Educational Research and Policy in Canada: Critical Scholarship and The Challenges of Comparative Success

Paper prepared for the III Seminrio Internacional de Educao: Teorias, Polticas e Pesquisas Educacionais Contemporneas, Mesa II Pesquisa em Educaao nas Amricas, 24/11/2010, Universidade Nove de Julho, Programa de PsGraduao em Eduacao. So Paulo, Brazil, 23-25 November, 2010. Raymond A. Morrow Dept. of Sociology and Adjunct Professor of Educational Policy Studies University of Alberta Edmonton, Alberta, Canada T6G 2H4 e-mail address: rmorrow@ualberta.ca

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Introduction Though there is a rich tradition of critical scholarship about Canadian education, it is confronted with the dilemma that comparatively Canada has one of the most successful and more egalitarian educational systems in the world. For example, it has been at the top or near the top of the United Nations Human Development Reports for many years. Moreover, according the comparative PISA exams carried out by the OECD, Canada ranks in the top handful in terms of the achievements of 15 year olds, while also among the more egalitarian with the lowest effects of socio-economic determinants on scores. And many of its universities all public figure in the top hundred or so of the various global ranking systems. The task of this introduction will be to point to some comparative reference points, provide an overview of the institutions sponsoring educational research, and contrast official and critical perspectives. The rest of paper will then be devoted to isolating a number of key issues relating to critical research in the Canadian context. The primary objective will be to provide an initial introduction, as well as to highlight particular issues that might be of interest to students of comparative education. Though much of the research cited is available on-line (documents, reports, open-access journals), the long URLs are not included because of space limitations, but can be readily accessed through internet searches. Similarly, while the citations have attempted to be broadly representative, many other significant authors and issues have not been noted. A central theme will be that critical research has made important contributions to informing the democratic public sphere and limiting the negative effects of neoliberal globalization policies. Canada has about 1/10 the population and production of the United States. A crucial demographic feature is that 90% of the population lives within 400 km of the US border, the longest un-militarized border in the world. Though somewhat less wealthy than the USA (83% in terms of purchasing power parity in 2008), Canada is significantly more egalitarian, has a

universal medical insurance system, and a somewhat higher rate of taxation. As a country populated by immigrants, 16% of the current population was born outside of Canada. Nevertheless, for historical reasons, it does not have the same degree of racial and ethnic inequality and conflict found in the USA. Two groups aboriginals (i.e., indigenous peoples, 3.8%) and French Canadians (just over 20% of the population, 85% in Quebec) have a special constitutional status as charter groups and French is a second official language, primarily in Quebec. The Canadian educational system can be most easily compared to that of the United States. Though the two countries have many shared cultural characteristics, there are significant differences. Until the middle of the 20th century, British influences on education were significant but now American models are the primary reference point. Education is completely decentralized and controlled by the 10 provinces and 3 territories, hence part of a federal system as in the USA. All k-12 jurisdictions have a dual public and a nominally Catholic system (though both are publicly financed), a result of a concession to Quebec at the time of confederation in 1867. Quebec education remained under clerical control until the Quiet Revolution of the mid-1960s. Nevertheless, by exception, the education of aboriginal peoples on reserves has been a federal responsibility. Less than 5% of students attend private schools - mostly conservative Protestant denominational schools, though there are some elite private schools. There are no major private universities, though there are a number of small 4-year religiously oriented colleges. The postsecondary participation rate for universities and colleges is among the highest in the world. Some 45% of the working population has some form of postsecondary education, third highest in the world (Canadian Council on Learning, 2007: 2). Research on education in Canada is vast, diverse, and fragmented. The sites of research are quite varied with a complex division of labor between universities, government agencies, and non-governmental organizations. Government sponsored research tends to be more applied, drawing primarily

