George Churchill Historical Enquiry in Sport

George Churchill

Historical Enquiry in Sport SSP326

Marc Lawton

Racism in Football:

A History of Racial Stereotyping 1940-

present

Due Date: 18th December 2008

Word Count: 3053

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George Churchill Historical Enquiry in Sport

Contents Page

1. Abstract and Introduction 3-5

2. Theories Behind Deviance in Sport 5-6

Conflict and Critical theories

3. Causes of Deviance 6-8

Education System, Overconformity & Gambling

4. Sport Ethic 8-10

Underconformity, Positive Deviance, Varsity Blues & Mary Decker

Slaney

5. Drug Use 10-11

Banned Substances, Tom Simpson & Information Network

6. Conclusion 12

7. Appendices 13-16

8. Bibliography 18-18

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George Churchill Historical Enquiry in Sport

Racism in Football: A History of Racial Stereotyping 1940-present

Introduction

Racism in British football grounds is historically tied to the nature of

the society Britain lives in. The non-co-operative nature of Britain in

regards to football can be addressed back to a number of events, such as

the formation of FIFA in 1904 or the opposition of British teams competing

in European competitions in the 1950s (Cohen, 1998). This can be

described as the ‘we invented football we make the rules’ attitude of

British society that oppose any foreigner to create rules over the game the

English invented. Black players started joining the league in numbers

around the 1970’s and 80’s. Big names like Viv Anderson, John Barnes

and Paul Ince are the most notable, with all three following into

management at sometime in their careers. Black players’ involvement in

British football can be traced back to the late 19th century Arthur Wharton

was the first black professional around 1865 and Andrew Watson who

played for Queens Park in Scotland and was capped three times for the

national Scottish team between 1881 and 1882.

Overt Racism

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George Churchill Historical Enquiry in Sport

In 1988 Liverpool FC signed John Barnes from Watford FC. This

caused controversy as he was the clubs first major black signing and

Liverpool were one of the most high profile clubs in the world. Kenny

Daglish, the man who signed Barnes tried to cool the hysteria around the

transfer: “He’s not a black player, he’s a player”. It prompted chants from

away fans such as ‘Niggerpool’ and signs of overt fan racism was very

evident. Dave Hill recalls a reception for Liverpool's John Barnes at

Highbury in the late 1980s:

‘We could see quite clearly, as the teams warmed up before the kick

off that banana after banana was being hurled from the away

supporter’s enclosure. The bananas were designed to announce, for

the benefit of those unversed in codified terrace abuse, that there

was a monkey on the pitch’ (Quoted in Hill, 1989)

This sign of overt racism was a strategy used by racist football fans

to barrack and hound out blacks, where peanuts were also thrown to

barrack black players in the 1980s and early 1990s for both the opposition

and players representing their own club. The racist treatment received by

black players at this time from both spectators and by players had

probably dissuaded many black parents from encouraging their sons to

pursue a professional career in football (Longmore, 1988).

Stereotyping (stacking)

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George Churchill Historical Enquiry in Sport

John Barnes is one of the most talented and successful back players

of post war football. But the different opportunities given to John Barnes

and Gareth Southgate who is now in management of Middlesbrough

(2006-present) show an inequality (see appendix A). John Barnes (2008)

describes the difficulty he has faced finding management roles since he

retired playing:

‘I’ve applied for numerous jobs and sometimes I haven’t even had

the courtesy of a reply to my application letter, I could maybe

understand if it was an application for a top side but many of these

applications have been for lower league clubs’

Barnes echoed that of his counterpart Luther Blissett, another

talented black player from the 1980s. Blissett has played at the highest

level of football and represented England, he has been applying for jobs

for 15 years and got nowhere, whereas Gareth Southgate got offered the

job of a top Premier League club without even having the qualifications.

Race has been seen to be a social construction instead of a natural

division. Society now labels gender, social class and environment as

‘ethnicity’ rather than use physiological features such as skin colour and

hair type (Polley, 1998). Racial stereotyping can be associated with the

abilities of a footballer from different races (asian, religion and blacks) and

is known as stacking. Coakley (1998) defines this as ‘players from a

certain racial or ethnic group being either over or under-represented at

certain positions in team sports’ (p.257). This has meant black players

are less likely to be found in thinking positions on the pitch such as the

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George Churchill Historical Enquiry in Sport

playmaker or given the captain’s armband and are often deployed as a

target man to hold the ball or in a defensive position. It can be said in the

past and still in the present black players have been described more

significantly for their physical/athletic capabilities and whites in terms of

their mental/intelligent abilities (see appendix A).

