns about personal safety. Related to
personal safety, the fifth issue is isolation and the
personal problems associated with the correctional
environment. Sixth, officers found other job related
pressures such as rigid work load and preventing
escapes; this ties into the seventh issue of work load
or the discomfort officers feel because of the amount
of work they are expected to perform. Eighth,
officers find stress created by inmates “setting
officers up” and the difficulty of giving inmates
orders. Ninth, officers found that the community does
not respect the occupation of corrections officer.
Finally, officers find that preventing escapes as a
further source of stress. Specifically, the literature
below addresses the caveats of correctional officer
stress in the four general areas of stress from inmates,
organization, administration, and outside sources.
Inmate Role in C.O. Stress
Several sources, such as Castle and Martin (2006);
Armstrong and Griffin (2004); Drory and Shamir
(1982); Cullen, et al., (1985); Grossi and Berg
(1991); Triplett, Mullings, and Scarborough (1996,
1999) elucidated that employment in corrections is
stressful because correction officers perceive and
deal with people who have violent records where
fear, confrontations, and violence is ever present
(Long & Vogues, 1987; Keinan & Malach-Pines;
Finn, 1998; Kauffman, 1998; Martinez, 1997).
According to Camp, Gaes, Langan, and Saylor,
(2003); Finn (1998); Inwald, 1982, increased inmate
violence, inmate crowding, inmate density,
dangerous gang activity, physical setting, and lack of
recognition of officer authority intensified stress.
Black (2001) contended that officers are concerned
about concentration of inmates in certain areas of the
facility, such as the yard, visit room, or messhall,
which are considered “hotspots” for violence. Attacks
on property or persons within the facility are
common because inmates are bored and frustrated,
and may threaten, or become verbally/physically
assaultive to other inmates or staff, (Cornelius, 2001;
Finn, 2000). Officers are subjected to traumatic but
brief incidents of violence enveloped in monotonous
supervision of inmates (Jenish, 1996). These acts of
violence can be numerous and serve to impact the
consciousness of the officer.
In the subjective views of inmates, Cornelius (1994)
indicated that violent behavior is a means to survive
and cope with incarceration and not thought of as
nefarious behavior. Cornelius further contended that
inmates use violence as a tool to reflect self-importance
due to interpersonal failures and lack of nurturing in
early life. It was cited by Finn (2000, 1998); Cornelius
(1994) that specific acts of inmate violence that impact
officers pre- and post-incident include hostage taking,
riots, homicide, rape, fights, and inmate suicide. Black
(2001) further alluded that stress may occur because of
weapons that inmates may carry and use in violent
assaults, the attempt to gain inmate compliance to the
rules may encounter a sudden outburst of
violence/anger resulting in injury or death, or may
experience guilt over situations that they cannot control
(Kauffman, 1988). To a lesser extent, officer’s point out
that stress emanates from inmates’ bad attitudes that
lead to stereotyping of inmates may occur from the
more subtle means of coercion (Gray, 2002).
Inmate demands and manipulation is another key
factor in correction officer stress, according to
Cornelius (2001, 1994, 1992); Finn (1998); Marston
(1993); Woodruff (1993), through manipulation of
officers, inmates attempt to gain some modicum of
control over the prison environment that undermine
security. Cornelius referred to inmate manipulation as
the attempt to control others through subtle means, or to
get something he or she wants; inmates attempt
manipulation through lying, narcissism, blaming others
for their problems, and a lack of empathy (Cornelius;
Finn, 2000). It has been further cited that correction
officers who deal with constant demands or
successfully manipulated by inmates experienced
extreme stress. Black (2001) found that stress in the
correctional setting is most related to inmate matters
such as demands, requests, or complaints. Ironically,
inmate related stress is not experienced by security a
staff that has significant interaction with inmates, but
officers that have periods of shorter duration because
they are not as equipped to deal with the inmate
population (Garland, 2002). Security staff that have
negative and intense incidents with inmates may fall
victim to “secondary post-traumatic stress,” as cited by
Janik (1995, ¶ 5). Inmates are only one source of stress
that correction officers are subjected to on a daily basis.