upon Statistics Canada data. University based work is located in diverse disciplinary locations, e.g., education departments, sociology and economics. The larger and more influential education faculties include: the Ontario Institute of Education (OISE) at the University of Toronto one of the largest with more than 130 permanent faculty members and graduating more than 700 doctorates; the programs at Universities of British Columbia and Alberta; and in Quebec, McGill as well as the three major francophone universities (Laval, Montral and the Universit de Qubec Montral). The expansion of these research faculties can be traced back to the gradual transfer of teacher training from normal schools run by provincial governments to university campuses after World War II. Recent historical studies of an older journal and major education faculty illustrate the major patterns characteristic of the development of Canadian educational research (Calam, 2007; Hodysh, 2000). Non-governmental organizations are particularly concerned with reaching broader publics, ranging from the more official perspectives of teachers organizations to the highly engaged theory and practice of groups linked with social movements. A distinctive feature of Canadian research has been the pioneering development of qualitative methods relating to phenomenology, narratology and action research, as opposed to the more positivist traditions in the USA (Goodson, 1994). Canada hosts a wide variety of journals often with international orientations - devoted to educational research, many of which are nominally bilingual and include occasional articles in French, though many journals in Quebec are exclusively in French and linked with the French-speaking world. Also much research relating to Canada appears in publications in the United States and elsewhere. Consequently, there is a free flow of ideas and theoretical debates that now closely parallel those in the USA, though often diverging. And Canadian universities have recently provided new homes for such noted American radical educational theorists as Henry Giroux, Joel Westheimer and Joe Kincheloe (until his untimely death in 2008). What will be called official perspectives on education reflect a diverse

consensus on the relative health of the system (despite residual inequities) that is widely shared by educators, government agencies, and many researchers. Hence educational policy is part of the hegemonic social liberal consensus that has defined the Canadian state (Constant & Ducharme, 2009). More recently, official policy has been influenced by neo-liberalism, despite extensive resistance (Hyslop-Margison, 2000). Only from such official reference points can the notion of critical approaches to educational research be understood. The subtitle of a recent overview on the state of learning in Canada conveys the dominant mood of the educational establishment: no time for complacency (Canadian Council on Learning, 2007). Though noting the achievements, this report acknowledges that four in 10 adults lack the reading and writing skills needed to thrive in a competitive global economy and that though Canadian youth benefit from some of the highest and egalitarian levels of achievement in formal schooling, this advantage does not carry over into actual employment outcomes. Despite declining confidence in the educational system, this shift in public opinion does not express any widespread sense of an acute crisis nor is there any evidence of a flight to private schools. The decline reflects primarily the rather high previous levels of confidence, as well as more general worries about the state of public institutions (Guppy & Davies, 1999). The notion of critical scholarship will be used to refer to theoretical approaches that give primacy to issues of equality, social justice, and democracy (Morrow & Torres, 1997). Given the relative success of public education in Canada as a democratic project, however, the official discourses are unusually pluralistic and open to dialogue, even if constrained within the hegemonic liberal model of democratic governmentality. Consequently, one rarely finds the vitriolic and uncivil ideological confrontations often characteristic of discussions of education in the United States. Whereas more conventional functionalist and liberal perspectives dominated into the 1970s, by the 1980s a critical tradition had emerged,

initially inspired by critical theory in the Frankfurt tradition and neo-Marxist and conflict theories of social reproduction (Wotherspoon, 1998, 1987). More recent texts even suggest the dominance of critical perspectives, though the diversity of critical approaches is striking (Levine-Rasky, 2009). Nevertheless, none of these introductions provides a satisfactory overview of the complex and often conflicting theoretical tendencies. For the new generation of research the term critical theory often has a very general meaning that tends to encompass any approach that is anti-positivist and can be associated with the label postmodernist theories. Issues and Contexts of Critical Research The concern of critical scholarship with questions relating to inequality, social justice and rights has taken many forms. The visibility of such issues has a dual origin in grass roots forms of protest that often solidify in social movements, as well as social criticism sustained both within universities and the democratic public sphere (Clement, 2009). Given the particular concerns of the present discussion, many forms of research will not be taken up, e.g., most issues relating to educational technologies, educational administration, teacher education, topics specific to the various levels from K to 12, and the details of the variations among provinces. The focus will be on issues relating to critical scholarship, social movements, and their contested intersection with official educational policy. The resulting list attempts to identify the interrelated themes that have become central to critical educational research and necessarily glosses over the frequently significant variations within provinces, especially the unique status of research in Quebec where French predominates, as evident in the Revue des sciences de lducation. Educational Inequality. Since issues relating to inequality are also important for the topics to be discussed later, this section will provide a more general introduction. Earlier concern with inequality took many forms, especially relating to social class, geography (regional and rural-urban inequities), ethnicity and religion (e.g. Quebec as French and Catholic,