The most intelligent roles in football can be identified as

management, boardroom roles and refereeing. In the 1985-86 First

Division season, of the 57 back players 27 were forwards and only seven

in midfield (Polley, 1998). The lack of trust put in blacks and Asians in

these roles show there is still an element of issue even now, as

highlighted by John Barnes (2008). Heather Rabbatts, a Jamaican born

lawyer, was recently appointed executive deputy chair of Millwall FC

(2006) and this has paved the way for boardroom influence against racism

of recent times. Rabbatts has already helped one black manager gain his

UEFA coach badge, as she has done with Richard Shaw at Millwall.

"If we don't support the players wanting to make a breakthrough by

supporting them through their licences, they will not make it. We

have white managers who don't have licences and we find a way

around it." (Rabbatt, 2008).

Within British football culture in which 'whiteness' is normalised -

even in the era of foreign imports, blacks do not make suitable managers

or coaches (Back et al 2001).

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George Churchill Historical Enquiry in Sport

Islamophobia, Anti-Semitism & Xenophobia

In the last 10 years the participation of ethnic groups has risen.

Football has become more popular amongst Asians since the FIFA World

Cup 2002 hosted by South Korea and Japan. In 2006 South Korean Park Ji-

Sung signed for Manchester Utd from PSV Eindhoven, although his talent

cannot be doubted the commercial aspect of this transfer is a huge boost

for anti-racism and its new directions for the future. Asian spectators are

vastly underrepresented at matches, especially in light of the fact that

many grounds are located amid large Asian communities. It is proven that

clubs with a tradition of signing black players have less reports of racism

at matches, with Arsenal and Wimbledon (17% and 9% respectively)

having the lowest case of racist reports (FA Premier League National Fan

Survey, 2001), this study can show that with further increase of asian

numbers at matches racism may reduce.

The post-Hillsborough shift in terrace culture (Taylor report) and the

associated changes in the general behaviour of fans can also provide a

potentially promising basis for the future of black and Asian involvement

in the British game. The black’s breakthrough during the 1970s and 80s

has still not been matched by the asians, as we still await their numbers

to rise. There still exists a stereotype explanation towards asians in

football such as ‘they are not interested in football’ or ‘their builds are too

slight to take the physical abuse’ are the excuses offered in the 1990s.

Some of this myth was expelled in the 2006 World Cup when South Korea

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George Churchill Historical Enquiry in Sport

made the semi finals. Ethnic population in 2001 was 4.6 million or 7.9%

of the UK population. Indians are the largest minority group, followed by

Pakistanis, mixed race then blacks (ethnic group, 2001). The potential to

raise participation is there but recent history shows a distinct lack of

understanding of ethnic minorities’ cultures.

In 2004 a junior football team was kicked out of a cup, docked nine

points and fined £75 for failing to play during the Muslim festival of

Ramadan. There team manager June Kelly wanted games rearranged to

afternoons because half the team were fasting during daylight hours

making it incapable for them to have a drink after the game. In 2008

Barnsley winger Mounir El Haimour was dropped by his manager Simon

Davey because of his fasting during Ramadan: ‘Because he is not eating

at the right times it means his energy levels are not what they should be

and he is not at 100 per cent’. This suggestion can come across as very

stereotyped because of British white player’s social behaviour.

The typical white player’s reputation as a drinking gambler in Britain

rarely leads to them being dropped from playing but in most instances

given more support, in such cases as Paul Gascoigne or Tony Adams. In

the 1990s Tony Adams even admitted to playing whilst drunk for Arsenal,

a statement he is not proud of nonetheless but also a player that was not

in 100% physical condition. This suggests for aspiring British asian

footballers a new set of stereotypes have to be overcome.

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George Churchill Historical Enquiry in Sport

Twice as Hard

Social influences mean that limited chances are given to ethnic

minorities. A white athlete with the same ability as a black or asian

footballer is more likely to succeed, hence the term ‘twice as hard’.

Tottenham Hotspur player Danny Thomas (1983-88) said of sport:

‘It’s the same as the rest of society. If there are two people of equal

ability, the white man will usually be given the opportunity. If you’re

black you have to try twice as hard and be twice of good’

It can be said only excellence can ensure success, as James

Michener (1976) proclaimed blacks get forced to almost be superstars

because of the unequal opportunities that can surround athletes. During

the 1970s perceptions and the feeling of social exclusions were the

making of many footballers’ careers, Walsall player Kenny Mower chose

sport as a way of proving himself and creating some social acceptance:

‘I felt left out and nobody wanted to know me so I chose to play

sport to prove I was as good as they were. I thought that, if I could,

they’d accept me. That’s still what it is now’.