Organizational role in stress
According to several authors, (Beehr & Newman,
1978; Cooper & Marshall, 1976; Drory & Shamir,
1982; Katz & Kahn, 1978; Keinan & Malach-Pines,
2007; Samak, 2003, organizational factors were
significant sources of stress for officers that have
consequences for both the individual and the
organization. In the meta-analysis of correctional
officer stress researched by Dowden & Tellier
(2004), it was discovered that security differences
were not important to job stress; however, it is noted
that job-related stress in a maximum-security
institution is higher than other types of institutions.
Several authors (Black, 2001; Kauffman, 1988; Finn,
1998; Schaufeli & Peeters, 2000) proposed that
variables such as rank, shift work, job assignment,
ethnicity, or gender are important, and given ample
attention in the literature; gender is a significant
predictor of stress in corrections and traditionally
considered a male dominated profession.
Female officers reported that supervisors served as
a form of work-related stress compared to male
officers who rarely report such anomalies (Auerbach,
Quick, & Pegg, 2003; Castle & Martin, 2006; Cullen,
Link, Wolfe, & Frank, 1985, Gross, Larson, Urban,
& Zupan, 1994; Pogrebin & Poole, 1998; Triplett,
Mullings, & Scarborough, 1999). Furthermore,
female officers may not be considered reliable in
emergencies, such as an assaultive inmate or inmates
fighting by male correction officers, which affect
perceptions of female correctional officer
competency (Anson, Carlson, & Thomas, 2003;
Tewksbury & Collins, 2006; Zupan, 1992) and cited
by Anson, et al.; Philliber (1987); Belknap (1991,
2001); Britton (1997); Griffin (2006); Hemmens,
Stohr, Schoeler, & Miller (2002); Jurik (1985); Owen
(1985); Pogrebin & Poole (1997, 1998); Pollock-
Byrne (1986); Zimmer (1986); Zupan (1992) that
employee traits generally considered masculine in
nature, such as the strength of female officers in
physical confrontations and a willingness to use force
on inmates, is a reservation with male officers and
inmates.
A further source of stress for female officers are
the unwanted sexual advances, discrimination,
overt/subtle sexist language, and harassment by
inmates, co-workers, or supervisors (Anson, et al.;
Belknap, 1991; Black, 2001; Griffin, Armstrong, &
Hepburn, 2005; Philliber; Owen, 1988; Pogrebin &
Poole, 1997, 1998; Savicki, Cooley, & Gjvesvold,
2003; Stohr, Mays, Beck, & Kelley, 1998; Zimmer,
1986) where female officers tend to report higher
levels of stress than male officers do, greater levels of
burnout, (Anson, et al., 2003; Carlson, Anson, &
Thomas, 2002) and greater levels of absenteeism
(Brough & Williams, 2007; Lambert, Edwards,
Camp, & Saylor, 2005). Although an extensive
search of the literature failed to find a study
specifically related to male officer stress in relation to
work with female inmates, gender is only one source
of organizational stress that the female correction
officer is exposed.
In a more gender neutral form, understaffing,
mandatory overtime, shift work, rotating shifts, low or
inadequate pay, role ambiguity/conflict, and problems
with co-workers lend to organizational forms of stress
(Brodsky, 1977,1982; Cherniss, 1980; Cheek & Miller,
1982; Childress, Talucci, & Wood, 1999; Delmore,
1982; Finn, 2000, 1998; Gerstein, Topp, & Correll;
Gillian, 2001; Harris, 1983; Keinan & Malach-Pines,
2007; Lambert, Hogan, & Barton, 2002; Rosefield,
1983; Shamir & Drory, 1982; Stock & Skultey, 1994).
Many officer’s report not answering their home
telephone because it may be the facility calling for
overtime, and that officer’s on duty may be mandated
for overtime, as cited by Finn; Kauffman (1988). This
is a product of understaffing “prevalent in many prisons
and jails as a result of unattractive salaries, high
turnover, and excessive use of sick time or disability
leave” (Brodsky, 1982; Finn, 2000; 1998; Gerstein,
Topp, & Correll; Lombardo, 1981; Ratner, 1985).