aboriginal peoples). Only in the 1970s did questions relating to race, gender, sexual orientation and disability begin to become prominent. Research on educational equality is thus highly fragmented, though two basic styles of inquiry can be differentiated: more descriptive data-driven empirical research (found especially in sociology, economics and government policy research), as opposed to more theoretically and ideologically oriented work on the origins of inequality in social reproduction. Some examples will be introduced to illustrate these two research styles. Though not usually defined as critical research in the radical sense, conventional research on education has played an important role in informing policy and legitimating the demands of groups seeking greater equality. Such research obviously appeals to the evidencebased mentality of official policy makers confronted with demands for democratic accountability. The topics of such more quantitative work include research on school to work transitions, participation rates, the economic returns to educational attainment, and the impact of socio-economic, gender and regional factors on outcomes and life chances. Though the patterns of inequality that have been revealed are cause for concern, they are generally much lower than most other advanced societies. The other style of research on inequality is more theoretical, draws upon weaker or very different empirical forms of evidence, and has more radical political implications: critical theory in the Frankfurt tradition, especially Freire and Habermas (Lang & Chubb, 2009; Sumner, 2008; Villemagne, 2008); neoMarxist and conflict research on social reproduction (Wotherspoon, 1987) and critical pedagogy (Livingstone, 1987), as well as more recent poststructuralist research linking Foucaults analysis of moral regulation and governmentality with critical state theory (Curtis, 1988; Davidson-Harden, 2009). Such developments are also linked with a broader tradition of critical methodologies oriented toward social justice (Carroll, 2004). Some of the neo-Marxist influenced research on education, work and the economy includes extensive use of quantitative data and survey research (e.g. the many books of David W. Livingstone). Other research provides more interpretive analysis in contexts

such as race (Dei, 2009) and gender (Dillabough, 2009; Gaskell, 2009). The original contributions of the sociologist Dorothy Smith who in mid-career moved to OISE - have been particularly influential, taking the form of a feminist sociology of knowledge (Smith, 1990) that is linked to a methodology known as institutional ethnography (DeVault & McCoy, 2004). Critical Pedagogy and Action Research. Critical pedagogy in the Feirean sense of the term, though often discussed, has not been widely adopted, despite the more recent efforts of the University of McGill Freire Project founded by Joe Kincheloe. Nevertheless, Freires pedagogy has had a significant impact on adult education and in experiments with marginalized groups such as indigenous peoples, especially in relation to health, community development and environmental education (Mussell, Nicholls, & Adler, 1991; Poland, 2007). The more frequent reference is to action and participatory methodologies relating to transformative learning. For example, the notion of action research can be differentiated in terms of technical, practical and critical action research (Kemmis, 2009). Discussions of critical action research have taken place primarily in informal educational settings, including organization change as an emancipatory process (Fenwick, 2003). As well, action and participatory methods have been strongly supported by the federal governments International Development Research Centre. And critical social theory has been selectively used a recent innovative effort to re-think elearning research (Friesen, 2008). To be sure, from certain perspectives such strategies could be accused of a betrayal of Freires revolutionary pedagogy, though others would view these efforts as a necessary re-invention in a context very different that Brazil or even the United States. The pervasive use of more critical forms of action research is evident in all of the settings but especially informal ones - that will be discussed below. Adult Education. Though adult education in Canada originated several decades earlier as part of a social movement, the Canadian Association for the Study of Adult Education was formed only in 1981. In the course of the 1980s and early 1990s, the field was animated by the theoretical reception of the