Other players in the 1970s devised different strategies to deal with

the hostility from home and away supporters. Wolves player George Berry

would blow kisses at the fans who abused him, playing up to the crowd.

Another problem in football is interior racism, shows of discrimination

invisible to the public but vivid to the sportsmen himself (Cashmore,

1982). This type of racism comes from those the footballer works

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George Churchill Historical Enquiry in Sport

alongside such as coaches, managers and players. This continued from

the 1970s on into the 80s, Carlos Francis recalls his time at Birmingham

FC with the treatment he suffered from his own players:

‘They used to call me nigger, spit at me and would even come in

hard on me (in training) very obviously’.

Post War Immigration (1946 through to the 1960s)

The late forties saw the beginnings of an influx of immigrants

arriving from the British colonies, most of who had been persuaded to

leave their country of origin in order to meet the growing labour shortage

in Britain (Walvin, 1986). This was to have an impact (albeit, limited at

that time) upon professional football in this country. In the two decades

after the war, Britain’s settlers from the New Commonwealth countries

increased from 0.2 million to 1.2 million. This migration is often labelled

‘Windrush’, occurring on 22nd June 1948 . Africans and Caribbean’s being

recruited to serve in the armed forces and provide labour work for a war

ravaged Britain. This started taking effect on football from the children of

the first wave of immigrants in the 1950s and 1960s (Cashmore, 1982).

One of the first most popular African-Caribbean players was Lindbergh

‘Lindy’ Delapenha who played for Middlesbrough FC in the 1950s. Lindy

can be looked upon as a somewhat a pioneer of blacks to enter the game

of football managing 90 goals in 260 appearances for the club.

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George Churchill Historical Enquiry in Sport

The 1960s saw the next big name black player hit headlines, Albert

Johanneson, a South African signed by Leeds United in 1961. This was

around the same time Conservative MP Peter Griffiths could openly

campaign using the slogan ‘If you want a nigger as a neighbour vote

labour’ and still win (Solomos, 2003). In 1965, Johanneson became the

first black player to play in an F.A. Cup Final, another inspiring moment for

the breakthrough of black players. Racism was very harsh on Johanneson

as he was a winger (stacking), and he was closest to the crowd where he

was often subject to very abusive spectators who would throw bananas at

him. Leeds dismissed this as nothing more than name calling.

Johanneson was to fall into a decline of alcoholism and was found dead in

the 1980s living in squalor.

Rising Numbers (1970s and 1980s)

The increasing post-war immigration of black people to Britain was

to have a profound effect on football particularly when during the 1970s

and 1980s, the number of young black males born and raised in Britain

increased substantially. The 1970s saw international representation by

blacks, Viv Anderson becoming the first black player to play for England in

the 1978-79 season. Preston North End also gave its debut to probably

the first ethnic Indian in the early 1970s, Ricky Heppolette. One player in

the 1970s who played regular first team football was Clyde Best, who

struggled to reach the same status as his team mates Bobby Moore and

Geoff Hurst. As Woolnough (1983) suggests:

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George Churchill Historical Enquiry in Sport

‘He is perhaps the best example of why it has taken so long for

managers, coaches and the public to accept the coloured stars.

Best would be brilliant one game, bad the next, and the question

marks against the black players' stamina, power and determination

hung over them for years’

The 1980s saw a fertility of black players encouraged by the

progress players such as Cyrill Regis, Garth Crooks and Viv Anderson

achieved in the 1970s, thus providing role models previously missing in

the previous eras. Justin Fashanu, Michael Thomas, Paul Ince and John

Barnes all arrived on the scene increasing the ethnic numbers in football.

This is seen as the decade ethnics were becoming more accepted in

society, an uplift of morale for all minorities wanting to progress naturally

rather than face uphill struggles.

Anti-racism campaigns (1990s to the present)

The beginning of the 1990s saw football being used as a public

forum to discuss social issues of racism. The 1991 Football (Offences) Act

made racist chanting at football matches unlawful, although loopholes

have enabled offenders to escape punishment for racism, as a result an

individual shouting racist abuse on his own can only be charged under the

1986 Public Order Act for using ‘obscene and foul language at football

grounds’. The launch of ‘Lets Kick Racism out of Football’ (see appendix

B) campaign came in 1993 with the Players Football Association (PFA) and

the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE) teaming up (Guilianotti, 2004).