Understaffing prisons leads to consequences, such as
the inability to get time off from work and completion
of required tasks in a timely manner. Finn further found
that many officers report that extra overtime money is a
great incentive due to traditionally low salaries;
however, these same officers find that a product of too
much overtime is burnout or a complacent work ethic.
This is a tautological cycle resulting in the excessive
use of sick time, mandatory overtime, and the use of
rotating shift work, which affects the main source of
security in the prison: the correction officer. However,
these are only a few of the organizational consequences
of officer stress.
Further organizational stresses for correctional
officers include role ambiguity and role conflict in the
lack of clear guidelines for job performance where low
commitment and high turnover is a consequence to the
organization. Problems may arise from supervisors,
such as unclear expectations, difficulty interpreting the
rules, and imprecise role definition that lead to stress
(Brodsky, 1982; Cheek & Miller, 1983; Crouch, 1986;
Dahl & Steinberg, 1979; Dowden & Tellier, 2004;
Finn, 2000; Gerstein, Topp, & Correll, 1987; Hepburn
& Knepper, 1993; Hogan, Lambert, Jenkins, &
Wambold, 2006; Lambert, 2004, 2006; Poole & Regoli,
1980; Rosefield, 1983; Slate & Vogel, 1997; Van
Voorhis, Cullen, Link, & Wolfe, 1991; Woodruff,
1993), which may lead to low commitment to the
organization (Lambert, 2004). Cheek and Miller cited
that the correction officer is expected to wear the many
hats of custodian, disciplinarian, rehabilitator, and
many become confused when these elements are
coupled with a lack of autonomy, which leads to role
conflict. It is within this contextual role that ambiguity
is found and where officers are expected to follow all
guidelines and rules when discretion and flexibility is
paramount to the managerial role, which leads to role
overload/conflict and occupational tedium (Cheek &
Miller, 1982; Drory & Shamir, 1982; Finn, 2000;
Gerstein, et al.; Lasky, Gordon, & Srebalus, 1986;
Lombardo, 1981; Toch & Klofas, 1982) As such, the
correction officer is the manager of inmates and the
person with the most contact with the population, but
required to acquiesce to administration. As a Human
Service component, Cheek & Miller (p.15) stated that
correction officers are considered “developers of
people,” and the managerial role is destroyed if not
supported by administration. However, Robinson &
Porporino (1996); Tellier & Robinson (1995) found
that officers in a programming capacity report less
stress than those in the managerial role and have
greater job satisfaction, authority over inmates, and
less strain.
Occasionally, correction officers perpetrate stress
upon each other because of the correctional officer
subculture. A further example of organizational stress
is problems with coworkers. According to Finn
(2000; 1998), officers tend to experience stress may
occur when a co-worker has inappropriate behavior
with inmates, competition with other officers for
limited assignments, anxiety that co-workers will
refuse to back them in an emergency, and constantly
venting frustrations to other officers. In some cases,
extreme stress with coworkers is much worse than
dealing with demanding or hostile inmates, albeit a
lesser form of stress compared to other sources. Far
from the officer subculture, Samak (2003) indicated
that administration is another foundation for officer
stress.
Role of correctional administration
Several factors contribute to cynicism towards
prison administration of work related issues and
factors within the correctional environment as
demonstrated in the literature. The lack of decision
making, autonomy, and mismanagement in the form
of missing or absent mission statements prevent
officers from effectively performing their jobs.
Correction Officers, according to Gray (2002),
reported that correctional administration ignores and
disregards them, which denies them autonomy to
efficiently and effectively manage, leaving little
discretion to administer to the daily management of
the prison (Morris & Webb, 1978). The American
Correctional Association (1983); Ulmer (1992) cited
that correction officer’s are responsible to accurately
interpret the rules and regulations, translate the
policies and goals of correctional administration by
maintaining order, supervising inmates, and
enforcing rules, and most functions within the prison
to maintain a safe and secure environment. Officer
frustration and stress can hold negative implications
for administration in “conflictual and problematic”
relations due to officer perceptions of questionable
managerial practices (Garland, 2004; Hughes &
Zamble, 1993; Keinan & Malach-Pines, 2007; Ulmer).