work of Freire and Habermas, as well as feminist and other critical perspectives that questioned the individualistic and competence orientations of official policies (Welton, 1995). Nevertheless, with the loss of its social movement dimension and the transformations associated with the emergence of network capitalism, the field is in a state of crisis with respect to its future development with respect to social critique (Plumb, 2009). Nevertheless, environmental education has emerged as an important new focus of research for adult education (Walter, 2009), along with adult education oriented toward aboriginals in the Arctic North (Hodgkins, 2008). Nevertheless, there is no clear national strategy for dealing with the fact that according to the benchmark International Adult and Literacy Skills Survey (IALL) in 2005, 48% of Canadians scored in the two lowest levels of literacy, about average for advanced societies, but way out of line with the high scores of youth on the international PISA exams. Multicultural Education. The Canadian concern with multiculturalism has early precedents relating to aboriginal peoples and French Canadians (referred to as charter groups distinct from later immigrants), resulting in an official multiculturalism policy in 1971. Historically, Canadian discussions have opposed the assimilationist imagery of the American notion of a melting pot, referring instead to Canada as a mosaic often vertical and hierarchical that acknowledges inequality and difference within a framework of universal citizenship. In response, an influential academic defender of a Marxist-feminist and anti-racist perspective has proposed a popular multiculturalism that is opposed to the elitist, official discourse on multiculturalism (Bannerji, 2000). Debates relating to inequality and multiculturalism thus reflect tensions between those who stress economic issues of distribution as opposed to cultural ones of mutual recognition. The similarities and differences between multicultural educational policies in Canada and the United States have also been studied (Joshee & Johnson, 2007). A recent report by a noted political scientist has provided an instructive guide to the current state of research on multiculturalism and an agenda for new research (Kymlicka, 2010).

Anti-Racist

Education.

Though

overlapping

with

0 multicultural

education, the question of race has become an independent topic under the heading of anti-racist education(Dei, 2009). A distinctive feature of race in Canada is the existence of multiple visible minorities with different ethnic origins, as well as a black population that does not constitute a cultural category as found in the United States. Many Canadian blacks have been assimilated after several generations of residence (e.g. refugees of the underground railroad that helped slaves escape the USA in the 19th century). More recently, large numbers have immigrated from Africa and the Caribbean, resulting in a striking ethnic diversity. Not surprisingly, concern with constructing African-Canadian content in schools stresses the problem of the heterogeneity of the student population for a diaspora literacy (Kelly & Lorin, 2009). A particular issue in Canada has been that despite relatively low rates of overt discrimination, the tendency of whites to view themselves as race blind creates problems of denial that need to be addressed in more subtle forms of anti-racist education (Carr, 2008). Environmental Education. The health of research and practice in environmental education in Canada is evident in journals such as The Canadian Journal of Environmental Education and ducation relative lenvironnement, as well as on-line networks such as the Canadian Environmental Environmental Education Education Directory and the Canadian Network for and Communication. Environmental education

emerged in pre-service teaching training in the late 1970s (Lin, 2002) and has become part of well developed pedagogical field (Sauv, 2005). Central theoretical influences include Habermas, Freire, Dewey and Foucault. Such environmental concerns intersect directly with both aboriginal (Simpson, 2002) and adult education (Lang & Chubb, 2009; Sumner, 2008; Villemagne, 2008). Global and Peace Education. Though global and peace education have somewhat separate histories, they overlap and have shared origins in the tragic consequences of the two World Wars and colonialism. Policy and