They were joined in 1994 by the post Heysel fans group Football

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Supporters Association (FSA). At the same time in 1993, Paul Ince

became the first black England captain, but issues still remained

prominent. The fact that the Football League did not start these initiatives

but the Players Football Association, suggests that the players knew there

was a problem but the governing bodies either denied it or thought talking

about it would make it worse.

At the end of the 1980s and early 1990s, Extreme Right Wing

Groups (ERWG) such as the National Front and BNP has been involved in

racism as a way of recruiting. Racist literature has been found at both

major incidents of crowd trouble at both Heysel (1985) and Landsdowne

Road (1995). To combat events like Heysel and Landsdowne Road,

Football Against Racism in Europe (FARE) was set up. This was a network

set up in 1999 by football supporters, players unions and football

associations to tackle racism and xenophobia, working with other racism

campaigns such as Nikes ‘Stand Up Speak Up’ to raise awareness and

publicity and show a togetherness between the players, with the target

being the impressionable young audience (Wagg, 2004).

In fact 57% of fanzine editors believed that the increase of black

players showed a decrease in racism, duly helped by the anti-racism

campaigns (Polley, 1998). In the 1996-97 Premiership season Leeds Utd

became the first British team to field more black players then white

players, this has since been emulated by the likes of Chelsea and Arsenal.

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Conclusion

There is no hiding the fact that sport will always continue to produce

talent from all origins and ethnicity. These individuals will offer skill,

commitment and inspiration for the next crop of talent. Aside from the

plus points, there are inequalities that have in the past, and may still

continue to, hamper football. Stacking and interior racism do not just

have a detrimental effect on the athletes themselves, but to those around

them, who in turn may prevent their own children from becoming involved

in a sport they see unfit and unfair. For others it can be seen as a way

out, a journey of adventure that ends with acceptance. A feeling that the

more ethnic minorities there are present in professional areas of work

such as lawyers, dentists, doctors and high profile sportsmen, the more

accepting society may become of each other’s culture.

Chairmen of football clubs in Britain are now selling up to foreign

investors paving the way for more acceptance in the management of

clubs. Previous views on ethnic minorities might have been a sticking

point in ageing chairman who just couldn’t put any trust in blacks or

asians coaching or managing, as they came from an era where they were

stereotyped. As black Macclesfield Town manager Keith Alexander stated

in 2007:

‘It might take a black owner with plenty of money or someone going

through the divisions for a black manager to get a chance at the

highest level’

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The few players from ethnic minorities signed by these same

chairmen were mainly signed on the basis of entertainment and

marketing, a notion of conforming to whites images of these few ethnic

minorities. One important note in racism is the lack of mention of asians,

because to put quite simply they have not established themselves or

broken through into the professional ranks in Britain as of yet. The next

step for ethnic minorities is to break through into director roles,

refereeing, committees and management where they are largely absent.

A breakthrough of this kind may improve the attendance of ethnics on

match days and improve the racist views that still exist amongst

spectators and professionals.

Appendix A

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The 2001-02 season did not include any black British managers in the

Premiership. The number represented included Jean Tigana and Ruud

Gullit who were French and Dutch respectively.

Positional Breakdown of Black Players, 1985/86, 1989/90 and 1995/96

1985/1986 1989/1990 1995/1996
Goalkeeper 0.9% 0% 1.8% Stereotyping in
Fullback 19.8% 15.8%
football still
Centreback 12.6% 15.2% 28.7%
Midfield 15.3% 12.5% 21.5% showed signs

Forward 51.3% 56.5% 47.9% of continuation

throughout mid 1980s to mid 1990s. The stacking of black players in

athletic positions, such as the target man up front or defensive areas on

the pitch is clearly shown in the table.

Source: www.bbc.co.uk (2007)

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Appendix B

Kick It Out Campaign (Ten Point Plan for Action by clubs)

• To issue a statement saying the club will not tolerate racism,

spelling out the action it will take against those engaged in racist

chanting and individual racist abuse. The statement should be

printed in all match programmes and displayed permanently and

prominently around the ground.

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• Make public address announcements condemning racist chanting

and individual racist abuse at matches.

• Make it a condition for season ticket holders that they do not take

part in racist abuse.