Independent of the correctional paradigm, officers can
experience cynicism towards correctional
administration for other reasons.
Educational level, race, length of tenure, and lack of
endorsement of rehabilitative goals of officers may
negatively impact cynicism towards administration
(Black, 2001; Castle & Martin; 2006; Dowden &
Tellier, 2004; Philliber, 1987). For example, Black
discovered that non-Caucasian officers had less stress
than Caucasian officers did when dealing with
correctional administration. The results are mixed as to
education and cynicism as Philliber found that officers
with more education had a negative impact on job
satisfaction and cynicism towards administration; Jurik,
Halemba, Musheno, & Boyle (1985) found less
dissatisfaction for educated officers. Independent of
occupational factors, correction officers with military
service tend to reject cynicism of correctional
administration because of an ability to effectively
interact with supervisors within the paramilitary
atmosphere (Moon & Maxwell, 2004; Morgan, Van
Haveren, & Pearson, 2002; Ulmer, 1992). Not
ironically, following the September 11, 2001 attacks
and the previous downturn in the economy, critical
problems arose for corrections as the great need for law
enforcement jobs became available along with fewer
skilled and qualified workers, which lead to a lowered
work standard (Kehoe, 2004). Additionally, the officer
subculture may negatively impact/contribute to
cynicism toward prison administration.
The correction officer subculture socializes new
officers to widespread cynicism of administration,
which can severely disrupt the institution (Ulmer,
1992). Independent of the officer subculture, Ulmer
followed-up the discussion of cynicism and tenure by
emphasizing that through mid-career, officers tend to
build up cynicism with a drop as one becomes more
experienced. If the officer subculture is not confident
that prison administration will back them by bending
the rules to further the goals of corrections, this leads to
cynicism and stress (Rosefield, 1983). However,
correctional administration is only one further source
where stress is originated.
Outside Sources
According to O’Brien and Gustafson (1985)
characteristics of other high stress occupations differ
from characteristics in the high stress occupation of
corrections due to external influences. Correction
officers may distance themselves from family members,
friends, and others because of the stigmatization of
officers from outside the correctional paradigm, such as
the media, the public and other law enforcement
agencies (Cheek & Miller, 1982; Gillian, 2001;
Harris, 1980; Keinan & Malach-Pines, 2007; Maghan
& McLeish-Blackwell, 1991; Morris & Webb, 1978;
Stalgaitis, Meyers, & Krisak, 1982; Tracy, 2004).
The popular media mocks correction officers in
prison movies as aggressive, ruthless, and
intellectually limited individuals with the desire to
make the lives of inmates as difficult as possible
where the realities of prison are often ignored
(Brodsky, 1982; Cheek & Miller, 1982; Tracy).
Morris & Webb (p. 69) found correctional personnel
disparagingly depicted as “representatives of a
repressive, demeaning system” by inmates that the
media turns to for information about prisons and
officers. Tracy believes this leads to a negative public
image and stigmatization of correction officers,
“…[as] lazy, brutal, sexually deviant, or silly,” and
“…[as] stupid, animalistic, and senseless abusers of
socially wronged individuals,” as further suggested
by Finn (1998, ¶ 1). As such, this leads to public
resentment and empathy for inmates and disparages
officers, as suggested by Morris & Webb. This public
scrutiny leads to further consequences on a
professional and personal level for the correction
officer.
A consequence of stigmatization, as cited by Finn
(1998); Van Fleet (1992) there may be a refusal of
the officers’ family to advertise that their
spouse/parent works for corrections in order to avoid
embarrassment or harassment. Other law
enforcement agencies, according to Tracy, (2003, p.