1 research on global education operates on two distinct levels. On the one hand, there is an extensive body of research relating to the global education that has long been part of K-12 curricula, sometimes linked with the more controversial strategies of peace education (Mundy, 2007). Indeed, a peculiar feature of Canadian national identity is that it has not assumed the intensely nationalist form found in the United States, resulting in greater openness to global curricular content. A second context of global education is the significant presence of researchers involved in international collaborative projects and the closely related training of many foreign doctoral students (e.g. Peter Mayo). For example, since 2004 there has been an interesting collaborative learning project on democracy linking students from Brazil and Canada (http://www.idrc.ca/en/ev-141424-201-1-DO_TOPIC.html). Considerable support has been given to projects that emphasize action and participatory models, e.g., in relation to social justice and human rights (Abdi & Ellis, 2008). Though the early concern with global and peace education was closely related to peace issues and support of the United Nations, peace education has long existed in Canada and has co-existed as a distinct tendency with its own networks and research agenda. Higher Education. Research relating to postsecondary education can best be approached through the Canadian Journal of Higher Education. The more recent debates relating to higher education have been concerned with issues such as the following: (1) the implications of unequal participation rates (e.g. how women are increasingly more successful than men; the low participation of aboriginals; the effects of high tuition on lower income groups; why high levels of second generation immigrant participation is not translated into comparable occupational outcomes); (2) the construction of a more inclusive and less Eurocentric undergraduate curriculum; (3) the need for federal leadership in fostering a more coordinated higher education policy (e.g., competing strategies for sponsoring national research funding programs; the role of the program for Canada Research Chairs); (4) the effects of the commodification and privatization of higher education resulting from

2 corporate sponsorships and influences (Polster, 2009); and (5) early and ongoing support for open-access scientific journals, especially as evident in John Willenskys prominent role in the development of the Public Knowledge Project, initially at the University of British Columbia and now at Stanford. Citizenship Education. Opposing a neoliberal market discourse, discussions of citizenship education have attempted to identify the larger democratic implications of education (Shultz, 2009; Westheimer & Kahne, 2004). A significant development in the English-speaking world - signaled by the creation of the international journal Citizenship Studies - has been the emergence of citizenship as a major interdisciplinary research topic, a process in which Canadians have played in important role (Isin & Nielsen, 2008; Pinnington & Schugarensky, 2010). A central theme has been criticism of disciplinary models of citizenship as opposed to a cultural citizenship where there is equal access to democratic education and a plural and active public sphere (Stevenson, 2003), themes pioneered in Canada in the work of the noted political philosophers Charles Taylor and Will Kymlicka in their writings on collective rights and mutual recognition. Such considerations are of particular importance for research on power and the formation of subjectivities, i.e. socialization. The classical Marxist critique of the reproduction of bourgeois subject implies an alternative proletarian subject that is virtually meaningless in the contemporary Canadian context. Instead, students of citizenship studies and deliberative democracy call for democratic subjects capable of negotiating the complexities relating to the multiplicity of sources of inequality and plausible strategic alternatives. Though social movements necessarily play an important part in defining transformative issues, the actual configuration of movements and their goals cannot be defined in advance by any kind of foundationalist critical social science, a theme consistent with the multiplicity of potential emancipations (Morrow, 2006). It is in this context of citizenship education that strategies have been developed to deal with the political and social apathy of undergraduates, even