• Take action to prevent the sale of racist literature inside and outside

the ground.

• Take disciplinary action against players who engage in racial abuse.

• Contact other clubs to make sure they understand the club's policy

on racism.

• Encourage a common strategy between stewards and police for

dealing with racist abuse.

• Remove all graffiti from the ground as a matter of urgency.

• Adopt an equal opportunities policy in relation to employment and

service provision.

• Work with all other groups and agencies, such as the Professional

Footballers association, supporters, schools, voluntary organisations,

youth clubs, sponsors, local authorities, local businesses and police,

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to develop pro-active programmes and make progress to raise

awareness of campaigning to eliminate racial abuse and

discrimination.

Source: www.kickitout.org (2008)

Appendix C

An Audit of Professional clubs and Policies on Racism 2001

• 88 (96%) football clubs in the FA Premier League and the Football

League responded to a postal questionnaire survey on racism at

football and relationships with minority ethnic communities.

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• Of these 88 clubs, 45 (51%) are situated in areas which have a

minority ethnic population of 5% or more. 23 clubs (26%) are

situated in areas where between 5% and 1.5% of residents are of

minority ethnic background.

• All London clubs and three-quarters (75%) of all Midlands clubs are

situated in areas which have substantial minority ethnic

communities. Most FA Premier League clubs and most larger, urban-

based, Football League clubs are sited in areas with significant local

minority ethnic populations. More, smaller, Football League clubs

are sited in largely 'white' areas.

• Nearly, two-thirds (65%) of respondent clubs claimed that they

already appeal to all members of the community and one-third

(33%) of clubs feel they are already 'successful' in attracting black

and Asian fans to matches. However, according to supporter

surveys, the actual level of 'active' minority ethnic support for most

football clubs in England is probably between 0-2% of the total

crowd. Most clubs which are sited in areas with substantial minority

ethnic populations have very low proportions of these populations

represented in their 'active' support.

• 60% of clubs in areas with large local ethnic minority populations

admit they have not been successful at attracting minority

communities to matches. Claims for 'successful' recruitment of

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minority ethnic fans on the part of some clubs seem to us to reflect

more a relative lack of ambition among clubs on this score rather

than real successes in this respect.

• At some North West and Midlands clubs, which are sited in 'high'

minority ethnic areas, responses to dealing with racism and to the

issue of appealing more directly and more appropriately to minority

ethnic communities seem very limited.

• Three-quarters (76%) of all club respondents felt it unnecessary to

do more work specifically with black and Asian fans. Over half (52%)

of all clubs also felt they were already open to all fans. Clubs which

claimed to be already open to all fans were also among those which

seemed most often to be the least 'racially aware', and to be the

least active in terms of being generally geared up to deal with

racism if it occurred.

• More than half (57%) of respondent clubs were unaware of any

recent incidents of racism amongst spectators at their home

matches. The implication here, that racism is simply not a problem

at most football grounds, is rather challenged by fan experiences at

clubs, as reported for example, in supporter surveys. Fewer clubs

(41%) had taken any recent direct action against racist incidents at

home matches.

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• Only eight clubs (9%) have telephone hotlines for fans specifically to

report incidents of racism at the clubs matches, even though this

approach was recommended by the government's own recent

Football Task Force. Despite this relative lack of formal procedures

for reporting racism at many clubs, 41 clubs (52%) had received

recent reports of racism at home matches from fans.

• Minority ethnic workers are considerable under-represented in the

administrative departments of professional football clubs. Only two

minority ethnic employees, nationally, hold what one might describe

as a senior administrative post at any of these 88 professional clubs.

• The administrative recruitment procedures at a large number of

football clubs seem effectively 'closed' to outside applicants,

including members of minority ethnic communities. Many clubs

(35%) still admit to using methods of 'word of mouth' or personal

contacts in order to recruit senior administrative staff.

• Fewer than one-third (31%) of all clubs, according to our returns,

have written equal opportunities policies, despite this being a

specific recommendation of the Football Task Force. Furthermore,

two out of three of those clubs which claim to have equal

opportunities policies do not seem to adhere to these policies.

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• A small number of professional football clubs have worked hard at

dealing with issues of racism at the local level. There has been real

progress here. However, the responses of most professional football

clubs to the implementation of anti-racism measures identified in

the Football Task Force recommendations have been much more

limited.

Source: Bradbury, 2001

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Appendix D

BBC4 Interview Phil Vasili

BBC Four: Where did your interest in this history and Arthur Wharton

come from?