517) stigmatize correction officers as the “lowest
scum of law enforcement and professional
babysitters.” Generally, during times of controversy
such as prison escapes, officer misconduct, and riots
is when news media pays attention to correction
facilities and personnel (Morris &Webb, 1978). For
example, in a news story written by Richard (2004), a
2003 escape of two inmates from a Correctional
Facility in the Northeastern United States prompted
the suspension of three correctional employees where
complacency was blamed on the part of the officers
and supervisors. However, the State failed to mention
the lack of a perimeter security fence and
understaffing could have been a factor. The president
of the correction officers union and the City Mayor
said that understaffing, the age of the prison, and a
lack of security contributed to the escape. The current
trend of many correctional paradigms is to close
posts and claim that prisons are staffed to current
levels, as indicated by Richards. Not coincidentally,
all of the aforementioned stress sources may have
serious outcomes for officers, their family, and the
correctional organization.
Affects of Stress
When police and correction officers feel stress,
several behavioral and physical problems may manifest
themselves, such as heart disease, poor circulation, high
blood pressure, teeth grinding, and aches and pains of
the hands, neck, or back (Aabdollahi, 2002; Cornelius,
1994; Mearns & Mauch, 1998; Stinchcomb, 2004;
Wells, Colbert, & Slate, 2006). Furthermore, Cheek,
1984; Cornelius; Lambert, Hogan, and Allen, 2006);
Wells, Colbert, & Slate (2006), listed several behavioral
problems, such as anger with inmates, family, or
friends, impatience, frequent accidents, complacency,
and the use of illegal substances. Several warning signs
of substance abuse, as indicated by Stock & Skultety
(1994), are secretive behavior, avoiding social
activities, excessive worrying, and unprovoked
aggression. Moreover, due to the traumatic experiences
correction officers face, substance abuse is often
equated with post-traumatic stress disorder (Janik,
1995; Stock & Skultety).
Stress can have serious consequences beyond those
previously mentioned. Extreme stress-related problems
in corrections include depression, eating disorders,
ulcers, and diabetes (Finn, 1998; Rosefield, 1983); it
was cited by Samak (2003); Cheek and Di Stefano-
Miller (1983); Wells, Colbert, and Slate (2006) that
correction officers in the United States are twice as
likely to experience cardiovascular disease and other
health related problems. These problems may lead to
excessive use of sick time, compensation leave, and
high staff turnover (Finn, 1998, 2000), use of alcohol or
drugs, gambling or overeating (Childress, et al, 1999),
strained family relationships resulting in domestic
abuse, divorce, and displaced frustration, and is not
particularly compatible with parental roles (Brough &
Williams, 2006; Finn, 1998; Gillian, 2001; Lambert,
Hogan, & Allen, 2006). Furthermore, occupational
stress in corrections can lead to suicide and premature
death (Childress, et al; Garland, 2002; Lambert, Hogan,
& Allen); for example, the study conducted by
Childress, et al, found that the average life expectancy
for correction officers, at age 59, is below the life
expectancy for other law enforcement and well below
the national average. Rosefield suggested a high
correlation between these stress-related anomalies to
other law enforcement occupations, although there is no
definitive proof that these anomalies are caused by such
occupations.
Conclusion
Correction officers are the people who see to the
daily management of correctional facilities in the
United States today. Stress for correction and police
officers draw many parallels; however, correction
officers experience special stresses as they deal with a
violent and nefarious population. It is not simply a
matter of dealing with violence but with manipulation
and demands from inmates, dealing with
administration, the media and public scrutiny, and the
organization, which may have dire consequences for
the health and family interactions of officers. A
compendium of forces may cause stress and not a
single category that comes under suspicion. A gap in
the literature exists of male correction officers
employed in a correctional facility for females and
their perceptions and sources of work-related stress.
A problem of stress exists in this special population
due to the number of officers accused of sexual
misconduct on an annual basis although most
accusations are never brought to public attention; for
those that are brought to media attention, it provides
a stigmatizing affect for all male correction officers.
This caveat is particularly true in the academic
literature where additional stresses emanate as the
media and the public scrutinize male officers and the
conduct of female staff in the rape of inmates is often
ignored; this is the recommendation for future
research.
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