3 those from less advantaged and ethnic backgrounds. An increasingly important strategy in Canada for dealing with such issues has been the rapid expansion of programs in community service-learning that allow students to gain academic credit for courses that involve some kind of community involvement. Realizing the full potential of such initiatives will depend on whether the limitations of conventional service-learning can be overcome in the form of critical community service-learning (Mitchell, 2008; VanWynsberghe & Andruske, 2007). Aboriginal Education. The question of aboriginal education has been left last because it relates to all of the preceding issues, illustrating both successes and failures. On the one hand, more constructively, aboriginal education has provided important sources of inspiration for environmental global and peace education (Cheney, 2002), and has been one of the most important contexts for the application of critical action research, especially in health promotion. On the other hand, aboriginal education represents the most extreme case of educational and economic inequality (Canadian Council on Learning, 2009). As well, aboriginals pose unique difficulties for adult education, create distinctive issues for understanding multiculturalism and racialization, and reveal the tragic history of the federal administration of native education. The aboriginal policies directed by the federal government have been plagued historically by problematic Eurocentric assumptions and deficient administration. Partly as a response to these failures and recognition of the need for democratic participation, the federal government accepted the principle of working toward indigenous self-governance in the mid-1990s. This strategy has had a major impact on health and education with mixed results. Despite significant expenditures and some more recent advances, aboriginal education remains the saddest chapter of Canadian educational history. The question of indigenous education is thus a source of major controversy, though the population is only a little more than 1 million, hence about 3.8% of the Canadian population, though increasing rapidly (2006 census). Three key distinctions are necessary for understanding this diverse

4 group. Though the term aboriginal peoples is inclusive, the term First Nations has become used to designate the more than 600 bands or tribal groups that control reserve lands (about 700,000 of the total), though now nearly a majority live in urban areas. The Mtis (close to 400,000) are of mixed-European and indigenous origin and do not have reserve rights, but tend to cluster in particular rural areas. The Inuit (the name that has replaced the pejorative term Eskimo in Canada) are a separate, small group of arctic peoples (around 50,000) who now exercise high levels of self-government in the Northwest Territories, and especially the now separate Nunavut territory established in 1999, which includes about 30,000 people in an area the size of Western Europe. The diversity and geographic dispersion of Canadas aboriginal peoples thus cautions against over-generalization. Though education generally was a provincial responsibility, aboriginal education was a uniquely federal responsibility on reserves, and until the 1960s churches played a very important role in running residential schools. Only in the past two decades have the limitations of those policies been revealed, especially the Eurocentric and assimilationist assumptions, the substandard resources and health conditions, and the widespread sexual abuses by various religious denominations (60% linked to the Catholic Church) in boarding schools created for First Nations children. The result was a national scandal (some compared it to a cultural genocide), the creation of a federal compensation plans for the sexually abused, and a truth and reconciliation commission. Today, however, the vast majority of aboriginal children attend regular public schools, in part because reserve schools have proven to be a general failure because they were more recently given autonomy by the federal government but left on their own without the resources and infrastructure necessary for sustaining small, isolated rural schools (Stolte, 2010). Concluding Reflections The previous discussion has attempted to provide an introductory road

5 map of the complex issues arising from the intersection of critical scholarship and education in the context of the comparative success of Canadian education. My analysis has implicitly argued that to a great extent this relative success was dependent on the ongoing contestation provided by critical scholarship, thus offsetting the inherent tendencies of liberal governance models to conceal deeper underlying issues. Many colleagues in educational research might find the preceding discussion overly apologetic in downplaying the contributions of the Canadian educational system to the continuing reproduction of sexism, classism, racism, etc. Other authors writing from different perspectives and locations would certainly have produced a very different introduction, e.g., government officials, members of education faculties, those affiliated with marginalized groups. Nevertheless, I think it necessary to take a broader comparative view that focuses on the relative success of the Canadian example and how researchers have adapted critical perspectives to revitalize democratic debate. The goal has not been to present Canada as a general model, given the unique historical circumstances that produced the existing educational system and its various weaknesses and contradictions. That said, however, I do think the Canadian case provides a number of specific insights and more limited strategies especially for public education - that are potentially worthy of emulation elsewhere, even in rather different contexts when properly adapted. Moreover, such an approach is consistent with constructing a dialogue with very a different society - Brazil - in the midst of a painful and uneven, but still remarkable process of democratic and economic transformation. References Cited: Abdi, A. A., & Ellis, L. (2008). Introduction: Educating for Human Rights and Social Justice. Interchange, 39(2), 147-149. Bannerji, H. (2000). The Dark Side of Nation. Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press. Calam, J. (2007). Affecting Eternity: Origins of the University of British

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