Phil Vasili: I used to collect football albums and got a 1951 Boys Book of

Soccer from a jumble sale. In it was a Nigerian team in bare feet from the

1940s playing against top English amateur teams. You're led to believe

that black players only arrived after World War II and only took off in the

1970s so I thought I'd try to find out more. My personal motivation was

that I was a semi-professional footballer and my younger brother is black -

we have different fathers - and I could see the racism that he faced every

day. As an academic I thought why not look into football history and black

footballers? The more I looked, the more I found - and there was Arthur. I

guy called Ray Jenkins, a historian of West Africa, had actually written

about Arthur as part of the West African Diaspora. Tragically Ray died and

I've picked up the baton.

BBC Four: It's a big question, but who do you see as the key players in

the black footballers story?

PV: Andrew Watson was the very first black footballer and played for

Scotland. He wasn't a professional which is why Arthur Wharton gets all

the credit. In 1909 Walter Tull, who played for Spurs, was the first black

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outfielder in the old first division. He was awesome and ended up being

the first black combat officer in World War I. During the inter-wars years

Eddie Parris, who was the first black international for Wales, and Jack

Leslie who got picked for England but whose selection was rescinded once

they realised he was black. Henry Y "Frank" Soo was the first man of

colour to play for England - his father was Chinese. Then people like Albert

Johanneson, Clyde Best and Cyrile Regis. On the world stage people like

Pele and Eusebio who changed the image of black footballers throughout

the world. They all helped break down barriers and stereotypes about

black players.

BBC Four: Why has this very long and rich history been overlooked for so

long?

PV: To be very simplistic about it history is written by the winners. What

you find with the history of black football is symptomatic of what we find

of working class history in general - because of the power relations in

society their story tends to get forgotten. Britain has been a multicultural

society for hundreds of years and football is a good platform to show the

history of that multiculturalism.

BBC Four: And now is a good time to tell it?

PV: Youth culture is so informed by black street culture in Britain right now

that selling the idea of the history of black football is not too difficult - it

was 10 years ago.

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BBC Four: Do you think the emergence of more black footballers in

Britain has had a significant influence on people's attitudes regarding

race?

PV: I'm not sure about the country as a whole but certainly among

football fans and those interested in the game. But football doesn't lead

political opinion or change cultural attitudes. You can have a really

successful campaign against racism among grassroots fans but all it takes

is a defamatory speech by a politician about people of colour or asylum

seekers and it can turn the tide back again.

BBC Four: Is it fair to say that a lot of black players today really

transcend race in that they are such celebrities that race doesn't even

come into people's attitudes to them?

PV: If we're talking about the Premiership then I totally agree with you but

you've got to remember that the majority of black players don't play in

the Premiership. Racism is no longer the problem it was in the 1970s and

80s so in that sense the experience of black players has changed. But the

elite that play in the Premiership are worlds away from the players in

divisions two and three.

BBC Four: Finally, who would you vote for in our list of the top 10

greatest black players?

PV: You'd have to go for Ruud Gullit because he's the only one of them to

win World Player of the Year. If it was a personal thing for me I'd have to

say Laurie Cunningham because of the position he played in. I played in

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that position myself and as a left-winger he was absolutely brilliant. Also,

to go to Real Madrid in 1979 was a fantastic achievement for him.

Source: BBC4, 2008

References and Further Reading

Back, L. et al (2001), The Changing Face of Football, Berg

Brown, A. (1998), Fanatics! Power, Identity and Fandom in Football,

Routledge

Cashmore, E. (1982), Black Sportsmen, Routledge

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Guilianotti, R. (1999), Football: A Sociology of the Global Game, Polity

Harvey, A. (2005), Football: The First Hundred Years, Routledge

Horne, J. (2005), Sport in Consumer Culture, Palgrave

Houlihan, B. (2003), Sport and Society, Sage

Jarvie, G. (2006), Sport, Culture and Society: An Introduction, Routledge.

Polley, M. (1998), Moving the Goalposts: a history of sport and society

since 1945, Routledge

Solomos, J. (2003), Race and Racism in Britain, Palgrave

Sir Norman Chester Centre for Football Research (2002), Racism and

Football

Vasili, P. (1998), The First Black Footballer, Routledge

Wagg, S. (2004), British Football and Social Exclusion, Routledge

Walvin, J. (1986), Football and the Decline of Britain, Palgrave

Woolnough, B. (1983), Black Magic: England's Black Footballers, London

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